STATE
TRACTS
:
Being
a
Farther
COLLECTION
OF
Several
Choice
Treatises
Relating
to
the
GOVERNMENT
.
From
the
YEAR
1660.
to
1689.
Now
Published
in
a
Body
,
to
shew
the
Necessity
,
and
clear
the
Legality
of
the
Late
REVOLUTION
,
and
Our
present
Happy
SETTLEMENT
,
under
the
Auspicious
Reign
of
Their
MAJESTIES
,
King
William
and
Queen
Mary
.
LONDON
:
Printed
,
and
are
to
be
Sold
by
RICHARD
BALDWIN
near
the
Oxford-Arms
in
Warwick-Lane
.
MDCXCII
.
PREFACE
to
the
READER
.
THE
Main
and
Principal
Design
of
making
this
following
Collection
,
was
to
preserve
entire
in
this
Second
Volume
some
other
Excellent
Tracts
,
of
equal
esteem
and
value
with
the
former
,
(
which
made
that
Book
so
much
obtain
among
the
Learned
and
Curious
,
as
that
the
whole
Impression
of
it
is
already
near
sold
;
)
And
as
it
cannot
but
be
very
entertaining
to
Vs
in
the
reading
of
them
,
who
do
yet
so
sensibly
remember
what
we
then
felt
,
and
looked
for
worse
to
fall
on
us
every
day
than
other
;
so
it
will
certainly
be
of
great
Benefit
and
Advantage
to
our
Posterities
in
future
,
who
may
considerably
profit
themselves
by
our
Misfortunes
.
This
is
a
Collection
,
that
in
the
general
will
set
forth
the
true
and
Legal
Constitution
of
our
Ancient
,
Famous
English
Government
,
which
,
of
all
the
Countries
in
Europe
,
Memoirs
of
Philip
de
Comines
,
Kt.
lib.
5.
cap.
18.
p.
334.
in
Octavo
.
Printed
1674.
where
I
was
ever
acquainted
,
(
says
the
Noble
Lord
of
Argenton
)
is
no-where
so
well
managed
,
the
People
no-where
less
obnoxious
to
Violence
,
nor
their
Houses
less
liable
to
the
Desolations
of
War
,
than
in
England
,
for
there
the
Calamities
fall
only
upon
the
Authors
.
'T
was
a
true
Observation
that
this
Great
Man
made
of
the
Justice
of
our
Gallant
Ancestors
in
his
days
;
how
miserable
the
Successive
Generations
have
deviated
from
the
vertue
of
their
steps
,
how
much
the
strict
Piety
of
their
Manners
,
and
the
noble
Bravery
of
their
Spirits
,
Tempers
and
Complexions
,
have
been
enervated
and
dissolved
by
the
later
looseness
,
supine
carelesness
and
degeneracy
,
the
present
Age
hath
great
reason
to
bewail
;
and
,
't
is
hoped
,
that
those
to
come
will
be
hereby
cautioned
to
grow
wiser
and
better
by
those
past
Follies
and
Miscarriages
.
In
particular
,
Here
will
be
seen
the
dangerous
Consequences
of
keeping
up
a
standing
Army
within
these
Kingdoms
in
a
time
of
Peace
,
without
consent
of
Parliament
.
The
Trust
,
Power
and
Duty
of
Grand
Juries
,
and
the
great
Security
of
English-mens
Lives
,
in
their
faithful
discharge
thereof
.
The
Right
of
the
Subject
to
Petition
their
King
for
Redress
of
their
Wrongs
and
Oppressions
,
and
that
Access
to
the
Sovereign
ought
not
to
be
shut
up
in
case
of
any
Distresses
of
his
People
.
The
Spring
of
all
our
late
private
Mischievous
Councils
and
Cabals
,
and
the
Special
Tools
that
were
thought
fittest
for
Preferment
,
to
be
imployed
(
under
a
colour
of
Authority
)
to
put
all
those
concerted
Designs
in
motion
and
execution
.
The
Parliament's
Care
in
appointing
a
Committee
to
examine
the
Proceedings
of
the
Forward
and
Active
Judges
upon
several
Cases
that
were
brought
before
them
of
grand
importance
to
the
Common-weal
,
Peace
and
Safety
of
the
Nation
;
☞
and
the
Resolution
of
the
House
of
Commons
(
upon
their
Report
)
That
the
Judges
said
Proceedings
were
Arbitrary
and
Illegal
,
destructive
to
Publick
Justice
,
a
high
and
manifest
Violation
of
their
Oaths
,
a
Scandal
to
the
Reformation
,
an
usurpation
of
the
Legislative
Power
to
themselves
,
and
a
means
to
subvert
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
this
Kingdom
.
And
the
several
Grievances
that
this
Nation
hath
long
been
labouring
under
,
for
the
Advancement
of
Popery
,
Arbitrary
Dominion
,
and
the
unmeasurable
Growth
and
Power
of
France
.
There
are
likewise
interspersed
in
this
Volume
several
Matters
of
Fact
relating
to
the
Male-Admininistration
of
Affairs
in
Scotland
,
under
Duke
Lauderdale
,
and
his
Favourites
;
as
also
a
Large
and
Faithful
Account
of
the
late
Earl
of
Argyle's
Tryal
,
Escape
and
Sentence
,
with
divers
other
things
for
the
better
clearing
of
his
Case
.
In
a
word
,
This
Collection
will
discover
to
us
the
Mysteries
of
the
Monarchy
in
the
two
Late
Reigns
,
and
the
Abused
Trust
of
Government
in
those
Princes
,
by
a
Dispencing
Power
both
in
Ecclesiastical
and
Civil
Matters
,
to
Tyrannize
over
their
Subjects
;
who
in
the
mean
while
were
taught
,
by
s●me
Passive-Obedience
and
Non-Resistance
Doctrine-holders
,
That
all
their
Duty
was
tamely
to
submit
to
,
and
patiently
sigh
under
their
daily
Sufferings
and
Oppressions
;
and
,
I
think
we
bore
them
so
long
,
till
we
were
within
one
throw
more
of
loosing
all
our
good
old
Laws
and
Constitutions
,
and
even
the
Government
it self
.
Our
Miseries
were
lately
so
great
and
many
,
(
as
you
will
find
here
)
that
it
is
impossible
for
any
one
better
and
more
fully
to
express
them
,
than
in
the
words
of
a
very
Learned
and
Judicious
Author
,
who
hath
thus
given
us
a
just
and
lively
Representation
of
them
.
Our
Laws
(
says
he
)
were
trampled
under
foot
,
and
upon
the
matter
abolished
,
to
set
up
Will
and
Pleasure
in
their
room
,
under
the
Cant
and
Pretence
of
Dispencing
Power
.
Our
Constitution
was
overthrown
by
the
Trick
of
New
Charters
,
and
by
closetting
,
and
corrupting
Members
of
Parliament
.
Men
were
required
,
under
pain
of
the
highest
Displeasure
,
to
consent
,
Some
Considerations
about
the
most
proper
way
of
raising
Money
in
the
present
Conjuncture
.
Printed
Octob.
1691.
and
concur
to
the
sacrificing
their
Religion
,
and
the
Liberty
of
their
Countrey
.
The
worthiest
,
honestest
,
and
bravest
Men
in
England
,
had
been
barbarously
murthered
;
and
to
aggravate
the
Injustice
which
was
done
them
,
all
bad
been
varnished
over
with
a
Colour
of
Law
,
and
the
Formality
of
Tryals
;
not
unlike
the
Case
of
Naboth
and
Ahab
.
Those
whom
the
Law
declared
Traytors
,
were
,
in
defiance
of
the
National
Authority
,
introduced
into
our
Councils
,
and
the
Conduct
of
Affairs
put
into
their
hands
.
Our
Vniversities
were
invaded
by
open
Force
;
those
who
were
in
the
lawful
possession
of
the
Government
of
Colledges
,
turned
out
,
and
Papists
sent
thither
in
their
room
:
And
if
that
Attempt
had
throughly
prospered
,
the
Churches
and
Pulpits
would
soon
have
followed
.
It
were
vain
to
go
about
to
enumerate
Particulars
.
In
a
word
,
the
Nation
was
undone
.
All
was
lost
.
The
Judges
were
suborned
,
or
threatned
to
declare
,
that
the
King
was
Master
of
all
the
Laws
;
and
the
Bishops
were
required
to
publish
this
New-created
Prerogative
in
all
the
Churches
of
England
by
the
Mouths
of
the
Clergy
;
which
when
some
of
them
refused
to
do
,
representing
to
the
King
,
with
the
utmost
submission
and
modesty
,
that
neither
Conscience
nor
Justice
permitted
them
to
do
what
he
desired
,
they
were
prosecuted
at
Law
,
as
if
they
had
been
guilty
of
some
great
Crime
.
Letters
were
written
and
intercepted
,
by
which
it
appeared
evidently
,
that
the
change
of
our
Religion
was
determined
,
and
that
Popery
was
to
be
brought
in
with
all
speed
,
least
the
opportunity
should
be
lost
.
And
for
the
better
compassing
this
pious
design
,
our
Civil
,
and
Parliamentary
Rights
were
to
be
taken
away
,
in
Ordine
ad
Spiritualia
.
And
when
the
Nation
,
and
those
who
were
concerned
for
it
,
being
terrified
by
the
greatness
of
the
danger
,
would
have
compounded
so
far
,
as
to
have
taken
away
the
Penal
Laws
against
Papists
,
and
so
have
set
them
upon
a
Level
with
other
English
Subjects
,
provided
the
Test
might
have
been
continued
,
and
the
Government
secured
from
falling
into
the
hands
of
that
Faction
,
all
such
offers
were
despised
and
rejected
with
scorn
:
Nor
would
any
thing
content
the
Bigotry
and
Arbitrary
humour
of
those
who
were
then
in
the
Saddle
,
less
than
the
total
enslaving
of
the
Nation
,
and
the
Re-establishment
of
that
Idolatrous
Religion
,
from
which
our
Ancestors
had
freed
themselves
with
so
much
Bravery
and
Generosity
in
the
beginning
of
the
last
Century
.
In
this
deplorable
Condition
,
His
then
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
found
these
Kingdoms
,
when
he
came
to
relieve
us
from
the
greatest
Oppressions
;
He
heard
the
Voice
of
the
People
,
that
earnestly
invited
him
over
to
their
Rescue
,
and
taking
it
(
as
undoubtedly
it
was
)
for
the
Voice
of
God
,
complied
,
and
God
hath
made
us
All
happy
with
the
desired
success
.
Had
the
late
King
James
stuck
firmly
to
the
Interests
of
his
People
,
He
would
thereby
have
easily
secured
his
own
;
and
,
if
they
could
have
found
He
had
had
(
what
he
assured
both
Houses
of
Parliament
,
King's
Speech
to
both
Houses
of
Parliament
,
May
30.
1685.
in
a
Speech
he
made
to
them
)
A
true
English
heart
,
as
Jealous
of
the
Honour
of
the
Nation
,
as
they
themselves
could
be
,
he
might
have
carried
,
by
God's
Blessing
,
and
their
Assistance
,
(
as
he
then
said
)
the
Reputation
of
it
yet
higher
in
the
World
,
than
ever
it
had
been
in
the
time
of
any
of
his
Ancestors
:
He
wanted
not
some
about
him
(
at
the
first
especially
)
that
would
gladly
have
given
him
faithful
Counsel
,
Those
that
were
able
to
advise
him
well
,
and
were
real
Friends
to
Him
,
as
they
were
true
to
their
Religion
,
and
to
the
Interest
of
their
Countrey
;
and
A
Wise
Man
,
says
my
incomparable
Author
,
Memoirs
of
Philip
de
Comines
,
lib.
3.
c.
5.
p.
159.
in
a
Prince's
Retinue
is
a
great
Treasure
,
and
Security
to
his
Master
;
if
one
has
the
Liberty
to
speak
truth
,
and
the
other
the
Discretion
to
believe
him
.
But
,
unhappy
Prince
!
He
was
resolvedly
bent
,
by
the
force
of
his
own
Superstition
,
the
Power
and
Influence
of
the
Priests
and
Jesuits
that
continually
attended
on
him
,
and
the
Directions
from
France
,
upon
the
total
Destruction
of
our
Reformed
Religion
,
(
that
Pestilent
Northern
Heresy
)
our
Liberties
and
our
Properties
,
and
was
upon
the
point
of
effecting
that
Tremendous
Design
;
but
God
in
his
Wise
Providence
,
with
Infinite
Mercy
and
Compassion
to
this
almost
Ruined
Land
and
People
,
saw
it
meet
to
give
check
to
that
Imperial
Carreer
,
with
a
hitherto
shalt
thou
come
,
and
no
further
.
HE
REMOVETH
KINGS
,
AND
SETTETH
UP
KINGS
.
In
this
Volume
,
you
have
a
full
Account
of
our
late
happy
Revolution
,
with
almost
all
the
steps
and
measures
that
were
taken
in
it
,
and
a
justification
of
our
present
Settlement
.
'T
was
God's
doing
and
it
ought
ever
to
be
marvellous
in
our
eyes
.
We
have
now
a
King
and
Queen
professing
the
same
Faith
with
our selves
;
who
,
as
He
came
over
to
preserve
our
Dearest
Interests
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
to
restore
to
Vs
our
invaded
Laws
and
Liberties
,
found
the
Nation
generally
disposed
to
receive
him
,
as
the
Mighty
Deliverer
,
under
God
,
of
this
Church
and
State
.
The
hand
of
Heaven
conducted
him
with
safety
up
to
London
,
and
all
the
Kingdom
called
him
Blessed
;
and
in
a
sence
of
Joy
and
Gratitude
to
Him
and
His
Royal
Consort
,
The
whole
Body
of
the
Nation
by
their
Representatives
in
Parliament
,
have
recognized
and
acknowledged
Their
present
Majesties
to
be
their
Lawful
and
Rightful
Sovereign
Liege
Lord
and
Lady
.
And
how
could
we
do
less
than
own
them
for
our
King
and
Queen
,
who
by
such
an
amazing
turn
,
have
redeemed
from
Slavery
both
our
Souls
and
Bodies
,
if
we
pretend
to
any
value
for
our
Holy
Religion
,
or
any
English
Love
of
Liberty
?
We
have
a
King
of
an
Extraordinary
Personal
Valour
and
Conduct
,
that
hath
very
often
already
ventured
his
Life
,
and
still
resolves
to
despise
all
difficulties
and
hazards
himself
,
that
His
People
may
reap
the
fruit
of
them
in
their
own
Peace
and
Prosperity
,
and
that
the
Protestant
Religion
may
be
established
to
us
and
our
Children
to
future
Generations
.
The
Queen
is
as
Supream
in
Her
Vertue
as
in
Her
Dignity
,
and
hath
shewed
a
most
Eminent
Resolution
,
as
well
as
a
most
Prudent
Care
in
all
the
Administrations
of
the
Government
,
when
the
Absence
of
the
King
hath
obliged
Her
to
take
the
Exercise
of
the
Regal
Power
upon
Her
.
So
that
the
Nation
may
now
hope
to
enjoy
a
lasting
Felicity
from
the
Royal
Protection
of
both
Their
Majesties
,
whose
constant
endeavours
we
are
assured
from
themselves
,
will
be
imployed
to
procure
and
support
the
Interest
and
Honour
of
it
,
and
the
Benefit
,
Safety
,
and
Ease
of
their
People
;
they
throughly
understanding
the
Truth
of
Mons.
Gourville's
Observation
(
who
had
been
long
enough
here
in
England
,
Memoirs
of
what
past
in
Christendom
,
from
the
War
begun
1672.
to
the
Peace
concluded
1679.
p.
33
,
34.
to
know
the
Humour
of
our
Court
,
and
People
,
and
Parliaments
,
to
conclude
)
Qu'un
Roy
d'Angleterre
qui
veut
estre
l'homme
de
son
peuple
,
est
le
plus
Grand
Roy
du
monde
,
mais
s'il
veut
estre
quelque
chose
d'avantage
,
par
Dieu
il
n'est
plus
rien
,
i.
e.
That
a
King
of
England
,
who
will
be
the
MAN
of
his
People
,
is
the
greatest
King
in
World
;
but
if
he
will
be
something
more
—
he
is
nothing
at
all
.
I
may
venture
therefore
to
Prophesy
,
that
this
King
and
Queen
will
take
the
same
care
to
continue
,
as
they
have
already
done
,
to
make
themselves
the
DARLING
of
their
People
;
and
no
Good
English
Man
can
wish
for
more
,
but
that
this
King
and
Queen
may
long
Reign
,
and
that
the
Tripple
Alliance
of
their
Sacred
Majesties
,
their
Parliaments
,
and
their
People
,
may
never
be
dissolved
.
Little
needs
be
said
concerning
the
usefulness
of
such
Collections
as
these
,
THAT
formerly
published
having
received
sufficient
Approbation
from
Persons
of
Learning
and
Knowledg
.
The
benefit
of
them
is
the
same
with
what
redounds
from
a
true
History
,
not
of
Battels
and
Sieges
,
Births
,
Marriages
,
and
Deaths
of
Princes
,
which
are
temporary
and
momentary
things
,
but
of
the
Legal
Government
of
a
Nation
,
struggling
with
Arbitrary
Power
and
Illegal
Proceedings
,
so
far
forth
,
as
it
was
invaded
within
the
time
mentioned
in
the
Title
.
A
CATALOGUE
OF
THE
TRACTS
Contained
in
This
Second
Volume
.
-
1.
THE
Earl
of
Clarendon's
Speech
about
disbanding
the
Army
,
September
13.
1660.
Fol.
1
-
2.
The
State
of
England
,
both
at
home
and
abroad
,
in
order
to
the
Designs
of
France
,
considered
.
6
-
3.
Of
the
Fundamental
Laws
,
or
Politick
Constitution
of
this
Kingdom
.
22
-
4.
London's
Flames
revived
:
Or
,
an
Account
of
several
Informations
exhibited
to
a
Committee
appointed
by
Parliament
,
Sept.
25.
1666.
to
inquire
into
the
burning
of
London
.
With
several
other
Informations
concerning
other
Fires
in
Southwark
,
Fetter-Lane
,
and
elsewhere
.
27
-
5.
Votes
and
Addresses
of
the
Honourable
House
of
Commons
assembled
in
Parliament
,
made
1673.
concerning
Popery
,
and
other
Grievances
.
49
-
6.
A
Letter
from
a
Parliament-man
to
his
Friend
concerning
the
Proceedings
of
the
House
of
Commons
this
last
Session
,
begun
the
13th
of
October
,
1675.
53
-
7.
A
Speech
made
by
Sir
William
Scroggs
,
one
of
His
Majesty's
Serjeants
at
Law
,
to
the
Right
Honourable
the
Lord
Chancellor
of
England
,
at
his
admission
to
the
Place
of
one
of
His
Majesty's
Justices
of
the
Court
of
Common-Pleas
.
56
-
8.
A
Discourse
upon
the
Designs
,
Practises
and
Councels
of
France
.
59
-
9.
An
Answer
to
a
Letter
written
by
a
Member
of
Parliament
in
the
Countrey
,
upon
the
Occasion
of
his
reading
of
the
Gazette
of
the
11th
of
December
,
1679.
wherein
is
the
Proclamation
for
further
proroguing
the
Parliament
till
the
11th
of
November
next
ensuing
.
67
-
10.
The
Right
Honourable
the
Earl
of
Shaftsbury's
Speech
in
the
House
of
Lords
,
March
25.
1679.
71
-
11.
The
Instrument
or
Writing
of
Association
that
the
true
Protestants
of
England
entred
into
in
the
Reign
of
Queen
Elizabeth
.
73
-
12.
The
Act
of
Parliament
of
the
27th
of
Queen
Elizabeth
in
Confirmation
of
the
same
.
74
-
13.
A
Word
without
doors
,
concerning
the
Bill
for
Succession
.
76
-
14.
A
Collection
of
Speeches
in
the
House
of
Commons
in
the
Year
1680.
81
-
15.
A
Copy
of
the
Duke
of
York's
Bill
.
91
-
16.
Some
particular
Matters
of
Fact
relating
to
the
Administration
of
Affairs
in
Scotland
under
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
.
93
-
17.
The
Impeachment
of
the
Duke
and
Dutchess
of
Lauderdale
,
with
their
Brother
the
Lord
Hatton
,
presented
to
his
Majesty
by
the
City
of
Edenburgh
.
The
matters
of
fact
particularly
relating
to
the
Town
of
Edenburgh
,
humbly
offered
for
His
Majesty's
information
.
96
-
18.
His
Majesty's
Declaration
for
the
dissolving
of
His
late
Privy
Council
,
and
for
constituting
a
New
One
,
made
in
the
Council-Chamber
at
White-hall
,
April
20.
1679.
99
-
19.
The
M●ssage
from
the
King
,
by
Mr.
Secretary
Jenkins
,
to
the
Commons
on
the
9th
of
November
,
1680.
102
-
20.
The
Address
to
His
Majesty
from
the
Commons
,
on
Saturday
the
13th
of
November
,
1680.
Ibid.
-
21.
The
Address
of
the
Commons
in
Parliament
to
His
Majesty
,
to
remove
Sir
George
Jeffreys
out
of
all
publick
Offices
.
103
-
22.
His
Majesty's
Message
to
the
Commons
in
Parliament
relating
to
Tangier
.
104
-
23.
The
Humble
Address
of
the
Commons
assembled
in
Parliament
,
presented
to
His
Majesty
,
on
Monday
the
29th
of
November
,
1680.
in
answer
to
that
Message
.
ibid.
-
24.
The
Humble
Address
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
presented
to
His
Majesty
on
Tuesday
the
21st
of
December
,
1680.
in
answer
to
His
Majesty's
Gracious
Speech
to
both
Houses
of
Parliament
,
upon
the
15th
day
of
the
same
December
.
107
-
25.
The
Report
of
the
Committee
of
the
Commons
appointed
to
examine
the
Proceedings
of
the
Judges
,
&c.
109
-
26.
The
Report
from
the
Committee
of
the
Commons
in
Parliament
,
appointed
by
the
Honourable
House
of
Commons
,
to
consider
of
the
Petition
of
Richard
Thompson
of
Bristol
,
Clerk
,
and
to
examine
Complaints
against
him
.
And
the
Resolution
of
the
Commons
in
Parliament
upon
this
Report
,
for
his
Impeachment
for
High
Crimes
and
Misdemeanors
,
on
Friday
the
24th
of
December
,
1680.
116
-
27.
Articles
of
Impeachment
of
Sir
William
Scroggs
,
Chief
Justice
of
the
Court
of
King's
Bench
,
by
the
Commons
in
Parliament
assembled
in
their
own
Name
,
and
in
the
name
of
all
the
Commons
of
England
,
of
High
Treason
,
and
other
great
Crimes
and
Misdemeanors
.
119
-
28.
The
Humble
Petition
of
the
Right
Honourable
the
Lord
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
Commons
of
the
City
of
London
,
in
Common
Council
assembled
,
on
the
13th
of
January
,
1680.
to
the
King
's
Most
Excellent
Majesty
,
for
the
sitting
of
the
Parliament
prorogued
to
the
20th
then
instant
,
together
with
the
Resolutions
,
Orders
,
and
Debates
of
the
said
Court
.
122
-
29.
Vox
Patriae
,
Or
the
Resentments
and
Indignation
of
the
Free-born
Subjects
of
England
against
Popery
,
Arbitrary
Government
,
the
Duke
of
York
,
or
any
Popish
Successor
;
being
a
true
Collection
of
the
Petitions
and
Addresses
lately
made
from
divers
Counties
,
Cities
and
Burroughs
of
this
Realm
,
to
their
Respective
Representatives
,
chosen
to
serve
in
the
Parliament
held
at
Oxford
,
March
21
,
1680.
125
-
30.
The
Speech
of
the
Honourable
Henry
Booth
,
Esq
at
Chester
,
the
2d
of
March
,
1680/1
,
〈◊〉
his
being
elected
One
of
the
Knights
of
the
Shire
for
that
County
to
serve
in
the
Parliament
summon'd
to
meet
at
Oxford
the
21st
of
the
said
Month.
147
-
31.
An
Account
of
the
Proceedings
at
the
Sessions
for
the
City
of
Westminster
,
against
Thomas
Whitfield
,
Scrievener
;
John
Smallbones
,
Woodmonger
;
and
William
Laud
,
Painter
;
for
tearing
a
Petition
prepared
to
be
presented
to
the
King
for
the
sitting
of
the
Parliament
;
with
an
Account
of
the
said
Petition
presented
on
the
then
13th
Instant
,
and
His
Majesty's
Gracious
Answer
150.
-
32.
The
Judgment
and
Decree
of
the
Vniversity
of
Oxford
,
passed
in
their
Convocation
,
July
21
,
1683.
against
certain
pernicious
Books
,
and
damnable
Doctrines
,
destructive
to
the
Sacred
Persons
of
Princes
,
Their
State
and
Government
,
and
of
all
Humane
Society
.
153
-
32.
The
Case
of
the
Earl
of
Argyle
:
Or
an
Exact
and
Full
Account
of
his
Tryal
,
Escape
and
Sentence
:
As
likewise
a
Relation
of
several
Matters
of
Fact
,
for
better
clearing
of
the
said
Case
.
151
-
33.
Murther
will
out
:
Or
,
The
King's
Letter
,
justifying
the
Marquess
of
Antrim
;
and
declaring
,
that
what
he
did
in
the
Irish
Rebellion
,
was
by
direction
from
His
Royal
Father
and
Mother
,
and
for
the
Service
of
the
Crown
.
217
-
34.
Vox
Populi
:
Or
,
The
Peoples
claim
to
their
Parliaments
sitting
,
to
redress
Grievances
,
and
to
provide
for
the
Common
safety
,
by
the
known
Laws
and
Constitution
of
the
Nation
.
219
-
35.
The
Security
of
English-mens
Lives
:
Or
,
The
Trust
,
Power
and
Duty
of
the
Grand
Juries
of
England
,
explained
according
to
the
Fundamentals
of
the
English
Government
,
and
the
Declarations
of
the
same
made
in
Parliament
by
many
Statutes
.
225
-
36.
The
Speech
and
Carriage
of
Stephen
Colledge
before
the
Castle
at
Oxford
,
on
Wednesday
,
Aug.
31.
1681.
taken
exactly
from
his
Mouth
at
the
place
of
Execution
.
255
-
37.
The
Speech
of
the
late
Lord
Russell
to
the
Sheriffs
,
together
with
the
Paper
delivered
by
him
to
them
at
the
place
of
Execution
,
July
21.
1683.
262
-
38.
To
the
King
's
Most
Excellent
Majesty
,
the
Humble
Petition
of
Algernoon
Sidney
,
Esq.
266
-
39.
The
very
Copy
of
a
Paper
delivered
to
the
Sheriffs
upon
the
Scaffold
on
Friday
,
Dec.
7.
1683.
by
Algernoon
Sidney
,
Esq
,
before
his
Execution
there
.
267
-
40.
Of
Magistracy
.
269.
Of
Prerogatives
by
Divine
Right
.
270.
Of
Obedience
.
271.
Of
Laws
.
272.
By
Mr.
Samuel
Johnson
.
-
41.
Copies
of
two
Papers
written
by
the
late
King
Charles
II.
published
by
His
Majesty's
Command
,
Printed
in
the
Year
1686.
273.
-
42.
A
Letter
containing
some
Remarks
on
the
Two
Papers
writ
by
His
late
Majesty
King
Charles
II.
concerning
Religion
.
274
-
43.
A
Brief
Account
of
particulars
occurring
at
the
happy
death
of
our
late
Soveraign
Lord
,
K.
Ch.
2d
.
in
regard
to
Religion
,
faithfully
related
by
his
then
Assistant
,
Mr.
Jo.
Huddleston
.
280
-
44.
Some
Reflections
on
His
Majesty's
Proclamation
of
the
Twelfth
of
Feb.
1686/7.
for
a
Toleration
in
Scotland
,
together
with
the
said
Proclamation
.
281
-
45.
His
Majesty's
Gracious
Declaration
to
all
his
Loving
Subjects
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
.
287
-
46.
A
Letter
containing
some
Reflections
on
His
Majesty's
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
.
Dated
April
4.
1687.
289
-
47.
A
Letter
to
a
Dissenter
,
upon
Occasion
of
His
Majesty's
Late
Gracious
Declaration
of
Indulgence
.
294
-
48.
The
Anatomy
of
an
Equivalent
.
300
-
49.
A
Letter
from
a
Gentleman
in
the
City
,
to
his
Friend
in
the
Countrey
,
containing
his
Reasons
for
not
reading
the
Declaration
.
309
-
50.
An
Answer
to
the
City
Minister's
Letter
from
his
Countrey
Friend
.
314
-
51.
A
Letter
from
a
Gentleman
in
Ireland
,
to
his
Friend
in
London
,
upon
ocasion
of
a
Pamphlet
,
entituled
,
A
Vindication
of
the
Present
Government
of
Ireland
,
under
his
Excellency
,
Richard
Earl
of
Tyrconnel
.
316
-
52.
A
Plain
Account
of
the
Persecution
laid
to
the
Charge
of
the
Church
of
England
.
322
-
53.
Abby
,
and
other
Church
Lands
,
not
yet
assured
to
such
possessors
as
are
Roman-Catholicks
;
dedicated
to
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
of
that
Religion
.
326
-
54.
The
King's
Power
in
Ecclesiastical
matters
truly
stated
.
331
-
55.
A
Letter
writ
by
Mijn
Heer
Fagel
,
Pensioner
of
Holland
,
to
Mr.
James
Stewart
,
Advocate
,
giving
an
Account
of
the
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange's
thoughts
concerning
the
Repeal
of
the
Test
,
and
the
Penal
Laws
.
334
-
56.
Reflections
on
Monsieur
Fagel's
Letter
.
338
-
57.
Animadversions
upon
a
pretended
Answer
to
Mijn
Heer
Fagel's
Letter
.
343
-
58.
Some
Reflections
on
a
Discourse
,
called
,
Good
Advice
to
the
Church
of
England
,
&c.
363
-
59.
The
ill
effects
of
Animosities
.
371
-
60.
A
Representation
of
the
Threatning
Dangers
impending
over
Protestants
in
Great-Britain
:
With
an
Account
of
the
Arbitrary
and
Popish
ends
,
unto
which
the
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
in
England
,
and
the
Proclamation
for
a
Toleration
in
Scotland
,
are
designed
.
380
-
61.
The
Declaration
of
his
Highness
William
Henry
(
by
the
Grace
of
God
,
Prince
of
Orange
,
&c.
)
of
the
Reasons
inducing
him
to
appear
in
Arms
in
the
Kingdom
of
England
,
for
preserving
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
for
restoring
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
.
420
-
62.
His
Highnesses
Additional
Declaration
.
426
-
63.
The
then
supposed
Third
Declaration
of
his
Royal
Highness
,
pretended
to
be
signed
at
his
head
Quarters
at
Sherborn-Castle
,
November
28.
1688.
but
was
written
by
another
Person
,
tho
yet
unknown
.
427
-
64.
The
Reverend
Mr.
Samuel
Johnson's
Paper
in
the
year
1686.
for
which
he
was
sentenc'd
by
the
Court
of
Kings-Bench
(
Sir
Edward
Herbert
being
Lord
Chief
Justice
,
and
Sir
Francis
Wythens
pronouncing
the
Sentence
)
to
stand
Three
times
on
the
Pillory
,
and
to
be
whipp'd
from
Newgate
to
Tyburn
,
which
barbarous
Sentence
was
Executed
.
428
-
65.
Several
Reasons
for
the
establishment
of
a
standing
Army
,
and
Dissolving
the
Militia
,
by
the
said
Mr.
Johnson
.
429
-
66.
To
the
King
's
Most
Excellent
Majesty
,
the
Humble
Petition
of
William
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
and
divers
of
the
suffragan
Bishops
of
that
Province
(
then
present
with
him
)
in
behalf
of
themselves
,
and
others
of
their
absent
Brethren
,
and
of
the
Clergy
of
their
respective
Diocesses
,
with
His
Majesty's
Answer
.
430
-
67.
The
Petition
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
for
the
calling
of
a
free
Parliament
,
together
with
His
Majesty's
Gracious
Answer
to
their
Lordships
.
Ib.
-
68.
The
Prince
of
Orange's
Letter
to
the
English
Army
.
431
-
69.
Prince
George
his
Letter
to
the
King
.
432
-
70.
The
Lord
Churchill's
Letter
to
the
King
.
432
-
71.
The
Princess
Ann
of
Denmark's
Letter
to
the
Queen
.
433
-
72.
A
Memorial
of
the
Protestants
of
the
Church
of
England
,
presented
to
their
Royal
Hignesses
,
the
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
.
433
-
73.
Admiral
Herbert's
Letter
to
all
Commanders
of
Ships
,
and
Seamen
in
His
Majesty's
Fleet.
434
-
74.
The
Lord
Delamere's
Speech
.
434
-
75.
An
Engagement
of
the
Noblemen
,
Knights
and
Gentlemen
at
Exeter
,
to
assist
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
in
the
defence
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
People
of
England
,
Scotland
and
Ireland
.
435
-
76.
The
Declaration
of
the
Nobility
,
Gentry
and
Commonalty
at
the
Rendezvouz
at
Nottingham
,
November
22.
1688.
436
-
77.
His
Grace
the
Duke
of
Norfolk's
Speech
to
the
Mayor
of
Norwich
on
the
1st
of
December
,
in
the
Market-place
of
Norwich
.
437
-
78.
The
Speech
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
to
some
principal
Gentlemen
of
Somersetshire
and
Dorsetshire
,
on
their
coming
to
join
his
Highness
at
Exeter
,
Novemb.
15.
1688.
437
-
79.
The
True
Copy
of
a
Paper
,
delivered
by
the
Lord
Devonshire
to
the
Mayor
of
Darby
,
where
he
Quartered
,
Novemb.
21.
1688.
438
-
80.
A
Letter
from
a
Gentleman
at
Kings-Lynn
,
Decemb.
7.
1688.
to
his
Friend
in
London
.
With
an
Address
to
his
Grace
the
most
Noble
Henry
,
Duke
of
Norfolk
,
Lord
Marshall
of
England
.
Ibid.
-
81.
His
Grace's
Answer
,
with
another
Letter
from
Lynn-Regis
,
giving
the
D.
of
Norfolk's
2d
.
Speech
there
,
Decemb.
10.
1688.
439
-
82.
The
Declaration
of
the
Lord
's
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
in
and
about
the
Cities
of
London
and
Westminster
,
Assembled
at
Guild-Hall
,
Decemb.
11.
1688.
Ibid.
-
83.
A
Paper
delivered
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
by
the
Commissioners
sent
by
His
Majesty
to
treat
with
him
,
and
his
Highness's
Answer
,
1688.
440
-
84.
The
Recorder
of
Bristoll's
Speech
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
Monday
Jan.
7.
1688.
441.
-
85.
The
Humble
Address
of
the
Lieutenancy
of
the
City
of
London
,
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
Decemb.
12.
1688.
442
-
86.
The
Humble
Address
of
the
Lord
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
Commons
of
the
City
of
London
,
in
Common-Council
Assembled
,
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
.
443
-
87.
The
Speech
of
Sir
Geo.
Treby
Knight
,
Recorder
of
the
Honourable
City
of
London
,
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
Decemb.
20.
1688.
Ibid.
-
88.
His
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange's
Speech
to
the
Scotch
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
with
their
Advice
,
and
his
Highness's
Answer
;
with
a
true
Account
of
what
past
at
their
meeting
in
the
Council
Chamber
,
at
White-Hall
,
Jan.
7.
1688
/
9.
444
-
89.
The
Emperor
of
Germany's
Account
of
K.
James's
Misgovernment
,
in
joining
with
the
K.
of
France
(
the
Common
Enemy
of
Christendom
)
in
his
Letter
to
K.
James
.
446
-
90.
The
Declaration
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
Commons
Assembled
at
Westminster
,
concerning
the
Misgovernment
of
K.
James
,
and
filling
up
the
Throne
.
Presented
to
K.
William
and
Q.
Mary
,
by
the
Right
Honourable
the
Marquess
of
Hallifax
,
Speaker
to
the
House
of
Lords
;
with
His
Majesty's
Most
Gracious
Answer
thereunto
.
447
-
91.
A
Proclamation
,
Declaring
William
and
Mary
,
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
,
to
be
King
and
Queen
of
England
,
France
,
and
Ireland
,
&c.
449
-
92.
The
Declaration
of
the
Estates
of
Scotland
,
concerning
the
Misgovernment
of
K.
James
the
7th
.
and
filling
up
the
Throne
with
K.
William
and
Q.
Mary
.
450
-
93.
A
Proclamation
,
Declaring
William
and
Mary
,
King
and
Queen
of
England
,
to
be
King
and
Queen
of
Scotland
.
Edinburgh
,
April
11.
1689.
452
-
93.
The
manner
of
the
King
and
Queen's
taking
the
Coronation-Oath
.
453
-
94.
-
The
Coronation-Oath
of
England
.
454
-
The
Coronation-Oath
of
Scotland
.
Ibid.
-
95.
Proposals
humbly
offered
to
the
Lords
and
Commons
in
the
present
Convention
,
for
Setling
of
the
Government
.
455
-
96.
The
late
Honourable
Convention
proved
a
Legal
Parliament
.
457
-
97.
The
Present
Convention
,
a
Parliament
.
459
-
98.
The
Thoughts
of
a
private
Person
,
about
the
Justice
of
the
Gentlemens
undertaking
at
York
,
Novemb.
1688.
wherein
is
shewed
,
That
it
is
neither
against
Scripture
,
nor
Moral
Honesty
,
to
defend
their
Just
and
Legal
Rights
,
against
the
Illegal
Invaders
of
them
,
occasioned
then
by
some
private
Debates
,
and
now
submitted
to
better
Judgments
.
461
-
99.
An
Enquiry
into
the
Measures
of
Submission
to
the
Supream
Authority
;
and
of
the
Grounds
upon
which
it
may
be
lawful
or
necessary
for
Subjects
to
defend
their
Religion
,
Lives
,
and
Liberties
.
483
-
100.
The
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
,
no
Badges
of
Slavery
.
489
THE
Earl
of
Clarendon's
Speech
,
ABOUT
Disbanding
the
Army
.
SEPTEMBER
13.
1660.
My
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
THE
King
tells
you
that
he
hath
commanded
me
to
say
many
particulars
to
you
,
and
the
truth
is
,
He
hath
charged
me
,
with
so
many
,
that
I
have
great
reason
to
fear
,
that
I
shall
stand
in
much
need
of
His
Mercy
,
for
omitting
many
things
He
hath
given
me
in
Command
,
at
least
for
delivering
them
in
more
Disorder
and
Confusion
,
then
Matters
of
such
Moment
and
Importance
ought
to
be
to
such
an
Assembly
,
for
which
the
King
Himself
hath
even
a
kind
of
Reverence
,
as
well
as
an
extraordinary
Kindness
.
I
am
to
mention
some
things
He
hath
done
already
,
and
many
things
He
intends
to
do
during
this
Recess
,
that
you
may
see
,
how
well
content
soever
he
is
,
that
you
should
have
Ease
,
and
Pleasure
,
and
Refreshment
,
he
hath
designed
Work
enough
for
Himself
.
The
King
hath
thanked
you
for
the
Provision
you
have
made
that
there
may
be
no
free
Quarter
during
the
time
the
Army
shall
be
Disbanding
,
and
hath
told
you
what
He
will
do
with
that
Money
you
have
given
Him
,
if
there
should
want
wherewithal
to
Disband
it
;
And
now
I
hope
you
will
all
believe
,
that
His
Majesty
will
consent
to
the
Disbanding
:
He
will
do
so
;
And
yet
He
does
not
take
it
unkindly
at
their
hands
,
who
have
thought
that
his
Majesty
would
not
Disband
this
Army
;
It
was
a
sober
and
a
rational
Jealousie
;
No
other
Prince
in
Europe
would
be
willing
to
Disband
such
an
Army
;
an
Army
to
which
Victory
is
entailed
,
and
which
,
humanely
speaking
,
could
hardly
fail
of
Conquest
whithersoever
He
should
lead
it
;
and
if
God
had
not
restored
His
Majesty
to
that
rare
Felicity
,
as
to
be
without
apprehension
of
Danger
at
home
or
from
abroad
,
and
without
any
Ambition
of
taking
from
his
Neighbours
what
they
are
possessed
of
;
Himself
would
never
Disband
this
Army
;
an
Army
whose
Order
and
Discipline
,
whose
Sobriety
and
Manners
,
whose
Courage
and
Success
hath
made
it
famous
and
terrible
over
the
World
;
an
Army
of
which
the
King
and
His
two
Royal
Brothers
may
say
,
as
the
noble
Grecian
said
of
Aeneas
,
—
Stetimus
tela
aspera
contra
,
Contulimusque
manus
,
experto
credite
,
quantus
In
clypeum
assurgat
,
quo
turbine
torqueat
hastam
.
They
have
all
three
in
several
Countries
found
themselves
engaged
in
the
midst
of
these
Troops
,
in
the
heat
and
rage
of
Battel
,
and
if
any
common
Souldiers
(
as
no
doubt
many
may
)
will
demand
the
old
Roman
Priviledge
for
having
encountred
Princes
single
,
upon
my
Conscience
,
he
will
find
both
Favour
and
Perferment
:
They
have
all
three
observed
the
Discipline
,
and
felt
,
and
admired
,
and
loved
the
Courage
of
this
Army
,
when
they
were
the
worse
for
it
;
and
I
have
seen
them
in
a
season
when
there
was
little
else
of
comfort
in
their
view
,
refresh
themselves
with
joy
,
that
the
English
had
done
the
great
Work
,
the
English
had
got
the
Day
,
and
then
please
themselves
with
the
Imagination
what
wonders
they
should
perform
in
the
head
of
such
an
Army
:
And
therefore
when
His
Majesty
is
so
entirely
possessed
of
the
Affection
and
obedience
of
this
Army
,
and
when
it
hath
merited
so
much
from
Him
,
can
it
be
believed
,
or
imagined
,
that
He
can
without
some
regret
part
with
them
?
No
:
My
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
He
will
never
part
with
them
,
and
the
only
sure
way
never
to
part
with
them
,
is
to
Disband
them
;
should
it
be
otherwise
,
they
must
be
exposed
to
the
daily
Importunity
of
His
great
Neighbours
and
Allies
;
and
how
could
He
refuse
to
lend
them
His
Troops
,
of
which
He
hath
no
use
Himself
?
His
Majesty
knows
they
are
too
good
English
men
,
to
wish
that
a
standing
Army
should
be
kept
in
the
bowels
of
their
own
Countrey
;
that
they
who
did
but
in
Bello
pacis
gerere
negotium
,
and
who
,
whilest
an
Army
lived
like
good
Husbandmen
in
the
Countrey
,
and
good
Citizens
in
the
City
,
will
now
become
really
such
,
and
take
Delight
in
the
Benefit
of
that
Peace
they
have
so
honestly
and
so
wonderfully
brought
to
pass
:
The
King
will
part
with
them
,
as
the
most
indulgent
Parents
part
with
their
Children
for
their
Education
,
and
for
their
Perferment
;
He
will
prefer
them
to
Disbanding
,
and
prefer
them
by
Disbanding
,
and
will
always
retain
such
a
Kindness
for
them
,
and
such
a
Memory
of
the
Service
they
have
done
him
,
that
both
Officers
and
Souldiers
,
after
they
are
Disbanded
,
shall
always
find
such
countenance
,
favour
,
and
reward
from
His
Majesty
,
that
He
doubts
not
,
but
if
he
should
have
Occasion
to
use
their
Service
,
they
will
again
resort
to
Him
with
the
same
Alacrity
,
as
if
they
had
never
been
Disbanded
:
And
if
there
be
any
so
ill
amongst
them
(
as
there
can
be
but
very
few
,
if
any
)
who
will
forfeit
that
Favour
and
Protection
they
may
have
from
Him
,
by
any
withstanding
His
Majesties
Commands
,
and
the
full
and
declared
sense
of
the
Kingdom
;
His
Majesty
is
confident
they
will
be
as
odious
to
their
Companions
,
as
they
can
be
to
any
other
honest
Men.
My
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
I
am
in
the
next
place
,
by
the
Kings
Command
,
to
put
you
in
mind
of
the
Act
of
Indemnity
,
not
of
any
Grants
or
Concessions
,
or
Releases
He
made
to
you
in
that
Act
,
I
have
nothing
of
that
in
charge
;
no
Prince
hath
so
excellent
a
memory
to
forget
the
Favours
he
doth
;
but
of
what
He
hath
done
against
you
in
that
Act
,
how
you
may
be
undone
by
that
Act
,
if
you
are
not
very
careful
to
perform
the
Obligations
He
hath
laid
upon
you
in
it
:
the
clause
I
am
to
put
you
in
mind
of
,
is
this
,
And
to
the
intent
and
purpose
that
all
names
and
terms
of
Distinction
may
be
likewise
put
into
utter
Oblivion
,
Be
it
further
Enacted
by
the
Authority
aforesaid
,
That
if
any
Person
or
Persons
,
within
the
space
of
three
Years
next
ensuing
,
shall
presume
so
maliciously
to
call
or
alledge
,
or
object
against
any
other
Person
or
Persons
any
Name
or
Names
,
or
other
words
of
Reproach
,
any
way
leading
to
revive
the
Memory
of
the
late
Differences
,
or
the
occasion
thereof
,
That
then
every
such
Person
,
so
as
aforesaid
offending
,
shall
forfeit
,
&c.
It
is
no
matter
for
the
Penalty
,
it
is
too
cheap
a
one
;
the
King
wishes
it
had
been
greater
,
and
therefore
hath
by
His
just
Prerogative
(
and
't
is
well
for
us
He
hath
such
a
Prerogative
)
added
another
Penalty
more
insupportable
,
even
His
high
Displeasure
against
all
who
shall
swerve
from
this
Clause
in
the
Act.
Give
me
leave
to
tell
you
,
that
as
many
Name
or
Names
,
or
other
words
of
Reproach
are
expresly
against
the
Letter
,
and
punishable
accordingly
,
so
evil
and
envious
looks
,
murmuring
and
discontented
hearts
,
are
as
directly
against
the
Equity
of
this
Statute
,
a
direct
breach
of
the
Act
of
Indempnity
,
and
ought
to
be
be
punished
too
;
And
I
believe
they
may
be
so
.
You
know
Kings
are
in
some
sense
called
Gods
,
and
so
they
may
in
some
degree
be
able
to
look
into
mens
hearts
;
and
God
hath
given
us
a
King
who
can
look
as
far
into
mens
hearts
as
any
Prince
alive
;
and
he
hath
great
skill
in
Physiognomy
too
,
you
would
wonder
what
Calculations
He
hath
made
from
thence
;
and
no
doubt
,
if
He
be
provoked
by
evil
looks
,
to
make
a
further
Enquiry
into
mens
hearts
,
and
finds
those
corrupted
with
the
Passions
of
Envy
and
Uncharitableness
,
He
will
never
choose
those
hearts
to
trust
and
rely
upon
.
He
hath
given
us
a
Noble
and
Princely
Example
,
by
opening
and
stretching
His
Arms
to
all
who
are
worthy
to
be
His
Subjects
,
worthy
to
be
thought
Englishmen
,
by
extending
His
heart
with
a
pious
and
grateful
joy
to
find
all
His
Subjects
at
once
in
His
Arms
,
and
Himself
in
theirs
:
and
shall
we
fold
our
arms
towards
one
another
,
and
contract
our
hearts
with
Envy
and
Malice
to
each
other
,
by
any
sharp
memory
of
what
hath
been
unneighbourly
or
unkindly
done
heretofore
?
What
is
this
but
to
rebell
against
the
Person
of
the
King
,
against
the
excellent
Example
and
Vertue
of
the
King
,
against
the
known
Law
of
the
Land
,
this
blessed
Act
of
Oblivion
.
My
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
The
King
is
a
Suitor
to
you
,
makes
it
His
Suit
very
heartily
,
That
you
will
joyn
with
Him
in
restoring
the
whole
Nation
to
its
primitive
Temper
and
Integrity
,
to
its
old
good
Manners
,
its
old
good
Humour
,
and
its
old
good
Nature
;
Good
Nature
,
a
Vertue
so
peculiar
to
you
,
so
appropriated
by
God
Almighty
to
this
Nation
,
that
it
can
be
translated
into
no
other
Language
,
hardly
practised
by
any
other
People
,
and
that
you
will
by
your
Example
,
by
the
Candor
of
your
Conversation
,
by
your
Precepts
,
and
by
your
Practise
,
and
by
all
your
Interest
,
teach
your
Neighbours
and
your
Friends
,
how
to
pay
a
full
Obedience
to
this
Clause
of
the
Statute
,
how
to
learn
this
excellent
Art
of
Forgetfulness
.
Let
them
remember
,
and
let
us
remember
,
how
ungracious
,
how
undecent
,
how
ugly
the
Insolence
,
the
Fierceness
,
the
Bruitishness
of
their
Enemies
appeared
to
them
;
and
we
may
piously
and
reasonably
believe
,
that
Gods
Indignation
against
them
,
for
their
want
of
Bowels
,
for
their
not
being
Englishmen
,
(
for
they
had
the
hearts
of
Pagans
and
Infidels
(
sent
a
Whirlwind
in
a
moment
to
blow
them
out
of
the
World
,
that
is
,
out
of
a
capacity
to
do
more
mischief
in
the
World
,
except
we
practise
their
Vices
,
and
do
that
our selves
which
we
pretend
to
detest
them
for
:
Let
us
not
be
too
much
ashamed
,
as
if
what
hath
been
done
amiss
,
proceeded
from
the
humour
and
the
temper
,
and
the
nature
of
our
Nation
.
The
Astrologers
have
made
us
a
fair
excuse
,
and
truly
I
hope
a
true
one
;
all
the
motions
of
these
last
twenty
Years
have
been
unnatural
,
and
have
proceeded
from
the
evil
Influence
of
a
malignant
Star
;
and
let
us
not
too
much
despise
the
Influence
of
the
Stars
:
And
the
same
Astrologers
assure
us
,
that
the
Malignity
of
that
Star
is
expired
;
the
good
Genius
of
this
Kingdom
is
become
Superiour
,
and
hath
mastered
that
Malignity
,
and
our
own
good
old
Stars
govern
us
again
,
and
their
Influence
is
so
strong
,
that
with
our
help
,
they
will
repair
in
a
Year
,
what
hath
been
decaying
in
twenty
;
and
they
only
shall
have
no
excuse
from
the
Star
,
who
continue
their
Malignity
and
own
all
the
ill
that
is
past
to
be
their
own
,
by
continuing
and
improving
it
for
the
time
to
come
.
If
any
body
here
,
or
any
where
else
,
be
too
much
exalted
with
what
he
hath
done
,
or
what
he
hath
suffered
,
and
from
thence
thinks
himself
waranted
to
reproach
others
,
let
him
remember
the
story
of
Nicephorus
;
it
is
an
excellent
story
and
very
applicable
to
such
Distempers
:
He
was
a
pious
and
a
religious
man
,
and
for
his
Piety
and
Religion
was
condemned
to
the
fire
;
when
he
was
led
to
Execution
,
and
when
an
old
Friend
who
had
done
him
injury
enough
,
fell
at
his
feet
and
asked
him
Pardon
;
the
poor
Man
was
so
elevated
with
the
Triumph
he
was
going
unto
,
with
the
Glory
of
Martyrdom
,
that
he
refused
to
be
reconciled
unto
him
;
upon
which
he
was
disapointed
of
his
end
;
and
for
this
Uncharitableness
,
the
Spirit
of
God
immediately
forsook
him
,
and
he
apostatized
from
the
Faith
.
Let
all
those
who
are
too
proud
of
having
been
as
they
think
less
faulty
then
other
Men
,
and
so
are
unwilling
to
be
reconciled
to
those
who
have
offended
them
,
take
heed
of
the
Apostacy
of
Nicephorus
,
and
that
those
fumes
of
Envy
and
Uncharitableness
,
and
Murmuring
,
do
not
so
far
transport
and
intoxicate
them
,
that
they
fall
into
those
very
Crimes
,
they
value
themselves
for
having
hitherto
declined
.
But
,
My
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
whilest
we
conspire
together
,
to
execute
faithfully
this
part
of
the
Bill
,
to
put
all
old
Names
and
Terms
of
Distinction
into
utter
Oblivion
;
let
us
not
find
new
Names
and
Terms
to
keep
up
the
same
,
or
a
worse
Disstinction
:
If
the
old
Reproaches
of
Cavalier
,
and
Round-head
,
and
Malignant
,
be
committed
to
the
Grave
;
let
us
not
find
more
significant
and
better
words
,
to
signifie
worse
things
;
let
not
Piety
and
Godliness
grow
into
terms
of
Reproach
,
and
disstinguish
between
the
Court
,
and
the
City
,
and
the
Countrey
;
and
let
not
Piety
and
Godliness
be
measured
by
a
morosity
in
Manners
,
an
affectation
of
Gesture
,
a
new
mode
and
tone
of
Speaking
;
at
least
,
let
not
our
Constitutions
and
Complexions
make
us
be
thought
of
a
contrary
Party
;
and
because
we
have
not
an
affected
austerity
in
our
looks
,
that
we
have
not
Piety
in
our
hearts
.
Very
merry
Men
have
been
very
godly
Men
;
and
if
a
good
Conscience
be
a
continual
Feast
,
there
is
no
reason
but
Men
may
be
merry
at
it
.
You
,
Mr.
Speaker
,
have
this
Day
made
a
noble
Present
to
the
King
.
Do
you
think
if
you
and
your
worthy
Companions
had
brought
it
up
with
folded
Arms
,
down-cast
Looks
,
with
Sighs
and
other
Instances
of
Desperation
,
it
would
not
have
been
a
very
melancholy
Present
?
Have
not
you
frank
and
dutiful
Expressions
,
that
cheerfulness
and
vivacity
in
your
Looks
,
rendred
much
more
acceptable
,
much
more
valuable
?
No
Prince
in
Christendom
loves
a
cheerful
giver
so
well
as
God
Almighty
does
,
and
he
of
all
Gifts
,
a
cheerful
Heart
;
and
therefore
I
pray
let
not
a
cloudy
and
disconsolate
face
be
the
only
,
or
the
best
sign
of
Piety
and
Devotion
in
the
Heart
.
I
must
ask
your
Pardon
for
misplacing
much
of
this
Discourse
,
which
I
should
have
mentioned
,
when
I
came
to
speak
of
the
Ministers
Bill
;
they
I
hope
will
endeavour
to
remove
these
new
marks
of
Dinstinction
and
Reproaches
,
and
keep
their
Auditories
from
being
imposed
upon
by
such
Characters
and
Descriptions
.
The
King
hath
passed
this
Act
very
willingly
,
and
done
much
to
the
end
of
this
Act
before
;
yet
hath
willingly
admitted
you
to
be
Sharers
and
Partners
with
Him
in
the
Obligation
:
I
may
say
confidently
His
Majesty
hath
never
denied
His
Confirmation
to
any
Man
in
Possession
who
hath
asked
it
;
and
they
have
all
the
effect
of
it
,
except
such
who
upon
Examination
and
Enquiry
,
appeared
not
worthy
of
it
,
and
such
who
though
they
are
pardoned
,
cannot
yet
think
themselves
worthy
to
be
preferr'd
.
His
Majesty
well
knows
that
by
this
Act
he
hath
gratified
and
obliged
many
worthy
and
pious
Men
,
who
have
contributed
much
to
His
Restauration
,
and
who
shall
always
receive
fresh
Evidence
of
His
Majesties
Favour
and
Kindness
,
but
he
is
not
sure
that
he
may
not
likewise
have
gratified
some
who
did
neither
contribute
to
His
coming
in
,
nor
are
yet
glad
that
he
is
in
;
how
comes
it
else
to
pass
,
that
he
receives
such
frequent
informations
of
Seditious
Sermons
in
the
City
and
the
Countrey
,
in
which
all
Industry
is
used
to
alienate
the
Affections
of
the
People
,
and
to
infuse
Jealousies
into
them
of
the
King
and
His
Government
;
They
talk
of
introducing
Popery
,
of
evil
Councellors
,
and
such
other
old
Calumnies
as
are
pardoned
by
this
Act
of
Indempnity
.
His
Majesty
told
You
when
he
was
last
here
,
what
Rigour
and
Severity
He
will
hereafter
use
,
how
contrary
soever
it
is
to
his
Nature
in
these
Cases
;
and
conjured
You
,
My
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
to
concur
with
him
in
this
just
and
necessary
Severity
,
which
I
am
sure
You
will
do
with
Your
utmost
Vigilance
,
and
that
You
will
believe
that
too
much
ill
cannot
befall
those
who
do
the
best
they
can
to
corrupt
His
Majesties
Nature
,
and
to
extinguish
His
Mercy
.
My
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
I
told
You
I
was
to
acquaint
you
with
some
things
His
Majesty
intends
to
do
during
this
Recess
,
that
You
may
see
He
will
give
no
intermission
to
His
Own
thoughts
for
the
Publick
good
,
though
for
a
time
He
Dispences
with
Your
Assistance
.
He
doth
consider
the
infinite
Importance
the
Improvement
of
Trade
must
be
to
this
Kingdom
,
and
therefore
His
Majesty
intends
forthwith
to
Establish
a
Council
for
Trade
,
consisting
of
some
Principal
Merchants
of
the
several
Companies
;
to
which
he
will
add
some
Gentlemen
of
Quality
and
Experience
;
and
for
their
greater
Honour
and
Encouragement
,
some
of
my
Lords
of
His
own
Privy
Council
.
In
the
next
Place
,
His
Majesty
hopes
that
a
well-setled
Peace
,
and
Gods
great
Blessing
upon
Him
and
You
,
this
Nation
will
in
a
short
time
flourish
to
that
Degree
,
that
the
Land
of
Canaan
did
,
when
Esau
found
it
necessary
to
part
from
his
Brother
.
—
For
their
riches
were
more
,
then
that
they
might
dwell
together
,
and
the
land
wherein
they
were
could
not
bear
them
,
because
of
their
cattel
:
We
have
been
Our selves
very
near
this
Pinacle
of
happiness
,
and
the
hope
and
Contemplation
that
We
may
be
so
again
,
disposes
the
King
to
be
very
solicitous
for
the
Improvement
and
Prosperity
of
His
Plantations
abroad
,
where
there
is
such
large
room
for
the
Industry
and
Reception
of
such
who
shall
desire
to
go
thither
;
and
therefore
His
Majesty
likewise
intends
to
erect
and
establish
a
Councel
for
those
Plantations
,
in
which
persons
well
qualified
shall
be
wholly
intent
upon
the
good
and
advancement
of
those
Plantations
.
There
are
two
other
particulars
,
which
I
am
commanded
to
mention
,
which
were
both
mentioned
and
recommended
to
You
by
His
Majesty
in
his
Declaration
from
Breda
;
The
one
,
for
the
Confirmation
of
Sales
,
or
other
Recompence
for
Purchasers
;
The
other
,
for
the
composing
those
Differences
and
Distempers
in
Religion
,
which
have
too
much
disturbed
the
Peace
of
the
Kingdom
.
Two
very
weighty
particulars
,
in
which
His
Majesty
knows
You
have
spent
much
time
,
and
concerning
which
,
he
should
have
heard
from
You
before
this
time
,
if
You
had
not
met
with
great
difficulties
in
the
Disquisition
of
either
.
For
the
First
,
His
Majesty
hath
not
been
without
much
thought
upon
the
Argument
,
and
hath
done
much
towards
the
Accommodation
of
many
particular
Persons
,
and
You
shall
not
be
at
Your
Journeys
end
,
before
His
Majesty
will
put
that
Business
concerning
Sales
into
such
a
way
of
Dispatch
,
that
he
doubts
not
You
will
find
a
good
Progress
made
in
it
before
Your
coming
together
again
,
and
I
believe
the
Persons
concerned
,
will
be
very
much
to
blame
,
if
they
receive
not
good
Satisfaction
;
And
some
of
You
who
stay
in
Town
,
shall
be
advised
and
consulted
with
that
Setlement
.
The
other
,
of
Religion
,
is
a
sad
Argument
indeed
;
It
is
a
Consideration
that
must
make
every
religious
heart
to
bleed
,
to
see
Religion
,
which
should
be
the
strongest
obligation
and
cement
of
Affection
,
and
brotherly
kindness
and
compassion
made
now
by
the
Wranglings
of
passionate
and
froward
Men
,
the
ground
of
all
animosity
,
hatred
,
malice
and
revenge
:
And
this
unruly
and
unmanly
Passion
(
which
no
question
the
Divine
Nature
exceedingly
abhors
)
sometimes
and
I
fear
too
frequently
transports
those
who
are
in
the
right
,
as
well
those
who
are
in
the
wrong
,
and
leaves
the
latter
more
excusable
then
the
former
,
when
men
who
find
their
manners
and
dispositions
very
conformable
in
all
the
necessary
obligations
of
humane
Nature
,
avoid
one
anothers
Conversation
,
and
grow
first
unsociable
,
and
then
uncharitable
to
each
other
,
because
one
cannot
think
as
the
other
doth
:
And
from
this
separation
we
intitle
God
to
the
Patronage
of
,
and
Concernment
in
our
Fancies
and
Distinction
,
and
purely
for
his
sake
hate
one
another
heartily
.
It
was
not
so
of
old
,
when
one
of
the
most
ancient
Fathers
of
the
Church
tells
us
,
That
Love
and
Charity
was
so
signal
and
eminent
in
the
Primitive
Christians
,
that
it
even
drew
Admiration
and
Envy
from
their
Adversaries
,
Vide
inquiunt
ut
invicim
se
diligunt
!
Their
Adversaries
in
that
in
which
they
most
agreed
,
in
their
very
prosecution
of
them
,
had
their
Passions
and
Animosities
amongst
themselves
;
they
were
only
Christians
,
that
loved
,
and
cherished
,
and
comforted
,
and
were
ready
to
die
for
one
another
:
Quid
nunc
illi
dicerent
Christiani
,
si
nostra
viderent
tempora
,
says
the
incomparable
Grotius
:
How
would
they
look
upon
our
sharp
and
virulent
Contentions
in
the
Debates
of
Christian
Religion
,
and
the
bloudy
wars
that
have
proceeded
from
those
Contentions
,
whilest
every
one
pretended
to
all
the
Marks
which
are
to
attend
upon
the
true
Church
,
except
only
that
which
is
inseparable
from
it
,
Charirity
to
one
another
.
My
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
This
Disquisition
hath
cost
the
King
many
a
Sigh
,
many
a
sad
Hour
,
when
he
hath
considered
the
almost
irreparable
Reproach
the
Protestant
Religion
hath
undergone
,
from
the
Divisions
and
Distractions
which
have
been
so
notorious
within
this
Kingdom
.
What
pains
he
hath
taken
to
compose
them
,
after
several
Discourses
with
learned
and
pious
Men
of
different
Perswasions
,
you
will
shortly
see
,
by
a
Declaration
He
will
publish
upon
that
Occasion
,
by
which
you
will
see
His
great
Indulgence
to
those
who
can
have
any
Protection
from
Conscience
to
differ
with
their
Brethren
.
And
I
hope
God
will
so
bless
the
Candor
of
His
Majesty
in
the
Condescentions
he
makes
,
that
the
Church
as
well
as
the
State
,
will
return
to
that
Unity
and
Unanimity
,
which
will
make
both
King
and
People
as
happy
as
they
can
hope
to
be
in
this
World
.
My
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
I
shall
conclude
with
the
Kings
hearty
thanks
to
you
,
not
only
for
what
you
have
done
towards
Him
,
which
hath
been
very
signal
,
but
for
what
you
have
done
towards
each
other
;
for
the
excellent
correspondence
you
have
maintained
;
for
the
very
seasonable
Deference
and
Condescention
you
have
had
for
each
other
,
which
will
restore
Parliaments
to
the
Veneration
they
ought
to
have
.
And
since
His
Majesty
knows
,
that
you
all
desire
to
please
him
,
you
have
given
him
ample
Evidence
,
that
you
do
so
;
He
hath
appointed
me
to
give
you
a
sure
Receipt
to
attain
that
good
End
,
it
is
a
Receipt
of
His
own
prescribing
,
and
therefore
is
not
like
to
fail
:
Be
but
pleased
your selves
,
and
perswade
others
to
be
so
;
contrive
all
the
ways
imaginable
for
your
own
Happiness
,
and
you
will
make
Him
the
best
pleased
,
and
the
most
happy
Prince
in
the
World
.
THE
State
of
ENGLAND
,
Both
at
HOME
and
ABROAD
,
In
Order
to
The
Designs
of
France
,
CONSIDERED
.
To
the
READER
.
THIS
Discourse
being
imaginarily
Scened
,
and
yet
really
performed
out
of
the
Treasure
of
a
very
great
Minister
of
State
's
Capacity
;
it
was
thought
fit
to
be
Published
now
,
and
not
before
,
because
that
Respect
ought
to
be
payed
to
the
Secret
of
his
Majesty's
Affairs
,
so
as
nothing
should
anticipate
the
King's
own
Labours
,
to
give
the
People
Satisfaction
in
his
due
time
touching
the
tender
Care
that
He
is
graciously
pleased
to
take
of
all
his
Subjects
in
point
of
Honour
,
Safety
,
Freedom
,
Union
,
and
Commerce
:
which
nothing
could
more
advance
then
the
Conclusion
of
the
Treaty
newly
made
betwixt
England
and
the
States
of
the
United
Provinces
;
which
without
Flattery
may
be
demonstrated
to
Men
of
Understanding
to
aim
at
nothing
but
the
Good
of
His
Subjects
in
general
,
exempt
from
all
manner
of
private
Interest
whatsoever
.
Blessed
be
God
then
that
it
is
so
happily
concluded
;
and
that
we
have
a
King
whom
nothing
can
ever
alienate
from
the
true
Interest
of
his
Realms
,
nor
no
corrupt
Counsellour
(
let
him
be
thought
to
be
never
so
Powerful
or
Crafty
in
order
to
his
own
Advantages
)
prevent
the
Wisdom
and
Integrity
of
such
a
Prince
from
prevailing
above
the
Artifices
and
Frauds
of
those
who
would
perswade
the
Nation
,
(
were
they
competent
Masters
of
their
Art
enough
so
to
do
)
that
those
Counsellors
who
are
not
interested
,
can
be
less
prudent
or
successful
then
such
as
did
make
it
their
Business
to
appropriate
all
to
themselves
,
and
nothing
to
their
Master
.
The
French
King
is
much
commended
for
his
Parts
and
Activity
;
but
let
us
see
him
out-do
the
King
of
England
in
this
particular
of
the
Treaty
,
both
in
Courage
and
Conduct
,
and
then
I
shall
be
apt
to
attribute
his
Grandeur
as
much
to
natural
Abilities
as
extraordinary
Fortune
,
but
not
before
.
THE
State
of
England
,
&c.
THE
Adventure
which
happened
unto
me
lately
is
of
so
extraordinary
a
nature
,
and
contains
so
many
important
Discoveries
in
relation
to
the
publick
Good
in
its
Progress
,
that
I
should
prove
defective
towards
my
Countrey
,
if
I
did
not
candidly
publish
all
the
Passages
,
both
touching
the
Occasion
,
and
Effects
of
what
followed
from
this
Accident
:
Know
then
that
a
Peer
of
the
Realm
of
England
,
and
one
whose
Merit
,
Quality
,
and
the
Place
which
he
holds
in
the
Administration
of
the
Affairs
of
the
Kingdom
are
remarkable
;
did
invite
sundry
of
his
Lordship's
best
Friends
to
a
magnificent
Feast
,
and
amongst
the
rest
he
had
the
kindness
not
to
omit
me
out
of
the
number
:
where
the
excellence
of
the
Chear
which
he
made
to
his
Guests
,
after
a
most
noble
manner
put
the
whole
Company
into
such
a
refined
humour
of
conversing
together
,
that
the
Entertainment
was
but
one
intire
pleasing
Debate
,
how
to
express
our
compleat
enjoying
of
each
other
.
I
was
not
wanting
with
the
uttermost
of
Vigour
and
Solace
to
uphold
the
Genious
of
this
Conference
.
But
as
the
freest
speakers
do
commonly
come
by
the
worst
in
Discourse
,
and
are
the
soonest
exposed
to
enterfiering
lashes
;
I
found
my self
to
be
attacqued
in
so
many
places
at
once
with
the
swiftness
of
other
Mens
Reasons
and
Wits
,
who
held
the
opposite
Arguments
,
that
although
I
were
something
heated
,
yet
there
remained
unto
me
presence
of
mind
enough
(
and
success
of
Intervalls
)
to
get
insensibly
out
of
the
Press
,
whilst
the
Disorder
and
Confusion
lasted
,
(
which
is
usual
at
such
Meetings
)
into
another
room
.
I
retired
then
pursuing
the
Opportunity
,
into
a
fair
Gallery
,
which
surprised
my
Eyes
with
the
rich
Ornaments
wherewith
it
was
furnished
;
but
not
without
trouble
neither
,
and
a
Curiosity
beyond
the
Opticks
of
the
Place
,
which
increased
there
;
so
as
I
was
diverted
from
any
farther
Consideration
of
the
Furniture
,
because
the
Place
seemed
to
lie
too
near
the
Enemy
,
to
dwell
any
longer
upon
those
Objects
.
Wherefore
I
went
into
another
Chamber
hard
by
,
which
instantly
filled
me
with
new
Apprehensions
,
by
the
means
of
several
large
Looking-Glasses
hanging
on
the
Walls
;
which
shewed
me
my
own
proper
Figure
at
length
on
every
side
,
and
from
thence
imprinted
in
my
wounded
Imagination
as
many
Adversaries
as
there
were
angular
Reflections
out
of
each
Mirrour
;
that
appeared
to
pursue
me
so
furiously
,
that
I
ran
on
violently
with
my
head
forwards
,
in
order
to
some
Escape
,
to
the
door
of
another
Chamber
adjoyning
thereunto
,
which
opened
with
such
Resistance
,
when
I
thrust
against
it
,
as
if
it
had
been
forced
with
a
Petard
:
And
thus
falling
in
the
Attempt
,
I
was
so
stunned
,
that
it
was
a
good
while
after
before
I
could
come
to
my self
again
.
But
at
last
having
partly
recovered
my
spirits
,
I
was
surprised
with
a
fresh
astonishment
as
much
amazed
me
,
as
the
former
had
done
that
I
repeated
:
for
when
I
began
to
open
my
eyes
half
way
,
finding
that
till
then
they
had
been
altogether
unuseful
to
me
,
I
attributed
the
Disorder
to
want
of
Sight
,
often
feeling
,
in
regard
of
the
Darkness
of
the
Room
,
to
try
whether
they
were
still
in
my
head
or
not
.
Yet
perceiving
,
betwixt
Discerning
and
Doubting
,
that
all
I
assayed
of
this
kind
was
to
no
purpose
;
after
having
deplored
the
bitterness
of
an
imaginary
Loss
,
I
groped
on
more
and
more
in
the
dark
until
I
chanced
to
come
to
an
Alcone
,
where
feeling
with
my
hands
I
took
fast
hold
upon
the
Alcone
,
and
grasped
the
Pillar
of
a
Bed
,
which
had
I
not
light
upon
,
I
must
have
fallen
the
second
time
.
For
,
thrusting
hard
against
one
of
the
Posts
,
the
Counter-stroak
of
the
Wood
threw
me
all
along
into
the
middle
of
a
Couch
,
where
I
remained
stretched
forth
like
a
Coarse
without
any
motion
,
in
the
same
posture
of
a
precipitate
Swoon
.
And
then
it
was
that
the
Vapours
of
my
Body
,
which
were
disturbed
by
the
first
Mistake
,
confusedly
did
stir
through
all
the
parts
in
the
agitated
fluctuancy
of
a
Storm
;
though
by
degrees
growing
to
be
undeceived
,
Sleep
,
which
appeaseth
all
the
Mutinies
in
humane
Creatures
,
did
naturally
and
more
agreeably
seise
upon
my
Faculties
,
and
compose
the
Tempest
with
perfect
tranquility
of
Mind
and
animal
Operations
,
as
if
I
had
never
been
so
discomposed
.
'T
is
impossible
to
tell
you
how
long
I
continued
in
the
State
of
this
Interregnum
betwixt
Life
and
Death
,
nor
what
Care
the
Company
took
to
learn
what
was
become
of
me
,
but
in
vain
;
blaming
me
for
having
left
them
,
or
rather
the
War
begun
,
using
all
sorts
of
means
to
find
where
I
was
,
and
bring
me
back
to
the
Combate
.
I
shall
only
tell
you
by
the
way
,
that
about
Sun-set
a
great
Noise
was
raised
by
two
of
the
servants
of
the
House
,
who
entred
suddenly
into
the
Chamber
where
I
lay
;
which
assured
me
as
I
awakened
that
I
was
yet
living
;
and
the
blazing
of
the
Wax-tapers
,
which
they
set
upon
the
Tables
and
Cup-boards
,
made
me
extremely
joyful
at
the
Restauration
of
my
sight
,
which
in
my
Opinion
till
then
was
absolutely
gone
from
me
.
But
then
a
third
Apprehension
seised
on
my
Powers
,
first
,
to
be
catch
in
such
a
Posture
,
and
exposed
to
the
innocent
jests
which
might
be
made
by
the
Guests
on
the
subject
of
my
strange
Disorder
,
and
precipated
Flight
from
them
.
But
as
I
sought
my
Eyes
once
more
,
to
steal
away
out
of
this
Society
for
all
Night
,
and
not
be
seen
by
any
Body
,
another
noise
obliged
me
to
keep
close
where
I
was
upon
the
Bed
,
and
draw
the
Curtains
home
,
not
to
be
discovered
.
I
was
not
long
in
this
Concealment
,
when
I
saw
come
into
the
same
Place
three
Persons
,
whose
Deserts
in
this
Relation
must
be
better
known
than
their
Names
,
and
the
Importance
of
their
Interest
in
the
State
,
by
what
I
am
going
now
to
say
of
those
particulars
,
because
I
am
strictly
obliged
not
to
reveal
them
.
These
strangers
the
Master
of
the
House
did
very
civilly
introduce
into
the
Chamber
,
who
without
many
Complements
sate
down
on
the
seats
which
were
prepared
for
them
near
the
Table
.
My
Sleep
had
digested
those
Fumes
,
and
dissipated
all
the
Clouds
of
my
Understanding
:
therefore
judging
that
the
cause
that
assembled
such
great
Personages
together
there
in
this
secret
Entertainment
could
not
be
but
of
the
highest
importance
;
both
the
Curiosity
,
and
the
Shame
of
having
them
witnesses
to
my
Disorder
,
obliged
me
to
keep
firm
to
my
Post
,
within
the
cover
of
the
●ed
,
and
to
lend
an
attentive
ear
to
all
their
Discourse
.
For
the
Master
of
the
house
began
the
Overture
of
the
Conference
in
the
Terms
following
.
In
that
part
which
we
do
hold
of
the
Government
of
the
State
,
it
is
not
enough
that
a
sincere
Amity
doth
link
us
in
one
band
of
Interest
and
Esteem
particularly
to
each
other
,
if
we
be
not
also
united
in
the
same
Judgment
as
to
all
which
concerns
the
Publick
Good
.
In
our
former
Conferences
we
used
to
take
just
Measures
how
to
rectifie
things
within
the
Realm
;
but
now
it
rests
with
us
to
agree
upon
some
Maxims
which
are
to
be
maintained
in
regard
of
Foreign
Matters
,
to
the
end
that
in
these
Rencounters
,
wherein
we
are
to
give
Counsel
,
we
may
act
in
all
things
with
a
perfect
Concert
,
which
no
doubt
will
give
a
great
weight
to
the
Resolutions
which
shall
be
formed
thereupon
,
and
the
present
Case
;
since
never
have
any
Counsellours
treated
of
nicer
Points
,
nor
more
serious
ones
than
those
which
are
to
be
debated
among
us
to
day
.
The
fire
is
already
kindled
in
our
Neighbourhood
;
the
Monarchy
of
Spain
is
just
upon
the
brink
of
falling
to
the
ground
,
if
it
be
not
succoured
;
and
France
in
a
conditition
to
avow
the
vast
Design
which
that
Crown
hath
long
meditated
,
as
well
against
the
Peace
of
Europe
,
as
the
Commerce
of
our
Navigations
,
if
a
powerful
Fence
be
not
quickly
made
,
to
keep
the
French
within
their
Bounds
.
Wherefore
all
the
rest
of
the
Forces
of
Europe
stand
at
gaze
,
expecting
the
Result
of
what
England
doth
determine
herein
,
considering
us
the
Counter-ballance
,
which
time
out
of
mind
hath
held
the
Scales
even
betwixt
those
two
great
Monarchies
,
for
the
Safety
of
all
the
rest
.
They
wait
but
our
giving
of
the
Sign
,
to
joyn
with
us
in
the
common
Defence
:
and
the
better
share
of
them
seek
it
from
England
;
and
the
others
have
their
Eyes
open
towards
our
Conduct
,
to
take
their
measures
also
by
no
other
model
but
what
we
shall
trace
out
unto
them
.
There
is
no
need
of
a
Providence
extraordinary
enlightned
,
to
judge
which
is
our
true
Interest
in
this
Conjuncture
;
but
the
present
State
of
our
Affairs
doth
not
leave
us
the
same
Facilities
to
follow
it
,
in
which
we
do
abound
as
to
the
Knowledge
thereof
.
Mean
while
the
Mischief
presses
forwards
,
and
doth
not
afford
Place
nor
Time
sufficient
to
expect
a
Benefit
of
other
Vicissitudes
,
which
run
sufficiently
against
us
;
nor
to
regulate
our
Resolutions
by
those
Events
,
which
take
too
impetuous
a
part
in
the
Cause
on
that
side
which
we
ought
most
to
fear
.
Therefore
it
is
more
than
season
to
form
our
Fundamental
Maxim
,
on
which
all
our
Conduct
is
to
move
in
this
present
Conjuncture
;
and
at
this
very
instant
decide
,
whether
we
will
chuse
to
be
simple
Spectators
,
or
take
some
part
to
act
in
this
Tragedy
;
since
the
Resolution
which
we
shall
fix
thereupon
will
be
the
Center
,
from
whence
we
must
draw
all
our
Lines
afterwards
.
Which
is
the
proper
Point
that
we
are
to
discourse
of
now
among
our selves
here
,
before
we
do
give
our
Opinions
on
the
whole
matter
to
the
Publick
;
and
in
which
particular
I
desire
the
rather
to
be
enlightned
by
your
wise
Reasonings
by
how
much
the
more
I
am
assured
,
That
the
sole
good
of
the
State
is
the
only
Rule
and
Object
of
all
your
Counsels
.
As
soon
as
ever
he
had
uttered
these
words
,
one
of
the
Three
,
after
casting
down
of
his
Eyes
,
and
pondering
what
he
was
to
say
to
the
rest
,
with
having
thought
before
he
advised
,
began
his
Discourse
thus
:
If
late
Experience
had
not
taught
us
enough
to
our
cost
,
that
it
is
much
easier
to
begin
a
War
,
than
successfully
to
get
out
of
it
when
once
it
is
commenced
,
I
would
enlarge
my self
on
that
Subject
to
represent
unto
you
piece
by
piece
,
the
Dangers
,
Incommodities
,
and
Losses
which
such
a
Resolution
usually
doth
carry
along
with
it
;
where
frequently
the
Conquerer
finds
he
is
more
charged
with
Debts
than
with
Trophies
,
and
the
People
always
have
cause
to
mingle
their
Acclamations
with
Tears
,
in
the
course
of
such
expensive
Triumphs
;
since
before
any
Edifice
is
begun
,
the
Dimensions
how
to
settle
a
solid
Foundation
to
undertake
the
War
upon
,
should
previously
be
considered
,
by
measuring
our
Means
and
Forces
as
well
as
those
of
the
Enemy
with
whom
we
are
to
fight
;
and
the
like
touching
their
Power
,
whose
Interest
we
intend
to
embrace
.
Our
Forces
and
Means
you
all
know
are
already
exhausted
with
long
and
sharp
Wars
,
both
at
home
and
abroad
;
and
by
the
Hand
of
God
,
which
hath
been
heavy
upon
us
in
the
late
Pestilence
,
and
in
the
Firing
of
the
City
of
London
:
wherefore
't
is
but
now
that
we
begin
by
the
means
of
Peace
to
breathe
again
;
which
Peace
also
is
not
firmly
established
.
Time
then
is
requisite
for
us
to
take
breath
and
recover
in
,
after
so
terrible
an
Agitation
:
nor
can
any
thing
be
so
dangerous
unto
this
State
as
a
Relapse
in
the
midst
of
Amendment
.
If
the
noise
of
our
Neighbours
doth
awaken
us
,
our
Weariness
likewise
invites
us
to
seek
some
Repose
:
and
in
case
there
be
danger
to
suffer
the
Growth
of
a
suspected
Power
,
there
will
not
be
less
peril
in
the
checking
of
that
Power
unprepared
.
You
know
,
as
well
or
better
than
I
can
tell
you
,
the
Condition
of
the
Revenue
,
and
the
excessive
Expense
of
this
Realm
,
which
inevitably
must
carry
the
War
from
home
,
unless
we
mean
supinely
to
be
destroyed
:
and
therefore
of
necessity
must
our
Wings
be
suffered
to
grow
again
after
this
clipping
,
before
that
we
do
offer
to
make
a
new
Flight
.
You
cannot
be
ignorant
too
,
that
Commerce
is
the
Soul
and
the
Life
of
this
Kingdom
,
which
is
the
Channel
from
whence
the
Abundance
of
it
flows
:
And
the
Wealth
which
we
formerly
enjoyed
,
and
rendred
us
so
considerable
in
the
World
,
besides
the
fresh
Experiment
of
the
Disorder
and
Interruption
which
the
War
brought
into
all
the
Traffick
of
the
Land
,
hath
made
us
clearly
see
,
that
for
Merchant-mens
Fleets
to
be
changed
into
Naval
Armies
,
and
the
Substance
of
the
People
melted
into
Magazins
unusefully
which
might
more
profitably
be
imployed
in
rich
and
gainful
Navigations
,
cannot
be
the
proper
Interest
of
England
,
If
we
consider
the
present
State
of
France
,
we
shall
find
that
all
the
rest
of
Europe
bow
under
that
Power
;
and
those
who
are
the
most
concerned
to
succour
Spain
,
bleed
at
the
Nose
only
,
without
being
able
to
break
the
Impostume
within
.
The
Intelligences
of
France
and
their
Practices
make
their
way
every
where
,
either
with
Bribes
or
by
Address
;
Victory
waites
still
on
all
their
Motions
,
and
by
having
redressed
the
Abuses
of
their
Exchequer
,
they
have
laid
an
unexhaustible
Foundation
of
Money
within
themselves
.
Over
and
above
that
,
the
French
are
a
Nation
,
or
rather
a
Seminary
of
Nobility
and
Souldiers
,
so
versed
in
the
Trade
of
War
,
as
this
Provision
puts
them
in
a
Posture
never
to
be
savingly
justled
.
I
grant
,
their
Designs
are
Vast
,
and
their
Pretentions
ill
grounded
;
but
how
can
we
take
Cognizance
of
that
?
are
we
Knights-errant
,
to
expose
our
Lives
in
the
revenging
of
other
mens
Quarrels
;
the
large
Interposition
of
Sea
,
which
divides
us
from
the
rest
of
the
World
,
may
shelter
us
enough
from
their
Attempts
,
without
founding
of
our
safety
upon
the
Conservation
of
our
Neighbours
.
But
suppose
we
had
such
an
abundance
of
Charity
to
spare
,
as
to
hazzard
our
own
safety
in
favour
of
another's
;
we
should
at
least
be
secured
before
hand
,
that
when
we
are
at
a
second
Charge
of
succouring
them
,
it
might
prove
profitable
unto
them
,
otherwise
the
Mischief
being
grown
to
that
point
of
Extremity
where
now
it
rests
,
all
insignificant
Remedies
of
this
Nature
would
but
anger
them
the
more
to
no
purpose
.
And
Spain
being
deeply
engaged
in
the
War
of
Portugal
,
which
is
alone
able
to
give
the
Spaniards
work
enough
,
as
the
Spanish
Councels
stand
divided
,
and
according
to
the
slowness
of
their
Operations
,
their
Treasure
being
likewise
exhausted
,
and
the
principal
Places
of
Flanders
in
the
Hands
of
the
French
,
and
those
which
remained
unconquered
hardly
in
a
Condition
to
make
any
Resistance
when
they
shall
be
attackqued
,
which
disposes
that
Crown
to
seek
a
Peace
with
France
on
any
Terms
;
and
the
Propositions
in
order
to
a
League
Offensive
and
Defensive
with
them
,
which
they
make
to
us
,
being
tendred
only
to
England
as
a
wily
Lure
to
oblige
the
French
to
conclude
it
the
sooner
,
out
of
an
Apprehension
that
we
may
resolve
to
assist
Spain
;
why
should
we
rashly
,
I
pray
,
thrust
our
Sickle
into
this
blighted
Corn
?
Indeed
,
when
Inconveniences
are
visible
on
all
sides
of
the
Prospect
of
such
Treaties
,
the
wisest
Counsel
sure
is
to
suspend
the
Resoultion
a
while
.
For
on
which
part
can
we
place
our
Interest
thus
,
without
incurring
blame
justly
?
The
Party
of
Spain
is
weak
and
unlucky
;
that
of
France
is
unjust
,
and
contrary
to
our
Good
:
shall
we
then
sacrifice
our selves
for
Spain
,
which
for
three
Years
together
hath
stood
idle
,
with
their
arms
folded
a
cross
,
without
so
much
as
proffering
to
help
us
,
whilest
three
of
the
greatest
Powers
of
Christendom
let
one
another
Bloud
,
and
thus
were
only
passive
in
our
Ruine
?
Must
we
then
joyn
with
France
,
which
were
so
lately
combined
with
our
Enemies
to
destroy
us
,
and
that
tore
the
Victory
out
of
our
hands
when
we
had
it
sure
?
Shall
we
contribute
the
Liquor
of
our
Veins
to
facilitate
their
Progress
,
which
ought
to
be
so
redoubted
by
this
Nation
,
and
so
become
instrumental
towards
the
erecting
a
Colossus
which
must
certainly
tread
us
under
foot
with
the
Weight
of
it
?
All
these
considerations
,
which
I
submit
to
your
Prudence
,
oblige
me
to
conclude
,
that
there
being
no
part
to
be
taken
in
this
War
which
is
not
destructive
;
the
best
will
be
to
take
no
Part
,
but
sit
still
,
and
observe
how
the
Game
is
play'd
,
and
in
the
mean
time
to
provide
for
the
repairing
of
our
Revenues
,
and
quieting
of
Disorders
at
home
,
by
conciliating
and
re-uniting
the
minds
of
the
People
,
the
re-establishment
of
Commerce
,
and
to
put
our selves
into
such
a
Condition
,
that
the
Conquerour
may
not
be
able
to
make
a
wrong
use
of
his
Victory
to
our
Prejudice
.
And
in
the
mean
time
,
not
to
remain
altogether
idle
in
the
common
Danger
of
Europe
,
we
may
contribute
our
endeavours
to
obtain
a
Peace
,
and
by
a
happy
Accommodation
stop
the
course
of
these
Conquests
,
which
gives
us
such
just
Jealousie
.
He
had
scarce
made
an
end
of
speaking
,
when
a
little
murmure
arose
among
the
rest
of
the
Conferrers
,
which
made
me
conceive
that
they
did
no
ways
approve
of
what
he
did
urge
.
Wherein
I
found
that
I
was
not
deceived
neither
;
because
he
which
sat
right
over
against
him
,
answered
him
presently
after
this
manner
.
If
Peace
were
a
Benefit
which
always
did
depend
upon
our
own
Choice
,
and
if
War
were
not
,
ordinarily
speaking
,
a
Mischief
as
necessary
as
the
other
is
;
the
Question
which
we
do
treat
of
now
might
easily
be
resolved
,
and
would
not
require
any
longer
Deliberation
.
But
it
is
not
enough
to
conserve
Peace
,
to
have
a
pacifick
Spirit
,
if
our
Neighbours
likewise
be
not
of
the
same
Disposition
towards
it
;
which
in
effect
is
to
reckon
,
without
the
Host
,
by
founding
the
hopes
of
our
future
Quiet
,
barely
on
the
Promises
of
our
own
Moderation
;
since
those
which
are
the
most
in
love
with
Peace
,
are
oftentimes
involved
in
the
opposite
Agitation
,
whether
they
will
or
no
,
by
some
violent
motion
of
Fortune
;
and
so
frequently
stumble
upon
War
in
the
Flight
which
they
make
from
it
,
and
thus
suffocates
the
Peace
by
too
much
avoiding
the
War
.
I
do
avow
that
the
Reasons
which
were
alledged
before
could
not
be
answered
,
if
he
who
did
so
well
deduce
them
,
were
able
to
assure
us
upon
good
Grounds
,
that
in
keeping
our selves
Neuters
in
this
War
of
the
Low
Countreys
,
we
might
be
sheltered
from
the
Storm
of
another
War
,
both
in
the
present
and
future
Tense
of
such
Vicissitudes
;
or
peaceably
and
long
enjoy
so
happy
a
Tranquility
,
which
makes
him
believe
that
we
ought
to
despise
,
for
that
Speculation
,
all
manner
of
useful
Occasions
which
Fortune
doth
daily
offer
unto
us
.
But
in
truth
,
my
Lord
,
would
you
venture
to
be
caution
thereupon
to
the
State
,
and
pawn
your
Faith
to
the
Kingdom
,
and
your
Honour
concerning
the
Event
?
For
my
own
part
,
I
hold
you
too
wise
and
too
quick-sighted
,
to
imagine
meerly
on
the
Presumption
of
unsolid
Hopes
,
that
there
can
be
the
least
shadow
or
colour
of
Safety
remaining
for
us
,
if
one
of
these
two
Monarchies
which
are
at
this
time
Engaged
in
a
War
,
should
fall
under
the
absolute
Power
of
the
other
,
or
if
they
do
re-unite
again
by
an
Agreement
,
in
which
possibly
,
as
we
have
handled
the
matter
,
we
may
very
well
not
be
comprehended
.
In
case
you
'll
avow
this
Truth
,
which
all
the
World
knows
to
be
so
,
it
follows
that
you
must
grant
,
that
all
those
inconveniences
which
were
already
alledged
to
keep
us
out
of
all
kinds
of
Engagement
are
not
longer
valid
,
when
there
is
a
indispensable
necessity
and
the
Welfare
and
the
Safety
of
the
State
are
at
Stake
.
I
shall
not
enlarge
my self
hereon
,
to
represent
unto
you
that
our
Predecessors
ever
held
this
to
be
a
fundamental
Maxime
of
their
Conduct
,
to
hold
the
Balance
equal
between
these
two
Great
Monarchies
,
and
that
on
which
side
soever
they
turned
the
Scales
,
Victory
did
usually
follow
that
Counterpoise
,
which
never
failed
to
put
things
into
that
just
Temperament
that
preserves
the
Health
of
this
Realm
.
By
which
means
in
some
sort
they
made
themselves
the
Arbitrators
of
Christendom
,
because
by
affording
their
Help
unto
one
of
the
two
Parties
,
they
became
in
effect
Masters
over
them
both
,
by
still
keeping
one
of
them
at
their
Devotion
,
and
in
our
Dependency
,
through
the
prospect
of
those
Succours
which
they
do
continually
need
from
hence
;
and
the
other
,
with
the
apprehension
of
this
Assistance
.
For
thus
the
English
,
what
with
the
force
of
their
Arms
,
and
the
power
of
Arbitrating
in
Treaties
,
have
always
been
the
Law-givers
to
the
Success
both
of
their
Friends
and
their
Enemies
,
by
holding
within
the
palms
of
their
hands
the
Results
of
War
and
Peace
,
finding
both
in
the
one
and
the
other
,
those
Advantages
and
Safeties
which
this
Nation
most
desired
.
But
laying
aside
these
old
absolete
Maxims
,
from
which
notwithstanding
wise
men
will
not
willingly
depart
without
the
pressure
of
some
invincible
Necessity
,
to
come
to
the
Circumstances
of
the
present
time
:
It
is
evident
that
the
War
of
the
Low
Countries
cannot
possible
terminate
otherwise
than
by
the
Fall
and
Oppression
of
one
of
the
two
Parties
,
or
by
an
Accommodation
made
betwixt
them
.
If
they
do
agree
,
and
that
England
hath
no
share
in
the
Treaty
,
who
will
assure
us
that
they
'l
not
unite
for
our
Ruine
;
or
at
least
,
France
,
which
cannot
remain
long
without
War
,
will
not
turn
their
Arms
against
us
?
But
if
Spain
falls
,
we
shall
then
be
like
Dancers
of
the
Ropes
that
have
lost
their
Counterpoise
,
and
so
are
ready
to
tumble
down
every
step
they
make
.
What
good
opinion
soever
we
have
of
France
,
it
cannot
be
denied
,
notwithstanding
,
that
in
this
Case
,
after
the
French
have
triumphed
over
Spain
,
they
will
be
Masters
over
our
Fortune
too
;
and
that
our
being
thus
must
intirely
depend
upon
their
Moderation
.
For
,
Gentlemen
,
do
you
think
that
we
can
take
rest
securely
upon
so
weak
a
Foundation
as
the
Giddiness
of
their
Charity
is
?
since
't
is
certain
that
the
most
Christian
King
hath
too
much
Ardour
and
Desire
of
Glory
to
dwell
in
Idleness
at
home
,
after
such
a
Conquest
.
And
therefore
seeing
his
Dominions
and
Reputation
notably
increased
,
he
will
form
to
himself
new
Idea's
of
enlarging
the
Bounds
of
his
Empire
both
by
Sea
and
Land
,
according
to
the
knowledge
which
we
have
of
the
divers
Inclinations
to
his
Court
;
whereof
some
will
put
him
on
to
become
Master
of
the
Commerce
of
Europe
,
and
employ
those
vast
Treasures
he
hath
heaped
together
in
order
to
that
Design
this
way
;
others
,
to
engage
him
in
the
finishing
of
his
Conquests
over
all
the
Low
Countries
:
and
some
likewise
,
to
begin
by
us
to
open
the
Path
to
the
Subduing
of
all
other
States
which
may
probably
oppose
this
Design
.
So
that
which
Advice
soever
of
these
he
doth
embrace
,
't
will
be
equally
dangerous
as
to
us
here
,
and
perpetually
oblige
us
to
stand
upon
our
Guard
,
with
the
Burthen
of
a
continued
Expence
on
our
backs
,
as
well
as
the
Incommodities
of
a
War
,
though
we
seem
to
be
in
Peace
with
him
.
On
this
Position
then
I
say
,
that
the
worst
Party
for
England
that
can
be
taken
,
whether
by
choice
or
necessity
,
is
that
of
sitting
Neuters
.
By
uniting
with
Spain
we
do
follow
our
ancient
Maxim
and
Interest
,
which
hath
ever
been
successful
to
this
Nation
,
which
is
,
to
be
still
Masters
of
the
Balance
betwixt
these
two
Monarchies
,
as
I
urged
before
.
Should
we
therefore
embrace
the
Party
of
France
,
we
may
hope
for
a
considerable
portion
in
the
Spoils
of
Spain
.
And
both
in
the
one
and
the
other
case
we
shall
find
our
Surety
and
other
Advantages
in
the
Treaties
of
Peace
which
shall
be
made
.
But
by
remaining
Neutral
we
must
needs
equally
offend
both
;
and
so
cannot
eschew
being
exposed
friendless
to
the
Resentments
and
the
Ambition
of
the
Conqueror
,
as
well
as
the
Scorn
and
the
Reproaches
of
all
the
rest
of
Christendom
,
for
having
insipidly
abandoned
our
proper
Reason
of
State
,
without
being
either
good
or
wicked
in
a
matter
of
such
universal
Concernment
,
whereby
the
name
of
Englishmen
will
remain
so
much
in
the
Oblivion
of
Europe
,
that
no
body
will
scarce
remember
there
is
such
a
Nation
in
the
World
;
excepting
only
those
who
have
a
mind
to
Conquer
us
.
I
read
in
the
Scripture
,
so
base
a
Character
of
none
,
as
of
them
who
are
neither
hot
nor
cold
:
And
able
Statesmen
have
always
reproved
this
kind
of
Tepidness
or
Half-conduct
,
to
be
both
unuseful
and
dangerous
.
Media
via
nec
Amicos
parat
,
nec
Inimicos
tollit
.
Wherefore
England
must
of
necessity
either
preserve
the
Low-Countries
,
against
the
Usurpation
of
the
French
,
which
is
our
Bulwark
;
or
raise
a
new
Fence
,
that
shall
shelter
us
from
being
conquered
.
To
preserve
the
first
then
,
Spain
must
be
assisted
from
hence
;
and
to
make
a
new
Rampart
,
we
must
divide
the
Spoil
with
France
.
Experience
hath
sufficiently
shewn
us
,
that
our
Ports
are
not
inaccessible
;
and
Reason
demonstrates
,
that
those
can
never
be
secure
from
the
like
Attempts
,
but
by
keeping
a
powerful
Fleet
out
at
Sea
,
that
we
may
be
absolute
Masters
there
.
'T
is
a
Maxim
also
which
admits
neither
of
exception
nor
diminution
,
That
a
well-governed
Kingdom
is
obliged
to
arm
when
War
is
kindled
in
the
Neighbourhood
.
And
though
we
should
resolve
to
take
part
neither
with
the
one
Interest
nor
the
other
;
yet
we
must
be
in
a
Posture
to
hinder
the
Torrent
from
coming
upon
our
Land
,
that
so
the
Conquerour
may
not
have
a
mind
to
extend
his
Conquests
hitherwards
.
Here
then
is
the
Charge
of
Arming
,
which
on
this
Conjuncture
is
inevitable
,
the
equipping
of
a
Fleet
,
and
raising
of
Souldiers
to
be
mutually
entertained
at
the
charge
of
the
People
,
if
we
do
not
speedily
take
some
Party
;
and
all
this
Expence
without
Glory
,
or
hope
to
get
any
fruit
by
so
unprofitable
a
Counsel
,
wherein
our
Souldiers
will
never
learn
the
Discipline
of
War
,
or
extract
any
Utility
from
such
Prizes
,
as
being
uncapable
after
this
manner
to
share
in
the
Booty
,
or
in
the
Victories
and
Treaties
of
Accommodation
,
according
to
their
several
events
.
Whereas
by
taking
part
either
with
Spain
or
France
,
the
Charge
would
be
much
less
,
because
he
whom
we
aid
would
largely
contribute
towards
it
;
and
the
Prizes
gotten
at
Sea
might
help
to
discharge
the
Expence
both
of
the
Naval
and
the
Land-Forces
.
And
thus
would
our
Souldiers
be
exercised
,
and
our
Nation
make
a
noise
again
abroad
,
and
regain
the
Reputation
which
we
have
of
late
but
too
ignominiously
lost
in
the
World
.
For
when
our
men
shall
be
trained
up
daily
in
strict
Discipline
beyond
Seas
,
we
shall
by
this
means
establish
a
Seminary
of
good
and
able
fighting
men
at
the
Cost
of
others
,
which
will
be
the
firm
Pillars
of
the
Party
,
and
render
us
considerable
in
the
eyes
of
all
our
Neighbours
.
Besides
,
this
course
may
be
a
vent
so
to
discharge
the
Realm
of
ill
humours
,
and
a
great
company
of
Idle
persons
,
which
now
,
being
without
Employment
,
are
a
burthen
to
the
Publick
,
and
who
one
day
are
capable
too
of
disturbing
the
domestick
Tranquility
of
the
State
:
whereas
,
on
the
contrary
,
what
Success
soever
this
War
shall
have
,
we
shall
always
find
our
Accompt
in
the
end
of
an
Accommodation
,
whereof
,
being
thus
prepared
,
we
cannot
fail
of
having
the
principal
benefit
and
part
.
All
these
Considerations
then
seem
unto
me
to
be
so
convincing
,
that
they
do
oblige
me
absolutely
to
condemn
the
Opinion
of
Neutrality
,
as
inconsistent
with
our
Glory
,
Safety
,
and
Fundamental
Reasons
of
State
;
by
concluding
positively
,
that
we
ought
to
lend
an
ear
to
those
Propositions
which
shall
be
made
unto
us
from
all
Parties
,
and
embrace
those
which
shall
be
found
to
be
most
agreeable
and
convenient
to
the
Interest
of
the
Kingdom
.
And
in
the
interim
,
to
be
the
more
considered
by
both
these
great
Parties
,
and
better
assured
against
all
manner
of
Attempts
;
my
Advice
is
,
That
without
any
longer
loss
of
time
,
a
strong
Fleet
should
be
presently
got
ready
;
and
that
as
many
days
as
we
have
to
spare
before
the
next
Campagne
,
since
now
every
hour
is
precious
that
is
not
well
spent
as
to
this
purpose
,
may
be
employed
to
render
us
henceforwards
necessary
unto
them
whose
Cause
we
shall
resolve
to
embrace
,
and
as
formidable
to
those
against
whom
we
intend
to
declare
:
so
that
on
both
sides
we
may
be
the
Commanders
of
the
whole
Affairs
,
and
give
it
respite
or
motion
by
the
sole
Rule
of
the
Interests
of
England
.
After
that
he
had
spoken
thus
,
I
did
observe
by
the
Countenance
of
the
other
two
persons
that
had
not
yet
spoken
,
that
this
Discourse
did
not
displease
them
;
wherefore
without
any
farther
Reflection
,
one
of
them
briskly
began
to
speak
to
this
effect
:
Your
Reasons
,
said
he
,
are
so
convincing
,
that
I
do
not
only
render
my
consent
unto
them
without
any
Reply
,
but
mean
to
make
use
of
them
to
serve
as
the
Bass
and
Foundation
of
that
Edifice
which
I
have
a
long
time
meditated
upon
,
in
order
to
the
fundamental
Maxims
of
State
of
this
Nation
.
Therefore
,
without
more
ceremony
or
delay
,
I
see
that
we
must
act
,
and
take
one
of
the
two
Parties
.
For
any
other
Counsel
would
be
dangerous
and
destructive
,
by
exposing
of
us
to
a
thousand
Inconveniencies
,
which
all
the
humane
Prudence
imaginable
cannot
be
capable
of
preventing
or
avoiding
in
process
of
time
.
I
remain
also
agreed
with
you
,
that
in
the
choice
of
which
Party
we
are
to
take
,
we
ought
not
to
consider
more
than
just
what
our
own
Interest
properly
is
,
which
is
the
Rule
of
that
conduct
of
Monarchs
,
that
,
as
the
Soul
and
the
Spirit
vivifying
the
whole
Figure
before
us
,
gives
it
motion
in
the
Body
of
the
State
.
It
rests
then
to
Form
the
Consequences
upon
these
Principles
,
and
decide
which
of
the
two
Parties
is
the
most
convenient
.
France
offers
Roses
unto
us
;
Spain
nothing
but
Thorns
.
The
first
presents
us
with
a
Scheme
of
Conquests
without
Dangers
;
the
last
with
prospect
of
Dangers
without
Profit
.
The
one
invites
us
to
be
their
Companions
of
assured
Victories
,
of
which
they
have
already
beaten
the
way
;
the
other
doth
sollicite
us
and
implore
our
Aid
only
to
help
them
out
of
the
mire
,
without
any
other
Benefit
than
,
as
the
old
Proverb
says
,
There
's
your
labour
for
your
pains
,
at
the
price
of
our
Bloud
and
Lives
.
If
we
shall
engage
in
the
Assistance
of
Spain
,
in
succouring
them
we
run
a
Risco
of
being
lost
our selves
,
without
yet
being
able
to
re-establish
them
:
but
by
joyning
with
France
,
we
shall
partake
of
the
Spoiles
with
them
,
which
we
can
never
by
force
be
able
to
take
out
of
their
hands
:
since
the
Progress
of
France
is
now
arrived
at
such
a
point
of
Effect
,
that
all
our
Powers
combined
together
are
not
sufficient
to
stop
it
;
and
then
both
our
Resistances
and
Succours
will
serve
but
to
ruine
the
Spaniards
the
sooner
,
and
bring
the
Vengeance
of
the
French
upon
our
own
heads
.
And
if
Spain
comes
to
sink
under
the
Weight
of
the
War
,
all
the
burthen
of
that
Fall
centers
upon
England
alone
.
In
fine
,
't
is
agitated
therefore
singly
as
to
this
particular
,
Whether
we
will
needs
chuse
to
embark
in
a
Vessel
so
driven
with
storms
,
or
in
a
Ship
which
sails
at
ease
with
full
Sails
,
seconded
with
the
favourable
Gales
of
Fortune
.
But
in
case
all
these
material
Objections
cannot
divert
us
from
engaging
in
the
ill
Fortune
of
the
Spaniards
,
let
us
see
on
what
Terms
at
least
we
can
assist
them
usefully
.
If
we
shall
send
Troops
into
the
Low
Countreys
to
their
Aid
,
't
is
,
in
effect
,
to
overwhelm
them
by
the
very
weight
and
charge
of
those
Succours
,
and
sacrifice
so
many
of
our
own
Subjects
to
Famine
and
Misery
,
as
we
do
thus
send
Souldiers
unto
them
;
because
they
have
neither
Countrey
enough
left
to
Lodge
them
in
when
they
come
thither
,
nor
the
means
to
Entertain
them
after
once
they
are
there
.
If
we
succour
them
meerly
by
Sea
,
that
kind
of
help
will
not
hinder
France
from
taking
of
their
Towns
in
the
mean
time
one
by
one
;
and
so
though
we
should
a
little
incommodate
France
,
we
shall
not
ease
Flanders
at
all
,
and
such
an
Assistance
will
in
Conclusion
prove
none
,
because
't
is
an
Application
of
the
Plaister
too
remotely
,
and
on
the
wrong
side
of
the
Wound
.
If
then
the
Loss
of
the
Low
Countreys
be
inevitable
,
let
us
do
what
we
can
;
were
it
not
much
better
that
we
should
have
our
share
in
the
Parcels
of
so
great
a
Shipwrack
,
then
to
suffer
France
to
ingross
them
all
to
themselves
?
since
supposing
that
we
do
divide
Booties
with
the
French
on
this
Occasion
,
the
Places
which
by
this
means
must
necessarily
fall
into
our
hands
will
be
so
many
new
Bulwarks
to
England
,
which
may
shelter
us
for
the
future
against
their
vast
Designs
,
of
which
the
Partisans
of
Spain
make
a
Chimerical
Monster
,
to
intimidate
the
English
from
taking
part
with
their
best
and
properest
Interest
in
the
Case
.
But
when
once
we
are
entered
into
a
Communion
of
Conquests
with
the
French
,
the
subduing
of
Flanders
will
serve
us
as
Ladders
to
arrrive
at
other
Projects
by
,
wherein
we
may
probably
hope
to
find
our
Profit
and
Satisfaction
mutually
together
,
as
well
as
the
Pleasure
of
a
just
Revenge
.
I
set
aside
the
Conquest
of
the
Indies
,
which
we
could
not
fail
to
encompass
,
whil'st
France
doth
hold
all
the
Forces
of
Spain
in
play
both
at
Sea
and
Land
,
and
so
occupied
,
that
they
'll
never
be
able
to
retain
what
they
hold
in
the
New
World
,
no
more
than
that
remainder
of
Territories
which
yet
they
stand
possessed
of
nearer
hand
.
Wherefore
as
to
what
regards
the
Interest
of
this
Kingdom
,
what
I
have
last
urged
methinks
might
suffice
to
make
you
of
my
Opinion
.
And
if
we
do
impartially
consider
that
of
the
Royal
Family
,
What
can
be
more
important
and
convenient
for
it
,
than
to
have
at
their
Devotion
a
Neighbouring
Power
hard
by
,
which
is
so
formidable
,
and
that
is
able
to
protect
them
in
a
few
hours
from
all
manner
of
Revolutions
that
they
may
(
and
perhaps
not
without
cause
neither
)
apprehend
at
home
,
by
thus
commanding
both
the
Treasures
and
the
Armies
of
France
,
whenever
they
shall
have
any
need
of
them
,
to
put
a
Bridle
in
the
mouths
of
all
such
as
do
seek
to
check
their
Authority
?
I
avow
that
our
properest
Interest
were
to
hold
the
Ballance
equal
between
Spain
and
France
,
if
we
could
;
but
we
should
then
have
thought
sooner
of
that
,
whil'st
these
matters
were
in
a
condition
to
be
disputed
:
For
at
present
,
the
Weight
of
the
Case
inclining
totally
to
one
side
,
so
that
we
can
no
longer
oppose
France
with
Spain
as
a
Barricado
against
their
Designs
,
we
must
now
think
how
to
become
our selves
the
Counterpoise
of
France
and
the
Defence
of
Europe
,
by
establishing
of
our
Power
beyond
Seas
on
solid
Foundations
,
that
all
other
Princes
,
may
consider
us
hereafter
as
the
only
People
who
are
capable
of
resisting
the
Design
of
the
Universal
Monarchy
;
and
so
as
France
it self
may
not
be
able
impunitively
to
thwart
England
in
this
Resolution
,
because
then
our
Safety
will
be
much
more
firmly
setled
by
our
own
Strength
than
with
the
Force
of
others
;
and
all
those
who
apprehend
the
Progress
of
France
will
conjoyn
with
us
,
and
become
tyed
to
the
Fortune
of
England
,
as
they
would
be
at
this
instant
to
Spain
,
if
they
saw
that
Monarchy
in
a
Condition
to
be
able
to
maintain
them
.
So
that
all
those
Reasons
do
oblige
me
to
conclude
,
that
we
must
no
longer
hesitate
on
this
point
of
taking
part
with
France
,
and
accept
of
those
Advantagious
Offers
which
the
French
make
unto
us
,
both
in
respect
of
the
publick
Good
of
Christendom
,
as
well
as
our
own
particular
Security
;
since
by
being
united
to
them
in
a
Knot
of
such
inseparable
Conditions
,
and
on
such
a
Conjuncture
of
Affairs
,
because
of
which
they
dare
refuse
us
nothing
that
we
ask
,
what
need
we
fear
from
the
opposite
Conjunction
of
any
other
Parties
?
All
the
Assistents
at
this
Conference
began
to
express
Indignation
against
this
part
of
his
Discourse
,
and
shewed
by
their
Unquietness
all
the
while
that
he
spake
thus
,
that
they
had
much
ado
to
keep
from
interrupting
of
him
,
or
to
refrain
from
answering
tumultuously
,
before
that
he
had
made
an
end
.
But
as
they
offered
to
reply
in
heat
all
at
once
,
to
deliver
their
thoughts
on
this
Subject
,
the
Master
of
the
House
,
who
had
not
yet
delivered
his
sense
to
the
Company
,
broke
silence
,
and
with
a
little
smile
,
which
had
something
in
it
grave
,
and
scornful
,
dexterously
intermingled
together
,
addressing
himself
to
him
who
had
spoken
with
so
much
length
just
before
,
held
on
the
Debate
as
follows
.
I
know
your
Prudence
,
my
Lord
,
too
well
(
says
he
)
,
and
your
Lordship
's
disinteressed
Zeal
for
the
good
of
the
State
,
to
believe
that
you
can
mean
seriously
what
you
have
urged
on
the
behalf
of
France
;
but
rather
am
perswaded
,
(
and
that
easily
too
)
that
with
an
ingenious
Artifice
you
have
thus
disguised
your
own
true
Sentiments
of
this
Case
,
the
better
to
penetrate
into
the
bottom
of
our
ours
,
and
so
give
Opportunity
to
see
clearlier
through
all
the
Reasons
and
the
Doubts
which
may
be
formed
there
upon
touching
this
Matter
,
of
which
we
do
now
treat
;
since
the
truth
of
any
Argument
doth
never
so
well
appear
and
endure
the
light
,
as
when
it
is
sifted
to
the
very
root
,
and
that
the
Reflexion
thereof
is
exalted
by
the
Opposition
of
the
contrary
sense
.
So
that
in
combating
with
your
Opinion
,
I
shall
still
think
that
we
do
not
disagree
,
but
rather
to
dissent
in
the
Exposition
of
a
vain
Phantasm
,
which
you
erected
for
sport
sake
to
divert
us
,
and
give
the
Company
Recreation
.
Allow
me
then
to
tell
you
,
that
this
Project
,
upon
which
you
have
thus
exercised
the
accuteness
of
your
Wit
with
so
great
a
grace
,
is
both
unprofitable
and
chimerical
,
no
less
then
shameful
and
unjust
,
and
ruinous
towards
England
to
all
intents
and
purposes
whatsoever
:
whereas
the
Design
of
succouring
Spain
is
facil
,
honourable
,
profitable
,
necessary
,
and
suitable
to
the
Fundamental
Maxims
of
our
State
.
And
if
you
please
to
afford
me
never
so
little
attention
,
it
will
not
be
difficult
for
me
to
prove
unto
you
very
clearly
according
to
your
own
Judgment
,
what
I
shall
propose
of
this
Nature
;
that
we
shall
perfectly
accord
in
one
and
the
same
Result
,
and
convince
you
fully
of
the
Truth
thereof
.
The
Design
which
you
mention
,
is
of
the
like
nature
,
that
it
were
to
demolish
an
old
strong
Edifice
,
to
build
an
new
Castle
in
the
Air
;
or
like
his
,
who
,
to
renew
his
Youth
,
consented
to
be
cut
into
pieces
,
and
put
his
several
members
into
an
Alembick
of
Glass
.
To
follow
your
Counsel
then
,
we
must
alter
the
whole
Constitution
of
our
Politicks
,
from
innovated
Interests
and
Foreign
Maxims
,
by
turning
all
things
upside
down
,
even
from
the
Accidents
to
the
very
Genius
of
the
Nation
,
and
distil
more
modern
Bloud
into
the
veins
of
the
People
,
then
that
which
they
have
hereditarily
received
from
Father
to
Son
.
But
let
us
,
I
beseech
you
,
examine
on
what
ground
,
and
with
what
Materials
this
new
Edifice
is
to
be
raised
.
That
Earth
which
you
have
proposed
unto
us
to
make
it
out
of
,
is
a
moving
sort
of
Sand
,
or
a
Floating
Island
,
in
which
we
can
never
fix
on
any
firm
Bottom
.
'T
is
upon
France
that
you
would
have
us
establish
our
Fortune
,
to
found
a
Power
which
one
day
may
counterbalance
the
Power
of
the
French
,
or
at
least
shelter
us
from
their
vast
Designs
.
Nay
,
you
will
needs
have
France
made
the
Instrument
of
a
greatness
in
a
Neighbour
,
which
they
ought
to
suspect
,
if
they
be
not
besotted
by
so
putting
England
into
a
state
to
be
able
e're
long
to
stop
their
Progresses
,
and
erect
a
Bulwark
in
us
against
themselves
.
As
if
France
,
that
is
our
hereditary
Enemy
,
and
hath
so
often
tried
what
we
are
able
to
do
against
the
Enlarging
of
their
Empire
;
who
have
graven
deep
in
their
hearts
the
injury
of
the
Title
which
(
to
their
shame
)
England
carries
in
all
publick
Treaties
,
and
her
Trophees
in
reference
to
that
Crown
;
this
very
France
,
which
hath
no
greater
desire
then
to
take
the
Dominion
of
the
Sea
from
us
,
and
the
Precedency
in
Commerce
,
will
help
us
(
as
you
believe
)
to
conquer
the
Indies
,
in
which
one
third
part
of
his
Realm
is
interessed
,
and
of
which
they
do
suck
away
all
the
Marrow
with
the
semination
of
their
Baubles
,
by
the
ill
husbandry
of
the
Spaniards
;
She
who
just
now
comes
from
Joyning
with
our
Enemies
against
us
,
after
she
had
first
contrived
how
to
broach
the
Quarrel
between
England
,
and
the
States
of
the
United
Provinces
under
divers
false
motions
;
who
snatched
the
Victory
out
of
our
hands
,
when
we
were
morally
certain
of
beating
the
Dutch
;
who
reduced
the
Bishop
of
Munster
to
a
necessity
of
separating
from
us
in
this
War
,
after
that
he
had
received
our
Assistance
in
large
Sums
of
Money
;
debauched
Denmark
from
our
party
;
hindred
the
Swedes
to
arm
in
our
favour
,
and
contrived
the
whole
Fabrick
of
that
Affront
which
we
received
in
the
River
of
Thames
:
Can
you
,
after
all
these
demonstrations
of
the
Rancour
which
they
bear
in
their
hearts
against
England
,
be
so
uningenuous
as
to
believe
that
the
French
will
make
a
Bridge
for
us
on
the
other
side
of
the
Sea
,
as
sincerely
intending
by
this
means
to
make
us
participate
of
their
conquests
with
them
,
or
ever
to
unite
in
a
sound
Amity
with
our
Interests
?
For
God's
sake
then
disabuse
your self
,
as
soon
as
you
can
,
out
of
this
gross
Errour
,
if
it
be
so
that
it
hath
got
the
least
Fixation
in
your
mind
;
since
you
cannot
cordially
reason
thus
,
or
have
the
least
hope
of
such
an
Incongruity
in
the
Reason
of
State
of
other
Nations
,
without
conceiving
at
the
same
time
that
the
French
have
lost
both
their
Wits
and
Judgment
;
of
which
yet
there
is
no
great
reason
why
we
should
think
,
as
they
have
handled
us
in
this
matter
of
Negotiations
of
late
:
for
therein
I
am
sure
that
we
do
find
them
to
have
more
than
common
sense
.
France
indeed
will
be
glad
to
have
us
for
the
Instruments
of
their
Ambition
,
but
never
for
Companions
of
their
Glory
,
or
Rivals
to
their
Greatness
.
The
French
do
,
I
confess
,
seek
to
make
use
of
us
to
pull
the
Chesnut
out
of
the
Fire
,
to
save
the
burning
of
their
fingers
;
but
when
that
is
done
,
the
French
will
not
endure
that
we
should
eat
any
bit
of
the
Kernel
.
And
the
work
which
they
do
now
make
for
us
,
both
at
home
and
abroad
,
is
so
incompatible
with
our
Interest
and
Designs
,
as
well
as
their
own
,
that
their
Professions
towards
us
at
this
time
cannot
possibly
be
sincere
;
except
they
be
grown
so
kind
on
a
suddain
,
as
to
overthrow
all
their
Fundamental
Laws
,
and
in
favour
of
England
change
the
whole
face
of
their
Designs
which
they
have
hitherto
been
forming
upon
Europe
.
They
pretend
that
the
Low-Countries
are
entirely
fallen
to
them
by
the
right
of
Devolution
,
which
France
hath
forged
to
belong
to
its
self
.
Then
are
all
those
Provinces
by
consequence
united
to
the
French
Crown
,
nor
can
their
King
divide
or
alienate
any
part
of
them
.
If
this
be
true
▪
to
our
advantage
,
though
he
would
never
so
fain
,
but
that
it
must
be
subject
still
to
return
again
to
their
Tribunal
,
they
have
annulled
the
Renunciation
of
the
Infanta
of
Spain
,
and
thereby
have
formed
a
Right
to
the
Succession
of
that
Monarchy
,
in
case
the
young
King
should
come
to
fail
of
a
Successor
.
So
that
the
most
Christian
King
can
give
us
no
share
in
the
dismembring
of
Spain
,
without
doing
prejudice
to
a
Right
which
he
pretends
to
be
acquired
unalienably
to
his
Crown
,
and
whereof
he
himself
may
not
otherwise
dispose
.
Next
,
let
us
view
the
Materials
which
we
are
to
have
,
to
build
this
new
Edifice
with
.
Either
we
must
undertake
this
War
at
our
own
Charge
,
or
at
the
Expence
of
France
.
If
it
be
undertaken
at
the
Cost
of
France
,
we
must
be
their
Hirelings
(
at
best
)
as
the
Tartars
be
to
the
Ottomons
;
and
cannot
move
one
step
beyond
What
and
How
they
'l
have
us
act
:
France
,
on
these
terms
,
will
always
hold
the
Bridle
in
our
Teeth
,
and
the
Cavessan
upon
our
Noses
,
to
make
us
stop
,
turn
and
wind
,
in
the
middle
of
the
Courses
,
just
as
they
please
.
From
the
very
first
moment
that
we
shall
grow
burthensome
unto
them
,
they
have
but
to
withdraw
their
Supplies
,
to
make
us
fall
headlong
to
the
Ground
;
and
then
the
Share
which
we
pretend
in
their
Conquests
doth
purely
and
arbitrarily
depend
on
their
discretion
.
But
if
we
shall
underake
to
carry
on
this
Design
out
of
our
own
proper
Purse
,
who
shall
furnish
us
with
the
Means
of
doing
it
?
Do
you
believe
that
the
Parliament
and
the
People
will
give
away
their
Substance
to
act
against
the
true
Interests
of
the
Realm
?
and
that
they
'l
Bleed
,
to
quench
the
ambitious
Thirst
of
the
French
?
or
destroy
Spain
,
from
whence
all
the
abundance
of
our
Commerce
is
derived
;
and
which
even
at
this
Instant
grants
unto
us
such
notable
Advantages
by
a
Treaty
which
is
solemnly
ratified
?
The
part
which
France
doth
offer
us
in
the
Conquests
of
Ostend
and
Neuport
is
a
vast
Liberality
indeed
,
but
still
of
other
folks
Goods
.
It
would
become
them
far
better
to
restore
back
Dunkirk
to
England
,
which
they
cheated
us
of
by
Surprize
;
or
the
Town
of
Callis
,
which
they
have
dismembred
from
our
ancient
Dominion
.
They
take
from
us
what
is
our
own
already
,
and
present
us
with
nothing
but
what
is
not
in
their
power
to
give
;
because
they
cannot
bestow
either
the
Title
or
the
Possession
of
what
they
do
offer
in
this
Kind
upon
us
;
which
if
we
will
have
,
we
must
gain
it
by
the
Point
of
the
Sword
.
And
this
Train
which
they
do
shew
us
,
is
of
the
same
nature
with
that
sort
of
Temptations
with
which
the
Devil
tempted
our
Saviour
from
the
top
of
the
Pinnacle
.
But
do
not
you
discover
that
this
is
a
subtil
Artifice
to
imbroil
us
again
in
a
now
War
with
the
States
of
the
United
Provinces
,
who
have
the
Interest
to
defend
these
two
Places
as
much
as
if
either
Amsterdam
or
Flushing
were
so
designed
upon
?
And
without
an
absolute
Naval
Victory
we
can
never
hope
to
conquer
them
;
and
such
a
Conquest
at
Sea
too
,
as
shall
put
the
Hollanders
out
of
all
manner
of
possibility
to
afford
any
Succours
in
this
Case
.
This
is
a
very
hard
bone
which
France
doth
cast
in
for
us
to
gnaw
,
whil'st
they
eat
all
the
Marrow
of
it
.
In
fine
,
when
the
Arms
of
France
,
joyned
to
our
Forces
,
shall
have
put
us
possession
of
these
two
Places
;
yet
they
'll
be
totally
unuseful
to
England
,
when
France
is
possessed
of
all
the
rest
:
Because
thus
the
French
will
shut
us
quite
out
of
the
whole
Traffick
of
the
Low
Countreys
,
and
will
be
always
in
a
Condition
to
drive
the
English
away
from
thence
,
unless
we
do
resolve
continually
to
keep
a
Fleet
at
Sea
for
the
conserving
of
them
.
If
this
Design
be
hollow
and
visionary
,
it
is
not
less
shameful
then
airy
and
full
of
Injustice
.
We
have
no
manner
of
Pretention
on
the
Monarchy
of
Spain
,
nor
is
it
our
Genius
to
whet
our
Spirits
to
form
Castles
in
the
Clouds
of
Chimerical
Rights
.
What
Glory
can
it
be
to
our
Arms
to
help
to
oppress
a
King
in
Minority
,
of
six
years
old
,
by
surprize
;
only
because
we
find
him
now
to
be
rudely
attacqued
and
unprovided
;
on
a
frivolous
Pretext
,
immediately
after
the
French
had
given
the
Queen
his
Mother
,
and
his
principal
Ministers
of
State
at
Madrid
,
such
solemn
assurances
to
the
contrary
,
as
well
as
at
Paris
,
touching
the
inviolable
continuation
of
a
good
Peace
and
a
sincere
Friendship
?
The
manner
which
Spain
hath
held
and
acted
with
us
newly
in
relation
to
England
,
when
we
were
assaulted
by
three
powerful
Enemies
at
one
time
,
ought
to
oblige
us
,
at
least
to
be
deaf
to
the
artificial
Allurements
of
France
.
For
although
the
French
have
tried
by
all
the
ways
imaginable
,
and
with
Offers
incomparably
more
advantagious
than
those
which
they
do
make
to
us
at
present
,
to
the
end
that
so
they
might
have
gained
the
Forces
of
Spain
to
unite
with
them
to
our
inevitable
Oppression
;
yet
was
it
never
in
their
Power
to
shake
the
unalterable
Amity
which
the
Spanish
Nation
have
for
us
by
a
kind
of
natural
Sympathy
,
which
one
knows
not
how
better
to
express
than
by
the
Immutability
of
it
,
whether
we
do
oblige
or
disoblige
them
.
Would
it
not
then
be
an
Ingratitude
totally
inconsistent
with
the
Honour
and
the
Hospitality
of
the
English
Temper
,
so
soon
to
forget
this
Kindness
;
since
at
the
same
instant
that
Spain
was
the
deepliest
engaged
against
Portugal
,
they
did
notwithstanding
openly
oppose
the
Designs
of
France
which
seemed
to
the
prejudice
of
England
,
by
refusing
them
(
in
contemplation
of
us
,
firmly
and
with
great
Resolution
)
Passage
for
those
Troops
of
theirs
which
they
sent
to
ruine
the
Bishop
of
Munster
,
our
Ally
and
Confederate
then
.
We
cannot
complain
of
any
Injury
or
Attempt
wherein
the
Spaniards
have
tampered
against
England
.
No
League
nor
ancient
Treaty
doth
oblige
us
to
second
the
Designs
of
France
;
and
we
cannot
conclude
new
Aliances
with
the
French
to
this
purpose
,
without
directly
contravening
that
Treaty
which
we
have
lately
ratified
with
Spain
.
Let
us
see
then
what
the
Herald
is
to
say
to
the
Spaniards
that
shall
be
sent
to
denounce
War
unto
them
on
this
Occasion
from
England
;
or
with
what
Reasons
we
shall
be
able
to
fill
a
Manifesto
which
we
would
offer
to
the
Publick
,
whereby
to
justifie
the
Causes
of
this
Rupture
.
Wherefore
I
leave
the
Care
,
my
Lord
,
to
you
,
being
that
you
seem
to
be
the
Author
of
this
Counsel
,
to
found
it
well
in
the
point
of
Justice
.
But
pray
,
see
that
you
perform
it
better
and
with
more
grace
than
the
Writer
of
the
Queen
of
France's
Prepensions
hath
done
.
I
say
farther
yet
,
That
this
Design
is
both
prejudicial
and
destructive
;
and
that
it
carries
along
with
it
most
pernicious
Consequences
,
as
well
in
the
present
time
as
the
time
to
come
.
For
from
the
very
moment
that
we
do
break
with
Spain
,
our
Commerce
will
cease
,
with
the
Effects
of
all
those
great
Advantages
which
the
Spaniards
have
[
](A61358-e19330-b)*
*
By
the
Treaty
last
ratified
at
Madrid
by
the
Earl
of
Sandwich
,
His
Majesty's
Embassadour
there
.
newly
granted
unto
us
:
and
the
Merchants
of
this
Realm
,
who
trade
there
,
will
justly
be
confiscated
;
since
all
the
Profit
that
we
draw
from
thence
must
on
these
terms
infallibly
redound
in
favour
of
the
Hollanders
,
whilest
our
Arms
do
busie
the
Spaniards
in
the
Low
Countries
;
and
the
French
,
as
they
do
their
utmost
against
Spain
,
at
the
same
instant
will
seize
their
principal
Ports
into
their
Power
,
and
thus
become
absolute
Masters
of
the
Commerce
,
by
putting
themselves
into
a
Posture
to
ere●●●
Do●●●nion
over
th●
〈◊〉
,
which
we
can
never
afterwards
be
able
to
resist
.
Not
above
three
Years
ag●
France
was
hardly
able
▪
to
set
forth
twenty
Ships
(
that
is
to
say
,
Men
of
War
〈◊〉
●ow
they
have
sixty
large
Vessels
,
ready
furnished
and
well
armed
,
and
do
apply
all
their
Industry
and
Pains
in
every
part
to
augment
the
number
.
Could
the
Ghost
of
Queen
Elizabeth
return
back
into
the
World
again
,
she
would
justly
reproach
us
who
are
the
Ministers
of
State
here
in
England
,
for
having
abandoned
her
good
Maxims
,
by
tamely
suffering
before
our
Eyes
a
Ma●itim
Power
to
increase
,
which
she
so
diligently
kept
down
throughout
the
whole
Course
of
her
Reign
.
Whereas
you
are
so
far
from
opposing
the
Growth
of
this
Power
,
that
you
rather
seem
to
desire
England
should
facilitate
the
ways
to
make
it
grow
the
faster
,
and
render
it
yet
more
formidable
than
it
is
,
by
the
Acquisition
of
the
Sea
Ports
,
which
in
conclusion
must
infallibly
bring
France
to
be
Mistress
of
the
Commerce
of
the
Indies
.
All
the
World
knows
the
vast
quantity
of
Money
and
Arms
which
the
French
have
accumulated
to
that
end
alone
out
of
the
richest
Purses
of
that
Kingdom
.
I
agree
to
what
hath
been
said
before
very
prudently
in
this
Conference
,
that
our
Power
and
Greatness
doth
principally
consist
in
the
matter
of
Commerce
;
and
therefore
I
conclude
even
from
thence
,
by
an
unerrable
Consequence
,
that
Commerce
ought
to
be
the
chief
Object
of
our
Jealousie
,
and
that
we
are
bound
to
be
as
tender
of
the
Conservation
of
this
Benefit
as
of
the
Apples
of
our
Eyes
.
But
then
we
must
look
far
off
how
to
prevent
whatsoever
may
hinder
the
Progress
of
Trade
,
or
diminish
the
Abundance
of
this
Commerce
.
We
have
nothing
to
fear
in
this
particular
on
the
Account
of
Spain
,
which
applies
little
towards
Traffick
,
and
leaveth
almost
all
the
Advantages
thereof
freely
to
the
English
in
their
own
proper
Ports
.
But
if
this
Interest
should
fall
into
the
Power
of
an
industrious
and
active
Nation
,
and
a
People
covetous
of
Gain
,
as
the
French
are
,
we
are
not
to
expect
any
Share
of
the
Utility
,
or
to
partake
with
France
therein
;
but
rather
that
they
will
prescribe
the
Law
of
Commerce
unto
the
English
,
according
to
their
own
Will
and
Pleasure
.
As
soon
as
ever
't
is
known
that
we
do
treat
of
Conjunction
with
France
,
one
of
these
two
things
must
necessarily
happen
:
either
that
Spain
,
finding
it self
uncapable
to
resist
the
Union
of
both
Forces
,
will
send
a
Blank
to
the
French
King
to
make
such
Conditions
with
them
as
he
thinks
best
,
by
conceding
unto
him
all
their
Portion
in
the
Low
Countreys
;
or
that
all
the
rest
of
the
Powers
of
Europe
,
justly
apprehending
so
terrible
an
Union
,
will
joyn
with
Spain
to
stop
the
Torrent
of
our
Designs
.
In
the
first
state
of
the
Case
then
,
we
shall
quickly
find
our selves
taken
for
persons
deluded
in
this
Negotiation
,
and
France
only
gather
all
the
Fruit
of
the
Couzenage
;
of
which
the
Shame
of
having
been
so
grosly
cheated
can
only
remain
to
us
,
when
the
whole
World
discerns
that
the
desire
of
Prey
hath
prevailed
with
England
above
the
Faith
of
those
solemn
Treaties
,
which
we
have
made
with
the
Crown
of
Spain
:
and
thus
shall
we
obtain
no
other
Advantage
by
having
made
such
a
false
step
,
then
to
have
facilitated
the
means
for
France
to
unite
all
the
Low
Countreys
to
that
Crown
without
striking
one
Blow
,
to
the
eternal
and
irreparable
Damage
of
the
Crown
of
England
.
For
who
can
assure
us
,
that
from
the
same
instant
when
we
do
declare
unto
France
our
intention
to
unite
with
them
,
the
French
,
instead
of
uniting
their
Party
with
England
,
will
not
rather
prevail
the
sooner
in
their
Pretensions
with
Spain
,
to
make
the
Spaniards
,
because
of
this
Apprehension
,
disposed
to
accord
to
whatsoever
France
shall
demand
?
which
is
as
the
old
Proverb
says
,
To
keep
the
Mule
at
our
Cost
,
and
hold
the
stirrup
unto
the
French
;
or
play
a
ridiculous
part
,
in
making
use
only
of
Scare-crows
,
and
give
a
false
Alarm
to
favour
the
Designs
of
others
.
Next
,
who
shall
secure
us
that
after
Spain
hath
yielded
,
because
of
this
Apprehension
,
the
Low
Countreys
to
the
Disposition
of
France
,
That
the
Spaniards
and
the
French
shall
not
then
streightly
unite
together
,
to
be
revenged
of
us
,
and
bring
us
down
?
The
affinity
of
Bloud
,
Religion
,
and
the
hopes
which
the
Most
Christian
King
may
found
to
himself
upon
the
Succession
to
this
Monarchy
,
(
if
the
Renunciation
of
the
Queen
once
comes
to
be
annulled
)
are
strong
Links
that
may
very
well
unite
them
together
;
and
the
principal
of
the
Division
which
is
at
present
betwixt
them
,
having
no
other
foundation
but
reciprocal
Jealousie
touching
the
Equality
of
their
Power
,
this
Emulation
will
expire
as
soon
as
ever
that
France
doth
see
Spain
in
a
Condition
to
be
no
longer
able
to
dispute
the
Sovereign
Arbitrage
of
Christendom
with
them
;
and
the
cause
of
their
Hatred
being
taken
away
,
all
the
Effects
thereof
will
cease
likewise
.
And
then
the
common
Interests
of
both
will
unite
them
in
a
Bond
which
is
inseparable
any
more
,
from
whence
our
Ruine
must
infallibly
arise
:
because
the
Substance
and
Surety
of
England
solely
depends
upon
the
Emulation
of
these
two
Powers
,
as
the
Temperament
of
a
humane
Body
consists
in
the
Opposition
of
the
Elementary
Qualities
.
But
what
shall
we
say
of
the
States
of
the
United
Provinces
?
Can
we
reasonably
believe
that
they
'll
remain
without
Motion
,
or
that
they
'll
not
awaken
at
the
noise
only
of
this
Negotiation
,
which
we
shall
carry
on
with
France
to
the
Destruction
of
Spain
?
Since
't
is
evident
,
they
have
no
other
course
to
take
than
to
prevent
us
,
but
by
joyning
themselves
with
France
before
we
have
finished
this
Treaty
,
or
else
to
bind
their
Interests
fast
with
the
Spanish
Crown
and
the
Empire
on
the
first
Occasion
.
And
then
are
we
excluded
from
our
Pretensions
,
and
all
the
hopes
of
our
vast
Conquests
,
which
we
have
fancied
unto
our selves
.
And
in
the
next
place
also
shall
we
be
replunged
into
a
long
and
dangerous
War
;
from
whence
we
came
but
just
now
,
as
it
were
,
to
escape
with
so
much
difficulty
and
damage
.
France
hath
yet
proposed
nothing
unto
us
directly
touching
the
Ports
of
Ostend
and
Newport
to
be
given
to
the
English
;
and
't
is
apparent
as
to
England
,
by
sundry
authentick
Documents
,
that
the
French
have
no
mind
to
treat
seriously
with
us
on
this
Point
,
unless
that
they
do
find
us
disposed
to
unite
with
Spain
and
the
States
of
the
United
Provinces
for
the
common
Defence
.
Whereas
't
is
no
less
certain
,
that
the
French
have
expresly
made
the
very
same
Propositions
,
and
more
advantagious
ones
,
unto
the
said
States
,
by
soliciting
them
to
re-combine
with
France
in
order
to
their
old
Design
of
dividing
the
Low
Countries
mutually
between
each
other
,
to
the
entire
Exclusion
both
of
us
and
the
Spaniards
,
being
fully
agreed
as
to
this
particular
,
at
the
beginning
of
the
War
past
.
Whereby
't
is
clearly
to
be
forseen
,
that
France
considers
us
no
farther
then
as
the
worst
of
their
Prospects
,
and
that
the
French
will
always
be
ready
to
buy
dearer
the
Amity
of
the
States
of
the
United
Provinces
than
ours
.
Would
it
not
then
be
a
great
imprudence
in
us
,
to
serve
them
as
Instruments
on
such
disgraceful
and
disadvantagious
Terms
,
to
contribute
towards
the
engaging
of
the
Hollanders
to
their
Party
?
It
being
out
of
doubt
,
that
the
Jealousie
which
we
should
so
give
them
of
our
Negotiation
with
France
would
be
a
powerful
incitement
to
the
States
,
to
put
them
upon
being
before
hand
with
us
in
this
Treaty
,
and
cut
the
Grass
after
this
manner
under
our
feet
.
But
admit
all
this
should
cease
,
I
do
not
see
what
Measures
we
can
take
at
this
time
with
France
,
nor
what
Assurances
or
Precautions
the
French
may
give
us
in
a
Treaty
,
so
as
to
shelter
England
from
the
Danger
of
that
known
Maxim
of
theirs
,
which
is
,
In
all
Confederations
to
be
bound
by
no
other
Rule
but
their
Interest
meerly
.
I
avow
that
the
Rupture
of
the
Pyrenean
Treaty
frights
me
,
and
the
remembrance
of
their
Proceeding
held
with
us
heretofore
throughout
all
the
Course
of
our
late
War
with
Holland
hath
made
me
so
incredulous
,
that
they
must
shew
me
many
miracles
,
and
evident
ones
too
,
before
I
shall
be
converted
to
have
the
least
good
Opinion
of
the
Sincerity
of
their
Faith
and
Dealing
.
That
which
you
have
alledged
touching
the
Support
which
the
Royal
House
of
England
may
particularly
hope
for
from
the
Amity
of
France
,
is
both
a
delicate
and
a
dangerous
Stone
to
stir
.
The
Glory
and
the
Safety
of
our
King
doth
only
consist
in
the
Love
of
his
People
,
and
a
streight
Union
betwixt
His
Majesty
and
his
present
Parliament
,
since
He
hath
no
other
sound
Interest
to
rely
upon
but
that
of
the
Kingdom
,
having
need
of
no
other
Arms
or
Assistance
.
The
hearty
affections
of
His
Subjects
and
His
own
Royal
Vertues
will
be
as
so
many
Cittadels
erected
to
maintain
His
Authority
;
and
any
other
project
is
contrary
both
to
His
Genious
and
His
admirable
Prudence
.
For
all
those
who
shall
dare
to
inspire
any
other
thoughts
into
His
Majesty
,
will
infallibly
undergo
the
weight
of
His
Displeasure
,
as
Enemies
to
His
Fame
and
Quiet
.
But
at
the
Bottom
of
all
,
what
help
can
He
rationally
expect
from
France
,
should
He
come
to
need
it
,
(
which
God
defend
)
after
their
unworthy
abandoning
of
the
King
His
Father
in
His
great
Distress
,
and
of
the
King
which
now
is
likewise
,
when
the
Wheel
of
Fortune
ran
against
them
,
even
to
the
Exstirpation
of
the
Royal
Line
,
had
not
He
by
whom
Kings
reign
,
wonderfully
restored
them
to
the
Throne
of
their
Ancestors
?
It
was
that
shameful
Treaty
which
the
French
ratified
with
those
Usurpers
then
,
that
sacrificed
Charles
the
First
to
the
Ambition
of
the
Tyrant
Oliver
Cromwel
,
who
had
snatched
the
Scepter
from
the
right
Owners
and
Proprietors
thereof
.
Nay
,
to
such
a
Degree
was
the
Inhospitability
of
France
grown
at
that
time
,
though
His
Father
were
thus
execrably
Murthered
before
the
Eyes
of
the
French
,
our
King
's
own
Cousin-german
refused
Him
a
Retreat
that
might
be
secure
for
His
own
Person
.
Therefore
't
is
fit
that
the
English
should
be
disabused
once
for
all
,
by
being
better
informed
,
since
France
is
so
far
from
being
assisting
or
useful
unto
us
upon
this
Conjuncture
,
that
in
truth
they
do
seek
only
to
increase
our
Divisions
and
Troubles
.
For
't
is
both
their
Interest
and
Maxim
so
to
do
:
which
Conduct
hath
been
exactly
and
hereditarily
observed
in
their
Counsels
for
many
Ages
together
,
(
and
newly
in
the
last
Civil
War
here
)
since
all
the
Baits
which
they
do
present
unto
us
are
but
so
many
Apples
of
Discord
,
which
the
French
Emissaries
cast
up
and
down
among
us
,
purposely
to
embroil
us
with
our
Neighbours
,
or
else
with
one
another
.
Next
,
let
us
consider
at
present
whether
we
shall
find
our
Accompt
better
with
Spain
.
'T
is
evident
that
solid
Reason
of
State
doth
totally
incline
us
to
leave
that
other
way
;
and
you
cannot
but
all
acknowledge
this
to
be
our
true
Fundamental
Maxim
,
whereby
we
may
keep
the
Balance
in
aequilibrio
;
and
that
our
Safety
doth
most
consist
in
such
an
aequilibrium
:
why
then
should
we
swerve
from
thence
out
of
vain
hopes
,
or
quit
the
Body
for
the
Shadow
?
The
Interest
of
Commerce
no
way
invites
us
to
take
part
with
France
:
and
this
Truth
is
so
notorious
to
all
the
people
of
England
,
that
there
is
no
Eloquence
able
to
perswade
them
contrary
to
their
own
Experience
therein
.
The
Cause
is
just
and
favourable
:
A
young
[
](A61358-e20400-b)*
*
The
King
of
Spain
.
Pupil
unworthily
oppressed
;
a
Peace
so
solemnly
and
piously
established
as
lightly
violated
by
a
Process
of
Cavils
and
Legerdemain
,
by
a
Proceeding
thereupon
full
of
Surprisals
and
Violence
,
as
well
as
Pretensions
unjustly
revived
after
an
Authentick
[
](A61358-e20420-b)†
†
Vide
The
Buckler
of
State
and
Justice
,
Art.
4.
Renunciation
;
are
so
many
voices
which
speak
to
the
Root
of
our
Consciences
,
to
call
us
to
that
which
we
owe
to
Justice
,
Pitty
,
good
Neighbourhood
,
the
Publick
Cause
of
Christendom
,
and
our selves
.
For
in
this
matter
is
concerned
no
less
than
the
Case
of
Royal
Successions
,
which
France
will
needs
have
submitted
to
the
Customs
of
ordinary
Citizens
,
and
the
Conservation
of
that
Bulwark
which
is
common
to
all
these
parts
of
Europe
,
against
this
Torrent
which
threatens
the
whole
Vicinity
with
a
great
Inundation
,
and
the
assuring
the
Tranquility
of
the
Christian
Republick
against
an
unquiet
Nation
,
that
will
never
desist
from
disturbing
of
it
until
their
Insolence
shall
be
abated
.
The
Foundation
then
being
so
solid
,
because
we
shall
in
this
Opposition
have
to
treat
with
a
Nation
that
makes
profession
of
Honour
and
Generosity
,
which
hath
never
yet
been
accused
to
be
guilty
of
having
violated
any
Publick
Treaty
,
and
that
would
rather
[
](A61358-e20480-b)‖
‖
The
remarkable
Integrity
of
Spain
.
hazzard
the
loss
of
their
Monarchy
than
their
Reputation
;
the
Advantage
is
both
secure
and
considerable
:
whereas
on
the
account
of
France
we
shall
appear
but
as
little
Accessories
,
and
the
French
will
carry
us
on
as
the
First
Motion
,
only
according
to
the
rapidness
of
their
Progress
,
by
applying
us
meerly
in
the
course
of
their
Game
to
their
own
Ends
:
and
thus
shall
we
become
the
Ministers
of
their
Ambition
,
and
be
made
use
of
like
a
pair
of
Stairs
,
on
which
they
do
mean
to
tread
in
order
to
their
obtaining
the
Universal
Monarchy
.
In
fine
,
their
Interests
,
if
that
we
are
still
predestinated
to
be
thus
grosly
deluded
,
must
be
the
Rule
of
ours
,
and
our
future
Conduct
too
and
Operations
.
But
in
taking
part
with
Spain
we
shall
be
the
Arbitrators
of
Peace
and
War
,
and
enabled
to
give
the
whole
weight
unto
the
Resolutions
of
each
Party
.
Then
will
France
consider
us
with
terrour
and
the
apprehension
of
what
our
Arms
may
do
,
and
Spain
by
the
addition
of
our
Succours
.
If
we
do
desire
Conquests
,
we
cannot
hope
for
more
lawful
ones
,
nor
easier
Victories
,
than
to
re-unite
by
this
means
our
ancient
Dominion
in
France
,
which
have
formerly
been
dismembred
from
the
Crown
of
England
.
But
if
we
shall
limit
our
Designs
to
the
sole
establishment
of
a
Peace
,
we
can
find
the
Accompt
both
of
Glory
and
Safety
likewise
therein
:
since
it
appears
by
Authentick
Letters
of
Monsieur
de
Lionn's
writing
,
that
France
is
resolved
to
be
content
with
Reason
,
as
soon
as
ever
they
do
see
England
fixed
to
joyn
with
Spain
and
the
States
of
the
United
Provinces
.
So
that
't
is
in
our
choice
whether
to
make
an
advantagious
War
,
or
procure
an
honest
Peace
,
at
the
first
appearance
of
our
preparations
in
Arms.
Whereas
,
on
the
contrary
,
't
is
evident
by
the
Interception
of
the
aforesaid
Dispatches
,
that
they
will
despise
all
manner
of
Offices
and
Mediations
that
are
not
Armed
,
but
rather
pursue
vigorously
their
Course
whither
Fortune
shall
drive
it
on
,
so
long
as
they
do
meet
with
no
powerful
Obstacles
in
the
way
.
Therefore
,
because
you
seem
to
believe
that
Spain
is
reduced
to
so
low
a
Condition
,
that
our
Relief
would
be
altogether
unuseful
to
them
,
and
serve
for
nothing
but
to
bring
down
the
Vengeance
of
France
exasperated
upon
us
;
for
God's
sake
,
cure
your self
of
this
Pannick
fear
as
soon
as
you
can
.
'T
is
France
endeavours
to
erect
a
formidable
Power
,
if
she
finds
no
Opposition
in
the
approaches
thereunto
;
and
Spain
probably
must
sink
under
the
burthen
,
unless
that
Crown
be
succoured
:
though
it
is
as
true
also
,
that
the
Mischief
is
easily
to
be
prevented
,
if
Remedies
be
applied
thereunto
in
due
time
,
and
before
that
the
Inconvenience
root
it self
too
deep
.
All
the
Advantage
which
France
hath
gained
in
this
last
Campaign
,
is
no
more
than
an
effect
of
their
Address
,
and
the
over-grown
Credulity
of
Spain
,
rather
than
of
their
Valour
,
and
Power
.
All
the
Places
which
they
have
conquered
in
Flanders
,
are
but
great
Country-Towns
,
where
the
People
being
ever
the
strongest
,
he
that
is
Master
of
the
Field
carries
always
the
Keys
of
them
at
his
Girdle
,
to
enter
when
he
pleases
;
and
the
winning
of
one
Battel
recovers
them
back
again
.
France
hath
constantly
yielded
in
every
thing
where
she
hath
found
a
real
Resistance
,
without
gaining
any
thing
beyond
what
the
fright
of
an
incommodated
Multitude
hath
holpen
them
to
acquire
by
such
a
Surprising
Invasion
.
Spain
hath
yet
great
resorts
to
recur
unto
,
provided
only
they
can
gain
time
,
and
the
means
of
making
them
meet
together
,
and
thus
recover
their
Spirits
.
We
know
that
she
hath
made
Contracts
for
considerable
Sums
of
Money
,
and
that
the
Spaniards
are
now
about
to
put
themselves
in
a
way
to
be
able
shortly
to
withstand
the
strongest
Shocks
of
the
War
:
and
by
the
little
Diversion
of
the
Forces
of
France
which
we
may
make
without
any
prejudice
to
England
,
we
can
certainly
put
Spain
into
a
Condition
of
attacquing
the
French
,
as
well
as
of
defending
it self
,
and
so
shall
we
reduce
France
into
a
necessity
of
demanding
Peace
.
Spain
is
not
unprovided
of
Friends
nor
Allies
.
The
Emperour
doth
already
make
a
great
step
in
favour
of
the
Circle
of
Burgundy
,
by
taking
of
it
intirely
under
his
Protection
,
as
a
Member
of
his
Body
.
The
States
of
the
United
Provinces
are
not
asleep
,
neither
as
to
their
own
proper
Interests
upon
this
Conjuncture
,
and
after
having
tried
in
vain
the
sweeter
ways
of
appeasing
the
Tempest
,
they
will
not
abandon
themselves
on
so
pressing
an
Occasion
,
being
that
they
do
see
well
enough
their
Safety
depends
absolutely
upon
their
Resolution
.
We
know
that
they
desire
a
sincere
Alliance
with
us
,
and
that
they
would
make
all
the
progresses
necessary
towards
it
,
could
they
but
discern
in
us
any
real
disposition
not
to
reject
the
Offer
.
Sweden
,
which
is
weary
to
serve
but
as
an
Instrument
to
the
Interests
of
France
,
to
the
prejudice
of
their
own
Affairs
,
will
no
doubt
also
follow
our
Motions
:
and
the
most
part
(
whom
rather
Fear
than
Love
doth
tye
unto
the
Motions
of
France
)
will
questionless
take
off
the
Mask
,
as
soon
as
ever
they
shall
see
a
considerable
Power
on
foot
to
protect
them
:
France
is
a
Body
replete
with
ill
humours
,
which
will
easily
degenerate
into
an
universal
Corruption
,
when
the
French
are
never
so
little
shaken
.
The
Jealousie
alone
which
our
Fleet
will
give
them
,
must
needs
oblige
them
to
employ
the
better
part
of
their
Troops
to
furnish
their
Maritime
Coasts
;
and
consequently
render
them
the
weaker
every
where
else
.
Besides
,
it
is
plain
that
in
this
last
Campaign
,
in
which
they
thought
to
swallow
all
up
at
a
bit
,
they
made
all
the
Force
that
they
were
able
,
and
yet
were
not
able
notwithstanding
to
bring
into
the
Field
above
Forty
thousand
men
,
after
having
drawn
out
of
their
Garrisons
and
the
Provision
of
their
Towns
all
the
strength
almost
that
they
had
there
,
whereby
their
Frontiers
were
left
naked
.
Judge
then
to
what
point
they
'l
be
reduced
,
when
they
'l
be
put
both
to
furnish
their
Places
on
all
sides
,
and
divide
their
Troops
too
,
in
Alsatia
,
Italy
,
the
County
of
[
](A61358-e20890-b)*
*
or
Catalonia
.
Rossillon
,
and
Flanders
;
and
that
in
all
these
Countries
they
'l
meet
with
Enemies
to
fight
against
,
as
well
as
a
multitude
of
Male-contents
at
home
,
no
less
formidable
within
the
Center
of
their
own
proper
Bowels
.
For
thus
they
can
build
no
longer
upon
the
strength
of
their
Army
,
which
is
destroyed
very
near
already
by
Labour
,
Sickness
,
Diseases
,
and
want
of
Pay
.
Wherefore
they
must
begin
anew
,
and
with
fresh
Charges
raise
more
men
,
because
the
ill
usage
which
their
Troops
have
received
,
doth
render
them
so
barren
of
Souldiers
,
that
they
are
compelled
to
seek
Recruits
,
and
as
it
were
beg
Supplies
,
with
vast
sums
of
Money
,
from
other
States
.
And
this
Imaginary
Fountain
of
Treasure
of
theirs
,
which
here
is
thought
to
be
un-exhaustible
,
will
be
found
to
have
a
bottom
when
our
Fleet
doth
disturb
their
Commerce
,
Which
is
the
same
thing
as
our
Banquer
and
Farmers
of
the
Customs
.
the
Credit
which
till
then
they
may
get
with
the
Partisans
,
by
means
of
oppressing
the
People
,
with
Tax
upon
Tax
,
will
fail
.
The
Men
of
Business
and
the
Natives
,
being
pressed
to
unsupportable
Extremities
,
will
quickly
either
cast
off
the
yoke
,
or
sink
under
the
burthen
and
the
weight
of
those
Impositions
.
Their
incapacity
to
hold
out
any
longer
,
is
well
enough
seen
,
by
the
impossibility
wherein
they
now
find
themselves
to
make
good
what
they
have
promised
the
Portugueses
,
whose
Friendship
hath
been
formerly
so
necessary
unto
them
.
And
if
Spain
,
as
't
is
hoped
that
it
may
do
,
once
shall
take
a
Resolution
to
be
delivered
of
this
intestine
War
with
Portugal
by
some
Accommodation
,
the
Spaniards
will
soon
be
in
a
Condition
of
being
useful
to
their
Allies
,
and
feared
by
their
Enemies
.
But
if
we
do
suffer
the
Designs
of
France
to
pass
by
undiscovered
,
and
impunitively
to
permit
them
to
conquer
the
Low
Countries
towards
the
total
oppression
of
Spain
;
then
I
cannot
but
avow
that
France
thus
will
be
most
terrible
unto
us
.
And
in
case
at
present
we
are
afraid
of
drawing
their
Revenge
on
our
heads
,
then
shall
we
have
must
juster
cause
to
apprehend
the
future
effects
of
their
Ambition
.
Wherefore
at
the
Bottom
of
all
these
Reasons
,
it
seems
to
me
that
by
the
same
Principle
of
Apprehension
which
you
have
of
the
French
,
we
are
obliged
to
oppose
these
Progresses
of
theirs
,
which
if
not
stopped
,
would
yet
render
them
more
redoubtable
.
If
so
be
that
we
do
fear
them
in
the
Field
,
having
so
many
Friends
that
do
tender
their
Alliance
unto
us
,
our
fear
were
much
more
justifiable
,
if
after
the
rejecting
of
all
those
Offers
,
we
alone
were
exposed
to
their
mercy
;
or
that
our
moderation
could
exempt
us
from
their
Out-rages
,
but
on
the
contrary
,
rather
give
the
French
better
Conveniencies
of
putting
these
Violences
in
Execution
,
should
such
an
insipid
Counsel
prevail
;
for
they
'l
never
consider
us
farther
than
we
do
make
our selves
Considerable
.
They
have
printed
Books
of
their
Pretensions
to
England
.
Experience
teaches
us
(
even
to
this
day
)
that
't
is
enough
with
them
to
ground
a
War
,
without
giving
them
any
other
cause
of
Hostility
,
That
we
have
[
](A61358-e21060-b)*
*
Scotland
and
Ireland
.
Kingdoms
belonging
to
this
Monarchy
which
may
very
well
fit
their
Designs
;
which
is
enough
to
invite
the
French
to
attack
them
whil'st
England
is
weak
.
History
likewise
doth
shew
us
,
how
that
all
our
Alliances
with
the
house
of
Burgundy
have
still
been
glorious
and
useful
,
and
all
those
with
France
,
unfortunate
and
prejudicial
.
'T
is
ever
more
dangerous
to
go
out
of
the
beaten
Road
,
to
travel
through
By-lanes
,
unknown
,
and
dark
untried
Paths
.
You
'l
easily
agree
with
me
,
that
the
Union
of
the
United
Provinces
with
France
is
the
thing
of
all
others
which
we
ought
the
most
to
apprehend
as
fatal
to
our
Crown
:
and
therefore
,
by
consequence
,
nothing
can
be
more
safe
for
England
than
to
disunite
them
.
Heaven
furnishes
us
now
with
an
occasion
of
doing
that
,
which
we
shall
never
be
able
to
recover
again
,
should
it
be
neglected
:
and
if
we
do
suffer
it
to
slip
away
,
we
shall
bring
that
Republick
into
a
necessity
of
tying
this
fatal
Knot
with
France
stronglier
than
ever
it
was
fastned
before
.
This
Union
therefore
above
all
others
must
be
the
Object
of
our
Care
,
as
it
hath
of
late
demonstratively
been
the
cause
of
our
Misfortunes
.
I
conclude
then
upon
solid
Foundations
,
without
hesitating
,
That
,
in
the
first
place
,
we
must
necessarily
take
part
in
this
War
,
either
with
Spain
or
France
:
and
next
,
that
we
must
not
engage
blind-fold
,
without
taking
right
Measures
with
those
who
have
the
same
Interest
that
England
hath
in
the
Case
:
thirdly
,
that
we
must
knit
our
Party
firmly
together
,
and
get
all
the
Advantages
we
can
in
this
Treaty
with
Spain
,
as
well
as
all
the
Security
possible
with
other
States
;
without
yet
exacting
from
Spain
things
which
are
intolerable
unto
them
,
whom
the
loss
of
the
Low
Countries
for
fear
of
being
reduced
by
the
Exorbitancy
of
our
Demands
,
may
plunge
into
a
necessity
of
according
to
whatever
France
shall
require
.
This
Discourse
being
ended
,
I
observed
by
their
Countenances
,
that
the
two
Persons
who
spake
first
applauded
this
Opinion
,
and
that
the
third
man
was
much
shaken
.
They
had
some
farther
speech
together
,
but
so
softly
,
that
I
cannot
well
collect
the
sense
of
it
:
after
which
all
the
Company
embraced
,
and
gave
one
another
their
hand
,
with
a
reciprocal
promise
of
secrecy
,
as
well
as
an
Union
in
the
same
Design
.
And
thus
they
separated
each
a
several
way
,
with
evidence
of
great
satisfaction
and
friendship
.
And
as
soon
as
ever
they
were
gone
,
I
slipped
back
insensibly
again
into
the
former
obscurity
near
the
Bed
,
without
being
seen
by
any
of
the
Domesticks
.
And
thus
whilst
these
particulars
were
fresh
in
memory
,
I
did
set
them
down
in
Paper
,
and
all
that
I
could
remember
of
their
Discouse
only
to
satisfie
my
own
Curiosity
,
and
the
Curiousness
of
my
Friends
.
OF
THE
FUNDAMENTAL
LAWS
,
OR
Politick
Constitution
OF
THIS
KINGDOM
.
FUndamental
Laws
are
not
(
or
at
least
need
not
be
)
any
written
Agreement
like
Meer-stones
between
King
and
People
,
the
King
himself
being
a
part
(
not
party
)
in
those
Laws
,
and
the
Commonwealth
not
being
like
a
Corporation
treated
by
Charter
,
but
treating
it self
.
But
the
Fundamental
Law
or
Laws
is
a
settling
of
the
Laws
of
Nature
and
Common
Equity
(
by
common
consent
)
in
such
a
form
of
Polity
and
Government
,
as
that
they
may
be
administred
amongst
us
with
honour
and
safety
.
For
the
first
of
which
therefore
,
we
are
governed
by
a
King
:
and
for
the
second
,
by
a
Parliament
,
to
oversee
and
take
order
that
that
honourable
trust
that
is
put
into
the
hands
of
the
King
for
the
Dignity
of
the
Kingdom
,
be
rightly
executed
,
and
not
abused
to
the
alteration
of
the
Politick
Constitution
taken
up
and
approved
,
or
to
the
destruction
of
that
,
for
whose
preservation
it
was
ordered
and
intended
.
A
principal
part
of
which
honour
,
is
that
Royal
Assent
he
is
to
give
for
the
Enacting
of
such
good
Laws
as
the
People
shall
choose
,
for
they
are
first
to
consult
their
own
safety
and
welfare
,
and
then
be
who
is
to
be
intrusted
with
it
,
is
to
give
an
honourable
Confirmation
to
it
,
and
so
to
put
an
Impress
of
Majesty
and
Royal
Authority
upon
it
.
Fundamental
Laws
then
are
not
things
of
Capitulation
between
King
and
People
,
as
if
they
were
Foreigners
and
Strangers
on
to
another
,
(
nor
ought
they
or
any
other
Laws
so
to
be
,
for
then
the
King
should
govern
for
himself
,
not
for
his
People
)
but
they
are
things
of
Constitution
,
treating
such
a
relation
,
and
giving
such
an
Existence
and
being
by
an
external
Polity
to
King
and
Subjects
,
as
Head
and
Members
,
which
Constitution
in
the
very
being
of
it
is
a
Law
held
forth
with
more
evidence
,
and
written
in
the
very
heart
of
the
Republick
,
far
firmlier
then
can
be
by
Pen
and
Paper
,
and
in
which
sense
we
owe
our
Allegiance
to
the
King
as
Head
(
not
only
by
power
,
but
influence
)
and
so
part
of
the
Constitution
,
not
as
a
party
capitulating
for
a
Prerogative
against
or
contrary
to
it
,
which
whosoever
seeks
to
set
up
,
or
side
with
,
do
break
their
Allegiance
,
and
rebel
against
the
State
,
going
about
to
deprive
the
King
of
his
juridical
and
lawful
Authority
,
conferred
upon
him
by
the
Constitution
of
this
State
,
under
the
pretence
of
investing
him
with
an
illegal
and
unconstitutive
Power
,
whereupon
may
follow
this
grand
Inconvenience
,
The
withdrawment
of
his
Peoples
Allegiance
,
which
,
as
a
Body
connexed
with
the
Head
by
the
Constitution
of
this
Kingdom
,
is
owing
to
him
;
his
Person
in
relation
to
the
Body
,
as
the
enlivening
and
quick●ing
Head
thereof
,
being
sacred
and
taken
notice
of
by
the
Laws
in
that
capacity
,
and
under
that
notion
is
made
inviolate
.
And
if
it
be
conceived
that
Fundamental
Laws
must
needs
be
only
extant
in
writing
,
this
is
the
next
way
to
bring
all
to
confusion
,
for
then
by
the
same
Rule
the
King
bids
the
Parliament
produce
those
Laws
that
fundamentally
give
them
their
being
,
priviledge
and
power
,
(
Which
by
the
way
is
not
like
the
Power
of
inferiour
Courts
,
that
are
Springs
of
the
Parliament
,
dealing
between
Party
and
Party
,
but
is
answerable
to
their
trust
,
this
Court
being
it self
Fundamental
and
Paramount
,
comprehending
Law
and
Fquity
,
and
being
intrusted
by
the
whole
for
the
whole
,
is
not
therefore
to
be
circumscribed
by
any
other
Laws
which
have
their
being
from
it
,
not
it
from
them
,
but
only
by
that
Law
which
at
first
gave
its
being
,
to
wit
,
(
Salus
Populi
)
.
By
the
same
Rule
I
say
the
Parliament
may
also
intreat
the
King
to
produce
those
Laws
that
Fundamentally
give
him
his
being
,
power
and
honour
.
Both
which
must
therefore
be
determined
,
not
by
Laws
,
for
they
themselves
are
Laws
,
yea
the
most
supreme
and
fundamental
Law
,
giving
Laws
to
Laws
themselves
,
but
by
the
received
Constitution
or
Polity
,
which
they
themselves
are
;
and
the
end
of
their
Constitution
is
the
Law
or
Rule
of
their
Power
,
to
wit
,
An
honourable
and
safe
Regiment
of
the
Common-wealth
,
which
Two
whosoever
goeth
about
to
divide
the
one
of
them
from
the
other
,
breaks
the
fundamental
constitutive
Law
or
Laws
and
Polity
of
this
Kingdom
,
that
Ordinance
of
Man
which
we
are
to
submit
unto
;
nor
can
or
ought
any
Statute
or
written
Law
whatsoever
,
which
is
of
latter
Edition
and
inferiour
Condition
,
being
but
an
Off-spring
of
this
Root
,
be
interpreted
or
brought
in
▪
Plea
,
against
this
primary
and
radical
Constitution
,
without
Guilt
of
the
highest
Treason
and
destructive
Enmity
to
the
Publick-weal
and
Polity
,
because
by
the
very
Constitution
of
this
Kingdom
,
all
Laws
or
interpretation
of
Laws
tending
to
Confusion
or
Dissolution
,
are
ipso
facto
void
.
In
this
case
we
may
allude
and
say
,
That
the
Covenant
which
was
400
Years
before
the
Law
,
an
after-Act
cannot
disanul
it
.
Ob.
It
may
be
objected
,
That
this
Discourse
seems
to
make
our
Government
to
be
founded
in
Equity
,
not
in
Law
,
or
upon
that
common
rule
of
Salus
Populi
,
which
is
alike
common
to
all
Nations
,
as
well
as
any
:
And
so
what
Difference
?
Ans.
The
Fundamental
Laws
of
England
are
nothing
but
the
Common
Laws
of
Equity
and
Nature
reduced
into
a
particular
way
of
Policy
,
which
Policy
is
the
ground
of
our
Title
to
them
,
and
interest
in
them
:
For
though
it
is
true
,
that
Nature
hath
invested
all
Nations
in
an
equal
right
to
the
Laws
of
Nature
and
Equity
by
a
common
Bounty
,
without
respect
of
Persons
,
yet
the
several
Models
of
external
Government
and
Policy
renders
them
more
or
less
capable
of
this
their
common
Right
:
For
though
they
have
an
equal
Right
in
Nature
to
all
the
Laws
of
Nature
and
Equity
,
yet
having
fundamentally
subjected
themselves
by
their
Politick
Constitutions
unto
a
Regal
Servitude
,
by
Barbarism
or
the
like
,
they
have
thereby
much
disabled
and
disvested
themselves
of
that
common
Benefit
.
But
on
the
contrary
,
where
the
outward
Constitution
or
Polity
of
a
Republick
is
purposely
framed
for
the
consirming
and
better
conserving
this
common
Right
of
Nature
and
Equity
(
as
in
ours
)
there
is
not
only
a
common
Right
,
but
also
a
particular
and
lawful
Power
joyned
with
this
Right
for
its
Maintenance
and
Supportation
.
For
whereas
other
People
are
without
all
supreme
Power
,
either
of
making
Laws
or
raising
Monies
,
both
these
Bodies
of
Supremacy
being
in
the
arbitrary
hands
only
of
the
Sovereign
Magistrate
amongst
many
Nations
,
these
with
us
are
in
the
hands
of
the
supreme
Government
,
(
not
Governour
)
or
Court
of
Judicature
,
to
wit
,
the
King
and
Parliament
;
here
the
People
(
like
Free-men
)
give
Money
to
the
King
,
he
doth
not
take
it
;
and
offers
Laws
to
be
enacted
,
doth
not
receive
them
so
:
Now
in
such
a
constituted
Kingdom
,
where
the
very
Constitution
its
self
is
the
fundamental
Law
of
its
own
Preservation
,
as
is
this
mixt
Regiment
of
ours
,
consisting
of
King
and
Parliament
,
as
Head
and
Body
,
comprehending
Monarchy
,
Aristocracy
,
and
Democracy
;
there
the
fundamental
Laws
are
like
fundamental
Truths
in
these
two
Properties
:
First
,
they
are
comprehended
in
a
very
little
room
,
to
wit
,
Honour
and
Safety
;
and
Secondly
,
they
have
their
influence
into
all
other
inferiour
Laws
which
are
to
be
subjected
to
them
,
and
correspondent
with
them
,
as
lawful
Children
and
natural
Branches
.
Ob.
But
in
Process
of
time
there
are
many
written
Laws
which
seem
at
least
to
contradict
this
fundamental
Constitution
,
and
are
not
they
binding
notwithstanding
it
?
Ans.
The
Constitution
of
this
Kingdom
which
gave
its
being
,
and
which
is
the
radical
and
fundamental
Law
thereof
,
ought
therefore
to
command
in
chief
,
for
that
it
never
yields
up
its
Authority
to
those
inferiour
Laws
,
which
have
their
being
from
it
,
nor
ought
they
which
spring
from
it
tend
to
the
Destruction
of
it
,
but
on
the
contrary
it
is
to
derive
its
radical
Virtue
and
Influence
into
all
succeeding
Laws
,
and
they
like
Branches
are
to
make
the
root
flourish
,
from
whence
they
spring
,
with
exhibiting
the
lively
and
fructifying
Virtue
thereof
,
according
to
the
Nature
and
Seasons
of
succeeding
times
;
things
incident
in
after-ages
not
being
able
to
be
foreseen
,
and
particularly
provided
for
at
the
beginning
,
saving
in
the
fundamental
Law
of
Salus
Populi
,
politickly
established
;
nor
can
any
Laws
growing
out
of
that
root
,
bear
any
other
Fruit
,
then
such
as
the
nature
thereof
dictates
;
for
,
for
a
particular
branch
to
ruine
the
whole
Foundation
by
a
seeming
sense
contrary
to
it
,
or
differing
from
it
,
is
very
absurd
;
for
then
how
can
it
be
said
,
Thou
bearest
not
the
root
,
but
the
root
thee
?
Laws
must
always
relish
of
,
and
drink
in
the
Constitution
or
Polity
where
they
are
made
;
and
therefore
with
us
,
the
Laws
wherein
the
King
is
nominated
.
and
so
seems
to
put
an
absolute
Authority
into
his
hands
must
never
so
be
construed
,
for
that
were
with
a
breath
to
blow
down
all
the
Building
at
once
;
but
the
King
is
there
comprehended
and
meant
under
a
two-sold
Notion
;
First
,
as
trusted
,
being
the
Head
,
with
that
Power
the
Law
confer'd
upon
him
,
for
a
Legal
,
and
not
an
Absolute
Purpose
,
tending
to
an
honourable
Preservation
,
not
an
unnatural
Dissolution
.
Secondly
,
as
meaning
him
juridically
,
not
abstractly
or
personally
,
for
so
only
the
Law
takes
notice
of
the
King
as
a
juridical
Person
;
for
till
the
Legislative
Power
be
absolutely
in
the
King
,
so
that
Laws
come
down
from
him
to
his
People
,
and
go
not
up
from
them
to
him
,
they
must
never
be
so
interpreted
:
for
as
they
have
a
juridical
being
and
beginning
,
to
wit
,
in
Parliament
,
so
must
they
have
a
suitable
Execution
and
Administration
,
to
wit
,
by
the
Courts
,
and
legal
Ministers
,
under
the
Kings
Authority
,
which
according
to
the
Constitution
of
this
Kingdom
,
he
can
no
more
suspend
for
the
good
of
his
People
,
than
the
Courts
can
theirs
;
or
if
he
do
,
to
the
publick
hazard
,
then
have
the
Courts
this
Advantage
,
that
for
publick
Preservation
they
may
and
must
provide
upon
that
Principle
,
The
King
can
do
no
Wrong
,
neither
in
witholding
Justice
,
nor
Protection
from
his
People
.
So
that
then
Salus
Populi
being
so
principally
respected
and
provided
for
,
according
to
the
nature
of
our
Constitution
and
Polity
,
and
so
being
Lex
legum
,
or
the
Rule
of
all
Laws
branching
thence
,
then
if
any
Law
do
by
Variation
of
Times
,
Violence
of
Tyranny
,
or
Misprision
of
Interpreters
,
vary
there-from
,
it
is
a
Bastard
and
not
a
Son
,
and
is
by
the
lawful
Parents
either
to
be
reduced
or
cast
out
,
as
gendring
unto
Bondage
and
ruine
of
the
Inheritance
,
by
attempting
to
erect
an
absolute
and
arbitrary
Government
.
Nor
can
this
equitable
Exposition
of
particular
Statutes
taken
from
the
Scope
of
the
politick
Constitution
be
denyed
without
overthrow
of
just
and
legal
Monarchy
,
(
which
ever
tends
to
publick
Good
and
Preservation
)
and
the
setting
up
of
an
unjust
and
illegal
Tyranny
,
ruling
,
if
not
without
Law
,
yet
by
abused
Laws
,
turning
them
as
conquered
Ordnance
upon
the
People
.
The
very
Scripture
it self
must
borrow
from
its
Scope
and
Principles
for
Explanation
of
particular
Places
,
else
it
will
be
abused
and
(
as
it
is
through
that
Default
)
unto
Heresies
.
See
we
not
how
falsly
Satan
quoted
true
Scripture
to
Christ
when
he
tempted
him
,
only
by
urging
the
Letter
without
the
Equity
,
or
true
Intention
and
Meaning
?
We
are
to
know
and
do
things
Verum
vere
,
justum
juste
,
else
we
neither
judge
with
righteous
Judgment
,
nor
obey
with
just
Obedience
.
Ob.
But
is
not
the
Parliament
guilty
of
exercising
an
arbitrary
Power
,
if
their
Proceedings
be
not
regulated
by
written
Laws
,
but
by
Salus
Populi
?
Ans.
For
the
Parliament
to
be
bound
up
by
written
Laws
,
is
both
destructive
and
absurd
.
First
,
it
is
destructive
,
it
being
the
Fundamental
Court
and
Law
,
or
the
very
Salus
Populi
of
England
,
and
ordained
,
as
to
make
Laws
,
and
see
them
executed
,
so
to
supply
their
Deficiency
according
to
the
present
Exigency
of
things
for
publick
Preservation
by
the
Prerogative
of
Salus
Populi
,
which
is
universally
in
them
,
and
but
particularly
in
particular
Laws
and
Statutes
,
which
cannot
provide
against
all
future
Exigents
,
which
the
Law
of
Parliaments
doth
,
and
therefore
are
not
they
to
be
limits
to
this
.
And
it
would
yet
be
further
destructive
,
by
cutting
the
Parliament
short
of
half
its
Power
at
once
,
for
it
being
a
Court
both
of
Law
and
Equity
(
as
appears
by
the
Power
of
making
Laws
,
which
is
nothing
but
Equity
reduced
by
common
Consent
into
Polity
)
when
ever
it
is
circumscribed
by
written
Laws
,
(
which
only
is
the
Property
of
inferiour
Courts
)
it
ceaseth
to
be
supreme
,
and
divests
it self
of
that
inherent
and
uncircumscribed
Power
which
Salus
Populi
comprehends
.
Secondly
,
as
it
is
destructive
,
so
also
it
is
absurd
;
for
the
Legislative
Power
which
gives
Laws
,
is
not
to
receive
Laws
,
saving
from
the
nature
and
end
of
its
own
Constitution
,
which
as
they
give
it
a
being
,
so
they
endow
it
with
Laws
of
Preservation
both
of
it self
and
the
whole
,
which
it
represents
.
I
would
not
herein
be
mis-understood
,
as
if
the
Parliament
,
when
as
it
only
doth
the
Office
of
inferiour
Courts
,
judging
between
Party
and
Party
,
were
not
limitted
by
written
Laws
:
there
I
grant
it
is
,
because
therein
it
only
deals
between
meum
and
tuum
,
which
particular
written
Laws
can
and
ought
to
determine
:
so
that
its
superlative
and
uncircumscribed
Power
I
intend
only
as
relating
to
the
Universe
and
the
Affairs
thereof
,
wherein
it
is
to
walk
by
its
fundamental
Principles
,
not
by
particular
Precepts
or
Statutes
,
which
are
made
by
the
Parliament
,
between
King
and
People
,
not
between
People
and
Parliament
:
they
are
ordained
to
be
Rules
of
Government
to
the
King
,
agreeing
with
the
Liberty
and
Property
of
the
People
,
and
Rules
of
Obedience
to
the
People
without
detainment
of
their
Freedom
by
the
Exercise
of
an
illegal
,
usurped
and
unconsented
Power
,
whereunto
Kings
(
especially
in
hereditary
Monarchies
)
are
very
prone
,
which
cannot
be
suspected
by
a
Parliament
,
which
is
representatively
the
Publick
,
intrusted
for
it
,
and
which
is
like
to
partake
and
share
with
the
Publick
,
being
but
so
many
private
Men
put
into
Authority
pro
tempore
,
by
common
Consent
,
for
common
Good
.
Nor
is
the
Parliament
hereby
guilty
of
an
arbitrary
Government
,
or
is
it
destructive
to
the
Petition
of
Right
,
when
as
in
providing
for
Publick-weal
,
it
observes
not
the
letter
of
the
Law
;
First
,
because
as
aforesaid
,
that
Law
was
not
made
between
Parliament
and
People
,
but
by
the
People
in
Parliament
between
the
King
and
them
,
as
appears
by
the
whole
tenour
of
it
,
both
in
the
complaining
and
praying
parts
,
which
wholly
relate
to
the
King
.
Secondly
,
because
of
the
common
Consent
,
that
in
the
representative
Body
(
the
Parliament
)
is
given
thereunto
,
wherein
England
in
her
Polity
imitates
Nature
in
her
Instincts
,
who
is
wont
to
violate
particular
Principles
for
publick
Preservation
,
as
when
light
things
descend
,
and
heavy
ascend
,
to
prevent
a
Vacuum
:
And
Thirdly
,
because
of
the
equitable
Power
which
is
inherent
in
a
Parliament
,
and
for
publick
Good
is
to
be
acted
above
and
against
any
particular
Statute
,
or
all
of
them
:
And
Fourthly
,
because
the
end
of
making
that
Law
,
to
wit
,
the
publick
Preservation
,
is
fulfilled
in
the
breaking
of
it
,
which
is
lawful
in
a
Parliament
that
is
chosen
by
the
whole
for
the
whole
,
and
are
themselves
also
of
the
Body
,
though
not
in
a
King
,
for
therein
the
Law
saith
,
Better
a
mischief
than
an
inconvenience
.
But
it
may
be
objected
,
Though
it
be
not
arbitrary
for
the
Parliament
to
go
against
written
Law
,
yet
is
it
not
so
when
they
go
against
the
Kings
Consent
,
which
the
Law
,
even
the
fundamental
Law
,
supposeth
in
Parliamentary
Proceedings
;
This
hath
been
answered
,
That
the
King
is
juridically
and
according
to
the
intention
of
the
Law
in
his
Courts
,
so
that
what
the
Parliament
consults
for
the
publick
Good
,
That
by
Oath
,
and
the
Duty
of
his
Office
,
and
Nature
of
this
Polity
he
is
to
consent
unto
,
and
in
case
he
do
deny
it
,
yet
in
the
Construction
of
the
fundamental
Law
and
Constitutions
of
this
Kingdom
,
he
is
conceived
to
grant
it
,
supposing
the
Head
not
be
so
unnatural
to
the
Body
that
hath
chosen
it
for
good
and
not
for
evil
.
But
it
will
be
answered
,
Where
is
the
Kings
Negative
Voice
if
the
Parliament
may
proceed
without
his
Consent
?
I
answer
,
That
there
is
no
known
nor
written
Law
that
gives
him
any
;
and
things
of
that
nature
are
willingly
believed
till
they
be
abused
,
or
with
too
much
Violence
claimed
.
That
his
Majesty
hath
fundamentally
a
Right
of
Consent
to
the
Enacting
of
Laws
,
is
true
,
which
(
as
aforesaid
)
is
part
of
that
honourable
Trust
constituted
in
him
:
And
that
this
Royal
Assent
is
an
Act
of
Honour
and
not
of
Absolute
and
Negative
Power
or
Prerogative
,
appears
by
these
following
Reasons
.
First
,
by
his
Oath
at
the
Coronation
mentioned
in
one
of
the
Parliaments
Declarations
where
he
doth
or
should
swear
to
confirm
and
grant
all
such
good
Laws
as
his
People
shall
choose
to
be
observed
,
not
hath
chosen
,
for
First
,
The
word
concedis
in
that
Oath
were
then
unnecessary
,
the
Laws
formerly
Enacted
being
already
granted
by
foregoing
Kings
,
and
so
they
need
no
more
Concession
or
Confirmation
,
else
we
must
run
upon
this
Shelf
,
that
all
our
Laws
die
with
the
old
King
,
and
receive
their
being
anew
,
by
the
new
Kings
Consent
.
Secondly
,
hereby
,
the
first
and
second
Clause
in
that
Interrogatory
,
viz.
Concedis
justas
leges
&
permittas
protegendas
,
are
confounded
and
do
but
idem
repetere
;
Thirdly
,
Quas
Vulgus
elegerit
implies
only
the
Act
of
the
People
in
a
disjunctive
sense
from
the
Act
or
Consent
of
the
King
,
but
Laws
already
made
have
more
than
Quas
Vulgus
elegerit
,
they
have
also
the
Royal
Consent
too
,
so
that
that
Phrase
cannot
mean
them
wherein
the
Act
or
Consent
of
the
King
is
already
involved
.
Secondly
,
by
the
Practise
of
requiring
the
Royal
Assent
even
unto
those
very
Acts
of
Subsidies
which
are
granted
to
himself
and
for
his
own
use
,
which
it
is
supposed
he
will
accept
of
,
and
yet
Honoris
gratia
is
his
Royal
Assent
craved
and
contributed
thereunto
.
Thirdly
,
by
the
Kings
not
sitting
in
Parliament
to
debate
and
consult
Laws
,
no●
are
they
at
all
offered
him
by
the
Parliament
to
consider
of
,
but
to
consent
to
,
which
yet
are
transmitted
from
one
House
to
another
,
as
well
to
consult
as
consent
to
,
shewing
thereby
he
hath
no
part
in
the
consultory
part
of
them
(
for
that
it
belongs
only
to
the
People
in
Parliament
to
discern
and
consult
their
own
good
,
)
but
he
comes
only
at
the
time
of
Enacting
,
bringing
his
Royal
Authority
with
him
,
as
it
were
to
set
the
Seal
thereof
to
the
Indenture
already
prepared
by
the
People
,
for
the
King
is
Head
of
the
Parliament
in
regard
of
his
Authority
,
not
in
regard
of
his
Reason
or
Judgment
,
as
if
it
were
to
be
opposed
to
the
Reason
or
Judgment
of
both
Houses
(
which
is
the
Reason
both
of
King
and
Kingdom
)
and
therefore
do
they
as
consult
,
so
also
interpret
Laws
without
him
,
supposing
him
to
be
a
Person
replenished
with
Honour
and
Royal
Authority
not
skilled
in
Laws
,
nor
to
receive
Information
either
of
Law
or
Councel
in
Parliamentary
Affairs
from
any
,
saving
from
that
supreme
Court
and
highest
Councel
of
the
King
and
Kingdom
,
which
admits
no
counterpoise
,
being
intrusted
both
as
the
wisest
Counsel
and
justest
Judicature
.
Fourthly
,
either
the
choise
of
the
People
in
Parliament
is
to
be
the
Ground
and
Rule
of
the
Kings
Assent
,
or
nothing
but
his
Pleasure
,
and
so
all
Bills
tho'
never
so
necessary
for
publick
Good
and
Preservation
,
and
after
never
so
much
pains
and
consultation
of
both
Houses
,
may
be
rejected
,
and
so
they
made
meer
Cyphers
,
and
we
brought
to
that
pass
,
as
neither
to
have
no
Laws
,
or
such
only
as
come
immediately
from
the
King
(
who
oft
is
a
man
of
Pleasure
,
and
little
seen
in
publick
Affairs
,
to
be
able
to
judge
)
and
so
the
Kingdoms
great
Councel
must
be
subordinated
either
to
his
meer
Will
,
and
then
what
Difference
between
a
free
Monarchy
,
and
an
absolute
,
saving
that
the
one
rules
without
Councel
,
and
the
other
against
it
,
or
at
the
best
but
to
a
Cabinet
Councel
consisting
commonly
of
Men
of
private
Interests
,
but
certainly
of
no
publick
Trust
.
Ob.
But
if
the
King
must
consent
to
such
Laws
as
the
Parliament
shall
chuse
eo
nomine
,
they
may
then
propound
unreasonable
things
to
him
,
as
to
consent
to
his
own
Deposing
,
or
to
the
lessening
his
own
Revenue
,
&c.
Ans.
So
that
the
issue
is
,
whether
it
be
fitter
to
trust
the
Wisdom
and
Integrity
of
our
Parliament
,
or
the
Will
and
Pleasure
of
the
King
in
this
case
of
so
great
and
publick
Concernment
.
In
a
word
,
the
King
being
made
the
Fountain
of
Justice
and
Protection
to
his
People
by
the
fundamental
Laws
or
Constitution
of
this
Kingdom
,
he
is
therefore
to
give
life
to
such
Acts
and
Things
as
tend
thereunto
,
which
Acts
depend
not
upon
his
Pleasure
,
but
though
they
are
to
receive
their
greater
Vigour
from
him
,
yet
are
they
not
to
be
suspended
at
pleasure
by
him
,
for
that
which
at
first
was
intended
by
the
Kingdom
,
for
an
honourable
way
of
Subsistence
and
Administration
must
not
be
wrested
contrrry
to
the
nature
of
this
Polity
,
(
which
is
a
free
and
mist
Monarchy
and
not
absolute
)
to
its
Destruction
and
Confusion
,
so
that
in
case
the
King
in
his
Person
should
decline
his
Duty
,
the
King
in
his
Courts
is
bound
to
perform
it
,
where
his
Authority
properly
resides
,
for
if
he
refuse
that
Honour
which
the
Republick
by
its
fundamental
Constitution
hath
conferred
upon
him
,
and
will
not
put
forth
the
Acts
of
it
,
for
the
end
it
was
given
him
,
viz.
for
the
Justice
and
Safety
of
his
People
,
this
hinders
not
but
that
they
who
have
as
fundamentally
reserved
a
Power
of
being
and
well-being
in
their
own
hands
by
the
Concurrence
of
Parliamentary
Authority
to
the
Royal
Dignity
,
may
thereby
provide
for
their
own
Subsistence
,
wherein
is
acted
the
Kings
juridical
Authority
though
his
personal
pleasure
be
withheld
,
for
his
legal
and
juridical
Power
is
included
and
supposed
in
the
very
being
,
and
consequently
in
the
Acts
of
Courts
of
Justice
,
whose
being
he
may
as
well
suspend
as
their
Power
of
Acting
,
for
that
without
this
is
but
a
Cypher
,
and
therefore
neither
their
being
nor
their
acting
so
depend
upon
him
,
as
not
to
be
able
to
act
and
execute
common
Justice
and
Protection
without
him
,
in
case
he
deny
to
act
with
them
,
and
yet
both
so
depend
upon
him
,
as
that
he
is
bound
both
in
Duty
and
Honour
,
by
the
Constitution
of
this
Polity
to
act
in
them
and
they
for
him
,
so
that
(
according
to
that
Axiom
in
Law
)
The
King
can
do
no
wrong
,
because
his
juridical
Power
and
Authority
is
always
to
controle
his
personal
Miscarriages
.
London's
Flames
Revivd
:
OR
,
AN
ACCOUNT
OF
SEVERAL
INFORMATIONS
Exhibited
to
a
Committee
appointed
by
PARLIAMENT
,
September
the
25th
,
1666.
To
Enquire
into
the
BURNING
of
LONDON
.
WITH
Several
other
Informations
concerning
other
Fires
in
Southwark
,
Fetter-Lane
,
and
elsewhere
.
UPon
the
Second
of
September
,
1666.
the
Fire
began
in
London
,
at
one
Farriner
's
House
,
a
Baker
,
in
Pudding-Lane
,
between
the
Hours
of
One
and
Two
in
the
Morning
;
and
continued
burning
until
the
Sixth
of
September
following
,
consuming
,
as
by
the
Surveyors
appears
in
Print
,
Three
hundred
seventy
three
Acres
within
the
Walls
of
the
City
of
London
,
and
Sixty
three
Acres
and
Three
Roods
without
the
Walls
:
There
remains
Seventy
five
Acres
and
Three
Roods
yet
standing
within
the
Walls
,
unburnt
.
Eighty
nine
Parish
Churches
,
besides
Chappels
,
burnt
.
Eleven
Parishes
within
the
Walls
yet
standing
.
Houses
burnt
,
Thirteen
thousand
and
two
hundred
.
Per
-
Jonas
Moore
-
Ralph
Gatrix
Surveyors
.
UPon
the
18th
Day
of
September
,
1666.
the
Parliament
came
together
:
And
upon
the
25th
of
the
same
Month
,
the
House
of
Commons
appointed
a
Committee
to
enquire
into
the
Causes
of
the
late
Fire
;
before
whom
the
following
Informations
were
given
in
,
and
proved
before
the
Committee
;
as
by
their
Report
will
more
clearly
appear
,
bearing
date
the
22th
of
January
,
1666.
and
upon
the
8th
of
February
following
,
the
Parliament
was
Prorogued
,
before
they
came
to
give
their
Judgment
thereupon
.
Die
Martis
25
Septembris
1666.
18
Car.
2.
Resolved
,
&c.
THat
a
Committee
be
appointed
to
enquire
into
the
Causes
of
the
late
Fire
,
and
that
it
be
referred
to
-
Sir
Charles
Harbord
-
Mr.
Sandys
-
Col.
Birch
-
Sir
Robert
Brook
-
Sir
Thomas
Littleton
-
Mr.
Prin
-
Mr.
Jones
-
Sir
Solomon
Swale
-
Sir
Thomas
Tomlins
-
Mr.
Seymour
-
Mr.
Finch
-
Lord
Herbert
-
Sir
John
Heath
-
Mr.
Milward
-
Sir
Richard
Ford
-
Mr.
Robert
Milward
-
Sir
William
Lowther
-
Sir
Richard
Vatley
-
Sir
Rowland
Beckley
-
Sir
Thomas
Allen
-
Mr.
Whorwood
-
Mr.
Coventry
-
Serj.
Maynard
-
Sir
John
Talbot
-
Mr.
Morley
-
Mr.
Garraway
-
Sir
Francis
Goodrick
-
Col.
Strangeways
-
Sir
Edward
Massey
-
Sir
Edmond
Walpool
-
Sir
Robert
Atkins
-
Sir
Thomas
Gower
-
Mr.
Trevor
-
Sir
Thomas
Clifford
-
Sir
Henry
Caesar
-
Sir
John
Monson
-
Sir
John
Charleton
-
Lord
Ancram
-
Mr.
Pepis
-
Sir
Richard
Everard
-
Mr.
Crouch
-
Mr.
Merrel
-
Sir
William
Hickman
-
Sir
Richard
Brown
-
Mr.
Maynard
And
they
are
to
meet
to
Morrow
,
at
Two
of
the
Clock
in
the
After-noon
,
in
the
Speaker's
Chamber
;
and
to
send
for
Persons
,
Papers
and
Records
.
William
Goldsbrough
,
Cler.
Dom.
Com.
October
9.
1666.
Ordered
,
that
these
Members
following
be
added
to
the
Committee
appointed
to
Enquire
into
the
Causes
of
the
late
Fire
,
viz.
Sir
John
Pelham
,
Mr.
Hugh
Buscowen
,
Mr.
Giles
Hungerford
,
Sir
William
Lewis
,
Sir
Gilbert
Gerrard
,
Sir
John
Brampstone
,
Mr.
Milward
,
Mr.
Buscowen
,
and
all
the
Members
that
serve
for
the
City
of
London
.
Will
.
Goldsbrough
,
Cler.
Dom.
Com.
October
16.
1666.
Ordered
,
That
Mr.
Davies
,
Sir
Thomas
Higgons
,
Mr.
S.
John
,
Sir
Richard
Frankling
,
Sir
Thomas
Tomkins
,
Mr.
Devereux
,
Mr.
Millard
,
Mr.
Lewis
,
Mr.
Dodswell
,
Sir
James
Thyn
,
Sir
Edmond
Pierse
,
Mr.
Coleman
,
Sir
Thomas
Allen
,
Mr.
Giles
Hungerford
,
Mr.
Churchill
,
be
added
to
the
Committee
appointed
to
enquire
into
the
Causes
of
the
late
Fire
.
Will
.
Goldsbrough
,
Cler.
Dom.
Com.
THE
Honourable
Committee
,
according
to
the
forementioned
Orders
of
the
House
,
did
meet
in
the
Speaker's
Chamber
,
and
having
chose
Sir
Robert
Brook
for
their
Chairman
,
proceeded
to
receive
many
considerable
Informations
from
divers
credible
Persons
about
the
Matter
wherewith
they
were
intrusted
,
and
thereupon
did
at
last
agree
that
Sir
Robert
Brook
should
make
the
ensuing
Report
to
the
Honourable
House
of
Commons
.
The
Report
of
Sir
Robert
Brook
,
Chair-man
to
the
Committee
that
was
appointed
by
the
House
of
Commons
to
Enquire
into
the
Firing
of
the
City
of
London
;
made
the
Two
and
Twentieth
of
January
,
1666.
IN
a
Letter
from
Alansen
of
the
23
of
August
1666
,
New
Stile
,
written
from
one
Dural
to
a
Gentleman
lodging
in
the
House
of
one
of
the
Ministers
of
the
French
Church
in
London
,
called
Monsieur
Herault
,
there
were
these
Expressions
.
Pray
acquaint
me
with
the
truth
of
certain
News
which
is
common
in
this
Countrey
,
That
a
Fire
from
Heaven
is
fallen
upon
a
City
called
Belke
,
situated
on
the
side
of
the
River
of
Thames
,
where
a
World
of
People
have
been
killed
and
burnt
,
and
Houses
also
consumed
.
Which
seemed
a
word
of
Cabal
,
cast
out
by
some
that
were
knowing
,
and
others
that
might
be
ignorant
of
the
signification
of
it
.
Mrs.
Elizabeth
Styles
,
informs
,
That
in
April
last
,
in
an
eager
Discourse
she
had
with
a
French
Servant
of
Sir
Vere
Fan
,
he
hastily
replyd'd
,
You
English
Maids
will
like
the
Frenchmen
better
,
when
there
is
not
a
House
left
between
Temple-Bar
and
London-Bridge
.
To
which
she
answered
,
I
hope
your
Eyes
will
never
see
that
.
He
replyed
,
This
will
come
to
pass
between
June
and
October
.
William
Tisdale
informs
,
That
he
being
about
the
beginning
of
July
at
the
Greybound
in
St.
Martins
,
with
one
Fitz
Harris
an
Irish
Papist
,
heard
him
say
,
There
would
be
a
sad
Desolation
in
September
,
in
November
a
worse
,
in
December
all
would
be
united
into
one
.
Whereupon
he
asked
him
,
where
this
Desolation
would
be
?
He
answered
,
In
London
.
Mr.
Light
of
Ratcliff
,
having
some
Discourse
with
Mr.
Lanhorn
of
the
Middle-Temple
,
Barister
,
(
reputed
a
zealous
Papist
)
about
February
15
last
,
after
some
Discourse
in
Disputation
about
Religion
,
he
took
him
by
the
hand
,
and
said
to
him
,
You
expect
great
things
in
Sixty
Six
,
and
think
that
Rome
will
be
destroyed
,
but
what
if
it
be
London
?
Mr.
Kitely
of
Barkin
in
Essex
,
informs
,
That
one
Mrs.
Yazly
,
a
Papist
,
of
Ilford
in
the
said
County
,
came
unto
his
House
,
August
the
13th
.
and
being
in
Discourse
with
his
Mother
,
said
,
They
say
the
next
Thursday
will
be
the
hottest
Day
that
ever
was
in
England
.
She
replyed
,
I
hope
the
hottest
season
of
the
Year
is
now
past
.
To
which
she
answered
,
I
know
not
whether
it
be
the
hottest
for
Weather
or
for
Action
.
This
Mrs.
Yazly
coming
to
the
same
House
the
Week
after
the
Fire
,
Mr.
Kitely
said
to
her
with
some
trouble
,
I
have
often
thought
of
your
Hot
Thursday
:
to
which
she
replyed
,
It
was
not
indeed
upon
the
Thursday
,
but
it
happened
upon
the
Sunday
was
seven-night
after
.
Mrs.
Yazly
hearing
this
Evidence
produced
against
her
,
endeavoured
to
avoid
the
Words
,
saying
,
That
upon
the
13th
of
August
she
did
tell
Mrs.
Kitely
,
That
they
say
the
next
Thursday
will
be
the
darkest
Thursday
that
ever
was
in
England
,
but
not
otherwise
;
which
she
affirms
to
have
received
from
one
Finchman
,
an
old
Woman
of
Ilford
;
who
being
examined
by
a
Justice
of
Peace
to
discover
the
truth
thereof
,
denied
that
ever
she
said
any
such
words
to
Mrs.
Yazly
,
or
that
she
had
discoursed
with
her
about
any
such
Matter
;
and
as
to
the
subsequent
Words
,
she
saith
Mrs.
Yazly
denies
ever
to
have
spoken
them
:
But
Mr.
Kitely
offered
in
her
presence
(
if
it
should
be
demanded
)
to
bring
his
Mother
and
Wife
to
testifie
the
same
.
William
Ducket
Esq
a
Member
of
the
House
,
informs
,
That
one
Henry
Baker
of
Chippenham
in
the
County
of
Wilts
,
coming
from
Market
with
one
John
Woodman
of
Kelloway
in
the
same
County
,
the
Thursday
before
the
Fire
began
in
London
,
they
had
some
Discourse
about
the
Buying
of
a
Yoke
of
Fat
Bullocks
,
wherein
they
differed
,
because
Woodman
who
was
to
Sell
them
was
desired
to
keep
them
a
while
in
his
hands
;
But
the
said
Woodman
denied
so
to
do
,
for
that
as
he
alledged
,
he
could
not
stay
in
the
Country
till
that
time
which
Baker
would
have
them
delivered
to
him
in
,
and
being
asked
whether
he
was
a
going
,
he
refused
to
tell
,
asking
what
he
had
to
do
to
make
that
Question
:
Put
riding
a
little
further
,
the
said
Woman
exprest
these
Words
,
You
have
brave
Blades
at
Chippenham
,
you
made
Bonefires
lately
for
beating
the
Dutch
;
but
since
you
delight
in
Bonefires
,
you
shall
have
your
Bellies
full
of
them
ere
it
be
long
:
Adding
,
That
if
he
lived
one
Week
longer
,
he
should
see
London
as
sad
a
London
,
as
ever
it
was
since
the
World
began
;
and
in
some
short
time
after
,
he
should
see
as
bloudy
a
time
as
ever
was
,
since
England
was
England
.
This
Discourse
was
not
much
taken
notice
of
at
that
time
it
was
spoken
;
but
when
the
City
of
London
was
burnt
,
the
said
Henry
Baker
gave
this
Information
to
the
said
Mr.
Ducket
;
and
whereupon
he
issued
out
his
Warrant
to
apprehend
Woodman
,
but
he
was
gone
out
of
the
Country
,
and
cannot
be
heard
of
since
.
Robert
Hubert
of
Roan
in
Normandy
,
who
acknowledged
that
he
was
one
of
those
that
fired
the
House
of
Mr.
Farryner
a
Baker
in
Pudding-Lane
,
from
whence
the
Fire
had
its
beginning
,
confessed
that
he
came
out
of
France
with
one
Stephen
Peidloe
about
four
Months
before
the
Fire
,
and
went
into
Sweden
with
him
,
where
he
also
staid
with
him
as
his
Companion
four
Months
,
and
then
they
came
together
into
England
in
a
Swedish
Ship
called
the
Skipper
,
where
he
staid
on
Board
with
the
said
Peidloe
till
that
Saturday
Night
in
which
the
Fire
brake
out
.
When
Peidloe
taking
him
out
of
the
Ship
,
carried
him
into
Pudding-lane
,
and
he
being
earnest
to
know
whither
he
would
carry
him
,
he
would
not
satisfie
him
till
he
had
brought
him
to
the
place
,
and
then
he
told
him
,
that
he
had
brought
three
Balls
,
and
gave
him
one
of
them
to
throw
into
the
House
.
And
he
would
have
been
further
satisfied
in
the
Design
,
as
he
said
,
before
he
would
execute
it
:
But
Peidloe
was
so
impatient
that
he
would
not
hear
him
,
and
then
he
did
the
Fact
;
which
was
,
That
he
put
a
Fire-ball
at
the
end
of
a
long
Pole
,
and
lighting
it
with
a
piece
of
Match
,
he
put
it
in
at
a
Window
,
and
staid
till
he
saw
the
House
in
a
Flame
.
He
confessed
that
there
were
Three
and
twenty
Complices
,
whereof
Piedloe
was
the
Chief
.
Mr.
Graves
a
French
Merchant
living
in
St.
Mary
Axe
,
informed
this
Committee
,
that
he
had
known
Hubert
ever
since
he
was
four
Years
old
,
and
hath
ever
observed
him
to
be
a
Person
of
a
mischievous
Inclination
,
and
therefore
fit
for
any
villanous
Enterprize
;
and
because
of
his
Knowledge
he
had
of
him
,
he
went
to
visit
him
in
Prison
,
where
when
he
saw
him
,
he
could
not
but
commiserate
the
Condition
whereinto
he
had
brought
himself
.
And
for
his
better
Discovery
of
the
Fact
,
he
told
him
,
the
said
Hubert
,
that
he
did
not
believe
he
had
done
that
of
which
he
confessed
himself
guilty
.
So
which
Hubert
replyed
,
Yes
Sir
,
I
am
guilty
of
it
,
and
have
been
brought
to
it
,
by
the
instigation
of
Monsieur
Peidloe
;
but
not
out
of
any
malice
to
the
English
Nation
,
but
from
a
desire
of
Reward
which
he
promised
me
upon
my
Return
into
France
.
It
is
observable
,
That
this
miserable
Creature
who
confessed
himself
to
the
Committee
,
to
be
a
Protestant
was
a
Papist
,
and
died
so
.
And
as
for
the
aforesaid
Peidloe
,
the
said
Mr.
Graves
informed
,
that
he
had
had
a
full
knowledge
of
him
,
and
knew
him
to
a
very
Deboist
Person
,
and
apt
to
any
wicked
Design
.
Moreover
for
a
clear
Conviction
of
the
Guilt
of
the
aforesaid
Hubert
,
Mr.
Lowman
,
the
Keeper
of
the
White-Lion
Prison
,
was
appointed
to
set
him
upon
a
Horse
,
and
to
go
with
him
,
and
see
if
he
could
find
out
the
place
where
he
threw
the
Fire-Ball
.
Upon
which
,
Hubert
with
more
readiness
than
they
that
were
well
acquainted
with
the
place
,
went
to
Pudding-Lane
,
unto
the
very
place
where
the
House
that
was
first
fired
,
stood
,
saying
,
Here
stood
the
House
.
The
Jaylor
endeavoured
to
draw
him
from
that
belief
,
and
putting
him
upon
seeking
another
place
;
but
he
positively
persisted
in
what
he
had
first
said
;
and
affirmed
that
to
have
been
the
said
House
.
It
being
intimated
to
the
Committee
,
That
notwithstanding
the
Confession
of
the
said
Hubert
,
it
was
confidently
reported
,
the
Fire
in
the
forementioned
Farryners
House
,
began
by
Accident
.
The
Committee
therefore
sent
for
him
the
said
Farryner
before
them
,
who
being
examined
,
said
,
That
it
was
impossible
any
Fire
should
happen
in
his
House
by
Accident
:
For
he
had
after
Twelve
of
the
Clock
that
Night
gone
through
every
Room
thereof
,
and
found
no
Fire
but
in
one
Chimney
,
where
the
Room
was
paved
with
Bricks
,
which
Fire
he
diligently
raked
up
in
Embers
.
He
was
then
asked
,
Whether
no
Window
or
Door
might
let
in
Wind
to
disturb
those
Coals
?
He
affirmed
there
was
no
possibility
for
any
Wind
to
disturb
them
;
and
that
it
was
absolutely
set
on
fire
of
Purpose
.
Dawes
Weymansel
Esquire
,
one
of
His
Majesties
Justices
of
the
Peace
,
Informed
,
That
he
saw
a
Man
apprehended
in
the
Time
of
the
Fire
,
near
the
Temple
,
with
his
Pockets
stufit
with
Combustible
Matter
,
made
of
Flax
,
Tow
,
and
such
like
Materials
.
Doctor
John
Packer
informs
,
That
he
saw
a
Person
in
the
time
of
the
Fire
,
throw
some
Combustible
Matter
into
a
Shop
in
the
Old
Bailey
,
which
he
thinks
was
the
Shop
of
an
Apothecary
;
and
that
immediately
thereupon
he
saw
a
great
smoak
,
and
smelt
a
smell
of
Brimstone
,
The
Person
that
did
this
,
immediately
run
away
;
but
upon
the
out-cry
of
the
People
he
was
taken
by
the
Guards
.
Mr.
Randal
,
Mr.
Haslam
,
Mr.
Humphrey
Bowyer
,
do
all
agree
,
That
they
saw
a
Person
flinging
something
into
a
House
near
St.
Antholins
Church
;
and
that
thereupon
the
House
was
on
fire
,
and
the
smoak
thereof
infested
the
adjacent
Houses
.
And
when
this
was
done
,
there
was
No
fire
near
the
place
.
Mr.
Michael
March
,
an
Officer
in
the
Trained
Bands
in
a
Company
of
Sir
Richard
Browns's
apprehended
a
Walloon
in
the
time
of
the
Fire
,
at
the
Nags-head
in
Leaden-hall
Street
,
with
an
Instrument
like
a
Dark-Lanthorn
,
made
(
as
is
conceived
)
to
lay
a
Train
of
Powder
,
and
it
was
filled
with
Gun-powder
.
There
were
two
more
of
the
same
Nation
in
his
Company
.
They
being
asked
to
what
use
they
employed
the
same
Instrument
,
would
give
no
Account
thereof
.
Newton
Killingworth
Esq
informed
,
That
he
apprehended
a
Person
during
the
Fire
,
about
whom
he
found
much
Combustible
Matter
,
and
certain
black
things
,
of
a
long
figure
,
which
he
could
not
indure
to
hold
in
his
hand
,
by
reason
of
their
extream
heat
.
This
Person
was
so
surprized
at
first
,
that
he
would
not
answer
to
any
Question
;
but
being
on
his
way
to
White-hall
,
he
acted
the
part
of
a
Mad-man
,
and
so
continued
while
he
was
with
him
.
Sir
John
Maynard
a
Member
of
this
House
affirms
,
That
he
had
some
of
that
Combustible
Matter
in
his
hands
;
and
though
it
were
in
its
natural
Substance
,
and
unfired
,
yet
the
heat
of
it
was
scarcely
to
be
endured
by
the
touch
.
Mr.
Freeman
of
Southwark
Brewer
,
(
whose
House
was
lately
fired
)
informs
,
That
on
the
Day
his
House
was
fired
(
about
a
quarter
of
an
hour
before
that
happened
)
a
Paper
with
a
Ball
of
Wild-fire
,
containing
near
a
pound
weight
wrapt
in
it
,
was
found
in
the
Nave
of
a
Wheel
,
in
a
Wheelers
Yard
,
where
lay
a
great
quantity
of
Timber
.
How
his
House
was
fired
,
he
knoweth
not
;
but
this
he
affirmed
to
the
Committee
,
that
it
could
not
be
by
Accident
,
because
there
had
not
been
any
Candle
or
Fire
in
the
House
where
the
Hay
lay
,
that
whole
day
;
and
that
the
Hay
being
laid
in
very
dry
,
and
before
Midsummer
,
could
not
possibly
be
set
on
Fire
within
it self
.
Moreover
he
said
,
that
the
Hay-lost
was
on
Fire
on
the
top
of
the
House
,
and
that
the
Fire
spread
from
the
one
end
of
the
Roof
to
another
in
an
instant
.
Mr.
Richard
Harwood
informs
,
That
being
near
the
Feathers
Tavern
by
St.
Pauls
,
upon
the
Fourth
of
September
,
he
saw
something
through
a
grate
in
a
Cellar
,
like
Wild-fire
;
by
the
sparkling
and
spitting
of
it
,
he
could
judge
it
to
be
no
other
;
whereupon
he
gave
notice
of
it
,
to
some
Souldiers
that
were
near
the
place
,
who
caused
it
to
be
quenched
.
I
had
order
from
the
Committee
to
acquaint
you
,
that
we
traced
several
Persons
upon
strong
Suspicion
(
during
the
Fire
)
to
the
Guards
,
but
could
not
make
further
Discovery
of
them
.
Thus
far
was
the
Report
.
What
follows
was
given
into
the
Committee
,
but
not
by
them
reported
to
the
House
at
that
time
IN
Obedience
to
an
Order
directed
to
me
,
from
the
Honourable
Committee
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
then
sitting
in
the
Speaker's
Chamber
,
on
the
Second
of
October
,
1666.
I
did
carry
Robert
Hubert
to
St.
Katherines
Tower
by
Water
,
to
let
me
know
the
place
where
the
Swedish
Ship
lay
,
that
brought
him
and
other
French-men
from
Stockholm
,
and
he
brought
me
to
the
Dock
over
against
Mr.
Corsellis
his
Brew-house
,
and
did
then
verifie
to
me
and
Mr.
Corsellis
,
that
the
Ship
lay
there
,
until
such
time
as
he
with
Mr.
Peidloe
and
others
did
go
and
set
Fire
to
a
House
.
And
this
Hubert
did
then
further
say
,
That
Mr.
Peidloe
did
fix
two
Fire-balls
to
a
long
Pole
,
and
put
them
into
a
Window
,
and
that
he
the
said
Robert
Hubert
did
fire
one
in
the
same
manner
,
and
put
it
in
at
the
same
Window
.
But
with
all
the
inquiry
and
diligence
that
I
could
use
,
I
could
neither
find
nor
hear
of
any
such
Vessel
.
And
from
thence
I
carried
the
said
Robert
Hubert
to
Tower-hill
,
and
did
then
desire
him
to
shew
me
the
House
that
they
did
fire
,
and
he
said
that
it
was
near
the
Bridge
.
So
we
went
along
Thames-street
towards
the
Bridge
;
but
before
we
came
to
the
Bridge
,
the
said
Robert
Hubert
said
,
that
the
House
was
up
there
(
pointing
with
his
hand
up
Pudding-lane
:
)
So
I
bid
him
go
to
the
place
,
and
he
went
along
the
Bricks
and
Rubbish
,
and
made
a
stand
:
Then
I
did
ask
one
Robert
Penny
,
a
Wine-porter
,
which
was
the
Bakers
House
;
and
he
told
me
,
that
was
the
house
where
the
aforesaid
Robert
Hubert
stood
.
So
I
went
to
Robert
Hubert
,
and
stood
by
him
,
and
turned
my
Back
towards
the
Bakers
House
,
and
demanded
of
him
which
House
it
was
that
he
fired
,
(
directing
to
other
Houses
contrary
to
that
house
)
but
he
turning
himself
about
,
said
,
This
was
the
house
(
pointing
to
the
Bakers
House
)
that
was
first
fired
.
Then
by
reason
of
his
Lameness
,
I
set
him
on
a
Horse
,
and
carried
him
to
several
other
places
,
but
no
other
place
he
would
acknowledge
;
but
rode
back
again
to
the
Bakers
House
,
and
said
again
,
That
was
the
House
(
pointing
at
the
Bakrs-house
.
)
And
this
I
do
humbly
certifie
to
this
Honourable
Committee
.
By
me
John
Lowman
,
Keeper
of
His
Majesty's
County-Goal
for
Surry
.
SIR
,
HEaring
that
you
are
Chair-man
to
the
Committee
for
examining
the
Fire
of
London
,
I
thought
good
to
acquaint
you
with
this
Information
that
I
have
received
William
Chapneys
,
a
Hatband-maker
,
now
living
upon
Horsly-down
,
was
upon
Tuesday
Morning
,
September
,
the
14th
.
1666.
In
Shoe-lane
,
and
there
met
with
a
Constable
who
had
apprehended
a
French-man
whom
he
took
firing
a
House
there
with
Fire-balls
,
and
charged
the
said
Champneys
to
assist
him
,
who
carried
the
said
French-man
to
Salisbury
Court
,
hoping
there
to
have
found
a
Justice
;
but
finding
that
place
burning
down
,
returned
into
Fleet-street
,
who
was
presently
called
upon
by
the
Commander
of
the
Life
Guard
,
to
know
what
the
matter
was
:
the
Constable
told
him
,
he
had
apprehended
a
French-man
firing
a
House
in
Shoe-lane
,
he
examined
the
Person
,
and
committed
him
to
the
Guard
,
and
told
the
Constable
,
he
would
secure
him
,
and
carried
him
along
with
him
.
The
Constable
asked
him
,
whether
he
should
go
along
with
him
,
to
give
in
his
Evidence
:
He
replyed
,
that
he
had
done
enough
,
and
might
go
home
.
But
what
became
of
the
French-man
,
he
knoweth
not
.
Your
Humble
Servant
,
S.
G.
In
a
Letter
directed
from
Ipswich
,
for
the
Honourable
Sir
Robert
Brook
,
it
is
intimated
,
That
about
the
30th
of
August
,
1666.
One
of
the
Constables
of
Cotton
of
Hartsmer
Hundred
,
being
about
the
Survey
of
that
Town
,
about
Hearth-money
,
was
told
by
one
Mr.
William
Thomson
,
a
Roman
Catholick
in
that
Town
,
That
though
times
were
like
to
be
sad
,
yet
if
he
found
any
cause
to
change
his
Religion
,
he
would
see
he
should
not
want
:
And
further
said
to
him
,
What
will
you
say
,
if
you
should
hear
that
London
is
burnt
?
The
Affidavits
touching
a
French-man
,
that
said
there
were
three
Hundred
of
them
Engaged
in
Firing
the
City
.
The
Informations
of
Richard
Cound
of
St.
Giles
in
the
Fields
,
Ironmonger
;
William
Cotes
,
Samuel
Page
,
Francis
Cogny
,
Edmond
Daikns
,
and
Richard
Pardoe
taken
the
8th
Day
of
September
,
1666.
by
Sir
Justinian
Lewen
Knight
,
one
of
his
Majesty's
Justices
of
the
Peace
for
the
County
of
Middlesex
,
upon
Oath
,
as
followeth
.
RIchard
Cound
saith
,
That
upon
Tuesday
night
last
about
Twelve
or
one
of
the
Clock
,
there
was
a
French-man
brought
by
the
Watch
to
this
Informant's
Father's
House
,
being
at
the
Sign
of
the
White-hart
in
King-street
,
taken
as
a
suspicious
Person
;
The
said
Person
being
questioned
by
them
,
whether
he
was
not
one
of
those
that
fired
the
City
,
or
had
any
Hand
therein
,
or
any
Privity
or
Knowledge
of
any
that
had
designed
the
same
,
or
words
to
that
effect
;
the
said
Person
answered
a
great
while
in
a
perverse
manner
,
quite
different
from
the
Question
.
But
being
further
pressed
to
tell
the
truth
,
and
being
told
,
that
if
he
were
guilty
,
it
would
be
the
only
way
to
save
his
Life
;
he
did
at
first
obstinately
deny
,
that
he
knew
any
thing
of
any
Plot.
Whereupon
a
young
Man
took
the
Prisoner
aside
,
to
the
end
of
the
Room
,
and
after
some
private
Discourse
between
them
,
they
both
returned
to
this
Informant
and
the
rest
of
the
Company
,
and
the
said
young
Man
spake
openly
to
us
,
in
the
hearing
of
the
Prisoner
,
That
the
said
French-man
and
Prisoner
had
confessed
,
there
were
Three
hundred
French
-
men
that
were
in
a
Plot
or
Conspiracy
to
fire
the
City
.
Upon
which
this
Informant
and
others
spake
to
the
said
French-man
in
these
Words
,
or
to
the
same
effect
:
Well
,
Monsieur
,
you
have
done
very
well
to
confess
what
you
have
done
,
and
no
doubt
but
you
may
have
your
pardon
,
if
you
will
confess
all
you
know
of
this
Plot
:
And
thereupon
further
asked
him
,
Are
there
no
more
than
Three
hundred
Persons
in
the
said
Plot
?
He
answered
,
Theree
are
no
more
than
Three
hundred
Persons
.
Then
we
inquired
who
they
were
,
and
how
he
came
to
know
they
were
Three
hundred
,
?
To
which
he
would
give
no
direct
answer
,
but
put
it
off
with
other
extravagant
Discourse
.
And
being
asked
why
he
came
to
St.
Giles's
Parish
(
where
he
was
apprehended
.
)
He
told
a
Story
,
that
he
came
from
Islington
Fields
,
where
his
Masters
Goods
were
;
but
the
Goods
were
now
removed
,
he
could
not
tell
whither
;
and
that
his
Master
bid
him
go
up
and
down
the
Fields
,
but
would
not
declare
upon
what
Occasion
,
or
for
what
end
he
was
so
to
do
;
and
being
asked
whether
there
were
Three
hundred
Persons
engaged
in
this
Design
or
Plot
?
He
replyed
that
there
were
Three
hundred
engaged
in
it
.
The
several
Informations
of
William
Cotes
of
Cow-lane
of
London
,
Painter
;
of
Samuel
Page
of
St.
Giles
in
the
Fields
,
Weaver
;
of
Edmund
Dakins
of
St.
Giles
aforesaid
,
Bookseller
;
of
Francis
Cogky
of
St.
Andrews
,
Holborn
;
of
Richard
Pardoe
,
Victualler
,
taken
upon
Oath
,
&c.
tend
to
the
Confirmation
of
the
foregoing
Relation
.
An
Extract
of
a
Letter
from
Hydleburgh
in
the
Palatinate
,
September
,
29.
1666.
SIR
,
YOurs
of
the
Sixth
currant
came
on
Wednesday
to
me
,
and
brought
the
ill
tidings
of
the
burning
of
London
,
constantly
expected
and
discoursed
of
amongst
the
Jesuits
to
my
knowledge
for
these
fifteen
Years
last
past
,
as
to
happen
in
this
Year
.
In
which
they
do
also
promise
to
themselves
and
others
Introduction
of
the
publick
Exercise
of
the
Catholick
Religion
.
This
Letter
was
sent
to
Mr.
Alton
,
who
lives
in
New
Gravel-lane
in
Shadwel
,
who
negotiates
the
Business
of
the
Palatinate
,
and
will
produce
the
Original
if
there
he
Occasion
.
The
Information
of
John
Chishul
,
Schoolmaster
in
Enfield
.
UPon
Friday
August
,
31.
Mrs.
St.
George
,
and
her
eldest
Daughter
Susanna
St.
George
,
both
Popish
Recusants
,
came
to
visit
Mrs.
Rebecca
Eves
,
Widow
,
at
her
House
in
Enfield
;
where
speaking
concerning
the
Session
of
Parliament
drawing
nigh
,
Mrs.
St.
George
told
her
,
that
some
would
hereafter
be
called
to
account
for
a
Plot.
Being
asked
for
what
?
She
told
her
in
her
ear
,
For
burning
the
City
.
Mrs.
Eves
afterwards
hearing
of
the
firing
of
London
,
(
and
going
to
a
place
where
she
might
behold
it
)
met
with
Mrs.
Susanna
St.
George
,
(
and
amongst
other
Discourse
)
told
her
how
much
her
Mothers
words
,
which
she
spake
the
Friday
before
,
did
run
in
her
thoughts
;
which
she
repeated
to
her
Daughter
,
who
made
this
Reply
,
That
her
Mother
was
very
apt
to
talk
,
and
that
she
had
been
fain
to
keep
her
Mother
within
doors
during
the
Fire
,
fearing
lest
she
should
talk
.
After
this
(
during
the
Fire
)
Mrs.
Eves
met
with
Mrs.
Cook
,
another
Popish
Recusant
,
and
of
the
same
Family
;
to
whom
she
also
related
Mrs.
St.
George
her
Words
:
who
made
this
Return
,
That
she
was
a
worthy
Woman
to
keep
Councel
!
Also
the
Lady
St.
George
at
Enfield
,
in
the
Lord
of
Lincoln's
House
,
declared
to
Mrs.
Rebecca
Eves
of
the
said
Town
,
That
within
a
few
Days
,
the
City
of
London
would
be
laid
in
ashes
.
This
was
spoken
about
two
Days
before
the
Fire
happened
.
Mrs.
Eves
of
Enfield
her
Examination
before
Mr.
Jolliff
and
Mr.
Marvel
,
December
,
20.
1666.
concerning
Mrs.
St.
George
.
MRs.
Rebecca
Eves
of
Enfield
,
three
or
four
Days
,
or
within
a
Week
before
the
Fire
,
receiving
a
Visit
in
her
own
House
,
from
Mrs.
St.
George
(
amongst
other
Discourse
)
Mrs.
St.
George
ask'd
her
,
What
News
she
heard
?
And
if
she
knew
when
the
Parliament
sate
?
Mrs.
Eves
replyed
,
She
thought
,
shortly
.
The
other
ask'd
,
If
she
heard
of
any
that
were
to
be
called
in
question
before
the
Parliament
?
Mrs.
Eves
said
,
About
what
?
Mrs.
St.
George
said
,
About
a
Plot.
Mrs.
Eves
asked
,
What
Plot
?
Mrs.
St.
George
answered
,
About
firing
the
City
.
Mrs.
Eves
said
,
I
hope
God
will
preserve
the
City
;
but
People
use
not
to
be
questioned
before
the
Fact
be
committed
.
So
the
Discourse
was
waved
for
that
time
.
At
the
time
of
the
Fire
,
Mrs.
Eves
went
out
to
look
towards
the
Fire
;
and
mentioning
Mrs.
St.
George
,
one
in
the
Company
replyed
behind
her
,
(
but
she
cannot
certainly
fix
the
Person
)
A
prime
woman
to
keep
Councel
!
After
the
Fire
,
Mrs.
St.
George
her
Daughter
came
to
Mrs.
Eves
,
who
asked
her
,
If
she
remembred
what
her
Mother
had
said
?
She
said
,
My
Mother
is
such
a
Woman
,
she
will
speak
what
she
thinks
.
Afterwards
she
said
,
That
she
had
much
ado
to
keep
her
Mother
in
at
the
time
of
the
Fire
,
lest
she
should
speak
some
things
she
should
be
questioned
for
.
At
the
first
Discourse
,
Mrs.
Eves
,
her
Daughter
,
and
others
of
the
Family
were
present
.
Mr.
St.
George
,
his
Wife
,
and
Family
,
have
since
left
Enfield
.
They
are
all
great
Papists
,
and
there
are
many
more
in
the
Neighbourhood
.
A
Letter
directed
,
and
sent
by
the
Post
to
Mr.
Samuel
Thurlton
,
in
Leicestshire
,
from
a
Person
unknown
,
as
followeth
;
Dated
,
October
,
1666.
My
Friend
,
YOur
Presence
is
now
more
necessary
at
London
,
than
where
you
are
,
that
you
may
determine
how
to
dispose
of
your
Estate
in
Southwark
:
For
it
is
determined
by
Humane
Councel
(
if
not
frustrated
by
Divine
Power
)
that
the
Suburbs
will
shortly
be
destroyed
.
Your
Capacity
is
large
enough
to
understand
:
Proceed
as
your
Genious
shall
instruct
you
.
Cave
,
Cave
,
Fuge
,
Vale.
SAturday
the
First
of
September
,
1666
,
the
Day
before
the
Fire
in
London
,
came
one
Urmstraw
from
Ireland
,
with
a
Letter
from
thence
,
to
one
Esq
Holeroft
,
at
Eastham
in
Essex
,
(
being
related
to
that
Family
by
Marriage
;
)
where
he
supped
.
After
which
he
asked
the
Esquire
,
If
he
had
heard
any
thing
of
the
Firing
of
London
?
Who
answered
No.
But
Urmstraw
said
,
He
would
shortly
;
for
it
was
,
or
would
be
so
that
Night
.
The
Esquire
answered
,
if
it
were
,
he
hoped
it
might
be
quenched
again
;
as
it
had
been
many
a
time
.
But
Urmstraw
answered
,
No
,
it
would
not
be
quenched
;
for
it
should
be
said
of
it
,
as
of
Troy
:
repeating
a
Latin
Verse
,
N●ne
Seges
est
ubi
Troja
fuit
.
Now
Corn
grows
where
Troy-Town
stood
.
This
Discourse
was
managed
pleasantly
by
him
;
after
which
they
went
to
their
Beds
:
And
in
the
Morning
,
this
Urmstraw
enquires
earnestly
,
Whether
they
had
heard
of
the
Firing
of
London
that
Night
?
They
answered
,
No.
But
he
prayed
him
to
send
one
of
the
Family
out
,
to
enquire
;
and
,
doubtless
,
they
would
hear
of
it
.
Upon
which
a
Messenger
was
sent
;
who
brought
word
from
a
Man
that
travelled
upon
the
Road
,
that
it
was
on
fire
indeed
.
After
Dinner
,
this
Urmstraw
desired
his
Horse
to
be
sadled
that
he
might
be
gone
.
The
Esquire
intreats
him
to
stay
till
next
Morning
:
But
he
answered
,
Therefore
I
would
see
London
before
it
be
quite
burnt
;
for
I
shall
never
see
it
more
.
Sunday
Morning
,
the
Fire
being
begun
in
London
,
a
Person
coming
from
Deptford
,
when
he
came
to
Barnaby-street
end
in
Southwark
,
hears
a
Woman
cry
out
against
a
French-man
,
for
throwing
Fire-balls
;
he
runs
after
him
,
and
lays
hold
of
him
.
He
asked
him
,
what
Commission
he
had
for
so
doing
?
He
answered
,
That
his
Comission
was
in
his
Constancy
.
The
People
coming
in
,
they
searched
him
,
and
found
Fire-balls
in
his
Pockets
.
He
was
delivered
to
the
Guard
in
Southwark
,
but
heard
of
no
more
.
A
Citizen
being
fired
out
of
his
House
,
had
hired
a
Lodging
in
Queen
street
in
Covent
Garden
;
and
going
up
Holborn
,
there
being
a
Crowd
of
People
,
steps
in
amongst
them
,
and
hears
a
Woman
say
,
that
she
had
a
hand
in
firing
the
City
.
The
People
ask'd
her
,
whether
she
was
an
Anabaptist
?
She
said
,
No.
Are
you
an
Independant
?
She
said
,
No.
Are
you
a
Presbyterian
?
She
said
,
No.
Are
you
a
Roman
Catholick
?
To
which
she
would
give
no
answer
.
The
Citizen
asked
her
,
But
,
Mistress
;
Had
you
a
hand
in
burning
the
City
?
She
answered
,
What
would
you
have
me
to
say
?
I
have
confessed
it
already
,
and
do
deserve
to
die
for
it
.
This
she
said
,
with
great
trembling
;
and
seemed
to
be
much
troubled
.
The
Citizen
enquired
for
a
Constable
:
The
People
reply
,
There
was
one
gone
for
.
But
a
Gallant
comes
,
and
takes
her
by
the
Arm
,
and
leads
her
away
:
saying
,
He
would
have
her
examined
:
And
forthwith
,
another
Gallant
closeth
with
him
;
and
they
both
carried
her
to
the
Griffin-Tavern
in
Holbourn
.
The
Citizen
follows
them
,
to
see
the
Result
of
the
Business
:
But
they
with
the
Master
of
the
house
,
shut
out
the
Company
(
all
but
the
Citizen
,
supposing
him
to
be
one
of
their
own
Company
,
)
but
asking
one
the
other
concerning
him
,
and
finding
him
not
of
them
,
put
him
out
again
.
Whereupon
,
he
goes
to
the
next
Company
of
Souldiers
,
and
enquires
for
their
Captain
:
who
replyed
,
He
was
not
there
;
but
told
him
,
Yonder
is
my
L.
C.
Unto
whom
the
Citizen
repaired
;
and
acquainted
his
Lordship
,
That
there
was
a
Woman
apprehended
(
and
rescued
by
a
couple
of
Gallants
)
that
had
confessed
she
had
a
hand
in
burning
the
City
,
and
was
at
such
a
Tavern
.
Whereupon
the
L.
C.
called
to
a
Captain
in
the
Street
,
and
ordered
him
to
go
with
that
Man
,
and
apprehend
the
Woman
that
he
should
direct
him
to
.
Whereupon
,
he
goes
with
the
Citizen
,
and
takes
her
,
with
the
first
Gallant
,
who
stood
up
highly
in
her
defence
,
and
carries
them
both
to
an
Ale-house
on
the
other
side
of
the
way
.
The
Citizen
perceiving
that
nothing
would
be
done
with
her
,
leaves
his
Name
with
the
Captain
,
and
where
he
might
be
found
;
but
was
never
called
for
,
to
justifie
the
Words
spoken
by
her
.
A
Woman
standing
in
White-Chappel
with
a
Company
about
her
,
was
ask'd
what
the
matter
was
?
She
said
,
that
she
met
two
young
Men
in
that
place
,
and
asked
them
how
it
was
with
the
Fire
:
They
answered
'T
is
now
almost
out
,
if
it
can
be
kept
so
;
but
the
Rogues
renew
it
with
their
Fire-balls
.
As
saith
another
Woman
,
Young
men
if
you
have
a
heart
to
it
,
you
may
be
hired
to
throw
them
.
It
was
ask'd
her
,
What
was
become
of
the
Woman
that
spake
thus
?
She
answered
,
That
she
had
apprehended
her
,
and
delivered
her
to
the
under
Beadle
of
White-Chappel
Parish
.
The
Woman
falling
under
the
Accusation
(
not
being
able
to
deny
it
)
there
being
many
Witnesses
at
that
time
that
heard
it
:
She
was
delivered
to
Sir
John
Robinson
but
heard
of
no
more
.
One
from
France
writes
to
his
Correspondent
in
London
,
to
know
the
truth
of
what
was
muttered
in
Paris
,
Whether
London
was
laid
in
ashes
or
no.
The
Letter
being
dated
a
Week
before
the
Fire
began
.
From
Surrey
in
or
near
Darkin
,
a
Person
in
ordinary
habit
,
who
was
yet
observed
to
take
place
of
all
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
among
the
Papists
,
seeing
the
People
of
Darkin
mourn
for
the
burning
of
the
City
,
he
spake
slightingly
of
it
,
telling
them
,
they
should
have
something
else
to
trouble
themselves
for
;
and
that
shortly
Darkin
should
be
laid
as
low
as
London
.
Whereupon
the
People
made
at
him
,
and
one
Tr.
H.
a
great
Papist
rescues
him
,
and
sends
him
away
in
his
Coach
to
London
This
was
deposed
before
Sir
Adam
Brown
,
a
Justice
of
Peace
,
and
a
Member
of
Parliament
.
These
following
Relations
(
for
Substance
)
were
delivered
to
Sir
Robert
Brooks
,
Chair-man
of
the
Committee
,
a
little
before
the
Prorogation
of
the
Parliament
.
A
true
Relation
made
by
one
of
the
Grand
Jury
,
at
Hick
'
s-Hall
,
at
a
general
Quarter-Sessions
,
presently
after
the
Fire
in
London
,
who
was
upon
Trial
of
some
of
those
that
fired
the
City
.
THat
near
West-Smithfield
in
Chicklane
,
there
was
a
Man
taken
in
the
very
Act
of
firing
a
House
,
by
the
Inhabitants
and
Neighbours
;
and
carrying
him
away
through
Smithfield
,
to
have
him
before
a
Justice
for
the
Fact
committed
,
the
King's
Life
Guard
perceiving
it
,
made
up
unto
them
,
and
demanded
their
Prisoner
from
them
;
but
they
refused
to
let
him
go
.
The
Life-Guard
Men
told
them
,
That
he
was
one
of
the
King's
Servants
,
and
said
,
We
will
have
him
.
And
thereupon
they
drew
out
their
Swords
and
Pistols
,
and
rescued
him
out
of
the
Peoples
hands
by
force
of
Arms.
A
Bill
of
Indictment
was
brought
against
him
,
and
two
or
three
Witnesses
did
swear
unto
it
,
and
the
Bill
was
found
by
the
Grand-Jury
,
who
did
carry
it
to
the
Old
Baily
,
and
presented
it
to
the
Lord
Chief
Justice
;
but
it
came
to
no
further
Trial
,
nor
was
ever
seen
after
at
the
Old
Baily
,
so
far
as
this
Person
,
upon
his
best
Enquiry
,
could
ever
hear
,
or
learn
.
Concerning
an
House-keeper
at
So-ho
,
who
fired
his
own
Dwelling-house
.
FIrst
he
secured
all
his
Goods
in
his
Garden
,
and
then
went
in
and
fired
his
House
;
which
when
he
had
done
,
he
endeavoured
to
get
away
out
at
his
Fore-door
.
A
Neighbour
demanded
of
him
,
Who
had
fired
his
House
?
He
answered
,
The
Devil
.
Upon
that
,
his
Neighbour
bad
him
stand
,
or
he
would
run
his
Halbert
into
his
Guts
.
His
answer
was
,
If
you
do
,
there
are
enough
left
behind
me
to
do
the
Work
.
Whereupon
,
he
was
secur'd
,
and
a
Bill
of
Indictment
brought
against
him
,
and
about
three
Witnesses
did
swear
to
it
:
And
his
Son
came
in
as
Witness
against
him
;
who
was
demanded
by
the
Foreman
,
What
he
could
say
as
to
the
firing
of
his
Father's
House
?
He
said
,
That
his
Father
did
fire
it
with
a
Fire-ball
.
It
was
demanded
of
him
,
Whether
he
did
fire
it
above
stairs
,
or
below
?
He
answered
,
Above
stairs
.
The
Bill
was
likewise
found
,
but
the
Petty-jury
did
not
find
him
guilty
.
A
Maid
was
taken
in
the
Street
,
with
two
Fire-balls
in
her
Lap
:
Some
did
demand
of
her
,
Where
she
had
them
?
She
said
,
One
of
the
King's
Life-guard
threw
them
into
her
Lap.
She
was
asked
,
Why
she
had
not
caused
him
to
be
apprehended
?
She
said
,
That
she
knew
not
what
they
were
.
She
was
indicted
for
this
,
and
the
Bill
found
against
her
,
and
turned
over
to
the
Old
Baily
;
but
no
Prosecution
upon
it
.
In
the
time
of
the
Fire
,
a
Constable
took
a
French-man
firing
an
house
,
seized
on
him
;
and
going
to
a
Magistrate
with
him
,
met
his
R.
H.
the
D.
Y.
who
asked
the
Reason
of
the
Tumult
.
One
told
him
,
that
a
French-man
was
taken
firing
a
House
:
His
H.
called
for
the
Man
,
who
spake
to
him
in
French
:
The
D.
asked
,
Who
would
attest
it
?
The
Constable
said
,
I
took
him
in
the
Act
,
and
I
will
attest
it
.
The
D.
took
him
into
his
Custody
,
and
said
,
I
will
secure
him
.
But
he
was
heard
of
no
more
.
On
Monday
the
third
of
September
,
there
was
a
French-man
taken
firing
a
house
;
and
upon
searching
of
him
,
Fire-balls
were
found
about
him
.
At
which
time
four
of
the
Life-Guard
rescued
the
French-man
,
and
took
him
away
from
the
People
,
after
their
usual
manner
in
the
whole
time
of
the
Fire
.
One
Mr.
Belland
,
a
French-man
,
living
at
Maribone
,
who
bought
great
store
of
Pastboard
for
a
considerable
time
before
the
Fire
of
the
City
of
London
,
to
the
Quantity
of
twenty
gross
in
one
Shop
,
and
much
more
elsewhere
,
was
asked
by
a
Citizen
,
What
he
did
with
all
that
Past-board
?
He
answered
that
he
made
Fire-works
for
the
King's
Pleasure
.
The
Citizen
asked
him
.
What
doth
the
King
give
you
?
He
replyed
,
Nothing
,
only
I
have
respect
at
Court
:
The
Citizen
said
,
Take
heed
,
Mr.
Belland
,
you
do
not
expend
your
Estate
,
and
then
lose
your
Respect
at
Court
,
for
you
are
at
a
great
Charge
.
Belland
answered
,
Sir
,
do
you
think
this
a
great
matter
?
I
use
all
this
my self
;
But
if
you
did
see
all
the
great
quantities
I
have
made
elsewhere
in
three
several
places
,
three
,
four
,
and
five
miles
off
,
you
would
say
something
.
Another
time
the
Stationer
with
whom
he
dealt
for
the
Past-board
,
being
at
his
house
in
Maribone
,
and
wondring
at
the
many
Thousands
of
Fire-works
,
that
lay
piled
up
of
several
sorts
,
he
said
,
Sir
,
do
you
wonder
at
this
?
If
you
should
see
the
quantity
that
I
have
made
elsewhere
by
other
Men
,
you
would
wonder
indeed
.
The
Sunday
before
the
Fire
began
,
this
Belland
came
to
the
Shop
where
he
was
wont
to
buy
his
Past-board
,
but
the
Stationer
being
not
there
,
he
desired
a
Citizen
(
the
Stationers's
Neighbour
)
to
speak
to
him
,
and
to
let
him
know
that
he
had
much
wronged
him
in
disappointing
him
of
the
four
Gross
of
Past-board
which
he
should
have
had
of
him
,
and
said
that
he
should
not
do
his
work
by
the
time
;
and
that
if
he
had
it
not
by
Tuesday
night
,
it
would
come
too
late
,
he
should
have
no
occasion
for
it
after
that
(
which
was
the
Tuesday
Night
before
the
Fire
)
Mr.
Belland
,
(
said
the
Citizen
)
What
is
the
reason
of
your
haste
?
Have
you
any
Shew
suddenly
before
the
King
?
At
which
he
blush'd
,
and
would
give
no
●●swer
.
Says
the
Citizen
,
What
kind
of
Fire-works
do
you
make
?
only
such
as
will
crack
and
run
?
Belland
answered
,
I
make
of
all
sorts
?
some
that
will
burn
and
make
no
crack
at
all
,
but
will
fly
up
in
a
pure
body
of
Flame
,
higher
then
the
top
of
Paul
's
,
and
waver
in
the
air
,
Says
the
Citizen
,
Mr.
Belland
,
when
you
make
your
Shew
,
shall
I
see
it
?
Yes
,
said
Belland
,
I
promise
you
,
and
gave
his
hand
upon
it
.
Which
Citizen
in
the
time
of
the
Fire
being
upon
the
Thames
in
a
●oat
,
saw
to
his
great
Amazement
,
sundry
Bodies
of
Fire
,
burning
above
the
Fire
of
the
Houses
as
high
again
as
Paul's
,
wavering
in
the
Air
,
directly
according
to
Belland's
Description
.
And
after
the
burning
of
the
City
,
some
Citizen
agreed
to
go
to
Maribone
,
to
speak
with
this
Belland
;
and
by
the
way
,
met
with
his
two
Maids
and
his
Boy
;
and
having
some
knowledge
of
them
,
asked
for
young
Mr.
Belland
:
who
told
them
,
he
was
not
at
home
,
neither
knew
they
where
he
was
.
But
the
Citizens
observing
,
that
they
carried
with
them
Rabbets
and
Capons
ready
dress'd
,
concluded
they
were
going
to
him
,
and
told
them
so
,
whereat
they
were
surly
,
and
bade
them
go
look
him
,
for
they
would
not
tell
them
where
he
was
.
Upon
that
,
the
Citizens
resolved
to
follow
them
,
and
did
,
till
they
came
to
Whitehall
.
The
servants
went
up
Stairs
,
and
down
stairs
,
on
purpose
to
have
lost
them
,
but
could
not
,
for
they
kept
close
to
them
:
And
at
last
,
one
of
the
Maids
went
to
a
Door
,
and
knocked
;
crying
out
,
They
were
dogged
by
two
Men
,
that
they
could
not
be
rid
of
.
With
that
,
young
Mr.
Belland
opened
the
Door
,
saying
to
one
of
the
Citizens
,
Sir
,
your
Servant
:
How
do
you
do
?
One
of
them
answered
,
Both
I
,
and
many
thousand
Families
more
,
are
the
worse
for
you
;
for
you
,
under
pretence
of
making
Fire-works
for
the
King
,
have
destroy'd
a
famous
City
,
and
ruined
a
noble
People
.
To
which
Belland
replies
,
I
make
nothing
but
innocent
things
,
that
will
do
no
harm
;
for
which
I
have
a
Patent
from
the
King
.
But
the
Citizen
answered
,
If
the
King
gave
you
a
Patent
,
it
was
but
for
your self
.
Who
answered
,
No.
Said
the
Citizen
,
What
made
you
then
to
employ
so
many
Men
,
in
so
many
Places
?
No
,
said
Belland
,
I
set
no
man
to
work
;
neither
know
I
any
Man
that
makes
of
them
,
but
my self
;
tho'
he
had
often
before
said
otherwise
.
While
they
were
thus
discoursing
,
old
Belland
looks
from
under
the
Hangings
;
Sir
,
said
he
,
I
hear
you
charge
my
Son
with
Suspition
of
burning
the
City
;
I
pray
you
,
speak
lower
,
(
casting
his
eyes
about
,
fearing
the
Ladies
,
passing
by
,
might
hear
;
)
and
said
,
My
Son
doth
nothing
,
but
what
he
hath
a
Patent
from
the
King
for
;
and
shall
have
an
Order
to
sue
any
Man
,
that
shall
accuse
him
.
And
he
said
,
My
Son
is
no
Prisoner
,
but
lodged
here
,
to
prevent
him
from
the
rage
of
the
Common
People
.
Well
,
said
the
Citizen
,
You
must
give
an
Account
for
what
you
have
done
:
And
so
they
shut
the
Door
upon
them
.
The
Citizen
went
,
and
enquired
whose
Lodgings
they
were
;
and
were
told
,
they
belonged
to
a
Lady
.
The
Information
of
Thomas
Middleton
Chyrurgeon
,
late
Inhabitant
of
St.
Brides
,
London
.
I
The
said
Thomas
Middleton
do
hereby
certifie
.
That
upon
the
Sunday
in
the
Afternoon
(
the
Day
wherein
the
dreadful
Fire
brake
out
in
Pudding-Lane
,
which
consumed
the
City
)
hearing
the
general
Out-cry
,
that
the
City
was
fired
by
Papists
and
French
,
I
repair'd
to
the
top
of
a
Church-steeple
,
near
the
Three
Cranes
,
in
the
Vintrey
;
where
my self
,
and
several
others
,
observ'd
the
Motion
of
the
Fire
for
two
or
three
Hours
together
:
And
we
all
took
Notice
,
that
the
Fire
did
break
forth
out
of
several
Houses
,
when
the
Houses
which
were
then
burning
were
at
a
good
distance
from
them
every
way
.
And
,
more
particularly
,
I
saw
the
Fire
break
out
from
the
inside
of
Lawrence
Poultney-steeple
,
when
there
was
no
Fire
near
it
.
These
,
and
such
like
observations
begat
in
me
a
Perswasion
,
that
the
Fire
was
maintained
by
Design
.
Upon
Monday
,
I
repaired
again
into
the
City
,
and
found
,
as
the
Day
before
,
that
the
Fire
did
break
forth
in
fresh
Houses
,
at
a
great
distance
one
from
another
.
And
as
I
was
returning
home
,
passing
through
Watling-street
,
by
a
Tobacco
Merchant's
House
,
I
saw
the
Master
of
the
House
come
down
Stairs
,
driving
a
young
Fellow
before
him
;
saying
to
him
,
You
Rogue
,
do
you
come
to
rob
me
?
What
did
you
do
in
my
Garret
?
Or
Words
to
that
purpose
;
and
pusht
him
out
of
doors
:
All
which
I
observ'd
,
and
he
seemed
to
be
a
Trench-man
:
He
was
a
short
,
black
Fellow
,
of
about
Two
and
twenty
Years
o●
Age
:
And
as
soon
as
he
was
out
of
the
House
,
he
having
a
loose
Coat
on
,
in
a
way
of
privacy
,
shuffles
something
under
his
Coat
;
whereupon
,
I
laid
hold
of
him
,
and
said
,
Sirrah
,
What
have
you
there
?
The
Fellow
replied
,
What
is
that
to
you
;
the
Master
of
the
House
knows
me
.
Upon
that
,
I
ask'd
the
Master
of
the
House
,
whether
he
knew
the
Fellow
:
He
answer'd
,
He
knew
him
not
.
Whereupon
I
search●d
the
●ellow
,
and
found
a
Horn
of
Powder
about
him
;
and
assoon
as
the
Powder
was
discovered
,
he
fell
a
rubbing
of
his
Hands
,
they
being
all
black
with
Powder
.
He
had
also
about
him
a
Book
intituled
,
The
Jewish
Government
.
I
charged
him
that
he
was
a
French-man
,
because
he
spake
broken
English
,
but
he
denied
it
,
and
did
much
vaunt
himself
.
There
coming
a
Constable
by
with
his
Staff
,
I
required
him
to
carry
him
to
Prison
,
and
I
would
assist
him
:
So
we
conveyed
him
to
Old-Bridewel
;
and
by
the
way
,
the
People
were
ready
to
kill
him
;
calling
him
French-Rascal
.
I
prayed
them
to
forbear
,
for
Justice
would
give
him
Reward
.
I
told
the
Fellow
,
he
would
be
hang'd
;
he
made
slight
of
it
,
saying
,
If
I
die
,
my
Soul
shall
be
saved
,
but
yours
shall
be
damned
.
And
when
he
was
put
into
Bridewel
,
I
desired
that
he
might
be
secured
,
and
none
sunered
to
speak
with
him
,
till
he
were
examined
before
a
Magistrate
,
because
the
Tobacco
Merchants
house
was
presently
burned
upon
it
.
But
so
it
happened
on
the
next
Day
,
that
the
fire
came
on
,
and
consumed
my
House
and
Goods
;
so
that
I
was
forced
,
with
my
Family
,
to
●●ee
into
the
Country
;
and
what
became
of
the
Fellow
,
I
know
not
;
old
Bridewel
being
burnt
also
.
And
understanding
that
the
Parliament
hath
appointed
a
Committee
to
enquire
after
the
Actors
in
,
and
Fomentors
of
that
terrible
Fire
;
I
thought
good
to
inform
the
Honourable
Committee
thereof
,
that
they
may
send
for
the
Keeper
of
the
said
Bridewel
,
to
know
what
became
of
the
Fellow
,
that
he
might
receive
Justice
according
to
his
Demerit
.
Thus
much
I
thought
my self
obliged
to
do
,
as
in
Duty
bound
to
God
and
my
Country
;
all
which
I
am
ready
to
affirm
upon
Oath
,
when
I
shall
be
thereunto
called
.
Tho.
Middleton
.
IN
the
time
of
the
Fire
,
near
Bridewell
,
there
was
a
Man
sadly
bemoaning
the
great
loss
he
was
like
to
sustain
(
the
Fire
then
being
within
Five
or
six
Houses
of
him
)
did
beseech
the
People
for
God's
sake
(
they
having
no
Goods
of
their
own
in
danger
)
to
come
in
and
help
him
to
throw
out
Trunks
,
Chests
,
Beds
,
&c.
out
at
a
Window
,
having
procured
two
Carts
or
Waggons
to
carry
them
away
.
Whereupon
I
ran
into
his
House
with
several
others
,
broke
down
his
Windows
,
threw
out
his
Goods
,
and
loaded
the
Carts
;
and
there
being
some
Interval
of
time
before
the
return
of
the
Carts
,
and
seeing
a
Room
wherein
were
many
Books
and
loose
Papers
(
which
seemed
to
be
a
Library
)
I
went
in
and
took
down
a
Book
,
which
proved
to
be
Ovid's
Metamorphosis
;
and
while
I
was
looking
upon
it
,
there
came
into
the
same
Room
an
old
Man
of
low
stature
,
with
a
white
Frock
,
who
looked
also
on
the
Book
as
it
was
in
my
Hand
;
I
took
him
in
my
mind
to
be
some
Groom
come
out
of
a
Stable
,
and
thought
him
to
be
presumptuously
foolish
,
supposing
such
a
mean-like
old
Man
ignorant
of
that
Language
in
which
the
Book
was
written
,
it
being
Latin
;
but
I
spoke
not
to
him
.
In
the
mean
time
there
brake
forth
a
Fire
amongst
the
Papers
which
were
behind
us
,
there
being
none
in
the
Room
but
he
and
I.
Whereupon
the
rest
of
the
People
coming
in
,
cri'd
out
,
We
had
set
the
Room
on
Fire
:
And
rushing
in
upon
us
,
put
out
the
Fire
with
their
Feet
.
Whereupon
I
took
hold
of
the
old
Man
by
the
Buttons
under
the
Throat
,
and
said
,
How
now
,
Father
!
it
must
either
be
you
or
I
that
must
fire
these
Papers
.
There
was
a
small
thing
of
a
black
matter
,
which
looked
like
a
piece
of
Link
,
burning
,
which
questionless
set
fire
on
the
Papers
,
but
it
was
immediately
trod
out
.
A
Tumult
of
People
thronged
in
;
and
when
I
said
,
How
now
,
Father
!
and
took
hold
on
him
,
Parce
mihi
,
Domini
:
The
People
which
did
not
understand
it
,
cried
out
,
He
is
a
French-man
,
kill
him
;
and
with
pulling
of
him
,
his
Peruke
fell
off
;
then
appeared
a
bald
Skull
,
and
under
his
Frock
he
had
black
Cloaths
,
I
think
of
Bishop-Sattin
;
whereupon
he
seemed
to
be
a
grave
Ecclesiastick
Person
.
I
had
much
ado
to
save
him
from
the
People
,
but
at
last
bronght
him
before
the
D.
of
Y.
We
found
it
his
Pockets
a
Bundle
of
Papers
closed
up
with
Wax
like
a
Packet
,
which
was
delivered
to
the
D.
of
Y.
I
know
not
what
was
written
in
them
,
neither
do
I
know
what
Country-man
he
was
;
but
methoughts
he
looked
something
Jesuit-like
.
This
I
am
certain
of
,
that
when
I
went
into
the
Room
there
was
no
Fire
in
it
,
and
it
was
fired
when
there
was
none
but
he
and
I
in
it
,
yet
I
cannot
say
I
saw
him
do
it
,
though
I
cannot
but
suspect
he
did
it
,
and
the
rather
because
there
were
several
Houses
untouched
betwixt
this
House
,
and
where
the
Fire
was
coming
on
,
where
the
Papers
in
the
Library
were
thus
on
Fire
as
I
have
related
.
What
became
of
this
Fellow
,
after
we
had
delivered
him
to
his
R.
H.
I
have
not
heard
.
John
Stewart
.
Thus
far
concerning
the
Report
and
Informations
about
the
Fire
:
Now
follows
a
true
Account
of
what
was
represented
to
another
Committee
of
Parliament
,
touching
the
Insolency
of
Popish
Priests
and
Jesuites
,
and
the
Increase
of
Popery
,
&c.
At
the
Committee
appointed
to
Certifie
Informations
touching
the
Insolency
of
Popish
Priests
and
Jesuites
,
and
the
Increase
of
Popery
.
Ordered
,
That
these
several
Informations
proceeded
on
,
in
Pursuance
of
the
said
Power
of
the
Committee
,
be
reported
to
the
House
in
reference
to
the
Insolency
of
the
Popish
Priests
and
Jesuites
,
and
the
Increase
of
Popery
.
AS
to
the
Increase
of
Popery
Mr.
Hancock
,
Minister
of
Chilmoth
in
Wilts
,
Informs
,
That
meeting
,
with
one
Mr.
Thomson
,
about
a
Month
since
,
coming
from
Mass
out
of
Somerset-house
Chappel
,
and
discoursing
to
him
about
his
Religion
,
asked
him
,
if
there
were
many
lately
turned
to
it
?
Thomson
answered
,
Thousands
.
And
being
demanded
,
what
Encouragement
there
was
to
it
?
Replied
,
There
would
be
a
Change
suddenly
.
Report
his
Carriage
to
the
Commitee
.
Mr.
Thomson
being
summoned
before
the
Committee
,
did
hehave
himself
very
insolently
:
They
have
commanded
me
to
report
it
.
Being
asked
,
Whether
he
had
not
a
Shop
in
Somerset-house
where
Popish
Books
and
Popish
Knacks
were
sold
?
He
said
,
he
had
;
and
that
his
Man
sold
such
Books
and
Beads
,
and
other
things
.
And
said
,
There
was
one
Crucifix
,
no
Relicks
;
but
wished
he
had
some
good
ones
.
He
said
,
that
he
was
a
Roman
Catholick
,
and
thanks
God
for
it
.
He
said
,
he
was
no
Priest
,
but
wished
he
were
in
a
Capacity
to
be
one
.
He
said
,
he
had
not
taken
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
,
nor
would
do
it
.
He
said
,
he
would
take
any
Oath
that
any
Christian
Prince
should
require
,
but
not
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
intimating
some
mixture
in
it
.
He
said
,
he
had
taken
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
to
the
King
of
Spain
,
and
was
a
Subject
to
the
King
of
Spain
.
One
Mr.
Ash
a
Minister
,
late
of
Capel
in
Surrey
,
Informed
,
That
being
at
Caufield
in
Lancashire
this
last
Summer
,
he
saw
great
Resort
on
Sundays
to
Caufield
House
,
the
House
of
a
Papist
;
and
asking
some
that
were
going
thither
,
what
the
Occasion
was
of
their
Resort
thither
,
they
told
him
they
were
going
to
Mass
,
and
that
one
Mr.
Robinson
a
Priest
did
say
Mass
.
Mr.
Ash
did
likewise
Inform
,
that
he
thought
the
number
of
those
that
went
to
Mass
to
that
House
on
Sundays
,
was
as
great
as
the
Protestants
that
went
to
the
Parish-Church
.
One
Mr.
Welden
Deputy-Ordinary
for
Middlesex
,
did
Inform
,
That
in
his
accustomed
attendance
on
the
Prisoners
at
Newgate
,
about
the
time
of
Execution
,
Romish
Priests
,
and
particularly
one
Mr.
Harvy
a
Jesuit
,
hath
constantly
used
to
resort
to
the
Prison
at
those
times
,
and
doth
perswade
the
Prisoners
to
become
Papists
;
and
that
divers
have
been
altered
in
their
Religion
by
them
,
and
turned
to
Popery
.
Mr.
Wootten
Informeth
,
That
on
October
,
16.
he
went
to
Newgate
,
and
meeting
with
one
Howard
an
Under-Keeper
at
the
Door
,
desired
to
speak
with
Mr.
Hubert
the
French-man
,
who
was
then
condemned
:
Howard
told
him
that
he
could
not
speak
with
him
yet
,
for
Mr.
Harvey
the
Queen
Mothers
Confessor
was
in
private
with
him
;
and
said
,
this
Harvy
used
frequently
to
come
to
the
Prison
after
Condemnation
,
and
that
where
one
Prisoner
died
a
Protestant
,
many
died
Papists
.
Mr.
Wootten
said
,
that
after
some
stay
he
saw
Mr.
Harvy
come
out
from
Mr.
Hubert
,
and
then
he
was
admitted
to
have
Speech
with
him
.
Mr.
Cawdry
,
Keeper
of
Newgate
,
did
Inform
,
That
Mr.
Harvy
the
Jesuit
did
frequent
the
Prison
at
Newgate
about
the
times
of
the
Execution
upon
the
pretence
of
the
Queens
Charity
,
and
did
spend
much
time
with
the
Prisoners
in
private
,
and
particularly
,
did
so
before
the
last
Execution
,
night
after
night
.
Mr.
Cawdry
said
likewise
of
the
nine
that
suffered
,
eight
died
Papists
,
whereof
some
he
knew
were
Protestants
when
they
came
into
the
Prison
.
It
appeared
upon
several
Informations
,
that
Mr.
Harvy
and
other
Priests
,
did
not
only
resort
to
Newgate
at
times
of
Execution
;
but
likewise
to
the
White-Lion
in
Southwark
,
and
other
places
in
the
Country
,
and
used
their
endeavours
to
pervert
dying
Prisoners
.
Thomas
Barnet
,
late
a
Papist
,
Informed
,
That
when
he
was
a
Papist
,
and
resorted
to
Gentlemens
Houses
in
Barkshire
that
were
Papists
;
there
was
almost
in
every
Gentlemans
House
a
Priest
,
and
instanced
in
divers
private
Gentlemen
in
that
County
.
Others
inform
the
like
,
in
Sarrey
.
Mr.
Cottman
did
inform
,
That
one
Mr.
Carpenter
,
late
a
Preacher
at
Colledge-hill
,
did
in
Discourse
tell
Cottman
,
That
the
Judgments
of
God
upon
this
Kingdom
by
the
Plague
last
year
,
and
lately
by
the
Fire
in
London
,
were
come
upon
this
Land
and
People
,
for
their
forsaking
the
true
Roman
Catholick
Religion
,
and
shaking
off
Obedience
to
the
Pope
,
and
that
if
they
would
return
to
the
Church
of
Rome
,
the
Pope
would
rebuild
the
City
at
his
own
Charge
.
Carpenter
said
likewise
to
Cottman
,
That
if
he
would
come
and
hear
him
Preach
the
next
Sunday
at
his
House
in
Queen-street
,
he
would
give
twenty
Reasons
to
prove
,
that
the
Roman
Catholick
was
the
true
Religion
,
and
his
the
false
;
and
that
our
Bible
had
a
thousand
falsities
in
it
,
and
that
there
was
no
true
Scripture
but
at
Rome
,
and
their
Church
.
Carpenter
at
the
Committee
confessed
,
that
he
had
formerly
taken
Orders
from
the
Church
of
Rome
to
be
a
Priest
,
but
said
he
had
renounced
that
Church
and
taken
Orders
in
England
.
The
next
thing
is
the
Information
of
their
Insolency
,
and
I
shall
begin
with
their
Scorning
and
Despising
the
Bible
.
One
Thomas
Williams
an
Officer
in
Sir
William
Bowyer's
Regiment
,
Informed
,
That
one
Ashley
a
Papist
,
seeing
a
Woman
read
in
a
Bible
,
asked
her
why
she
read
in
that
Damnable
Presbiterian
Bible
,
and
said
,
A
Play-book
was
as
good
.
Thomas
Barnet
of
Bingfield
in
Barkshire
,
Informed
,
That
being
at
one
Mr.
Young's
House
in
Bingfield
,
at
Bartholomew-tide
last
,
Mr.
Young
said
to
the
Brother
of
this
Thomas
,
in
his
hearing
,
That
within
two
Years
there
should
not
be
a
Protestant
in
England
.
Thomas
Barnet
,
Informed
further
,
That
being
at
Mr.
Doncaster's
House
in
Bingfield
,
one
Mr.
Thural
,
Son-in-Law
,
to
Mr.
Doncaster
,
(
and
both
Papists
)
said
to
this
Informer
,
(
who
was
then
likewise
a
Papist
,
)
The
People
take
me
for
a
poor
fellow
,
but
I
shall
find
a
thousand
or
two
thousand
pounds
to
raise
a
party
of
Horse
,
to
make
Mr.
Hathorns
and
Mr.
Bullocks
fat
guts
lie
on
the
ground
;
for
it
is
no
more
to
kill
an
Heretick
,
than
to
kill
a
Grashopper
,
and
that
it
was
happy
for
him
that
he
was
a
Catholick
,
for
by
that
means
he
shall
be
one
that
shall
be
mounted
.
Mr.
Linwood
Scrivenner
in
White-Chappel
,
Informed
,
That
about
the
Twentieth
of
October
last
,
meeting
with
one
Mr.
Binks
a
Papist
,
and
discoursing
with
him
,
Binks
told
him
,
That
there
was
amongst
the
Papists
as
a
great
Design
a●
ever
was
in
England
,
and
he
thought
it
would
be
executed
suddenly
.
Being
asked
how
many
Papists
there
were
about
London
?
He
answered
,
About
seven
thousand
,
and
in
England
an
hundred
thousand
were
Armed
.
Mr.
Oaks
a
Physician
dwelling
in
Shadwel
,
Informed
,
That
a
little
after
the
burning
of
London
,
one
Mr.
Carpenter
a
Minister
,
came
to
his
House
in
Tower-wharf
,
and
spake
to
him
to
this
purpose
:
I
will
not
say
that
I
am
a
Papist
,
but
this
I
will
say
,
that
I
had
rather
die
the
death
of
the
Papists
.
and
that
my
Soul
should
be
raised
with
their
Resurrection
,
than
either
to
be
Presbiterian
,
Independant
or
Anabaptist
;
and
I
tell
you
,
the
Papists
have
hitherto
been
his
Majesty's
best
Fortification
;
for
when
Presbiterians
,
Independants
and
Anabaptists
forsook
and
opposed
him
,
then
they
stood
by
him
,
and
helped
him
;
and
he
is
now
resolved
to
commit
himself
into
their
hands
.
And
take
it
upon
my
word
in
a
short
time
,
the
Papists
will
lay
you
as
low
as
that
house
(
pointing
to
an
house
that
was
demolished
)
for
they
are
able
to
raise
Forty
thousand
men
,
and
I
believe
,
the
next
work
will
be
cutting
of
Throats
.
This
was
Sworn
by
Mr.
Oaks
,
before
Sir
John
Frederick
,
a
Member
of
the
House
.
Mirian
Pilkington
being
present
when
the
Words
were
spoken
doth
affirm
them
all
,
save
only
those
,
That
the
King
is
resolved
to
commit
himself
into
the
Papists
hands
.
Those
she
doth
not
remember
.
Henry
Young
a
Distiller
of
Hot-waters
,
informed
,
That
about
,
April
1661.
being
in
the
Jesuites
Colledge
in
Antwerp
,
one
Powel
,
an
English
Jesuite
perswaded
him
to
turn
a
Roman
Catholick
,
and
said
,
That
if
he
intended
to
save
his
Life
and
Estate
he
had
best
turn
so
,
for
within
seven
Years
he
should
see
all
England
of
that
Religion
.
Young
replied
,
That
the
City
of
London
would
never
endure
it
.
Powel
answered
,
That
within
five
or
six
Years
they
would
break
the
Power
and
Strength
of
London
in
pieces
,
and
that
they
had
been
contriving
it
these
twenty
Years
;
and
that
if
Young
did
live
,
he
should
see
it
done
.
The
said
Young
did
likewise
Inform
,
That
shortly
after
his
coming
into
England
,
one
Thomson
and
Copervel
,
both
Papists
,
did
several
times
say
to
him
,
That
within
five
or
six
Years
at
the
farthest
,
the
Roman
Catholick
Religion
should
be
all
over
in
this
Kingdom
.
Jasper
Goodwin
of
Darking
,
in
the
County
of
Surrey
,
Informed
,
That
about
a
Month
since
,
one
Edward
Complin
,
a
Papist
,
said
to
him
,
You
must
all
be
Papists
shortly
;
and
that
now
he
was
not
ashamed
to
own
himself
a
Roman
Catholick
,
and
to
own
his
Priest
(
naming
two
that
were
in
Darkin
in
the
houses
of
two
Papists
;
)
and
likewise
said
,
That
in
twenty
four
hours
warning
,
the
Roman
Catholicks
could
raise
thirty
thousand
Men
,
as
well
armed
,
as
any
Men
in
Christendom
.
William
Warner
of
Darking
Informed
,
That
the
said
Edward
Complin
did
tell
him
,
That
the
Roman
Catholicks
in
England
,
could
in
twenty
four
hours
,
raise
thirty
thousand
Horse
and
Arms
:
And
upon
saying
so
,
pulled
out
his
Crucifix
and
Beads
,
and
said
,
He
was
not
ashamed
of
his
Religion
.
John
Grawnger
of
Darking
,
Informed
that
about
a
Year
since
being
in
his
House
,
reading
the
Bible
,
one
Thomas
Collins
a
Papist
,
said
to
him
,
Are
you
still
a
Church-goer
?
Had
you
not
better
turn
Roman
Catholick
?
If
you
stay
till
you
are
forced
none
will
abide
you
.
And
said
further
,
That
there
was
a
Man
beyond
sea
had
prophesied
,
That
in
sixty
six
,
if
the
King
did
not
settle
the
Romish
Religion
in
England
,
he
would
be
banished
out
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
all
his
Posterity
.
And
Collins
further
said
,
That
he
being
lately
turned
a
Roman
Catholick
,
he
would
not
be
a
Protestant
for
all
the
World
.
He
wished
Graunger
again
,
in
the
hearing
of
his
Wife
,
(
which
he
affirmed
to
the
Committee
)
to
turn
his
Religion
;
for
all
the
said
Prophesie
would
come
to
pass
in
Sixty
six
.
Robert
Holloway
of
Darking
aforesaid
,
informed
,
That
one
Stephen
Griffin
,
a
Papist
,
said
to
him
,
That
all
the
bloud
that
had
been
shed
in
the
late
civil
War
,
was
nothing
to
that
which
would
be
shed
this
year
in
England
.
Holloway
demanded
a
reason
for
these
words
,
in
regard
the
Kingdom
was
in
peace
,
and
no
likelihood
of
trouble
;
and
said
,
Do
you
Papists
intend
to
rise
and
cut
our
throats
when
we
are
asleep
?
Griffin
answered
,
That
's
no
matter
,
if
you
live
,
you
shall
see
it
.
Ferdinand
de
Massido
,
a
Portuguese
,
and
some
Years
since
a
Romish
Priest
,
but
turning
Protestant
,
Informed
,
That
one
Father
Taff
a
Jesuite
,
did
the
last
year
tell
him
at
Paris
,
That
if
all
England
did
not
return
to
the
Church
of
Rome
,
they
should
all
be
destroyed
the
next
Year
.
Mr.
Samuel
Cottman
of
the
Middle-Temple
,
Barister
,
Informed
,
That
about
two
Years
since
,
one
Mr.
Jeviston
,
a
Popish
Priest
,
and
called
by
the
Name
of
Father
Garret
,
did
perswade
him
to
turn
Papist
,
and
he
should
want
neither
Profit
nor
Preferment
.
Mr.
Cottman
objected
,
that
he
intended
to
practise
the
Law
,
which
he
could
not
do
if
he
turned
Papist
,
because
he
must
take
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
at
his
being
called
to
the
Bar
;
and
if
he
were
a
Papist
,
he
must
not
take
it
.
Mr.
Jeviston
replied
,
Why
not
take
the
Oath
?
It
is
an
unlawful
Oath
,
and
void
ipso
facto
.
And
after
some
pause
,
said
further
First
take
the
Oath
,
and
then
I
will
convert
you
.
He
said
further
,
The
King
will
not
own
'
himself
to
be
Head
of
the
Church
.
And
said
further
,
You
in
England
that
set
up
the
Dutch
to
destroy
our
Religion
,
shall
find
that
they
shall
be
the
Men
to
PULL
DOWN
YOURS
.
Mr.
Stanley
,
an
Officer
to
the
Duke
of
Ormond
in
Ireland
,
Informed
,
That
coming
out
of
Ireland
with
one
Oriel
(
who
owned
himself
of
the
Order
of
the
Jesuites
,
and
commissioned
from
the
Pope
to
be
Lord
Primate
of
Ireland
,
and
Archbishop
of
Armah
)
and
falling
into
some
Discourse
with
him
,
he
told
him
,
That
there
had
been
a
Difference
between
him
and
some
other
of
the
Jesuites
in
Ireland
,
and
that
part
of
the
Occasion
was
,
that
one
Father
Walsh
,
and
some
other
of
the
Jesuites
there
did
dispense
with
the
Papists
in
Ireland
,
to
take
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
,
by
virtue
of
a
standing
Commission
from
the
Pope
which
he
had
to
do
it
,
during
this
King's
Life
;
and
Oriel
thought
they
ought
not
to
do
it
by
virtue
of
the
standing
Commission
,
but
should
take
a
new
Commission
from
the
Pope
every
Year
to
do
it
.
And
likewise
,
That
he
brought
eight
Boys
out
of
Ireland
,
whom
he
intended
to
carry
to
Flanders
,
to
breed
up
in
some
of
the
Colledges
there
.
And
at
his
taking
Shipping
to
go
for
Flanders
,
he
shaked
his
Foot
towards
England
,
terming
it
Egypt
,
and
said
He
would
not
return
into
England
,
till
he
came
with
50
thousand
Men
at
his
heels
.
A
French
Merchant
being
a
Papist
living
in
St.
Michael's
Lane
,
London
,
writes
in
a
Letter
to
his
Friend
,
That
a
great
number
of
Men
and
Arms
were
ready
here
,
if
those
he
wrote
to
were
ready
there
.
He
being
upon
the
Intercepting
of
this
Letter
,
searched
;
forty
Fire-locks
were
found
in
his
House
,
ready
loaden
;
which
were
carried
to
Fishmongers-Hall
,
a
Month
or
more
before
the
Fire
,
and
he
committed
to
Prison
,
but
since
released
.
A
Poor
Woman
retaining
to
one
Belson's
House
,
a
Papist
,
about
Darking
in
Surrey
,
was
follicited
,
that
she
and
her
husband
would
turn
Roman
Catholicks
;
which
if
they
did
voluntarily
Now
,
they
would
be
accepted
of
;
but
if
they
staid
a
little
longer
,
they
would
be
forced
whether
they
would
or
no
;
and
then
they
would
not
be
esteemed
.
This
was
deposed
before
Sir
Adam
Brown
,
a
Member
of
Parliament
.
A
Complaint
being
made
against
a
Sugar-Baker
at
Fox-hall
,
his
House
was
searched
by
Lieutenant
Collonel
Luntly
,
who
found
there
several
Guns
,
with
such
Locks
,
as
no
English-man
who
(
was
at
the
taking
of
them
)
could
discharge
;
together
with
Brass
Blunderbusses
and
Fire-works
,
of
a
furious
and
burning
nature
:
Trial
being
made
of
a
small
part
of
them
,
the
Materials
were
discerned
to
be
Sulphur
,
Aquavitae
,
and
Gun-powder
whatever
else
.
In
a
Letter
to
Sir
John
Frederick
and
Mr.
Nathanail
Heron
,
from
Horsham
in
Sussex
,
the
8th
.
of
September
,
1666.
Subscibed
Henry
Chowne
.
Wherein
is
mentioned
,
that
the
said
Henry
Chowne
had
thoughts
to
come
to
London
that
week
,
but
that
they
were
in
Distraction
there
concerning
the
Papists
,
fearing
they
would
shew
themselves
all
that
day
:
And
that
he
had
been
to
search
a
Papist's
House
within
six
miles
of
that
place
.
He
,
with
another
Justice
of
Peace
met
the
Gentleman's
Brother
(
who
is
a
Priest
)
going
to
London
,
whom
they
searched
,
and
found
a
Letter
about
him
,
which
he
had
received
that
Morning
from
his
Sister
,
twenty
miles
off
from
him
;
wherein
is
expressed
,
That
a
great
Business
is
in
hand
,
not
to
be
committed
to
Paper
,
as
the
times
be
.
Your
Committee
have
thought
fit
to
give
no
Opinion
upon
these
Informations
;
but
leave
the
matter
of
Fact
to
your
Judgments
.
I
am
commanded
to
tell
you
,
That
your
Committee
have
several
other
things
of
this
nature
under
their
Inquiry
.
AS
a
further
Instance
of
the
audacious
and
insolent
Behaviour
of
these
Popish
Recusants
,
take
the
following
Copy
of
Verses
made
,
and
then
scattered
abroad
by
some
of
their
Party
in
Westminster-Hall
,
and
several
other
places
about
the
City
,
and
elsewhere
in
the
Kingdom
.
COvre
la
feu
,
ye
Hugonots
,
That
have
so
branded
us
with
Plots
;
And
henceforth
no
more
Bonfires
make
,
Till
ye
arrive
the
Stygian
Lake●
:
For
down
ye
must
,
ye
Hereticks
,
For
all
your
hopes
in
sixty
six
.
The
hand
against
you
is
so
steady
,
Your
Babylon
is
faln
already
.
And
if
you
will
avoid
that
hap
,
Return
into
your
Mothers
lap
;
The
Devil
a
Mercy
is
for
those
,
That
Holy
Mother-Church
oppose
.
Let
not
your
Clergy
you
betray
,
Great
Eyes
are
ope
,
and
see
the
way
.
Return
in
time
if
you
will
save
Your
Souls
,
your
Lives
,
or
ought
you
have
.
And
if
you
live
till
sixty
seven
,
Confess
you
had
fair
Warning
given
.
Then
see
in
time
,
or
ay
be
blind
;
Short
time
will
shew
you
what
's
behind
.
Dated
the
5th
Day
of
November
,
in
the
Year
1666.
and
the
First
Year
of
the
Restoration
of
the
Church
of
Rome
in
England
.
NOt
long
after
the
Burning
of
London
,
Mr.
Brook
Bridges
,
a
young
gentleman
of
the
Temple
,
as
he
was
going
to
attend
Divine
Service
in
the
Temple-Church
,
in
a
Pew
there
,
found
this
following
Paper
;
which
immediately
,
either
by
himself
,
or
a
Relation
of
his
,
was
delivered
to
Sir
William
Morrice
,
one
of
his
Majesties
Principal
Secretaries
of
State
:
The
Contents
of
the
Paper
are
as
follows
.
A
Warning
to
Protestants
.
I
Who
have
been
a
Papist
from
my
Infancy
,
till
of
late
;
and
in
Zeal
for
their
horrid
Principles
,
had
too
great
a
share
in
the
Firing
of
the
City
;
and
did
intend
to
do
further
Mischief
to
the
Protestants
,
of
which
I
am
now
,
and
ever
shall
be
a
Member
,
do
upon
Abhorrence
of
that
Villany
and
Religion
that
hath
moved
me
to
it
,
declare
to
all
Protestants
the
Approach
of
their
sudden
Ruine
,
that
it
may
be
prevented
,
if
it
be
not
too
late
.
When
,
I
together
with
other
Papists
,
both
French
,
Irish
,
and
English
,
fired
the
City
;
others
were
imployed
to
Massacre
the
Protestants
,
we
thinking
thereby
to
destroy
the
Heads
of
your
Religion
;
but
the
Massacre
was
disappointed
by
the
Fear
of
him
who
was
the
chief
Agent
in
this
Villany
.
And
the
Fire
not
having
done
all
its
Work
,
they
have
often
endeavoured
to
fire
the
remaining
part
.
They
intend
likewise
to
land
the
French
upon
you
,
to
whose
Assistance
they
all
intend
to
come
,
and
for
that
purpose
are
stored
with
Arms
;
and
have
so
far
deceived
the
King
,
that
they
have
the
Command
of
most
part
of
the
Army
,
and
the
Sea-Ports
.
The
French
intend
to
land
at
Dover
,
that
Garison
being
most
Papists
:
And
the
Papists
in
England
,
have
express
Command
from
Rome
,
to
hasten
their
Business
before
the
next
Parliament
,
and
to
dispatch
.
Therefore
as
you
love
your
Lives
and
Fortunes
,
prevent
your
Ruine
,
by
disarming
all
the
Papists
in
England
,
especially
C.
L.
—
from
the
Tower
,
and
the
L.
D.
—
and
all
his
Adherents
and
Souldiers
,
from
Dover
,
and
by
disarming
all
Papists
.
I
have
such
an
Abhorrence
,
that
I
would
willingly
undergo
any
Punishment
for
it
;
and
declare
my self
openly
,
were
I
not
assured
that
I
could
do
you
more
good
in
concealing
my
Name
for
the
present
.
Delay
not
from
following
these
Directions
,
as
you
love
your
Lives
;
and
be
not
deceived
by
any
Pretences
whatsoever
.
An
Impartial
Account
of
some
Informations
taken
before
several
Justices
of
the
Peace
,
concerning
the
several
Fires
happening
of
late
in
and
near
the
City
of
London
.
ABout
the
latter
end
of
June
,
and
in
July
,
one
Joseph
Harrison
came
several
times
to
the
Greyhound-Inn
in
Holborn
,
pretending
to
enquire
for
Letters
for
himself
;
and
about
the
beginning
of
July
comes
into
the
said
Inn
,
and
meeting
Mr.
Atkins
,
the
Master
of
the
said
Inn
,
He
the
said
Harrison
asked
him
for
a
Can
of
Beer
;
whereupon
Mr.
Atkins
ordered
his
Man
to
draw
two
Cans
,
drinking
one
himself
,
and
giving
the
other
to
Harrison
:
After
which
,
the
said
Harrison
took
Mr.
Atkins
by
the
Hand
,
and
lead
him
out
of
his
own
Yard
into
Holborn
,
and
by
the
Rails
in
the
Street
,
the
said
Harrison
advised
the
said
Atkins
to
put
off
his
House
and
dispose
of
his
Goods
as
soon
as
he
could
;
for
within
Three
Weeks
or
a
Month
,
there
would
be
great
and
dreadful
Fires
in
and
about
London
.
Mr.
Atkins
asked
him
,
How
he
knew
so
?
The
said
Harrison
replied
,
If
you
will
not
believe
me
,
you
may
chose
:
and
so
left
him
.
One
Monday
,
July
the
25th
.
Mr.
Atkins
his
Wife
hearing
of
the
Fire
at
the
George-Inn
in
Southwark
,
went
to
her
Mother
at
the
Talbot-Inn
in
Southwark
;
the
back-part
of
which
said
Inn
is
adjoyning
to
the
George-Inn
,
and
was
likewise
on
Fire
;
and
being
there
,
she
espied
the
aforesaid
Joseph
Harrison
in
the
Yard
,
and
remembring
the
aforesaid
Advice
to
her
Husband
,
desired
some
Persons
that
were
next
her
,
to
lay
hold
on
him
;
which
being
done
,
he
was
conveyed
to
a
Foot-Company
that
stood
in
Arms
near
the
said
Inn
,
judging
that
the
nearest
place
to
secure
him
.
After
which
,
Sir
John
Smith
,
one
of
the
Sheriffs
of
London
,
was
acquainted
with
the
whole
matter
.
Upon
which
he
,
with
the
L.
C.
went
to
the
said
Company
,
and
in
the
hearing
of
several
,
gave
Charge
to
the
Captain
of
the
said
Company
to
keep
him
safe
until
they
had
time
to
examine
him
.
After
the
Fire
was
put
out
,
some
went
to
enquire
after
the
Prisoner
,
and
the
Captain
told
them
,
The
L.
C.
had
dicharged
him
.
The
next
Day
being
Tuesday
,
a
Person
was
informed
that
the
said
Harrison
taught
School
in
Thread-Needle
Street
,
and
that
he
boasted
of
his
Deliverance
,
and
said
,
That
the
L.
C.
was
pleased
to
honour
him
so
far
as
to
take
him
in
his
Barge
with
him
to
White-hall
,
and
bad
him
but
be
patient
a
while
,
and
he
should
have
Satisfaction
from
the
Persons
that
had
troubled
him
.
But
hearing
where
to
find
him
,
Endeavours
were
used
to
retake
him
,
and
accordingly
was
accomplished
on
Wednesday
,
July
,
27.
and
had
before
the
Worshipful
Sir
John
Frederick
,
who
sent
him
to
Bishopsgate
,
and
ordered
him
to
be
brought
before
the
Lord
Mayor
and
Court
of
Aldermen
the
next
day
to
be
examined
.
Before
whom
were
these
following
things
proved
against
him
upon
Oath
.
1.
THat
he
hath
had
frequent
Correspondency
with
Jesuits
and
Papists
.
2.
That
he
hath
spoken
to
several
of
his
Acquaintance
to
go
with
him
to
Popist
Meetings
,
declaring
that
he
knew
of
many
.
3.
That
he
hath
been
perswaded
to
turn
Mendicant
Fryer
,
and
hath
been
offered
a
Stipend
to
turn
to
the
Romish
Religion
.
4.
That
he
knew
there
would
be
divers
great
and
dreadful
Fires
in
and
about
London
within
a
Month.
5.
That
he
advised
Friends
to
rid
their
Hauds
of
all
their
Concerns
in
and
about
London
,
for
there
would
be
a
great
Consumption
of
houses
there
.
6.
That
when
he
was
in
the
Custody
of
the
Foot-Company
aforesaid
,
Mr.
Atkins
aforesaid
,
affirming
to
swear
the
former
Article
;
he
threatned
him
,
if
he
did
,
it
should
cost
him
the
best
House
he
had
.
7.
That
he
said
there
were
forty
thousand
French
Papists
lately
come
over
,
to
his
Knowledge
;
besides
many
that
were
amongst
us
already
.
8.
The
Lord
Mayor
asking
him
,
Who
perswaded
him
to
turn
Catholick
?
He
answered
,
The
King's
Under-Barber
,
Phillips
.
After
which
,
he
told
the
Court
,
That
when
he
was
apprehended
for
these
things
,
my
L.
C.
discharged
him
,
and
took
him
with
him
in
his
Barge
to
White-hall
.
He
further
told
the
Court
,
That
he
was
some
time
an
Assistant
to
Mr.
Lovejoy
,
Schoolmaster
at
Canterbury
,
and
that
he
had
Letters
Testimonial
of
his
good
Behaviour
from
the
Dean
of
Canterbury
:
Upon
which
my
Lord
Mayor
remembring
that
he
had
seen
him
with
Mr.
Lovejoy
,
and
said
,
that
Mr.
Lovejoy
told
him
,
That
he
was
an
idle
Rogue
.
And
so
he
was
committed
to
Newgate
.
On
Saturday
the
30th
.
of
July
,
it
was
further
deposed
upon
Oath
by
Thomas
Roe
,
before
Sir
John
Frederick
,
as
follows
.
The
Information
of
Thomas
Roe
of
Bernard-Inn
Gent.
taken
the
3th
.
of
July
,
1670.
by
Sir
John
Frederick
,
Alderman
,
one
of
His
Majesties
Justices
of
Peace
in
the
City
of
London
,
upon
Oath
,
as
followeth
.
THomas
Roe
saith
,
that
he
hath
for
at
least
twelve
or
thirteen
Years
last
past
been
acquainted
with
one
Joseph
Harrison
,
who
was
examined
lately
at
the
Guild-hall
,
London
,
before
the
Honourable
the
Lord
Mayor
and
Court
of
Aldermen
,
upon
Suspicion
of
his
being
a
Conspirator
in
the
firing
the
City
and
Suburbs
in
several
parts
thereof
.
Thomas
Roe
,
and
Joseph
Harrison
,
having
been
School-fellows
at
Eaten
Colledge
,
and
being
thereby
acquainted
;
Joseph
Harrison
hath
several
times
lately
been
with
him
,
and
advised
him
to
with-draw
his
Concerns
,
and
remove
above
twenty
miles
out
of
the
City
;
for
that
the
City
,
and
twenty
miles
round
,
would
be
suddenly
destroyed
and
laid
wast
(
or
to
that
purpose
.
)
Whereupon
Thomas
Roe
asked
him
,
Whether
he
were
privy
to
any
such
Conspiracy
,
or
concern'd
in
its
Agitation
?
pressing
him
with
divers
Arguments
to
discover
what
he
was
acquainted
with
of
that
kind
.
Harrison
replied
,
That
he
had
no
personal
and
positive
Knowledge
thereof
.
Thomas
Roe
demanded
upon
what
ground
then
he
did
thus
advise
him
?
Joseph
Harrison
replied
,
That
he
was
sometimes
conversant
among
some
Papists
,
and
perceived
a
Plot
or
Design
was
carrying
on
by
them
against
the
City
of
London
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
;
which
Plot
or
Design
,
said
he
the
Papists
call
,
The
Game
of
Trap
,
or
,
do
you
understand
Trap
ad
Crucem
,
which
is
the
Watch-word
amongst
them
.
Further
,
Joshua
Harrison
said
,
that
he
was
informed
of
those
things
by
some
German
Protestants
,
and
that
he
had
Offers
of
Fifty
Pounds
per
annum
,
made
him
by
some
Jesuits
and
Papists
to
turn
to
their
Religion
;
but
he
had
refused
it
,
and
would
not
embrace
the
Romish
Religion
.
Thomas
Roe
further
saith
,
That
about
five
Weeks
since
,
he
walked
through
New-Cheap-side
,
and
from
thence
into
Mark-Lane
,
with
Joseph
Harrison
,
in
company
with
Mr.
Mosely
(
a
Gentleman
belonging
to
Bernards-Inn
likewise
)
and
one
of
his
Acquaintance
,
together
with
another
Man
,
a
Stranger
to
Thomas
Roe
.
Upon
their
first
associating
,
Harrison
said
unto
him
,
That
he
would
not
discover
himself
to
be
an
Englishman
,
but
pretend
himself
to
be
a
German
or
Italian
(
whether
of
the
two
he
doth
not
well
remember
)
and
that
he
might
not
detect
himself
,
spake
in
the
Company
as
Occasion
offered
in
Latin
.
But
leaving
the
place
where
they
tarried
in
Mark-lane
,
going
towards
Bishopsgate-street
,
Mr.
Harrison
told
Mr.
Roe
secretly
,
That
he
believed
that
Mr.
Mosely
understood
the
Game
of
Trap
by
some
Signs
he
had
observed
from
him
,
and
that
he
would
try
him
.
Then
going
altogether
into
a
house
,
about
the
end
of
Thr●adneedle-street
,
Mr.
Harrison
(
having
by
this
time
discovered
himself
to
be
an
English-man
,
said
Trap
,
and
made
a
Cross
over
his
Face
with
his
Finger
,
directing
himself
to
Mr.
Mosely
:
Whereupon
Mr.
Mosely
did
also
say
Trap
,
crossing
his
Forehead
and
Face
two
or
three
times
,
and
with
a
quick
motion
drew
his
Finger
over
his
own
Throat
.
Upon
which
Mr.
Roe
asked
Mr.
Mosely
what
was
the
meaning
of
Trap
?
But
he
refused
to
tell
.
Mr.
Roe
urging
him
again
,
He
replied
,
He
would
not
;
saying
,
You
are
not
of
my
Religion
.
Then
Mr.
Mosely
asked
Mr.
Harrison
what
his
Name
was
?
(
for
he
knew
him
not
by
Name
)
he
answered
,
Harrisons
Mr.
Mosely
replied
,
I
never
saw
your
Name
.
Mr.
Harrison
made
answer
,
It
is
Don
Olanso
del
Harrisonio
;
if
so
,
saith
Mr.
Mosely
,
I
have
seen
your
Name
.
After
this
,
Mr.
Mosely
and
the
other
stranger
being
parted
,
and
Mr.
Roe
and
Mr.
Harrison
being-alone
:
said
Harison
,
I
told
you
Mr.
Mosely
did
understand
Trap
;
you
may
see
there
is
a
List
of
the
Trap-Gamesters
,
Now
whether
Mr.
Mosely's
Imitation
of
Mr.
Harrison
was
feigned
or
real
,
Mr.
Roe
could
not
distinguish
:
But
as
they
two
were
passing
through
Cheape-side
homewards
,
Mr
Harrison
looking
upon
the
New
Buildings
,
said
,
To
what
purpose
do
they
build
this
poor
city
,
it
will
be
again
destroyed
;
at
the
same
time
he
pointed
at
two
several
Persons
,
saying
,
That
is
a
Trap-Gamester
,
and
there
goes
another
Trap-Gamester
.
Mr.
Roe
further
Informs
,
That
since
the
last
Term
,
Mr.
Harrison
told
him
,
he
would
write
all
the
Rogueries
of
the
Trap-Game
and
Gamesters
in
a
Play
;
and
that
he
would
undertake
to
shew
him
Twenty
six
Papists
Meetings
in
and
about
the
City
and
Suburbs
of
London
;
but
said
he
some
of
them
are
very
private
,
and
if
you
be
discovered
not
to
be
a
Papist
,
(
you
will
peradventure
)
be
poisoned
or
stabb'd
.
Mr.
Roe
doth
further
say
,
That
when
the
said
Harrison
advised
him
to
remove
with
all
his
Concerns
about
twenty
Miles
from
London
,
that
the
said
Roe
asked
him
if
Windsor
were
not
far
enough
,
it
being
both
their
native
place
,
and
about
the
distance
?
The
said
Harrison
answered
,
Not
;
reflecting
upon
the
Castle
.
And
further
,
Harrison
told
Mr.
Roe
That
the
Jesuits
could
,
by
a
Composition
of
Ingredients
,
make
such
a
Matter
,
the
fume
of
which
would
corrupt
any
Man's
Intellects
;
and
that
he
the
said
Harrison
could
do
it
.
A
Faithful
Account
of
the
Apprehending
of
a
Scothman
,
some
time
since
by
William
Colburne
,
at
the
Cross-keys
in
Fleet-street
,
as
followeth
.
A
Scotch-man
pretending
great
Respect
he
had
for
William
Colburne
aforesaid
,
came
to
him
,
and
advised
him
,
That
by
all
means
he
should
remove
his
Goods
out
of
London
,
and
dispose
of
his
House
.
William
Colburne
asked
him
,
For
what
reason
?
The
Scotch-man
replied
,
Because
that
he
,
with
many
others
,
were
employed
to
set
the
remainder
of
London
on
Fire
;
and
that
they
would
set
it
on
Fire
in
several
places
at
one
time
:
And
Chancery-lane-end
(
which
is
near
the
aforesaid
Colburne's
house
)
they
intended
to
set
first
on
fire
.
Upon
which
,
William
Colburne
apprehended
him
;
and
being
brought
to
his
Trial
,
he
was
sentenced
to
stand
in
the
Pillory
;
and
did
accordingly
,
three
times
;
once
at
the
End
of
Chancery-lane
,
and
twice
in
,
or
about
the
Old
Exchange
.
Much
more
might
be
said
,
but
that
our
aim
is
,
to
be
as
brief
as
is
consistent
with
the
truth
of
the
Matter
of
Fact
in
our
Narrative
.
Therefore
we
refer
any
that
desire
further
Satisfaction
,
in
every
particular
,
to
William
Colburne
aforesaid
,
who
will
fully
inform
them
.
An
Account
of
the
Firing
of
Mr.
Delanoy
's
House
,
near
Pepper-Alley
,
in
Southwark
,
January
1679/●0
.
by
John
Satterthwait
,
a
Papist
,
as
appears
by
the
Oath
of
Margaret
Clarke
,
then
Servant
to
Mr.
Delanoy
,
who
was
in
by
the
said
Satterthwait
,
to
assist
him
in
the
Burning
of
her
Masters
House
,
and
suffered
Death
for
the
same
.
I
Margaret
Clark
,
being
shortly
to
suffer
Death
for
that
which
I
have
deserved
,
and
am
much
humbled
for
,
and
desire
to
lie
low
before
God
,
under
the
sense
of
my
own
Guilt
,
do
give
the
World
an
Account
of
the
truth
of
my
Case
;
for
I
would
not
be
guilty
〈◊〉
a
Lye
,
now
I
am
to
appear
before
my
Judge
within
a
few
Minutes
.
Therefore
I
do
say
,
and
shall
declare
the
truth
of
the
Matter
,
as
I
shall
answer
it
before
my
Lord
,
and
Judge
.
Upon
the
26th
of
January
1679/80.
John
Satterthwait
came
to
me
,
as
I
was
going
out
of
my
Master's
Gate
,
and
did
desire
me
to
tell
him
whether
my
Master
and
Mistress
were
at
home
?
And
I
answered
him
,
No.
And
he
told
me
,
That
he
hoped
he
should
have
an
Opportunity
to
speak
with
me
,
for
he
had
something
to
say
.
And
I
answered
him
,
If
he
had
any
thing
to
say
,
I
should
be
so
civil
to
give
him
the
hearing
when
I
had
time
(
for
then
I
was
in
haste
.
)
Then
he
came
,
the
next
Day
,
with
the
same
Request
;
and
I
returned
the
Answer
.
Then
the
third
time
,
being
Wednesday
,
he
came
again
,
and
used
great
Importunity
;
and
expressed
some
Kindnesses
,
as
if
he
had
been
a
Suitor
;
and
prevailed
with
me
to
go
into
the
Burrough
with
him
to
an
Ale-house
,
where
were
two
Men
more
of
his
Company
:
And
after
some
little
Discourse
,
he
propounded
to
me
this
wicked
and
horrid
Design
,
which
I
was
to
have
been
engaged
in
with
them
;
that
is
,
to
let
them
into
my
Master's
house
,
to
set
it
on
fire
:
And
for
a
Reward
,
they
promised
me
two
thousand
Pounds
;
which
Sum
I
was
to
receive
at
the
Fleece-Tavern
in
Holborn
,
enquiring
for
a
Room
in
the
said
Tavern
,
called
the
Figure
Nine
.
Then
coming
out
of
the
Ale-house
,
they
would
fain
have
had
me
away
with
them
;
saying
,
Come
let
us
take
Coach
,
and
go
into
Fleet-street
;
for
,
said
they
,
there
we
have
a
Priest
of
ours
,
who
lodges
at
a
Grocer's
,
that
shall
confess
you
,
and
give
you
the
Sacrament
.
I
told
him
,
I
could
not
possibly
go
then
.
So
this
John
Satterthwait
went
homewards
with
me
,
almost
to
my
Master's
house
,
and
as
we
went
along
,
he
charged
me
that
I
should
not
divulge
it
to
any
Person
in
the
World
living
;
for
if
I
did
,
I
should
certainly
die
for
it
(
and
that
quickly
)
in
this
World
,
and
be
damned
in
the
other
.
Then
he
came
on
the
next
Day
,
and
gave
me
the
same
Charge
to
keep
it
secret
.
And
then
,
on
Saturday
,
he
came
and
enquired
of
me
,
the
best
time
that
he
might
come
to
do
this
most
horrid
and
devilish
Action
;
saying
,
Would
not
Four
or
Five
of
the
Clock
be
a
good
time
?
And
I
said
,
Yes
.
Accordingly
he
came
,
and
conveyed
himself
into
the
Dye-house
,
or
thereabouts
,
while
Nine
or
ten
of
the
Clock
that
Evening
;
about
which
time
the
Fire
was
discovered
.
Whereupon
,
with
the
Fear
and
Dread
he
had
put
upon
me
,
I
did
deny
it
to
the
Company
that
came
in
to
quench
it
;
but
after
that
,
he
was
there
,
whom
I
saw
amongst
the
rest
of
the
Company
:
But
I
had
much
Horrour
upon
my
Conscience
,
and
after
some
short
time
,
I
confess'd
the
whole
Crime
,
for
which
I
now
die
.
And
my
Examination
before
Justice
Reading
,
and
Justice
Freeman
was
all
true
.
And
this
I
affirm
,
and
do
desire
all
Protestants
to
believe
,
that
John
Satterthwait
kindled
those
three
Fires
in
my
Master's
House
:
First
,
in
the
Dye-house
,
by
the
Pump
:
Secondly
,
in
the
Buttery
:
And
Thirdly
in
the
Garret
.
Which
last
Fire
he
kindled
,
whilst
the
People
were
putting
out
the
other
.
See
the
large
Account
of
this
,
called
,
A
Warning
to
Servants
,
and
a
Caution
to
Protestants
,
Printed
in
the
Year
.
1680.
An
Account
of
the
Firing
Mr.
Robert
Bird
's
House
,
in
Fetter-Lane
,
April
the
10th
.
1679.
by
the
Perswasion
of
Nicholas
Stubbs
,
a
Papist
.
ELizabeth
Oxley
,
Servant
to
Mr.
Robert
Bird
,
upon
her
Examination
saith
,
That
about
Michaelmas
last
,
she
was
acquainted
with
Nicholas
Stubbs
,
who
had
several
times
used
many
Perswasions
to
turn
her
Papist
;
and
after
her
shewing
a
liking
to
it
,
and
that
he
supposed
she
embraced
that
Perswasion
,
in
his
Discourse
to
her
at
several
times
,
he
told
her
,
that
before
the
28th
of
June
next
,
she
should
see
all
the
Protestants
destroyed
that
were
in
England
;
that
the
Pope
should
be
King
over
England
,
that
all
that
would
turn
to
the
Popish
Religion
should
live
far
better
than
now
they
did
;
that
all
the
Land
were
Hereticks
,
and
it
were
a
meritorious
Act
to
destroy
them
;
and
that
all
such
as
were
Papists
should
have
Marks
upon
their
Hats
whereby
to
distinguish
them
from
Protestants
,
that
they
might
not
be
destroyed
amongst
them
:
Adding
,
that
the
Nation
do
believe
that
all
things
will
be
over
before
the
23d
.
Day
of
June
,
but
they
would
be
deceived
,
for
all
should
be
destroyed
at
or
before
that
time
.
That
the
D.
of
Y.
was
the
bravest
Prince
living
,
and
that
he
was
gone
out
of
the
Kingdom
lest
the
Hereticks
should
cut
off
his
Head
,
and
he
would
not
return
till
they
were
destroyed
;
that
the
Lords
in
the
Tower
would
not
one
of
them
suffer
,
for
they
would
come
off
well
euough
,
being
to
be
tried
by
the
Lords
;
and
that
the
Scaffolds
were
set
up
for
fashion
sake
.
That
she
telling
the
said
Stubbs
that
she
was
hired
to
live
with
one
Mr.
Bird
about
the
middle
of
Fetter-Lane
,
he
used
Perswasions
to
her
at
several
times
to
set
Fire
on
her
Masters
house
;
telling
her
,
if
she
would
do
it
,
he
would
give
her
5
l.
and
gave
her
half
a
Crown
,
and
said
,
he
would
have
other
Houses
in
Holborn
,
Fired
at
the
same
time
by
others
:
That
she
being
with
the
said
Stubbs
on
Sunday
before
the
said
Fire
,
promised
to
Fire
her
Masters
House
on
Thursday
or
Friday
night
following
,
and
accordingly
on
Thursday
night
she
took
a
Candle
and
set
Fire
to
her
Masters
Papers
in
his
Study
,
which
were
in
a
kind
of
a
Press
;
and
they
being
on
a
Light
Fire
,
she
shut
the
Doors
and
went
up
Stairs
into
her
own
Chamber
in
the
top
of
the
House
,
and
packed
up
her
own
things
,
and
undressed
her self
,
lest
her
Master
should
suspect
her
,
and
there
stayed
till
a
great
knocking
was
at
the
Door
,
and
the
Watch-men
crying
out
Fire
;
whereupon
she
run
down
Stairs
and
cried
Fire
,
and
her
Master
gave
her
the
Keys
to
open
the
Door
;
which
done
,
all
Hands
were
employed
to
quench
the
Fire
.
And
she
saith
,
she
did
not
set
Fire
on
her
Master's
house
out
of
any
Malice
to
him
,
nor
with
intent
to
rob
him
,
but
meerly
to
carry
on
the
Design
which
Stubbs
had
proposed
to
her
,
and
out
of
hopes
of
his
Reward
.
Nicholas
Stubbs
upon
his
Examination
,
owns
,
and
sets
forth
to
have
used
Discourses
to
the
said
Elizabeth
as
she
declareth
in
her
Examinations
;
and
saith
,
he
did
perswade
her
to
fire
her
Masters
house
,
and
was
to
give
her
five
Guineas
for
doing
it
,
besides
half
a
Crown
in
Hand
:
And
saith
,
that
one
Father
Gyfford
a
Priest
and
his
Confessor
had
put
him
upon
this
Business
,
and
told
him
it
was
no
sin
to
Fire
all
the
houses
of
Hereticks
and
Hugonots
.
That
he
acquainted
Flower
alias
Darby
,
and
one
Roger
_____
another
Irish
man
that
Lodged
at
the
Coach
and
Horses
in
the
same
Street
.
That
the
said
Father
Gyfford
promised
him
a
100
l.
for
the
same
,
and
told
him
he
was
to
have
the
Money
from
the
Church
.
That
they
used
to
meet
the
said
Gyfford
and
other
two
Persons
in
St.
James
Fields
in
the
dark
of
the
Evening
,
and
to
discourse
of
these
Matters
;
and
that
the
several
Informations
that
he
had
given
the
said
Elizabeth
Oxley
,
he
had
from
the
said
Father
Gyfford
;
and
saith
Flower
and
Roger
_____
told
the
said
Stubbs
,
they
would
carry
on
the
said
Fire
,
and
that
they
had
Fire-Balls
for
that
purpose
,
and
that
they
would
fire
other
houses
in
Holborn
at
the
same
time
:
That
he
was
at
the
Fire
in
the
Temple
,
but
was
not
engaged
to
do
any
thing
in
it
.
And
said
,
that
Gyfford
told
him
that
there
were
English
,
French
and
Irish
Roman
Catholicks
enough
in
London
to
make
a
very
good
Army
;
and
that
the
King
of
France
was
coming
with
60000
Men
,
under
pretence
to
shew
the
Dauphin
his
Dominions
;
but
it
was
to
lay
his
Men
at
Deep
,
Bulloign
,
Callis
and
Dunkirk
,
to
be
in
an
hours
Warning
to
be
Landed
in
England
,
and
he
doubted
not
but
it
would
be
by
the
middle
of
June
,
and
by
that
time
all
the
Catholicks
here
will
be
in
readiness
;
all
were
to
rise
in
order
to
bring
him
in
.
That
the
Papists
here
were
to
be
distinguished
by
Marks
in
their
Hatts
;
that
the
said
Father
Gyfford
doubted
not
but
he
should
be
an
Abbot
or
a
Bishop
,
when
the
work
was
over
,
for
the
good
service
he
hath
done
.
That
at
their
Meeting
Father
Gyfford
used
to
tell
them
,
it
was
no
more
sin
to
kill
a
Heretick
then
a
Dog
,
and
that
they
did
God
good
Service
,
in
doing
what
Mischiefs
they
could
by
firing
their
houses
.
That
it
was
well
Sir
Edmondbury
Godfrey
was
Murdered
,
for
he
was
their
Devilish
Enemy
;
That
Coleman
was
a
Saint
in
Heaven
for
what
he
had
done
.
And
saith
,
he
is
fearful
he
shall
be
Murthered
for
this
Confession
,
Father
Gyfford
having
sworn
him
to
Secresie
,
and
told
him
he
should
be
Damned
if
he
made
any
Discovery
,
and
should
be
sure
to
be
killed
;
and
that
he
should
take
the
Oaths
,
because
he
was
a
House-keeper
;
and
that
it
was
no
sin
.
And
saith
,
That
Gyfford
and
Roger
_____
told
him
,
when
their
Forces
meet
,
about
the
middle
of
June
,
then
have
at
the
—
VOTES
and
ADDRESSES
Of
the
Honourable
House
of
Commons
ASSEMBLED
IN
PARLIAMENT
,
Made
this
present
Year
1673
,
Concerning
Popery
and
other
Grievances
.
March
.
29.
1673.
The
Parliaments
Address
to
his
Majesty
for
the
Removal
of
Grievances
in
England
and
Ireland
.
WE
your
Majesties
most
Loyal
Subjects
the
Commons
in
this
present
Parliament
assembled
,
conceiving
our selves
bound
in
necessary
Duty
to
your
Majesty
,
and
in
Discharge
of
the
Trust
reposed
in
us
truly
to
inform
your
Majesty
of
the
Estate
of
your
Kingdom
.
And
though
we
are
abundantly
satisfied
that
it
hath
been
your
Royal
Will
and
Pleasure
that
your
Subjects
should
be
governed
according
to
the
Laws
and
Customs
of
this
Realm
,
yet
finding
that
,
contrary
to
your
Majesties
gracious
Intention
,
some
Grievances
and
Abuses
are
crept
in
.
We
crave
Leave
humbly
to
represent
them
to
your
Majesties
Knowledge
and
Desire
.
1.
That
the
Imposition
of
12
d.
per
Chaldron
upon
Coals
for
the
providing
of
Convoys
,
by
Vertue
of
an
Order
from
Council
,
dated
the
15th
.
of
May
,
1672
,
may
be
recalled
,
and
all
Bonds
taken
by
Virtue
thereof
cancelled
.
2.
That
your
Majesties
Proclamation
of
the
24th
of
December
,
1672
,
for
preventing
of
Disorders
which
may
be
committed
by
Soldiers
,
and
whereby
the
Soldiers
now
in
your
Majesties
Service
are
in
a
manner
exempted
from
the
ordinary
Course
of
Justice
,
may
likewise
be
recalled
.
3.
And
whereas
great
Complaints
have
been
made
out
of
several
parts
of
this
Kingdom
of
divers
Abuses
committed
in
Quartering
of
Soldiers
,
That
your
Majesty
would
be
pleased
to
give
Order
to
redress
those
Abuses
;
and
in
particular
that
no
Soldiers
be
hereafter
Quartered
in
any
private
Houses
;
and
that
due
Satisfaction
may
be
given
to
the
Inn-keepers
or
Victuallers
where
they
lye
before
they
remove
.
4.
And
since
the
continuance
of
Soldiers
in
this
Nation
,
will
necessarily
produce
many
Inconveniences
to
your
Majesties
Subjects
,
We
do
humbly
present
it
as
our
Petition
and
Advice
,
That
when
this
present
War
is
ended
,
all
your
Souldiers
which
have
been
raised
since
the
last
Session
of
Parliament
,
may
be
Disbanded
.
5.
That
your
Majesty
would
be
likewise
pleased
to
consider
of
the
Irregularities
and
Abuses
in
pressing
Soldiers
,
and
to
give
Order
for
the
Prevention
thereof
for
the
future
.
6.
And
although
it
hath
been
the
Course
of
former
Parliaments
to
desire
Redress
in
their
Grievances
before
they
proceeded
to
give
a
Supply
;
yet
we
have
so
full
Assurance
of
your
Majesties
Tenderness
and
Compassion
towards
your
People
,
that
we
humbly
prostrate
our selves
at
your
Majesties
feet
with
these
our
Petitions
,
desiring
your
Majesty
to
take
them
into
your
Princely
Consideration
,
and
to
give
such
Orders
for
the
Relief
of
your
Subjects
,
and
the
Removing
these
Pressures
,
as
shall
seem
lest
to
your
Ro●al
Wisd●m
.
Address
touching
Ireland
.
WE
your
Majesties
most
Loyal
Subjects
the
Commons
in
this
present
Parliament
assembled
,
taking
into
Consideration
the
great
Calamities
which
have
formerly
befallen
your
Majesties
Subjects
of
the
Kingdom
of
Ireland
,
from
the
Popish
Recusants
there
,
who
for
the
most
part
are
profest
Enemies
to
the
Protestant
Religion
and
the
English
Interest
;
and
how
they
make
use
of
your
Majesties
gracious
Disposition
and
Clemency
,
are
at
this
time
grown
more
insolent
and
presumptuous
than
formerly
,
to
the
apparent
Danger
of
that
Kingdom
,
and
your
Majesties
Protestant
Subjects
there
,
the
Consequence
whereof
may
likewise
prove
very
fatal
to
this
your
Majesties
Kingdom
of
England
,
if
not
timely
prevented
.
And
having
seriously
weighed
what
Remedies
may
be
most
properly
applied
to
those
growing
Distempers
,
do
in
all
Humility
present
your
Majesty
with
these
our
Petitions
.
1.
That
for
the
Establishment
and
Quieting
the
Possessions
of
your
Majesties
Subjects
in
that
Kingdom
,
your
Majesty
would
be
pleased
to
maintain
the
Act
of
Settlement
,
and
Explanatory
Act
thereupon
,
and
to
recall
the
Commission
of
Enquiry
into
Irish
Affairs
,
bearing
Date
the
17th
of
January
last
,
as
containing
many
new
and
extraordinary
Powers
not
only
to
the
Frejudice
of
particular
Persons
,
whose
Estates
and
Titles
are
thereby
made
liable
to
be
questioned
;
but
in
a
manner
to
the
Overthrow
of
the
Acts
of
Settlement
;
And
if
purs●●d
,
may
be
the
Occasion
of
great
Charge
and
Attendance
to
many
of
your
Subjects
in
Ireland
,
and
shake
the
Peace
and
Security
of
the
whole
.
2.
That
your
Majesty
would
give
Order
that
no
Papist
be
either
continued
or
hereafter
admitted
to
be
Judges
,
Justices
of
the
Peace
,
Sheriffs
,
Coroners
or
Mayors
,
Sovereigns
or
Portrieves
in
that
Kingdom
.
3.
That
the
Titular
Popish
Archbishops
,
Bishops
,
Vicars-General
,
Abl●●s
,
and
all
other
exercising
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
by
the
Popes
Authority
,
and
in
particular
Peter
Talbot
pretended
Archbishop
of
Dublin
,
for
his
notorious
Disloyalty
to
your
Majesty
,
and
Disobedience
and
Contempt
of
your
Laws
,
may
be
commanded
by
Proclamation
forthwith
to
depart
out
of
Ireland
,
and
all
other
your
Majesties
Dominions
or
otherwise
to
be
prosecuted
according
to
Law
.
And
that
all
Convents
,
Seminaties
,
and
Publick
Popish
Scholes
may
be
dissolved
and
suppressed
,
and
the
Secular
Priests
commanded
to
depart
under
the
Penalty
.
4
That
no
Irish
Papist
be
admitted
to
inhabit
in
any
part
of
that
Kingdom
,
unless
duly
licensed
according
to
the
aforesaid
Acts
of
Settlemen●
;
and
that
your
Majesty
would
be
pleased
to
recall
your
Letters
of
the
26th
of
February
,
1671.
And
the
Proclamation
thereupon
,
whereby
general
Licence
is
given
to
such
Papists
as
inhabit
in
Corporations
there
.
5.
That
your
Majesties
Letters
of
the
28th
of
September
,
1672.
and
the
Order
of
Council
thereupon
,
whereby
your
Subjects
are
required
not
to
prosecute
any
Actions
against
the
Irish
for
any
Wrongs
or
Injuries
committed
during
the
late
Rebellion
,
may
likewise
be
recalled
.
6.
That
Colonel
Talbot
(
who
hath
notoriously
assumed
to
himself
the
Title
of
Agent
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
in
Ireland
)
be
immediately
dismissed
out
of
all
Command
Military
and
Civil
,
and
forbidden
Access
to
your
Majesties
Court.
7.
That
your
Majesty
would
be
pleased
from
time
to
time
out
of
your
Princely
Wisdom
to
give
such
further
Order
and
Directions
to
the
Lord
Lieutenant
,
or
other
Governour
of
Ireland
for
the
time
being
,
as
may
best
conduce
to
the
Encouragement
of
the
English
Planters
and
Protestants
Interest
there
,
and
the
Suppression
of
the
Insolencles
and
Disorders
of
the
Irish
Papists
there
.
These
our
humble
Desires
we
present
to
your
Majesty
,
as
the
best
means
to
preserve
the
Peace
and
Safety
of
that
your
Kingdom
,
which
hath
been
so
much
of
late
in
Danger
by
the
Practices
of
the
said
Irish
Papists
,
particularly
Richard
and
Peter
Talbot
;
and
we
doubt
not
but
your
Majesty
will
find
the
happy
Effects
thereof
,
to
the
great
Satisfaction
and
Security
of
your
Majesties
Person
and
Government
,
which
of
all
earthly
things
is
most
dear
to
your
Majesties
most
Loyal
Subjects
.
Ordered
,
October
20.
1673.
THat
an
Address
be
made
to
his
Majesty
by
such
Members
of
this
House
as
are
of
his
Majesties
Privy-Council
to
acquaint
his
Majesty
,
that
it
is
the
humble
desire
of
this
House
,
that
the
intended
Marriage
of
his
Royal
Highness
with
the
Dutchess
of
Modena
be
not
consummated
;
and
that
he
may
not
be
Married
to
any
Person
but
of
the
Protestant
Religion
.
And
the
same
Day
the
Parliament
was
Prorogued
till
Monday
next
.
The
Address
of
the
Parliament
to
his
Majesty
.
WE
your
Majesties
most
Humble
and
Loyal
Subjects
the
Commons
in
this
present
Parliament
assembled
,
being
full
of
Assurance
of
your
Majesties
gracious
Intentions
to
provide
for
the
Establishment
of
Religion
,
and
the
Preservation
of
your
People
in
Peace
and
Security
;
and
foreseeing
the
dangerous
Consequences
which
●ay
follow
the
Marriage
of
his
Royal
Highness
the
Duke
of
York
with
the
Princess
of
●●●dena
,
or
any
other
of
the
Popish
Religion
,
we
hold
our selves
bound
in
Conscience
●●d
Duty
to
represent
the
same
to
your
Sacred
Majesty
,
not
doubting
but
these
constant
Testimonies
which
we
have
given
your
Majesty
of
our
true
and
loyal
Affections
to
your
Sacred
Person
will
easily
gain
a
Belief
,
that
these
our
humble
Desires
proceed
from
Hearts
still
full
of
the
same
Affections
toward
your
sacred
Majesty
,
and
with
intentions
to
establish
your
Royal
Government
upon
those
true
Supports
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Hearts
of
your
People
,
with
all
Humility
desiring
your
Majesty
to
take
the
same
into
your
Princely
Consideration
,
and
to
relieve
your
Subjects
from
those
Fears
and
Apprehensions
which
at
present
they
lie
under
from
the
Progress
hath
been
made
in
that
Treaty
.
We
do
therefore
humbly
intreat
your
Majesty
to
consider
,
that
if
this
Match
do
proceed
,
it
will
be
a
means
to
disquiet
the
Minds
of
your
Protestant
Subjects
at
home
,
and
to
fill
them
with
endless
Jealousies
and
Discontents
;
and
will
bring
your
Majesty
into
such
Alliances
abroad
,
as
will
prove
highly
prejudicial
,
if
not
destructive
to
the
Interest
of
the
very
Protestant
Religion
it self
.
And
we
find
by
sad
Experience
that
such
Marriages
have
encreased
and
encouraged
Popery
in
this
Kingdom
,
and
given
opportunity
to
Priests
and
Jesuits
to
propagate
their
Opinions
,
and
seduce
great
Numbers
of
your
Majesties
Subjects
.
And
we
do
already
observe
how
much
the
Party
is
animated
with
the
hopes
of
this
Match
,
which
were
lately
discouraged
by
your
gracious
Concessions
in
the
last
Meeting
in
this
Parliament
.
That
we
greatly
fear
this
may
be
an
Occasion
to
lessen
the
Affections
of
the
People
to
his
Royal
Highness
,
who
is
so
nearly
related
to
the
Crown
;
and
whose
Honour
and
Esteem
we
desire
may
always
be
intirely
preserved
.
That
for
another
Age
more
at
the
least
this
Kingdom
will
be
under
the
continual
Apprehensions
of
the
Growth
of
Popery
,
and
the
Danger
of
the
Protestant
Religion
.
Lastly
,
We
consider
that
this
Princess
having
so
near
a
Relation
and
Kindred
to
many
Eminent
Persons
of
the
Court
of
Rome
,
may
give
them
great
Opportunities
to
promote
their
Designs
,
and
carry
on
their
Practices
among
us
,
and
by
the
same
means
penetrate
into
your
Majesties
most
Secret
Counsels
,
and
more
easily
discover
the
State
of
the
whole
Kingdom
.
And
finding
that
by
the
Opinions
of
very
Learned
Men
,
it
is
generally
admitted
that
such
Treaties
and
Contracts
by
Proxies
are
dissolvable
,
of
which
there
are
several
Instances
to
be
produced
,
We
do
in
all
humbleness
beseech
your
Majesty
to
put
a
stop
to
the
Consummation
of
this
intended
Marriage
.
And
this
we
do
the
more
importunately
desire
,
because
we
have
not
yet
the
Happiness
to
see
any
Issue
of
your
Majesty's
that
may
succeed
in
the
Government
of
these
Kingdoms
,
which
Blessings
we
most
heartily
pray
Almighty
God
in
his
due
time
to
bestow
upon
your
Majesty
and
these
Kingdoms
,
to
the
unspeakable
Joy
and
Comfort
of
all
your
Majesty's
Subjects
,
who
desire
nothing
more
than
to
continue
under
the
Reigns
of
your
Majesty
,
and
your
Royal
Posterity
for
ever
.
October
,
30.
1673.
Mr.
Secretary
Coventry
brought
from
his
Majesty
an
Answer
to
the
Address
presented
to
him
touching
the
Duke
of
York
as
followeth
.
C.
R.
HIS
Majesty
having
received
an
Address
from
the
House
of
Commons
,
presenting
their
humble
Desire
that
the
intended
Marriage
betwixt
his
Royal
Highness
and
the
Princess
of
Modena
may
not
be
Consummated
,
Commanded
this
Answer
to
be
returned
,
That
he
perceived
the
House
of
Commons
have
wanted
a
full
Information
of
this
Matter
,
the
Marriage
not
being
barely
intended
,
but
Compleated
according
to
the
Forms
used
amongst
Princes
,
and
by
His
Royal
Consent
and
Authority
;
Nor
could
He
in
the
least
suppose
it
disagreeable
to
His
House
of
Commons
,
His
Royal
Highness
having
been
in
the
view
of
the
World
for
several
Months
engaged
in
a
Treaty
of
Marriage
with
another
Catholick
Princess
,
and
yet
a
Parliament
held
during
the
time
,
and
not
the
least
Exception
taken
at
it
.
An
Address
ordered
to
be
presented
to
His
Majesty
concerning
a
Marriage
between
his
Royal
Highness
and
the
Princess
of
Modena
,
and
a
Committee
appointed
to
▪
that
purpose
.
A
Committee
appointed
for
preparing
a
Bill
for
a
general
Test
,
to
distinguish
between
Protestants
and
Papists
;
and
those
that
shall
refuse
to
take
it
,
be
incapable
to
enjoy
any
Office
Military
or
Civil
;
or
to
sit
in
either
Houses
of
Parliament
,
or
to
come
within
five
miles
of
the
Court.
The
House
adjourned
till
Monday
.
October
,
31.
1673.
Resolved
,
That
the
House
considering
the
present
Condition
of
the
Nation
,
will
not
take
into
any
further
Debate
the
Consideration
of
any
Aid
or
Supplies
,
or
Charge
upon
the
Subjects
,
before
the
time
of
Payment
of
the
eighteen
Months
Assessment
,
granted
by
a
late
Act
of
Parliamert
,
Intituled
,
An
Act
for
raising
the
Sum
of
Twelve
hundred
thirty
eight
thousand
and
seven
hundred
and
fifty
Pounds
,
for
the
Supply
of
his
Majesties
present
Occasions
,
be
expended
;
Except
it
shall
appear
that
the
Obstinacy
of
the
Dutch
shall
render
it
necessary
;
Nor
before
this
Kingdom
be
effectually
Secured
from
Popery
and
Popish
Counsels
,
and
the
other
present
Grievances
be
〈◊〉
.
And
,
An
Address
ordered
to
be
presented
to
His
Majesty
for
a
Fast
to
be
observed
throughout
the
Nation
,
and
a
Committee
appointed
for
that
purpose
.
A
further
Address
to
be
presented
to
his
Majesty
concerning
the
Marriage
of
the
Duke
of
York
with
the
Dutchess
of
Modena
,
And
the
Privy
Counsellors
of
this
House
to
attend
His
Majesty
to
know
His
Pleasure
,
when
he
will
be
attended
therewith
.
And
they
Adjourned
till
to
Morrow
in
the
Afternoon
.
November
,
3.
1673.
A
Report
from
the
Committee
appointed
for
that
purpose
was
made
for
an
Address
to
be
presented
to
His
Majesty
,
to
appoint
a
General
Fast
to
be
observed
throughout
the
Nation
;
and
the
Concurrence
of
the
Lords
to
be
desired
thereto
.
The
standing-Army
voted
a
Grievance
.
A
Committee
appointed
to
prepare
an
Address
to
be
presented
to
his
Majesty
,
to
shew
how
this
Standing-Army
is
a
Grievance
;
and
then
adjourned
till
Three
of
the
Clock
in
the
Afternoon
.
Mr.
Speaker
and
the
House
went
to
attend
His
Majesty
at
Whitehall
with
the
Address
;
who
returning
,
Mr.
Speaker
reports
,
That
it
was
a
Matter
he
would
take
into
his
present
Consideration
,
and
would
return
speedily
an
Answer
.
And
then
the
House
Adjourned
,
till
to
Morrow
Morning
eight
of
the
Clock
.
November
,
4.
1673.
The
House
of
Commons
having
Ordered
an
Address
to
be
made
to
his
Majesty
,
shewing
that
the
Standing-Army
was
a
Grievance
,
and
a
Burden
to
the
Nation
;
and
did
intend
that
Day
to
wait
on
his
Majesty
to
present
it
:
But
his
Majesty
was
in
his
Robes
in
the
House
of
Peers
,
and
the
Lords
hastning
to
him
,
the
Black-Rod
being
sent
to
the
Commons-House
to
Command
the
Speaker
and
the
Commons
to
come
to
his
Majesty
to
the
House
of
Peers
;
but
it
so
happened
that
the
Speaker
and
the
Black-Rod
met
both
at
the
Commons-House
door
;
the
Speaker
being
within
the
House
,
the
Door
was
commanded
to
be
shut
,
and
they
cried
to
the
Chair
,
others
said
the
Black-Rod
was
at
the
Door
to
command
them
to
wait
on
the
King
to
the
House
of
Peers
:
but
the
Speaker
was
hurried
to
the
Chair
.
Then
was
moved
,
-
1.
That
our
Alliance
with
France
was
a
Grievance
.
-
2.
That
the
evil
Counsel
about
the
King
was
a
Grievance
to
this
Nation
.
-
3.
That
the
Lord
Lauderdale
was
a
Person
that
was
a
Grievance
to
this
Nation
,
and
not
fit
to
be
intrusted
or
imployed
in
any
Office
or
Place
of
Trust
,
but
to
be
removed
.
Whereupon
they
cried
,
To
the
Question
.
But
the
Black-Rod
knocking
very
earnestly
at
the
Door
,
the
Speaker
rose
out
of
the
Chair
,
and
went
away
in
a
Confusion
.
A
LETTER
FROM
A
PARLIAMENT-MAN
to
his
FRIEND
,
Concerning
the
Proceedings
of
the
House
of
Commons
This
last
Session
,
begun
the
13
of
October
,
1675.
SIR
,
I
See
you
are
greatly
Scandalized
at
our
slow
and
confused
Proceedings
.
I
confess
you
have
cause
enough
,
but
were
you
but
within
these
Walls
for
one
half
Day
,
and
saw
the
strange
Make
and
Complexion
that
this
House
is
of
,
you
would
wonder
as
much
that
ever
you
wondred
at
it
:
For
we
are
such
a
pied
Parliament
,
that
none
can
say
of
what
Colour
we
are
;
for
we
consist
of
old
Cavaliers
,
old
Round-heads
,
Indigent
Courtiers
,
and
true
Country
Gentlemen
;
the
two
latter
are
most
numerous
,
and
would
in
probability
bring
things
to
some
Issue
,
were
they
not
clogged
with
the
humorous
uncertainties
of
the
former
.
For
the
old
Cavalier
grown
Aged
,
and
almost
past
his
Vice
,
is
damnable
Godly
,
and
makes
his
doating
Piety
more
a
Plague
to
the
World
,
then
his
youthful
Debauchery
was
:
For
he
is
so
much
a
Byggot
to
the
Bishops
,
that
he
forces
his
Loyalty
to
strike
Sail
to
his
Religion
,
and
could
be
content
to
pare
the
Nails
a
little
of
the
Civil
Government
,
so
you
would
but
let
him
sharpen
the
Ecclesiastical
Tallons
;
which
behaviour
of
his
so
exasperates
the
Round-head
,
that
he
on
the
other
hand
cares
not
what
Increases
the
Interest
of
the
Crown
receives
,
so
he
can
but
diminish
that
of
the
Miter
:
so
that
the
Round-head
had
rather
enslave
the
Man
,
than
the
Conscience
;
The
Cavalier
rather
the
Conscience
than
the
Man
,
there
being
a
sufficient
stock
of
Animosity
as
proper
matter
to
work
upon
.
Upon
these
therefore
the
Courtier
mutually
plays
:
For
if
any
Anticourt
motion
be
made
,
he
gains
the
Rounhead
either
to
oppose
or
absent
,
by
telling
them
,
If
they
will
joyn
him
now
,
he
will
joyn
with
them
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
.
And
when
any
Affair
is
started
on
the
behalf
of
the
Country
he
assures
the
Cavaliers
,
If
they
will
then
stand
by
him
,
he
will
then
joyn
with
them
in
promoting
a
Bill
against
the
Fanaticks
.
Thus
play
they
on
both
hands
,
that
no
Motion
of
a
publick
nature
is
made
,
but
they
win
upon
the
one
or
other
,
of
them
;
and
by
this
Art
gain
a
Majority
against
the
Country
Gentlemen
,
which
otherwise
they
would
never
have
:
Wherefore
it
were
happy
that
we
had
neither
Roundhead
nor
Cavalier
in
the
House
;
for
they
are
each
of
them
so
Prejudicate
one
against
the
other
,
that
their
sitting
here
signifies
nothing
but
their
Fostering
their
old
Venome
,
and
lying
at
Catch
to
snap
every
Advantage
to
bear
down
each
other
,
though
it
be
in
the
Destruction
of
their
Country
.
For
if
the
Round-heads
bring
in
a
good
Bill
,
the
old
Cavalier
opposes
it
,
for
no
other
reason
,
but
because
they
brought
it
.
So
that
as
the
poor
English
Silk-weavers
,
are
feign
to
hire
a
French-man
to
sell
their
Ribbons
:
So
are
the
Round-heads
a
Cavalier
,
to
move
for
those
Bills
they
desire
should
pass
;
which
so
sowers
the
Round-head
,
that
he
revenges
that
Carriage
upon
any
Bill
the
Cavalier
offers
,
and
the
Rage
and
the
Passion
of
the
one
and
other
,
are
so
powerful
,
that
it
blinds
them
both
,
that
neither
perceives
the
Advantage
they
give
the
Courtier
,
to
abuse
both
them
and
their
Country
too
:
so
that
if
either
of
them
do
any
Good
,
it
is
only
out
of
pure
Envy
against
the
other
.
Thus
you
see
how
we
are
yoked
,
and
seeing
this
,
you
may
cease
your
Admiration
that
we
offer
at
all
,
and
do
just
nothing
.
Nor
is
this
Division
alone
of
the
House
all
we
have
to
lament
(
for
Death
,
that
common
Cure
,
does
now
every
Day
lessen
this
evil
)
but
that
which
is
more
our
Misery
,
is
,
that
those
Gentlemen
who
are
truly
for
the
Good
of
their
Country
,
will
not
be
perswaded
to
stand
upon
the
sure
Basis
of
Rational
Principles
(
like
Workmen
too
presumptive
of
their
Judgments
that
will
not
build
by
Rule
)
but
rather
affect
the
most
loose
Standing
on
the
Sandy
Foundation
of
Heat
and
Humour
:
By
reason
of
which
they
often
do
as
much
Harm
as
Good
,
and
yet
perceive
it
not
;
this
is
the
sore
evil
we
are
under
.
For
I
would
not
doubt
the
Countries
carrying
it
from
the
Court
in
every
Vote
,
let
the
Courtiers
use
all
the
Art
they
could
,
would
the
Country
Gentlemen
but
give
themselves
the
trouble
to
enform
their
understandings
a
little
,
and
not
suffer
themselves
to
be
hurried
by
a
heedless
Inadvertency
into
Vulgar
Notions
.
Which
,
if
well
examined
,
are
directly
contrary
to
their
honest
Intentions
;
for
lack
of
which
they
totally
mistake
their
Interests
,
fall
foul
on
their
Friends
,
support
their
Enemies
,
and
carry
on
the
Designs
of
the
Court
whilst
they
aim
at
the
Service
of
their
Country
.
For
if
they
would
take
the
pains
but
to
think
what
is
the
greatest
Enemy
in
the
World
,
English
Law
and
Liberty
always
had
,
still
hath
,
and
ever
must
have
;
It
may
be
the
result
of
such
a
Thought
would
say
,
it
was
Encroaching
Prerogative
.
Well
,
if
then
they
would
but
beg
from
themselves
but
so
much
Seriousness
,
as
to
think
this
second
Thought
,
to
check
this
Prerogative
,
which
is
so
dangerous
an
Enemy
to
our
Laws
and
Liberties
,
peradventure
that
Thought
would
answer
,
In
suppressing
all
they
could
its
Creatures
and
Dependants
,
and
supporting
such
,
whose
Interest
it
is
to
keep
Prerogative
within
its
just
bounds
.
Now
could
they
but
be
prevail'd
with
but
to
think
a
third
Thought
,
it
would
land
them
at
the
full
and
satisfactory
Solution
of
the
Question
,
and
will
hold
in
every
thing
.
But
I
will
put
it
in
a
Case
wherein
we
are
most
apt
to
Err
,
and
wherein
we
reckon
it
no
less
than
Piety
to
play
the
Fool
,
to
the
end
you
may
see
how
miserably
we
are
cheated
and
abused
,
by
sucking
in
the
untried
Notions
that
Education
,
the
Arts
of
others
,
or
our
own
Ignorance
have
imposed
upon
us
.
The
third
Thought
therefore
shall
be
this
:
Which
are
most
the
Creatures
and
Supporters
of
boundless
Prerogative
,
Prelates
or
Dissenting
Protestants
?
The
Answer
to
which
must
,
and
can
be
no
otherwise
,
The
Prelates
.
Well
then
,
if
we
would
now
reduce
this
to
Practise
,
and
say
,
The
greatest
Friends
to
Prerogative
are
the
Prelates
,
the
greatest
Enemies
to
our
Laws
and
Liberties
is
Prerogative
.
The
only
way
therefore
to
restrain
Prerogative
,
is
to
do
,
What
?
To
fortifie
and
strengthen
the
Yoke
of
the
Prelates
over
the
Neck
of
the
People
?
No
:
(
Surely
this
were
an
odd
and
a
barbarous
kind
of
reasoning
)
But
to
give
Liberty
to
Dissenting
Protestants
,
as
the
best
means
to
keep
up
the
Ballance
against
boundless
Prerogative
.
For
these
must
,
and
never
can
be
otherwise
(
unless
by
Accident
,
and
by
Mistake
)
than
Friends
to
Liberty
:
But
the
Prelates
neither
are
,
nor
can
be
otherwise
then
Creature
to
Prerogative
,
for
all
their
Promotions
,
Dignities
,
and
Domination
depends
upon
it
.
The
same
might
be
said
concerning
the
only
antient
and
true
Strength
of
the
Nation
,
the
Legal
Militia
,
and
a
Standing
Army
.
The
Militia
must
,
and
can
never
be
otherwise
than
for
English
Liberty
,
'cause
else
it
doth
destroy
it self
;
but
a
Standing
Force
can
be
for
nothing
but
Prerogative
,
by
whom
it
hath
its
idle
Living
and
Subsistance
.
I
could
instance
also
in
many
other
Particulars
,
but
our
Inadvertency
in
this
,
is
Demonstration
enough
how
much
we
are
cheated
by
the
common
and
hackney
Notions
imposed
upon
us
?
and
this
is
almost
the
cause
of
all
the
Error
we
commit
.
For
missing
our
true
Footing
,
you
see
we
have
run
in
the
mistaken
Notion
of
being
for
the
Church
so
long
,
till
we
have
almost
destroyed
the
State
,
and
advanced
Prerogative
so
much
by
suppressing
Nonconformity
,
that
it
's
well
nigh
beyond
our
reach
or
power
to
put
a
check
to
it
,
and
had
not
Time
,
and
but
an
indifferent
Observation
,
shewed
us
how
much
we
were
abused
in
this
matter
:
and
that
a
Lay-Conformist
and
a
Fanatick
can
live
as
quietly
and
neighbourly
together
(
would
the
Prelates
but
suffer
them
)
as
any
in
the
world
,
we
had
ruined
our selves
past
all
recovery
.
For
by
our
●ouying
up
the
Bishops
in
their
harsh
and
irreconcilable
Spirit
,
instead
of
healing
we
have
so
fed
and
nourished
the
Discontents
throughout
the
Kingdom
,
that
I
think
nothing
keeps
the
Fire
from
Flaming
out
a
fresh
in
another
intestine
War
,
but
the
bare
Circumstance
of
Opportunity
only
;
and
how
long
that
will
be
able
to
restrain
Passions
that
are
made
wild
by
Oppression
,
is
worthy
a
very
serious
Consideration
;
and
therefore
there
is
hardly
any
thing
more
a
wonder
to
wise
men
,
then
to
see
the
Clergy
run
at
this
rate
upon
the
Dissenters
:
wherefore
since
the
Nonconformists
have
given
so
large
and
ample
a
Testimony
of
their
willingness
to
live
Peaceably
,
if
yet
notwithstanding
the
Clergy
will
not
suffer
them
to
be
quiet
in
their
Families
and
their
Houses
,
I
doubt
,
they
may
at
one
time
or
other
,
drive
them
into
the
Field
,
and
then
it
may
exceed
their
Divine
Art
to
conjure
them
down
again
;
for
he
sees
but
little
,
that
sees
not
the
English
Temper
is
better
to
be
led
then
driven
.
And
therefore
I
think
it
would
not
be
more
a
Vanity
,
to
compel
the
Ladies
to
wear
Queen
Elizabeths
Ruff
,
then
to
force
the
Nonconformists
to
be
drest
in
her
Religion
.
Nor
yet
are
these
all
the
Arts
we
are
under
:
For
we
have
a
Gang
that
Huff
,
and
bear
themselves
high
on
the
Country
side
,
but
earn
only
for
the
Court
;
these
lay
out
their
Craft
in
putting
the
House
upon
little
trifling
things
,
and
spend
and
waste
the
Mettle
thereof
,
upon
such
pittiful
Pickadilloes
,
as
't
is
next
to
shame
for
an
English
Parliament
so
much
as
to
mention
.
These
start
a
fierce
Dispute
about
some
little
Matter
,
and
keep
a
bluster
as
if
none
were
such
faithful
Patriots
as
they
,
when
they
do
it
on
purpose
only
to
while
out
the
Time
,
and
thin
the
House
,
by
tiring
the
honest
Country
Gentry
in
so
tedious
,
fruitless
and
trifling
Attendance
.
Do
but
move
things
worthy
a
Parliament
;
as
that
we
may
have
our
●●d
known
Rights
of
Annual
Parliaments
ascertained
:
That
none
that
are
or
shall
be
bribed
by
any
Place
or
Office
shall
ever
sit
in
this
House
:
That
Parliaments
ought
not
to
be
Prorogued
,
Adjourned
or
Dissolved
,
till
all
Petitions
are
heard
,
and
the
Grievances
of
the
People
redressed
;
with
many
things
more
of
as
great
Importance
;
O
then
,
forsooth
,
their
pretended
Loyalty
(
which
in
plain
English
is
easily
understood
)
will
not
abide
such
unmannerly
and
clownish
Debates
as
these
,
and
twenty
such
little
shreds
of
Nonsence
are
impertinently
urged
instead
of
Argument
.
But
further
,
these
Countrey-Court
Engines
,
after
they
have
taken
the
Measures
of
the
House
,
at
the
opening
of
every
Session
,
by
our
Thanks
for
the
gracious
Speech
,
which
being
the
true
Pulse
of
the
House
;
if
it
happen
to
come
so
hard
as
speaks
us
but
faint
and
cool
to
the
one
thing
necessary
,
(
the
matter
of
Money
)
then
they
know
what
will
follow
,
that
the
Court
will
get
no
Grist
that
Sessions
;
and
though
the
Court
in
Indignation
could
turn
them
home
on
the
Morrow
,
yet
it
must
consult
its
Reputation
a
little
,
restrain
its
Resentments
,
and
suffer
them
to
sit
about
a
six
Weeks
,
or
two
Months
,
and
then
they
assure
the
Court
,
since
they
can
get
no
good
by
them
,
they
shall
take
no
harm
;
and
therefore
to
stop
them
from
some
worthy
Undertaking
,
they
by
their
feigned
Zeal
against
Court
Corruptions
,
put
them
upon
Impeaching
some
Treasurer
,
Councellor
or
Minister
of
State
;
and
having
spent
half
our
time
about
this
,
the
rest
is
spent
for
the
Clergy
upon
Church-Work
,
which
we
have
been
so
often
put
upon
and
tired
with
these
many
Sessions
:
Though
Partiality
unbecomes
a
Parliament
,
who
ought
to
lay
the
whole
Body
that
we
represent
alike
easie
,
Nonconformists
,
as
well
as
Conformists
,
for
we
were
chosen
by
both
,
and
with
that
Intention
that
we
should
oppress
neither
.
To
lay
one
part
therefore
of
the
Body
on
a
Pillow
,
and
the
other
on
a
Rack
,
sorts
our
Wisdom
little
,
but
our
Justice
worse
.
You
now
see
all
our
Shapes
,
save
only
the
Indigents
,
concerning
whom
I
need
say
but
little
,
for
their
Votes
are
publickly
saleable
for
a
Guinea
,
and
a
Dinner
every
Day
in
the
Week
,
unless
the
House
be
upon
Money
or
a
Minister
of
State
:
For
that
is
their
Harvest
;
and
then
they
make
their
Earnings
suit
the
Work
they
are
about
,
which
inclines
them
most
constantly
as
sure
Cliants
to
the
Court.
For
what
with
gaining
the
one
and
saving
the
other
,
they
now
and
then
adventure
a
Vote
on
the
Country
side
;
but
the
dread
of
Dissolution
makes
them
strait
tack
about
.
The
only
thing
we
are
obliged
to
them
for
,
is
,
that
they
do
nothin
Gratis
,
but
make
every
Tax
as
well
Chargeable
to
the
Court
,
as
burthensom
to
the
Countrey
,
and
save
no
Mans
Neck
,
but
they
break
his
Purse
.
And
yet
when
all
is
said
,
did
but
the
Countrey
Gentry
rightly
understand
the
Interest
of
Liberty
,
Let
the
Courtiers
and
Indigents
do
what
they
could
,
they
might
yet
at
last
deserve
the
Name
of
a
worthy
English
Parliament
;
which
that
we
may
do
,
is
not
more
passionately
your
Desire
,
then
it
also
is
of
,
SIR
,
Your
most
Humble
Servant
.
T.
E.
A
SPEECH
MADE
BY
Sir
William
Scrogg
,
ONE
OF
HIS
Majesties
Sergeants
at
Law
,
To
the
Right
Honourable
the
Lord
High
Chancellor
Of
ENGLAND
,
AT
HIS
Admission
to
the
Place
of
One
of
His
Majesties
Justices
of
the
Court
of
Common-Pleas
.
My
Lord
,
THAT
the
King's
Favour
is
the
Effect
of
the
Duty
I
have
paid
him
,
(
which
your
Lordship
is
pleas'd
to
call
Service
)
is
the
most
welcome
and
pleasing
part
of
his
Kindness
;
and
I
trust
we
shall
still
see
such
Times
that
no
Man
shall
hope
to
have
it
,
or
keep
it
on
any
other
Account
.
The
right
Application
of
Rewards
and
Punishments
,
is
the
steady
Justice
of
a
Nation
;
where
though
the
Rewards
of
Kings
exceed
what
a
Subject
can
merit
.
they
should
never
reach
him
that
demerits
.
To
return
Good
for
Evil
may
be
an
Obligation
of
Charity
;
It
is
never
of
Bounty
.
And
the
taking
off
(
as
they
call
it
)
of
an
Ambitious
,
and
therefore
a
Factious
Man
,
by
Favours
,
is
the
worst
way
to
stop
or
open
his
Mouth
;
for
he
will
whisper
one
way
louder
,
then
he
will
speak
the
other
:
And
when
you
think
you
gain
one
Enemy
you
make
many
.
On
such
an
Occasion
as
this
,
I
think
it
very
proper
to
give
your
Lordship
some
Account
what
Considerations
I
have
had
,
in
order
to
the
Discharge
of
my
Duty
in
this
Place
,
since
the
King
's
first
Intimations
of
his
Pleasure
.
And
that
respects
Matters
,
either
as
they
stand
betwixt
the
King
and
his
People
,
or
betwixt
Man
and
Man
.
As
for
the
First
,
I
know
that
the
Law
gives
such
Prerogatives
to
the
King
,
that
to
endeavour
more
were
to
desire
worse
;
and
it
gives
to
the
People
such
Liberties
,
that
more
would
be
Licentious
.
What
then
hath
a
Man
to
do
that
hath
Courage
enough
to
be
Honest
,
but
to
Apply
his
Understanding
to
the
Ministration
of
those
Laws
justly
to
both
:
wherein
I
may
say
,
that
the
Cases
will
be
rare
that
will
be
difficult
in
themselves
.
They
may
be
made
so
from
sinister
Causes
;
when
Men
thinking
to
serve
a
Turn
,
or
like
Pilate
,
to
please
the
People
,
deliver
up
that
which
is
Right
to
be
Crucified
.
Then
they
are
fain
to
rack
their
Fancies
to
make
good
their
Faults
.
This
makes
such
nice
Distinctions
,
and
such
strained
Constructions
,
till
they
leave
nothing
plain
in
the
World
.
Whereas
in
truth
the
Duty
we
owe
to
the
King
and
his
People
,
is
like
the
Duty
we
owe
to
God
,
not
hard
to
understand
,
whatever
it
is
to
Practise
.
This
Court
,
My
Lord
,
't
is
true
,
is
properly
a
Court
of
Meum
and
Tuum
,
where
Prerogative
and
Liberty
are
seldom
Plaintiffs
or
Defendants
,
but
yet
't
is
certain
,
that
even
in
private
Causes
,
Matter
of
Government
many
times
intervenes
,
and
the
Publick
is
concern'd
by
Consequence
.
And
therefore
I
think
it
fair
,
and
like
English
Honesty
and
Plainness
,
something
to
unveil
one's
self
in
that
particular
,
that
Men
may
know
before-hand
what
they
may
expect
.
And
herein
I
do
declare
,
I
would
no
more
wrong
or
lessen
the
People's
Liberties
,
then
I
would
sacrifice
up
my
Son
.
But
then
I
will
no
more
derogate
from
the
King's
Prerogative
,
then
I
would
betray
my
Father
.
My
Lord
,
In
time
when
Faction
is
so
bold
as
to
be
bare-fac'd
;
and
false
and
seditious
News
is
openly
talk'd
,
and
greedily
embrac'd
;
when
the
King
's
reasonable
Demands
are
disputed
,
and
turned
into
Cavils
,
and
those
that
oppose
'em
talk
confidently
;
and
those
that
should
maintain
'em
speak
fearfully
and
tenderly
;
when
the
Reverence
we
owe
to
the
King
is
paid
to
the
People
;
the
Government
is
beset
,
the
King
is
in
Danger
,
and
there
is
nothing
wanting
but
Opportunity
.
But
when
to
prevent
that
Opportunity
,
Men
are
afraid
,
and
hold
it
dangerous
to
avoid
the
Danger
;
when
we
dare
not
call
a
Crime
by
its
right
name
;
and
for
some
,
find
none
;
and
a
Mischief
must
be
effected
,
before
we
will
think
it
one
:
When
dangerous
Attempts
are
minc'd
,
and
by
some
trivial
difference
Treason
is
distinguish'd
into
a
Trespass
;
when
Men
are
forward
and
ventrous
enough
in
what
thwarts
the
Government
,
but
in
supporting
it
,
seem
grave
and
cautious
,
nice
and
timorous
,
and
so
fill'd
with
Prudentials
,
till
they
are
as
wise
as
fear
can
make
'em
:
The
Law
is
enervated
,
and
becomes
useless
to
its
greatest
end
,
which
is
,
the
Preservation
of
the
whole
.
'T
is
true
,
in
Publick
Causes
,
the
same
Integrity
is
necessary
as
in
Private
;
But
that
is
but
part
of
a
Judge's
Duty
.
He
must
be
Magnanimous
as
well
as
Virtuous
.
And
I
acknowledge
it
to
be
a
main
and
principal
part
of
my
Duty
,
as
it
relates
to
the
King
and
his
People
,
with
hearty
Resolution
to
suppress
all
open
Force
and
private
Confederacies
;
not
thinking
any
thing
little
that
attempts
the
Publick
Safety
;
for
when
the
Motives
are
small
,
the
Danger
is
greater
;
when
Discontents
exceed
their
Causes
.
And
for
the
Discharge
of
my
Duty
betwixt
Party
and
Party
,
it
is
impossible
to
be
performed
without
these
two
Cardinal
Virtues
,
[
Temper
]
and
[
Cleanness
of
Hands
]
Temper
comprehends
Patience
,
Humility
and
Candor
.
It
seems
to
me
that
Saying
,
Be
quick
to
hear
,
and
slow
to
speak
,
was
made
on
purpose
for
a
Judge
.
No
Direction
can
be
apter
,
and
no
Character
becomes
him
better
:
and
he
that
would
not
be
said
to
have
but
one
Ear
,
methinks
should
be
ashamed
to
have
none
.
And
I
appeal
to
your
Lordships
Experience
,
if
a
patient
Attention
,
accompanied
with
indifferent
Parts
,
and
a
Competency
in
the
Law
,
with
a
mind
fairly
disposed
for
Information
or
Conviction
,
will
not
,
as
to
Use
and
common
Benefit
,
exceed
the
profoundest
Knowledge
,
and
most
towering
Understanding
,
that
is
attended
with
an
impetuous
Haste
,
either
out
of
a
glory
of
Speaking
,
or
too
great
a
fulness
of
himself
.
And
for
Humility
,
Though
I
will
not
say
that
every
Impatient
Man
is
proud
,
(
because
that
may
arise
from
other
Causes
)
yet
every
proud
Man
is
impatient
,
sometimes
of
Information
,
always
of
Contradiction
;
and
he
must
be
violent
to
maintain
his
own
Imperiousness
.
Harshness
is
a
needless
and
unbecoming
Provocation
:
It
makes
Men
hate
where
they
should
fear
and
reverence
:
And
yet
by
Gentleness
I
understand
,
not
Tameness
,
but
Moderation
;
not
without
Rebukes
,
but
without
Taunts
.
For
Corruption
,
that
Perverter
of
Law
and
Destruction
of
Property
,
that
leaves
in
the
World
neither
Bonum
nor
Equum
;
for
when
he
does
Right
,
he
does
not
Justice
;
and
he
that
sells
Justice
,
will
sell
Injustice
.
'T
is
not
only
to
be
avoided
,
but
abhorred
;
and
not
alone
in
its
direct
Approaches
,
but
in
Relatives
and
Servants
,
those
By-ways
of
Bribery
;
and
it
becomes
every
man
so
manifestly
to
detest
,
that
it
may
scare
even
the
Attempt
:
for
no
Man
is
sufficiently
safe
unless
to
his
Power
he
avoids
the
Suspicion
as
well
as
the
Fault
.
Practise
does
one
and
that
which
makes
me
speak
this
,
a
publick
Profession
against
it
,
is
the
way
to
do
the
other
.
And
where
Gifts
prevail
not
;
yet
if
Fear
,
Relation
or
Popularity
sway
,
't
is
the
same
thing
.
If
there
be
a
Byass
put
to
a
Man
,
it
matters
not
of
what
't
is
made
.
Nay
,
these
are
worse
than
Corruption
by
Money
;
for
there
both
sides
may
have
the
same
Tools
,
when
a
Man
cannot
make
himself
a
Kin
,
nor
his
Cause
Popular
.
And
now
give
me
leave
,
My
Lord
,
to
shew
why
I
thought
it
fit
,
nay
extreamly
necessary
to
say
something
on
the
particulars
I
have
mentioned
.
First
,
to
satisfie
your
Lordship
and
the
World
I
undertake
not
this
Place
without
due
Considerations
of
the
Duty
belongs
to
it
.
Next
,
It
is
some
Tye
upon
a
Man
not
to
commit
those
Errors
he
hath
in
Publick
declaimed
against
:
for
he
must
add
Impudence
to
his
Crime
,
to
have
his
own
words
fly
in
his
face
,
with
which
every
Man
will
upbraid
,
and
no
Man
can
excuse
him
.
My
Lord
,
In
a
Discourse
on
such
an
Occasion
as
this
,
where
Men
are
concern'd
in
Point
of
Interest
,
(
for
so
they
are
when
a
Judge
is
made
)
my
Aim
is
not
to
say
what
will
please
their
Humours
,
but
what
should
satisfie
their
Minds
:
Neither
am
I
so
vain
as
to
think
I
shall
do
that
with
all
;
nor
much
concerned
though
it
fall
out
so
.
If
Reputation
and
a
good
Name
can
be
got
by
doing
my
Duty
,
't
is
welcome
;
but
if
it
must
be
sought
by
other
Arts
,
I
will
be
no
Seeker
;
especially
considering
that
the
Applause
of
the
Multitude
,
that
Contingent
Judge
of
Good
and
Bad
,
rather
attends
the
Vain
than
the
Virtuous
,
and
is
oftner
sought
by
such
too
.
The
Approbation
of
the
Wise
,
which
are
the
Few
;
and
of
the
Honest
,
by
which
I
intend
,
Men
heartily
affected
to
the
Government
,
I
acknowledge
I
earnestly
covet
:
for
them
that
are
otherwise
,
I
court
not
their
good
Opinion
,
because
I
fear
not
their
bad
;
and
would
not
draw
that
Suspicion
upon
my self
,
that
Men
may
say
,
What
Ill
has
he
done
,
that
those
Men
speak
so
well
of
him
?
I
never
was
of
their
Party
,
nor
never
will
be
.
And
to
be
even
with
them
,
I
think
as
meanly
of
them
as
they
do
of
Loyalty
;
whose
Misfortunes
are
more
to
be
esteemed
than
their
Triumphs
.
The
good
Words
of
such
as
truly
love
their
Country
,
(
which
no
Man
ever
did
that
does
not
love
his
Prince
)
indeed
I
highly
prize
,
and
will
endeavour
to
deserve
;
though
your
Lordship
at
this
time
has
been
before-hand
with
me
in
that
Particular
,
by
bestowing
them
upon
me
first
;
and
so
many
,
that
I
am
ashamed
I
have
been
no
better
to
have
made
'em
good
:
But
because
your
Lordship
is
willing
and
able
to
render
any
Man
much
better
then
he
is
,
they
ought
to
be
esteemed
as
the
Proceed
of
a
Generous
Nature
,
and
an
Indulgent
Prudence
;
which
by
telling
me
what
I
am
,
does
but
kindly
insinuate
what
I
should
be
.
My
Lord
,
I
will
waste
no
more
of
your
Time
,
though
I
omit
those
usual
Returns
of
formal
Thanks
;
for
they
are
of
course
;
or
extream
wondring
at
the
great
Surprizals
of
the
Kings
Favour
;
and
those
humble
,
yet
high
Debasements
of
ones
Self
,
which
look
like
Modesty
but
is
a
sort
of
Bravery
.
My
Thanks
shall
be
paid
in
(
what
the
KING
likes
best
)
Service
to
His
People
.
The
wonder
will
cease
by
that
time
I
get
to
the
Bench
:
and
my
Defects
are
best
confest
by
endeavouring
to
amend
them
.
A
DISCOURSE
UPON
THE
Designs
,
Practices
&
Counsels
OF
FRANCE
.
SIR
,
YOU
gave
me
a
Brief
,
and
a
Pertinent
Deduction
the
other
Day
,
of
the
French
Practices
and
Designs
;
the
Progress
of
their
Arms
,
and
the
Methods
of
their
Proceedings
:
Together
with
a
Scheme
of
the
inevitable
Ruine
and
Slavery
that
threatens
Europe
,
without
a
speedy
and
a
powerful
Conjunction
against
them
.
After
this
general
Contemplation
of
the
present
State
of
Christendom
;
you
were
pleased
to
take
a
particular
Prospect
of
the
Interest
of
this
Nation
;
and
how
far
we
are
to
reckon
our selves
concerned
in
the
Common
Calamity
:
Coming
at
last
to
this
Conclusion
,
That
England
cannot
reasonably
expect
to
stand
long
,
after
the
Loss
of
Holland
and
Flanders
.
For
the
Support
of
this
Opinion
,
(
besides
the
Force
of
your
own
Reasoning
)
you
referr'd
me
to
several
Historical
and
Political
Treatises
upon
the
Subject
;
which
I
have
diligently
examin'd
,
and
made
use
of
,
in
this
following
Discourse
;
wherein
I
take
the
Freedom
to
give
you
my
Thoughts
upon
the
whole
matter
.
Your
first
Charge
upon
the
French
,
was
,
Breach
of
Faith
:
and
you
pitch'd
upon
the
Cases
of
Spain
,
and
Portugal
;
the
barbarous
usage
of
the
Duke
of
Lorain
;
and
the
Nulling
of
the
most
Christian
Queens
Renunciation
upon
Marriage
;
(
which
was
the
very
Foundation
of
the
Pyrenean
Treaty
)
by
a
pretended
Devolution
of
the
Spanish
Netherlands
,
in
the
Right
of
that
Match
:
Their
underhand
Tampering
of
Denmark
and
Swede
,
to
draw
the
One
from
us
,
and
hinder
the
Other
from
joyning
with
us
;
the
Influence
they
had
upon
our
Disgrace
at
Chatham
;
their
playing
Booty
on
both
sides
,
betwixt
England
and
Holland
in
the
Dutch-war
:
and
to
these
Instances
,
(
which
are
all
so
notorious
that
they
need
no
expounding
)
you
might
have
added
a
thousand
more
of
the
like
Quality
.
But
these
may
suffice
for
a
seasonable
and
a
necessary
Caution
,
and
without
the
Helps
of
Aggravation
and
Clamour
;
especially
that
extraordinary
Action
of
destroying
the
Queens
Renunciation
,
and
then
invading
the
Spanish
Netherlands
upon
it
:
An
Action
hardly
to
be
paralell'd
in
the
Story
of
the
whole
World
,
for
a
Concurrence
of
so
many
enormous
Circumstances
.
There
was
in
it
,
The
Publick
Faith
of
the
two
Crowns
;
which
is
the
only
Security
of
Government
,
and
the
Bond
of
Humane
Society
:
There
was
in
it
The
Solemnity
of
an
Oath
at
the
very
Altar
;
which
is
the
most
Sacred
Tye
of
a
Christian
:
There
was
also
The
highest
Profession
,
and
Assurance
of
Friendship
imaginable
;
which
is
accompted
one
of
the
most
binding
Obligations
betwixt
Man
and
Man
:
And
then
there
was
a
Brother
,
a
Cousin
,
and
an
Infant
in
the
Case
;
which
makes
it
Matter
of
Humanity
and
Honour
.
And
yet
all
these
Cords
were
as
easily
broken
as
Bulrushes
.
This
single
President
may
serve
,
however
,
for
a
warning
to
all
Princes
and
States
,
not
to
leave
themselves
at
the
mercy
of
Men
of
such
Principles
.
But
his
most
Christian
Majesty
is
not
the
only
Prince
that
has
been
abused
by
Corrupt
and
Ambitious
Ministers
.
Your
next
observation
was
,
That
they
are
the
greatest
Intermedlers
in
the
World
,
in
other
Peoples
Affairs
,
that
they
embroil
all
wherever
they
come
;
and
that
there
's
hardly
any
Rebellion
,
but
they
are
in
the
bottom
of
it
.
For
their
Money
walks
in
all
the
Courts
and
Councils
of
Christendom
;
nay
,
and
beyond
it
too
:
For
't
is
said
that
the
last
Grand
Vis●er
was
their
Pensioner
.
Was
it
not
France
that
debauch'd
Scotland
first
;
and
afterwards
England
into
the
late
Rebellion
?
Nay
,
did
they
not
stand
still
,
and
look
on
,
to
see
the
C●owning
of
the
Work
which
they
themselves
began
,
in
the
Execrable
Murther
of
the
late
King
?
and
did
they
not
refuse
to
our
Gracious
and
Persecuted
Sovereign
—
even
a
Retreat
in
their
Dominions
?
How
did
they
prolong
the
War
in
Portugal
?
What
Havock
have
they
made
in
Poland
,
and
what
work
in
Hungary
?
And
are
they
not
this
Day
in
Counsel
with
the
Port
against
the
Empire
,
and
undermining
the
Bulwark
of
Christendom
?
How
have
they
dash'd
England
against
Holland
;
blinded
the
Eyes
of
several
Princes
of
the
Empire
;
and
baffled
all
Mediations
towards
a
General
Peace
?
Did
they
not
formerly
,
under
the
Colour
of
Protecting
Germany
,
cut
off
Alsatia
from
the
Empire
?
and
in
a
word
,
this
has
been
their
Practice
wheresoever
they
have
come
:
They
covet
Harbours
in
Spain
,
(
says
the
Admirable
Baron
de●
Isola
)
Leagues
in
the
Empire
;
Factions
in
Poland
;
Wars
in
England
and
Holland
;
Passes
into
Italy
;
and
the
Sovereign
Arbitrage
every
where
.
Their
Quiet
consists
in
the
Trouble
of
all
others
,
and
their
Advantage
is
in
the
Publick
Calamities
.
Nor
have
they
any
other
way
,
then
by
dividing
,
and
weakening
of
the
parts
,
to
master
the
whole
,
which
is
the
Capital
Design
.
And
if
so
,
There
's
no
Fence
against
a
Common
Enemy
,
but
a
Common
Union
.
It
is
already
made
appear
,
by
what
is
above
said
,
how
dangerous
they
are
to
Mankind
.
The
next
hint
you
gave
me
,
was
to
consider
on
't
,
Whether
the
English
may
reasonably
expect
any
better
Quarter
from
them
,
then
other
People
:
in
which
point
,
I
shall
only
lay
the
matter
before
you
,
and
leave
you
the
Judge
on
't
.
The
Four
main
Interests
of
a
Nation
,
are
Religion
,
Reputation
,
Peace
,
and
Trade
.
For
the
First
of
these
;
we
shall
neither
fare
the
better
,
nor
the
worse
;
but
lose
just
as
much
for
being
of
another
Communion
,
as
his
Catholick
Majesty
gets
by
being
of
the
same
.
The
Question
now
on
Foot
is
a
Communion
of
State
,
not
of
Faith
.
The
Alcoran
and
the
Gospel
go
hand
in
hand
;
and
at
the
same
time
,
the
Protestants
are
protected
in
Hungary
,
and
persecuted
in
France
.
To
say
nothing
of
the
Encouragements
they
give
there
to
the
Jansenists
,
which
may
,
for
ought
we
know
,
prove
the
greatest
Blow
to
the
Church
of
Rome
that
ever
it
received
since
the
Reformation
.
But
what
do
I
talk
of
Religion
,
in
a
Cause
that
is
dipp'd
in
Christian
Blood
,
and
in
the
Tears
of
Widows
and
Orphans
?
A
Cause
that
is
propagated
by
Sacriledge
,
Rapes
,
Depopulation
,
Slavery
,
Oppression
,
and
at
least
a
Million
of
Lives
sacrificed
to
it
already
?
The
very
Thought
of
it
is
enough
to
strike
the
Soul
of
any
Man
with
Horrour
and
Indignation
.
If
you
would
see
how
tenderly
they
have
handled
us
in
the
Business
of
Reputation
:
Pray
do
but
cast
an
Eye
upon
the
Character
of
an
English-man
in
their
Politique
de
France
.
Quant
a
ce
qui
est
des
Anglois
,
ils
n'ont
aucuns
amis
,
ce
sont
des
gens
sans
Foy
,
sans
Religion
,
sans
Probite
,
sans
Justice
aucune
,
defians
,
legers
au
dernier
point
,
Cruels
,
Impatiens
,
Gourmands
,
Superbes
,
Audacieux
,
Avares
,
Propres
pour
les
coups
de
main
,
et
pour
une
promte
execution
,
mais
incapables
de
conduire
une
Guerre
avec
judgment
.
Leur
Pais
est
assez
bon
pour
vivre
,
mais
il
n'
est
pas
assez
riche
pour
leur
fournir
les
moyens
de
sortir
,
&
de
faire
aucune
conqueste
:
aussi
n'
ont
ils
jamais
rien
conquis
,
excepte
L'
Irelande
,
dont
les
habitans
sont
fobiles
,
&
mauvais
Soldats
,
&c.
i.
e.
As
for
the
English
,
they
are
a
People
without
Friends
,
without
Faith
,
Religion
,
Honesty
or
Justice
;
Distrustful
,
and
Fickle
to
the
highest
Degree
imaginable
,
Cruel
,
Impatient
,
Gluttonnous
,
Proud
,
Audacious
;
they
will
do
well
enough
for
a
Rubber
at
Cuffs
,
or
a
sudden
Exploit
,
but
they
understand
nothing
at
all
of
the
Government
of
a
War
.
The
Country
is
passable
enough
for
them
to
live
in
;
but
not
rich
enough
to
offer
at
any
Conquest
abroad
;
nor
did
they
ever
make
any
,
but
upon
the
Irish
,
which
are
a
weakly
People
,
and
ill
Soldiers
.
I
think
it
were
not
amiss
in
this
place
,
to
desire
our
Impertinent
Undertaker
to
turn
back
to
the
History
of
Philip
de
Valois
.
and
he
shall
there
find
there
that
our
Edward
the
III.
made
a
Shift
with
one
Army
to
beat
60000
French
,
and
leave
betwixt
Thirty
and
forty
Thousand
of
them
upon
the
place
;
and
with
another
Army
in
the
Bishoprick
of
Durham
to
defeat
as
many
Scots
,
and
cut
off
15000
of
them
too
.
And
it
must
not
be
here
omitted
,
that
this
Scotch
Army
was
also
animated
by
French
Counsels
.
I
would
not
willingly
run
out
a
Letter
into
a
Volume
,
so
that
all
other
Reflections
apart
,
I
shall
only
add
,
that
if
the
English
had
not
once
recovered
the
Field
,
and
another
time
made
it
good
in
two
of
the
greatest
Actions
of
late
that
have
yet
passed
betwixt
the
Imperialists
and
the
French
,
't
is
the
Opinion
of
Wise
Men
,
that
the
later
would
not
have
had
much
to
brag
of
upon
the
Success
of
this
War
.
And
this
in
some
degree
is
acknowledged
by
the
Author
of
a
French
Relation
of
the
Actions
betwixt
the
two
Armies
in
1675
,
1676
,
and
1677
,
(
how
Romantical
soever
in
other
Cases
)
.
Speaking
of
the
Battle
under
the
Command
of
the
Count
de
Lorge
,
after
the
Death
of
the
Vicount
Turenne
,
these
are
his
words
,
Et
a
rendre
justice
aux
Anglois
,
&
aux
Irlandois
,
on
peut
dire
,
qu'on
leur
doit
une
bonne
partie
de
cette
victoire
:
That
is
to
say
,
And
to
give
the
English
and
Irish
their
due
,
France
is
indebted
to
them
in
a
large
measure
for
this
Victory
.
But
now
to
our
Politician
again
:
Ils
se
haissent
les
uns
les
autres
,
&
sont
en
division
continuelle
,
soit
pour
la
Religion
,
soit
pour
le
Government
.
The
English
,
says
he
,
hate
one
another
,
and
are
still
quarrelling
,
either
about
Religion
or
Government
.
These
Indecencies
would
almost
make
a
Man
call
them
Names
;
but
let
us
pass
without
one
angry
word
,
from
the
Interest
of
our
Reputation
,
to
that
of
our
Peace
,
and
enquire
how
they
stand
affected
to
us
upon
that
point
.
To
say
,
that
England
has
not
for
a
long
time
had
any
Troubles
either
at
home
or
abroad
,
which
the
French
have
not
promoted
,
or
improv'd
to
their
own
advantage
;
is
to
say
no
more
than
that
they
deal
with
us
,
as
they
do
with
all
the
World
beside
;
so
that
we
must
e'en
have
recourse
again
to
their
Politicks
for
some
particular
Mark
of
their
Favour
,
where
you
shall
find
that
our
State-Mountebank
has
not
yet
shewn
all
his
Tricks
,
but
puts
himself
with
a
very
grave
and
fore-casting
Countenance
upon
the
very
Project
of
our
Ruine
:
Une
Guerre
de
France
,
de
trois
ou
quatre
ans
contre
eux
les
ruinera
entierement
,
ainsi
il
semble
qu'il
ne
faut
point
faire
de
paix
avec
eux
qu'
a
des
Conditions
qui
nous
soient
tres
avantageuses
.
A
War
(
says
he
)
of
three
or
four
Years
with
France
,
would
absolutely
destroy
the
English
;
so
that
methinks
we
should
not
entertain
any
Peace
with
them
,
but
upon
very
profitable
Terms
.
And
then
a
little
after
:
In
fine
,
says
he
,
the
way
to
undo
the
English
,
is
to
make
them
keep
an
Army
on
foot
;
and
there
's
no
fear
of
their
Landing
in
France
,
but
to
their
certain
destruction
,
unless
they
should
be
invited
by
a
Rebellion
;
without
which
,
their
Troops
will
in
a
short
time
most
undoubtedly
fall
foul
one
upon
another
.
To
keep
them
upon
continual
Expence
,
't
is
but
giving
them
the
Alarm
upon
the
Isles
of
Jersey
,
and
Guernsey
,
Wight
,
and
Man
,
Ireland
,
and
the
Cinque
Ports
;
by
which
means
,
they
will
be
put
upon
the
Charge
of
Fortifications
and
Garrisons
,
which
will
perswade
the
People
that
the
King
intends
to
set
up
a
Standing
Army
,
and
an
Arbitrary
Government
.
So
long
as
this
holds
,
the
Nation
will
never
be
at
quiet
,
but
torment
themselves
with
Fears
and
Jealousies
,
which
may
be
easily
fomented
by
Letters
in
Cypher
,
to
such
or
such
particular
Persons
;
and
in
such
sort
to
be
intercepted
as
shall
be
found
convenient
.
These
Letters
may
give
a
Hint
of
a
Descent
in
Ireland
,
and
elsewhere
,
which
would
dispose
the
Irish
,
who
mortally
hate
the
English
,
to
a
Revolt
;
and
among
the
suspicious
Multitude
they
would
pass
for
Gospel
.
This
Contrivance
would
make
the
Scots
also
to
bethink
themselves
of
recovering
their
Liberty
;
where
there
must
be
Parties
made
,
and
the
Sects
encourag'd
one
against
another
;
especially
the
Roman
Catholicks
must
be
fairly
handled
,
and
private
Assurance
given
(
in
the
Name
of
the
King
of
England
)
to
the
Benedictins
,
(
who
are
easie
enough
to
be
impos'd
upon
)
that
they
shall
be
restor'd
to
all
their
former
Benefits
,
according
to
the
Printed
Monasticon
;
which
will
presently
make
the
Roman
Catholicks
declare
themselves
;
and
the
Monks
will
move
Heaven
and
Earth
for
the
bringing
of
Matters
about
:
But
then
Care
must
be
taken
to
carry
on
the
Report
,
that
the
King
is
of
the
Romish
Religion
;
which
will
distract
the
Government
,
and
throw
all
into
an
Absolute
Confusion
.
From
hence
we
may
gather
:
First
,
What
Opinion
the
French
have
of
us
.
Secondly
,
That
it
is
not
only
their
Desire
and
Study
,
but
a
formed
Design
to
embroyl
us
.
Thirdly
,
That
they
will
stick
at
nothing
neither
,
to
compass
that
End
,
be
it
never
so
foul
.
Fourthly
,
This
Libeller
has
trac'd
us
out
the
very
Methods
of
their
working
:
As
by
amusing
the
People
with
forged
Letters
of
Intelligence
,
where
the
first
Author
of
the
Plot
must
miraculously
discover
it
.
By
filling
the
Peoples
Heads
with
Fears
and
Jealousies
,
and
leaving
no
Stone
unturn'd
in
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
,
to
stir
up
a
Rebellion
.
Why
has
he
not
advis'd
the
Poysoning
of
all
our
Fountains
too
?
which
would
have
been
a
Course
of
as
much
Christianity
and
Honour
.
But
that
this
Trifler
may
not
glorifie
himself
too
much
in
his
wondrous
Speculations
,
take
Notice
,
that
he
is
only
the
Transcriber
,
not
the
Author
of
this
goodly
Piece
,
for
the
Original
was
betwixt
Richlieu
and
Mazarine
;
and
it
amounts
to
no
more
in
effect
,
than
an
imperfect
History
of
the
French
Dealings
with
us
for
a
long
time
,
and
particularly
in
our
late
Troubles
.
To
come
now
from
his
most
unmannerly
Malice
,
to
his
Reason
of
State
;
if
I
am
not
mistaken
:
England
might
longer
subsist
in
a
War
with
France
,
than
France
could
in
a
Peace
within
it self
(
the
heaviest
of
all
Judgments
,
when
a
Nation
must
be
wicked
upon
necessity
)
.
And
again
,
when
he
says
,
That
England
cannot
hurt
France
by
a
Descent
,
unless
call'd
in
by
a
Rebellion
.
He
never
considers
,
That
if
England
had
an
Army
a-foot
,
and
stood
inclin'd
to
make
use
of
it
that
way
,
we
should
not
be
long
without
an
Invitation
.
For
we
see
what
the
Bourdelois
,
&c.
did
upon
their
own
Bottom
,
and
without
any
Forreign
Encouragement
;
and
the
whole
Business
miscarried
only
for
want
of
a
vigorous
Second
.
Lastly
,
Give
me
leave
to
say
,
that
he
has
extreamly
over-shot
himself
in
one
thing
more
;
for
tho'
this
has
been
realty
the
Practice
of
the
French
,
and
is
at
this
day
the
very
Model
and
Rule
by
which
their
Emissaries
govern
themselves
;
it
should
yet
have
been
kept
as
the
greatest
Secret
in
the
World
:
for
the
owning
of
these
Inglorious
Artifices
in
Publick
,
makes
it
one
of
the
grossest
Libels
that
ever
was
written
against
the
French
Government
:
to
say
nothing
of
his
oversight
in
disobliging
the
Roman
Catholicks
,
and
laying
Snares
to
trepan
them
.
The
Question
of
Trade
has
been
so
beaten
already
,
that
there
remains
little
to
be
added
to
it
.
Nor
in
truth
needs
it
,
since
it
is
agreed
on
all
hands
,
that
the
French
set
up
for
an
Universal
Commerce
,
as
well
as
for
an
Universal
Monarchy
.
And
in
effect
,
the
one
is
but
a
necessary
consequent
upon
the
other
.
Nor
is
it
enough
,
it
seems
,
for
us
to
be
design'd
upon
by
them
,
without
lending
them
our
Hands
towards
the
Cutting
of
our
own
Throats
:
For
upon
a
sober
and
judicious
Estimate
,
we
are
Losers
by
our
Trade
with
France
,
at
least
a
Million
and
an
half
per
Annum
.
I
shall
conclude
this
Head
with
one
passage
more
out
of
our
Pelitiques
of
France
:
(
And
you
'll
say
't
is
a
pleasant
one
too
,
but
it
must
be
under
the
Rose
)
Upon
a
presupposal
of
Mischief
that
's
a
Brewing
in
England
:
Now
,
says
he
,
it
will
be
our
Business
to
renew
our
Alliance
with
Holland
;
we
can
wheedle
them
into
an
Opinion
,
that
they
are
the
only
Men
that
understand
the
Knack
of
Trade
,
so
that
they
shall
have
that
to
themselves
:
the
Talent
of
the
French
,
alas
!
lies
another
way
;
and
there
's
no
forcing
of
any
thing
against
Nature
:
and
that
now
's
the
●ick
of
time
to
crush
their
Competitors
for
the
Northern
Seas
.
So
that
we
are
all
of
us
to
be
served
with
the
same
Sauce
;
but
't
is
some
degree
of
Honesty
yet
,
when
they
tell
the
World
what
they
are
to
trust
to
.
Now
to
sum
up
all
that
's
said
:
If
the
French
can
dispence
with
Oaths
,
and
Solemn
Contracts
:
If
it
be
their
Custom
,
and
a
Branch
of
their
Policy
,
to
fish
in
troubled
Waters
:
If
they
hate
us
,
as
English-men
,
and
are
not
for
us
,
as
Reformed
Catholicks
:
If
they
do
all
they
can
to
wound
us
in
our
Reputation
,
our
Peace
,
and
our
Trade
,
we
may
take
for
granted
,
that
they
will
destroy
us
to
all
purposes
if
they
can
,
which
naturally
leads
me
to
an
Enquiry
,
how
far
we
are
in
their
Power
,
or
likely
so
to
be
,
that
we
may
take
our
Measures
accordingly
.
It
will
not
stand
with
the
brevity
I
propose
in
this
Paper
,
to
give
you
a
Geographical
,
or
an
Historical
Account
of
Places
or
Actions
:
But
in
as
few
words
as
I
can
,
I
am
to
present
you
with
a
general
View
of
the
present
State
of
Christendom
,
with
a
regard
to
the
Power
of
France
;
and
then
to
consider
how
far
England
may
be
concern'd
in
the
Common
Fate
.
Here
it
was
that
you
and
I
brake
off
in
our
last
Discourse
;
so
that
in
the
prosecution
of
it
,
I
must
try
to
walk
without
leading
,
(
saving
only
the
helps
that
I
have
gathered
from
certain
Tracts
which
I
have
read
,
upon
his
Recommendation
)
wherein
I
shall
steer
a
middle
course
,
betwixt
some
that
over-value
the
Strength
of
France
,
and
others
that
will
have
it
to
be
less
than
indeed
it
is
.
That
the
Arms
of
France
are
at
this
day
formidable
to
all
Christendom
,
is
not
to
be
deuied
,
and
Tacitus
gives
you
the
reason
of
it
,
in
the
Case
of
the
Romans
and
the
Britains
,
Rarus
(
says
he
)
ad
propulsandum
commune
Periculum
conventus
:
ita
,
dum
singuli
pugnant
,
universi
vincuntur
.
There
must
be
a
common
force
to
oppose
a
common
danger
;
they
struggled
one
by
one
,
till
they
were
all
destroyed
.
The
French
(
no
doubt
of
it
)
are
a
Wea●●y
,
a
Populous
,
and
a
Military
Nation
.
But
it
must
be
allowed
,
that
they
are
more
indebted
for
their
Greatness
,
to
the
Slips
and
Oversights
of
others
,
(
and
this
without
disparagement
too
)
than
they
are
to
their
proper
Conduct
and
Valour
.
The
advance
they
made
into
Flanders
in
1667
,
was
introduced
by
the
Spaniards
trusting
to
their
Assurances
of
Friendship
,
and
rather
imputable
to
an
excess
of
Charity
,
than
any
want
of
Precaution
;
though
it
seemed
not
very
likely
,
that
they
should
march
with
Horse
.
Foot
,
and
Cannon
,
only
to
go
a
Birding
.
Through
these
and
the
like
Arts
they
have
rais'd
themselves
to
that
dangerous
height
where
now
we
behold
them
;
taking
all
Advantages
of
the
unsetled
Condition
of
Spain
;
the
Divisions
of
the
Empire
,
and
the
Factions
in
Holland
,
and
of
all
other
Mistakes
in
point
of
Fore-sight
and
Resolution
elsewhere
.
You
know
very
well
,
the
Conquests
they
have
made
upon
the
United
Provinces
,
the
Spanish
Netherlands
;
a
considerable
part
of
Germany
with
the
Terror
and
Devastation
that
accompanies
them
every-where
:
The
Progress
of
their
Arms
in
Catalonia
,
Sicily
,
the
West-Indies
,
&c.
Now
what
may
be
the
Consequences
of
this
over-growing
Power
,
and
how
to
prevent
them
,
is
the
matter
in
Question
.
AS
it
is
without
Dispute
,
that
the
French
aim
at
Universal
Dominion
,
(
which
is
only
a
more
plausible
Cover
for
that
Universal
Slavery
which
must
create
it
)
so
is
it
accompted
as
indubitable
a
Principle
,
that
the
Conquest
of
Flanders
must
be
the
Foundation
of
it
.
And
according
to
this
Maxim
it
is
,
that
they
take
their
Measures
;
for
they
have
●ade
themselves
Masters
of
the
Out-works
already
in
Valenciennes
,
Cambray
and
St.
Omer
;
three
places
of
very
great
Strength
and
Importance
:
And
it
is
generally
believ'd
by
the
recalling
of
their
Troops
from
the
Rhine
,
and
bending
the
Flower
of
their
Force
that
way
,
that
they
will
push
for
the
rest
this
Campania
.
If
they
carry
it
,
(
as
probably
they
will
,
without
the
speedy
Addition
of
some
powerful
Alliance
)
take
notice
,
I
beseech
you
of
that
which
naturally
follows
.
In
the
first
place
,
the
Charge
and
the
Hazard
of
that
War
is
over
,
which
in
Garrisons
,
and
in
the
Field
,
has
put
his
Most
Christian
Majesty
to
expence
of
keeping
near
100000
Men
in
Pay
:
(
which
will
then
be
at
Liberty
to
fall
in
upon
the
Empire
.
(
Beside
,
what
has
been
expended
in
Management
,
as
the
French
call
it
,
which
in
honest
English
is
down
right
Corruption
.
Secondly
,
This
Acquisition
will
furnish
the
French
King
with
Men
and
Monies
,
for
an
Army
of
Fifty
thousand
Men
,
(
and
no
better
Souldiers
in
Europe
.
)
Thirdly
,
what
will
become
of
the
Duke
of
Brandenburg
,
if
the
French
shall
fall
into
Cleves
,
and
Mark
,
with
a
matter
of
Forty
or
Fifty
thousand
Men
more
,
and
from
thence
into
Pomeren
,
and
Prussia
?
Fourthly
,
the
whole
Patrimony
of
the
Empire
,
from
the
Rhine
to
the
Frontiers
of
France
,
s●●l
by
an
inevitable
Consequence
into
the
hands
of
the
French●
;
as
they
have
already
swallowed
the
three
Bishopricks
of
Metz
,
Toul
and
Verdun
.
So
that
the
Imperial
Army
will
be
forced
over
the
Rhine
,
and
there
probably
kept
in
play
,
and
upon
the
bare
De●●●sive
,
by
the
Princes
of
the
French
Interest
;
while
in
the
mean
time
,
the
Princes
of
●●●●phalia
will
be
reduc'd
to
an
absolute
Necessity
of
ranging
themselves
under
the
French
Protection
and
changing
their
Party
.
And
what
can
then
be
expected
from
Holland
,
after
what
they
have
suffer'd
already
,
and
under
their
present
Despairs
but
to
content
themselves
with
such
Conditions
as
France
will
give
them
?
For
after
the
loss
of
Cleves
and
Flanders
,
their
Case
is
wholly
desperate
,
unless
England
should
vigorously
interpose
to
their
Relief
.
And
the
State
of
the
Empire
is
neither
better
nor
worse
than
that
of
their
Neighbours
;
for
they
must
all
submit
their
Necks
to
the
same
Yoak
.
When
matters
are
brought
to
this
Pass
,
they
have
before
them
,
England
,
Spain
and
Italy
;
the
Cloud
is
gathered
already
,
and
it
is
wholly
at
their
Choice
where
it
shall
break
.
There
are
a
great
many
People
,
I
know
,
that
promise
themselves
mighty
things
from
the
event
of
another
Campania
,
for
want
I
fear
of
consulting
the
Chart
;
and
the
almost
insuperable
Difficulties
that
lie
in
the
way
;
The
means
they
propose
are
either
by
carrying
the
War
into
France
,
by
way
of
Revulsion
,
or
by
forcing
the
French
upon
a
Capital
Battel
;
The
former
Proposition
seems
First
very
impracticable
;
and
Secondly
,
of
little
or
no
Advantage
,
if
it
could
be
effected
.
It
must
be
considered
that
beyond
Mentz
,
Coblentz
and
Treves
,
the
Imperialists
have
no
Magazine
at
all
beside
that
betwixt
Treves
and
France
(
a
part
of
Luxenburg
excepted
)
is
absolutely
in
the
Enemies
Power
.
Now
how
should
an
Army
subsist
there
,
that
must
over
and
above
,
pass
through
a
Country
of
about
twenty
Leagues
,
that
is
wholly
laid
waste
,
and
in
ashes
,
and
without
any
Cattle
in
it
,
or
any
other
sort
of
necessary
Provision
?
Put
the
Case
now
that
the
Imperialists
should
break
through
all
these
Difficulties
,
and
carry
an
Army
even
into
the
Lorrain
it self
,
the
Country
of
Metzin
or
Burgundy
,
(
which
would
take
them
up
the
best
part
of
a
Summer
too
)
all
the
strong
holds
are
in
the
hands
of
the
French
,
and
the
Country
laid
so
desolate
,
that
there
's
no
living
for
an
Army
there
.
When
't
is
come
to
this
,
they
must
resolve
either
upon
a
Battel
or
Siege
.
If
the
former
,
The
French
are
at
liberty
whither
they
will
Fight
,
or
no
,
and
there
's
no
compelling
of
them
;
for
they
are
among
their
strong
holds
;
and
all
's
their
own
both
behind
them
,
and
on
each
side
,
and
the
Country
either
burnt
or
deserted
.
But
carry
it
farther
yet
,
and
suppose
the
French
forc'd
upon
the
Risque
of
a
Battel
,
First
,
the
Imperialists
are
not
sure
to
get
the
better
of
it
.
And
Secondly
,
What
if
they
should
?
Nay
to
the
Degree
of
an
entire
Victory
?
All
that
would
be
expected
more
for
that
Year
,
would
be
only
to
take
in
some
considerable
Post
,
and
make
good
the
ground
they
had
gotten
for
the
next
Campagne
:
For
it
would
be
a
madness
to
p●●sue
their
Victory
into
the
heart
of
an
Enemies
Country
,
and
leave
so
many
Garrisons
upon
their
backs
,
which
would
undoubtedly
cut
off
all
their
Convoys
and
starve
them
.
But
this
is
still
the
supposing
of
a
Thing
not
to
be
supposed
;
for
the
French
in
this
Case
,
would
stand
upon
the
Defensive
,
and
not
to
come
to
a
Battel
.
Or
in
case
they
should
,
and
he
worsted
;
they
have
Men
enough
in
Garrison
for
Recruits
,
that
would
immediatly
reinforce
them
.
Now
on
the
other
side
,
what
if
the
Imperialists
should
chance
to
be
routed
?
The
Garrisons
which
the
French
hold
in
Lorrain
,
Burgundy
and
Alsatia
,
would
in
such
Case
,
totally
destroy
that
broken
Army
,
and
cut
out
such
work
in
Germany
,
as
has
has
not
been
known
in
the
Empire
for
many
Ages
.
In
this
extremity
,
let
us
suppose
that
the
Empire
should
yet
bring
another
Army
into
the
Field
;
and
try
the
Issue
of
a
Second
Battle
,
and
miscarry
:
And
that
the
disaffected
Princes
of
the
Empire
,
should
declare
themselves
for
the
Enemy
;
all
that
part
of
Germany
that
lies
within
two
or
three
Days
Journey
of
the
Rhine
,
would
be
irrecoverably
lost
;
a
great
part
of
it
being
so
harrased
already
,
that
't
is
not
able
so
much
as
to
furnish
an
Army
upon
a
March
,
much
less
for
a
Winter
Quarter
.
Now
to
the
Business
of
a
Siege
,
the
French
have
taught
us
,
by
Philipsburg
and
Mastricht
,
that
they
want
neither
Skill
to
fortifie
a
Place
,
nor
Courage
to
defend
it
.
So
that
without
a
great
loss
of
Time
and
Men
,
it
cannot
be
expected
that
the
Imperialists
should
make
themselves
Masters
of
any
considerable
Place
:
and
when
they
shall
have
carried
it
;
what
will
a
Town
in
Lorain
,
or
Burgundy
signifie
to
the
saving
of
the
Spanish
Netherlands
,
which
if
once
lost
,
are
hardly
ever
to
be
retriv'd
?
Now
taking
this
for
granted
;
if
England
does
not
step
in
with
all
the
Speed
and
Vigor
imaginable
,
see
what
will
be
the
end
on
't
,
First
,
That
the
French
,
being
Masters
of
all
the
Posts
,
Passes
and
Strong-holds
in
Lorrain
and
Burgundy
,
may
dodge
and
trifle
the
Imperialists
at
Pleasure
;
and
make
them
spend
out
the
Year
without
any
Advantage
to
the
Netherlands
.
The
way
would
have
been
for
the
Imperialists
to
have
prest
with
an
Army
of
50000
Men
directly
into
the
Body
of
France
,
and
the
Confederate
Troops
in
the
Low
Countries
,
to
have
made
another
Inrode
by
the
way
of
Picardy
or
Bologne
;
but
since
the
taking
of
Valenciennes
,
Cambray
and
St.
Omer
,
there
's
no
possibility
of
piercing
France
that
way
,
So
that
a
very
small
Army
now
upon
the
Spanish
Netherlands
,
with
the
help
of
the
French
Garrisons
,
is
sufficient
to
amuse
and
tire
out
the
whole
Force
of
Spain
,
and
Holland
upon
that
Quarter
.
Secondly
,
France
being
thus
secured
on
that
side
will
unquestionably
fall
in
with
all
their
Power
upon
the
Empire
;
unless
diverted
by
the
Alarm
they
have
now
received
from
England
.
Now
admitting
this
to
be
the
Condition
of
France
,
let
any
Man
of
Sense
judge
what
Good
the
Imperial
Army
can
do
to
the
Netherlands
(
upon
which
single
point
depends
the
Fortune
of
Christendom
.
)
What
if
they
should
March
up
to
the
Borders
of
France
with
50000
Men
?
Will
not
the
French
encounter
them
there
with
as
many
,
or
more
?
And
with
this
odds
too
,
that
the
Imperialists
suffer
a
thousand
Incommodities
in
their
March
through
a
ruin'd
Country
;
Whereas
the
French
have
good
Quarters
,
and
plenty
of
all
things
at
hand
,
watching
the
others
Motions
and
emproving
all
Advantages
against
them
.
Thirdly
,
In
this
Posture
of
Affairs
,
the
Confederates
must
never
expect
to
do
any
great
Matter
upon
the
French
,
in
these
Provinces
unless
they
do
very
much
out
number
them
.
And
it
is
likwise
to
be
considered
,
that
these
Troubles
falling
out
in
the
Minority
of
his
Catholick
Majesty
,
the
Distractions
of
that
Government
,
the
Revolt
of
Sicily
,
and
great
Disorders
upon
the
Frontiers
of
Spain
;
the
Netherlands
have
been
much
neglected
,
till
the
Elevation
of
his
Highness
Don
Joan
of
Austria
to
the
Dignity
of
Prime
Minister
.
And
that
it
is
not
possible
for
him
,
by
reason
of
the
many
Exigencies
of
that
Crown
nearer
home
,
to
send
any
considerable
Succour
to
the
Low
Countries
,
otherwise
then
by
Supplies
of
Money
:
So
that
by
that
time
the
Imperialists
and
the
Hollanders
are
got
into
their
Winter-Quarters
,
or
at
least
,
before
they
take
the
Field
again
,
the
French
from
time
to
time
will
be
ready
with
fresh
Troops
out
of
their
Garrisons
to
prosecute
their
Conquests
;
which
by
Degrees
must
needs
break
the
hearts
of
the
poor
Inhabitants
,
when
they
find
that
neither
their
Faith
,
nor
their
Courage
,
is
able
any
longer
to
protect
them
.
And
when
that
Day
comes
,
what
by
their
Armies
,
and
what
by
other
Influences
,
the
French
will
have
as
good
as
Subjected
Two
thirds
of
Europe
.
And
there
will
also
occur
these
farther
Difficulties
.
First
,
No
body
knows
where
the
French
will
begin
their
Ataque
;
which
will
oblige
the
Spaniard
and
Hollander
to
strengthen
all
their
Garrisons
as
far
as
their
Men
will
reach
.
Secondly
,
When
the
Spanish
and
Holland
Troops
shall
be
so
dispers'd
,
wheresoever
the
French
sit
down
,
they
must
then
give
themselves
for
lost
,
for
want
of
an
Army
to
relieve
them
;
beside
their
furious
and
obstinate
manner
of
Assault
,
for
they
care
not
how
many
Men
they
lose
,
so
they
carry
the
place
.
(
And
then
most
of
the
Men
too
are
made
Prisoners
of
War
.
)
Nor
is
the
Season
of
the
Year
any
Discouragement
to
them
neither
;
witness
their
First
Irruption
into
Burgundy
,
and
the
restless
Activity
of
their
Troops
even
at
this
Instant
.
So
soon
as
their
work
in
Flanders
is
over
(
which
only
England
under
Heaven
,
is
able
to
prevent
or
Check
)
the
French
will
have
an
Army
of
at
least
50000
Men
about
Lorain
,
Luxenburg
and
Burgundy
to
face
the
Imperialists
,
and
at
the
same
Time
with
as
many
more
perhaps
they
will
seize
upon
the
Dutchy
of
Juliers
,
and
of
Cleves
,
and
from
thence
pass
the
Rhine
,
to
countenance
those
that
are
of
the
French
Cabal
,
on
the
side
of
Westphalia
;
and
so
in
due
time
,
several
other
Princes
of
the
Empire
.
It
is
remarkable
that
in
Three
Years
War
against
the
Confederates
,
his
most
Christian
Majesty
has
not
only
stood
his
ground
,
without
losing
so
much
as
one
Inch
of
his
Ancient
Patrimony
,
but
actually
and
almost
without
Opposition
,
taken
several
Towns
,
and
some
entire
Provinces
,
from
the
Principals
of
the
Confederacy
;
And
made
himself
almost
as
considerable
at
Sea
,
as
he
is
at
Land
;
Not
only
in
the
Mediterranean
,
and
upon
the
Coasts
of
Spain
and
Italy
,
but
in
America
too
:
where
he
has
laid
a
Foundation
of
great
Mischief
both
to
England
and
Holland
,
in
the
point
of
Commerce
;
if
not
timely
prevented
.
And
he
does
little
less
by
his
Money
,
than
by
his
Arms
;
for
he
pays
all
,
and
with
French
Money
,
under
pretext
of
Neutrality
,
maintains
considerable
Armies
in
the
very
heart
of
the
Empire
;
which
,
't
is
feared
,
will
be
ready
enough
upon
any
distaster
,
to
joyn
with
the
Common
Enemy
.
It
is
the
French
Court
that
manages
the
Counsels
of
Poland
,
and
they
govern
the
Swisse
no
less
;
who
,
by
the
Conquest
of
the
Franche
County
are
made
little
better
then
slaves
.
And
yet
by
a
fatal
Blindness
that
Republick
still
furnishes
the
French
with
the
best
of
their
Soldiers
,
and
helps
forward
the
Destruction
of
Europe
,
never
dreaming
that
they
themselves
are
to
be
undone
too
at
last
.
But
it
is
no
great
matter
,
you
'l
say
,
to
impose
upon
the
Swisse
(
which
are
a
heavy
and
Phlegmatick
People
)
but
the
French
Charms
have
bewitch'd
even
Italy
it self
;
though
a
Nation
the
most
Clear-sighted
,
and
suspicious
of
all
others
.
For
their
Republicks
lie
as
quiet
,
as
if
they
were
asleep
;
though
the
Fire
is
already
kindled
in
Sicily
,
and
the
Danger
brought
home
to
their
own
Doors
.
It
is
a
wonder
,
that
they
lay
things
no
more
to
heart
,
considering
,
First
,
the
Passages
the
French
have
to
favour
their
Entry
.
Secondly
,
That
they
are
many
and
small
States
,
weak
,
and
easily
to
be
corrupted
,
if
not
so
already
.
Thirdly
,
that
though
they
have
been
formerly
very
brave
,
and
many
particulars
remain
so
still
,
yet
in
the
generality
they
are
soft
and
effeminate
.
And
Fourthly
,
that
the
French
is
there
the
Master
of
the
Seas
.
These
Reflections
methinks
might
convince
any
Man
of
the
Condition
they
are
in
.
And
certainly
they
that
were
not
able
to
defend
themselves
against
Charles
the
Eighth
,
will
be
much
less
able
to
encounter
Lewis
the
14th
:
Or
if
he
gets
in
,
to
drive
him
out
again
,
as
they
did
the
Other
.
For
they
must
do
it
wholly
upon
their
own
Strength
,
having
only
the
Turk
in
Condition
to
help
them
.
For
Germany
and
Spain
are
sunk
already
;
And
the
Swisse
will
neither
dare
to
venture
upon
't
,
nor
are
they
able
to
do
it
,
if
they
had
a
mind
tot
.
As
for
Spain
,
it
is
neither
Populous
,
nor
fortifi'd
,
and
perhaps
want
of
Provisions
may
keep
it
from
an
Invasion
.
And
yet
for
all
that
with
a
Body
of
Thirty
or
Forty
Thousand
Men
by
the
way
of
Fontaraby
,
and
as
many
by
Catalonia
,
the
French
may
(
if
they
please
)
in
two
Campania's
make
themselves
Masters
of
Navarre
,
Arragon
,
Catalonia
,
and
Valentia
:
and
then
it
is
but
fortifying
the
Frontiers
,
and
making
his
Catholick
Majesty
a
Tributary
in
Castile
;
Who
must
content
himself
to
take
what
they
please
to
give
him
,
over
and
above
,
in
consideration
of
his
Dominions
in
Italy
,
and
the
Spanish
Indies
:
A
Possibility
that
England
and
Holland
shall
do
well
to
think
of
:
For
when
he
has
the
Mines
in
his
Power
,
and
Europe
under
his
Feet
,
there
will
be
no
contending
.
After
this
,
they
have
only
the
Swisse
or
the
English
,
to
fall
upon
next
:
For
the
Former
,
they
are
neither
fortified
nor
united
in
Affections
or
Religion
.
As
for
England
;
They
are
a
People
not
naturally
addicted
to
the
French
,
sensible
of
their
Honour
,
and
of
their
Interest
,
and
the
whole
World
is
convinced
of
their
Courage
.
They
are
United
under
the
Government
of
a
Gracious
Prince
;
and
their
Concerns
are
at
this
Instant
lodged
in
the
hands
of
the
most
Loyal
and
Publick-spirited
Representatives
that
ever
acted
in
that
Station
;
beside
the
Strength
of
the
Island
by
Situation
:
So
that
the
French
would
find
it
a
hard
matter
,
either
to
make
a
Conquest
here
,
or
if
they
should
surprize
it
,
to
keep
it
.
But
yet
they
have
finer
Ways
to
Victory
than
by
Force
of
Arms
;
and
their
Gold
has
done
them
better
Service
than
their
Iron
.
What
have
we
now
to
do
then
,
but
in
a
Common
Cause
,
to
arm
against
a
Common
Oppression
?
This
is
the
time
,
or
never
,
for
Italy
to
enter
into
a
League
for
their
Common
Safety
,
and
not
only
to
keep
,
but
,
if
possible
,
to
force
the
French
from
their
Borders
;
while
the
Imperial
Army
holds
the
Capital
Power
of
France
in
Play
?
And
this
is
the
time
too
,
for
the
Swisse
to
recal
all
their
Troops
out
of
the
French
Service
,
and
to
strike
a
general
League
also
for
the
Recovery
of
Burgundy
,
the
only
Outwork
of
their
Liberties
,
and
to
expel
the
French
Garrisons
,
and
deliver
the
places
into
the
hands
of
the
Right
Owners
.
And
will
it
not
concern
Poland
as
much
as
any
of
the
rest
;
that
stands
and
falls
with
the
Empire
,
as
the
Defence
of
Christendom
against
the
Turks
,
and
whose
own
turn
is
next
.
This
Alarm
methinks
should
call
off
the
Princes
from
the
Acquisitions
they
have
made
upon
part
of
the
Swedes
Possessions
in
the
Empire
,
to
the
Assistance
of
the
Spanish
Netherlands
;
and
make
all
the
French
Mercenaries
in
the
Empire
,
to
bethink
themselves
of
returning
from
the
Delusions
which
either
the
French
Artifice
or
Money
has
imposed
upon
them
.
He
that
has
no
regard
for
the
Head
,
will
have
less
for
the
Dependences
,
when
he
has
them
at
his
Mercy
.
Nay
the
very
French
themselves
should
do
well
to
contemplate
the
Slavery
that
is
now
prepar'd
for
them
.
Their
Laws
and
Liberties
are
trampled
upon
;
and
till
the
French
Government
be
reduc'd
to
the
Bounds
of
its
Ancient
Constitution
,
neither
the
People
,
nor
their
Neighbours
,
can
ever
be
secure
.
In
this
dangerous
Crisis
of
Affairs
,
it
has
pleas'd
Divine
Providence
to
leave
England
the
Arbitress
of
the
Fate
of
Europe
;
and
to
annex
such
advantages
to
the
Office
,
that
the
Honour
,
the
Duty
,
and
Security
of
this
Nation
seem
to
be
wrapt
up
together
.
In
the
Point
of
Honour
,
what
can
be
more
Generous
,
than
to
succour
the
Miserable
and
the
Oppress'd
,
and
to
put
a
stop
to
that
Torrent
that
threatens
Christendom
with
an
Universal
Deluge
?
Beside
the
Vindication
of
our selves
for
those
Affronts
and
Indignities
,
both
Publick
and
Private
,
that
we
have
suffer'd
upon
our
own
Account
.
And
then
in
matter
of
Duty
:
It
is
not
only
Christendom
,
but
Christianity
itself
,
that
lies
at
stake
.
For
in
the
Ruine
of
the
Empire
,
the
Turks
work
is
done
to
his
hand
,
by
breaking
down
the
only
Fence
that
has
preserv'd
us
all
this
while
from
the
Incursions
of
the
Ottoman
Power
.
Now
as
nothing
can
be
more
glorious
than
at
all
hazards
,
to
hinder
the
effusion
of
more
Christian
Blood
,
and
to
save
Christendom
itself
from
Bondage
;
it
is
so
much
our
Interest
too
,
that
we
our selves
are
lost
without
it
.
And
as
the
Obligation
is
reciprocal
,
so
the
Resolution
is
necessary
:
The
choice
we
have
before
us
being
only
this
,
Either
to
unite
with
our
Neighbours
for
a
Common
Safety
,
or
to
stand
still
and
look
on
,
the
tame
Spectators
of
their
Ruine
,
till
we
fall
alone
.
This
is
so
demonstrative
,
that
if
we
do
not
by
a
powerful
Alliance
and
Diversion
,
prevent
the
Conquest
of
Flanders
(
which
lies
already
a
gasping
)
we
are
cut
off
from
all
Communication
with
the
rest
of
Europe
,
and
coop'd
up
at
home
,
to
the
irrecoverable
loss
of
our
Reputation
and
Commerce
;
for
Holland
must
inevitably
follow
the
Fate
of
Flanders
,
and
then
the
French
are
Masters
of
the
Sea
;
Ravage
our
Plantations
,
and
infallibly
possess
themselves
of
the
Spanish
Indies
,
and
leave
us
answerable
for
all
those
Calamities
that
shall
ensue
upon
it
:
which
as
yet
,
by
God's
Providence
,
may
be
timely
prevented
.
But
he
that
stills
the
raging
of
the
Sea
,
will
undoubtedly
set
Bounds
to
this
overflowing
Greatness
:
having
now
,
(
as
an
Earnest
of
that
Mercy
)
put
it
into
the
Hearts
of
our
Superiours
to
provide
seasonably
for
the
Common
Safety
,
and
in
proportion
also
to
the
Exigence
of
the
Affair
;
knowing
very
well
,
that
things
of
this
Nature
are
not
to
be
done
by
halves
.
We
have
to
do
with
a
Nation
of
a
large
Territory
;
abounding
in
Men
and
Money
;
their
Dominion
is
grown
absolute
,
that
no
Man
there
can
call
any
thing
his
own
,
if
the
Court
says
Nay
to
't
.
So
that
the
sober
and
industrious
part
,
are
only
Slaves
to
the
Lusts
and
Ambition
of
the
Military
.
In
this
Condition
of
Servitude
,
they
feel
already
what
their
Neighbours
fear
,
and
wish
as
well
to
any
Opportunity
,
either
of
avoiding
,
or
of
casting
off
the
Yoke
:
which
will
easily
be
given
by
a
Conjunction
of
England
and
Holland
at
Sea
:
and
almost
infallibly
produce
these
effects
:
First
,
It
will
draw
off
the
Naval
Force
of
France
from
Sicily
,
America
,
and
else-where
,
to
attend
this
Expedition
.
Secondly
,
The
Diversion
will
be
an
Ease
to
the
Empire
and
the
Confederates
,
from
whence
more
Troops
must
be
drawn
to
encounter
this
Difficulty
,
than
the
French
can
well
spare
.
Thirdly
,
It
will
not
only
encourage
those
Princes
and
States
that
are
already
engag'd
,
but
likewise
keep
in
awe
those
that
are
disaffected
,
and
confirm
those
that
waver
.
'T
is
true
,
this
War
must
needs
be
prodigiously
expensive
;
but
then
in
probability
it
will
be
short
:
And
in
Cases
of
this
Quality
,
People
must
do
as
in
a
Storm
at
Sea
,
rather
throw
part
of
the
Lading
over-board
,
than
founder
the
Vessel
.
I
do
not
speak
this
,
as
supposing
any
difficulty
in
the
Case
,
for
the
very
contemplation
of
it
has
put
fire
into
the
Veins
of
every
true
English-man
;
and
they
are
moved
as
by
a
sacred
impulse
,
to
the
necessary
,
and
the
only
means
of
their
Preservation
.
And
that
which
Crowns
our
hopes
,
is
,
that
these
generous
Inclinations
are
only
ready
to
execute
what
the
Wisdom
of
their
Superiours
shall
find
reasonable
to
Command
.
I
need
not
tell
you
how
jealous
the
People
of
England
are
of
their
Religion
and
Liberties
;
to
what
degree
they
have
contended
,
even
for
the
shadow
of
these
Interests
;
nor
how
much
Blood
and
Treasure
they
have
spent
upon
the
Quarrel
.
Could
any
Imposture
work
so
much
;
and
can
any
Man
imagine
that
they
will
be
now
less
sensible
,
when
they
see
before
their
eyes
a
manifest
Plot
upon
their
Religion
;
their
Liberties
invaded
,
their
Traffick
interrupted
;
the
Honour
,
and
the
very
Being
of
their
Country
at
stake
;
their
Wives
and
Children
expos'd
to
Beggary
and
Scorn
;
and
in
Conclusion
,
The
Priviledge
of
a
Free-born
English-man
exchanged
for
the
Vassalage
of
France
?
An
ANSWER
to
a
LETTER
written
by
a
Member
of
Parliament
in
the
Country
,
upon
the
occasion
of
his
Reading
of
the
Gazette
of
the
11th
of
December
,
1679
;
wherein
is
the
Proclamation
for
further
Proroguing
the
Parliament
,
till
the
11th
of
November
next
ensuing
.
SIR
,
I
Received
your
Letter
,
when
I
was
ingaged
in
much
other
business
,
which
will
excuse
me
that
I
have
not
returned
an
Answer
sooner
,
and
that
is
done
no
better
now
:
You
desire
me
to
let
you
know
what
that
Judgment
is
which
my
Lord
Chancellor
acquainted
my
Lord
Mayor
and
his
Brethren
with
,
and
what
my
thoughts
are
upon
it
:
And
that
I
may
obey
you
in
both
,
I
will
first
Transcribe
that
Case
,
as
it
is
reported
by
Justice
Crook
,
that
being
already
put
into
English
,
whereas
the
Case
in
Moor
is
in
French
.
MEmorandum
,
That
by
Command
from
the
King
,
all
the
Justices
of
England
,
Cro.
Ja.
f.
37.
Nov.
100.
Moor
755.
with
divers
of
the
Nobility
,
viz.
The
Lord
Ellesmere
Lord-Chancellor
,
the
Earl
of
Dorset
Lord-Treasurer
,
Viscount
Cranbourn
Principal
Secretary
,
the
Earl
of
Nottingham
Lord
Admiral
,
the
Earls
of
Northumberland
,
Worcester
,
Devon
,
and
Northampton
,
the
Lords
Zouch
,
Burghley
,
and
Knowles
,
the
Chancellor
of
the
Dutchy
,
the
Arch-bishop
of
Canterbury
,
the
Bishop
of
London
,
Popham
Chief
Justice
,
Bruce
Masters
of
the
Rolls
,
Anderson
,
Gawdy
,
Walmesley
,
Fenner
,
Kingsmil
,
Warburton
,
Savel
,
Daniel
,
Yelverton
and
Snigg
,
were
assembled
in
the
Star-Chamber
,
where
the
Lord
Chancellor
,
after
a
long
Speech
made
by
him
concerning
Justices
of
the
Peace
,
and
his
Exhortation
to
the
Justices
of
Assize
,
and
a
Discourse
concerning
Papists
and
Puritans
,
declaring
how
they
both
were
Disturbers
of
the
State
,
and
that
the
King
intending
to
suppress
them
,
and
to
have
the
Laws
put
in
execution
against
them
;
demanded
of
the
Justices
their
Resolutions
in
three
things
:
First
,
Whether
the
Deprivation
of
Puritan-Ministers
by
the
High
Commissioners
,
for
refusing
to
conform
themselves
to
the
Ceremonies
appointed
by
the
last
Canons
,
was
lawful
?
Whereto
all
the
Justices
answered
,
That
they
had
conferred
thereof
before
,
and
held
it
to
be
lawful
,
because
the
King
hath
the
Supreme
Ecclesiastical
Power
,
which
he
hath
delegated
to
the
Commissioners
,
whereby
they
had
the
Power
of
Deprivation
by
the
Canon-Law
of
the
Realm
.
And
the
Statute
of
1
Eliz.
which
appoints
Commissioners
to
be
made
by
the
Queen
,
doth
not
confer
any
new
Power
,
but
explain
and
declare
the
Ancient
Power
.
And
therefore
they
held
it
clear
,
That
the
King
without
Parliament
might
make
Orders
and
Constitutions
for
the
Government
of
the
Clergy
,
and
might
deprive
them
if
they
obeyed
not
.
And
so
the
Commissioners
might
deprive
them
.
But
they
could
not
make
any
Constitutions
without
the
King
:
And
the
divulging
of
such
Ordinances
by
Proclamation
is
a
most
gracious
Admonition
:
And
forasmuch
as
they
have
refused
to
obey
,
they
are
lawfully
deprived
by
the
Commissioners
ex
Officio
,
without
Libel
Et
ore
tenus
convocati
.
Secondly
,
Whether
a
Prohibition
be
grantable
against
the
Commissioners
upon
the
Statute
of
2
H.
5.
if
they
do
not
deliver
the
Copy
of
the
Libel
to
the
Party
;
Whereto
they
all
answered
,
That
that
Statute
is
intended
where
the
Ecclesiastical
Judge
proceeds
ex
Officio
&
ore
tenus
.
Thirdly
,
Whether
it
were
an
Offence
punishable
,
and
what
Punishment
they
deserved
,
who
framed
Petitions
,
and
collected
a
multitude
of
hands
thereto
,
to
prefer
to
the
King
in
a
publick
cause
,
as
the
Puritans
had
done
,
with
an
intimation
to
the
King
,
That
if
he
denied
their
Sute
,
many
thousands
of
his
Subjects
would
be
discontented
?
Whereto
all
the
Justices
answered
,
That
it
was
an
Offence
finable
at
Discretion
,
and
very
near
to
Treason
and
Felony
in
the
Punishment
:
For
they
tended
to
the
raising
of
Sedition
,
Rebellion
,
and
Discontent
among
the
People
:
To
which
Resolution
all
the
Lords
agreed
.
And
then
many
of
the
Lords
declared
,
That
some
of
the
Puritans
had
raised
a
false
Rumor
of
the
King
,
how
he
intended
to
grant
a
Toleration
to
Papists
:
Which
Offence
the
Justices
conceived
to
be
heinously
finable
by
the
Rules
of
the
Common
Law
,
either
in
the
Kings
Bench
,
or
by
the
King
and
his
Councel
;
or
now
since
the
Statute
of
3
H.
7.
in
the
Star-Chamber
.
And
the
Lords
severally
declared
how
the
King
was
discontented
with
the
said
false
Rumor
,
and
had
made
but
the
Day
before
a
Protestation
unto
them
,
that
he
never
intended
it
,
and
that
he
would
spend
the
last
drop
of
Bloud
in
his
Body
before
he
would
do
it
;
and
prayed
,
that
before
any
of
his
Issue
should
maintain
any
other
Religion
than
what
he
truly
professed
and
maintained
,
that
God
would
take
them
out
of
the
World
.
I
doubt
not
but
yourself
,
and
every
English
Protestant
,
will
joyn
with
this
Royal
Petitioner
,
and
will
heartily
say
Amen
.
But
you
desire
to
know
if
I
think
the
Resolution
of
the
Judges
in
this
case
ought
to
deter
us
from
humbly
Petitioning
his
Majesty
,
that
this
Parliament
may
effectually
sit
on
the
26th
.
day
of
January
next
.
In
order
to
this
,
give
me
leave
to
observe
to
you
,
As
it
is
most
certain
,
that
a
great
Reverence
is
due
to
the
Unanimous
Opinion
of
all
the
Judges
,
so
there
is
a
great
difference
to
be
put
between
the
Authority
of
their
Judgments
when
solemnly
given
in
Cases
depending
before
them
,
and
their
sudden
and
extrajudicial
Opinions
.
The
Case
of
Ship-money
it self
,
is
not
a
better
proof
of
this
,
than
that
which
you
have
now
read
,
as
you
will
now
see
,
if
you
consider
distinctly
what
they
say
to
the
several
Questions
proposed
to
them
.
As
to
their
Answer
to
the
first
Question
,
it
much
concerns
the
Reverend
Clergy
to
enquire
whither
they
did
not
mistake
in
it
?
And
whether
the
King
by
his
Proclamation
,
can
make
new
constitutions
,
and
oblige
them
to
obedience
under
the
Penalty
of
Deprivation
?
Should
it
be
so
,
and
should
this
unhappy
Kingdom
ever
suffer
under
the
Reign
of
a
Popish
Prince
,
he
might
easily
rid
himself
of
such
obstinate
Hereticks
,
and
leave
his
Ecclesiastical
Preferments
open
for
Men
of
better
Principles
:
He
will
need
only
to
publish
a
Proclamation
,
that
Spittle
and
Salt
should
be
used
in
Baptism
,
that
Holy-water
should
be
used
,
and
Images
set
up
in
Churches
;
and
a
few
more
such
things
as
these
,
and
the
Business
were
effectually
done
.
But
if
you
will
believe
my
Lord
Chief
Justice
Cook
,
12.
Co.
19.
12.
Co.
49.
he
will
tell
you
that
it
was
agreed
by
all
the
Judges
upon
Debate
.
Hill.
4to
Jacobi
,
that
the
King
cannot
change
his
Ecclesiastical
Law
;
and
you
may
easily
remember
since
the
whole
Parliament
declared
,
That
he
could
not
alter
or
suspend
them
.
I
have
the
uniform
Opinion
of
all
the
Judges
given
upon
great
Deliberation
,
Co.
Mag.
Char.
616.
Mich.
4to
.
Jac.
to
justifie
me
,
if
I
say
that
our
Judges
here
were
utterly
mistaken
in
the
Answer
which
they
gave
to
the
second
Question
,
I
will
not
cite
the
numerous
subsequent
Authorities
,
since
every
man
knows
that
it
is
the
constant
practice
of
Westminster-Hall
at
this
Day
to
grant
Prohibitions
,
upon
refusal
to
give
a
Copy
of
Articles
,
where
the
Proceedings
in
the
Ecclesiastical
Courts
are
ex
Officio
.
You
see
there
was
a
kind
of
ill
Fate
upon
the
Judges
this
day
,
as
usually
there
was
when
met
in
the
Star-chamber
,
and
that
they
were
very
unfortunate
in
answering
two
of
the
three
Questions
proposed
to
them
;
let
us
go
on
to
consider
what
does
principally
concern
us
at
present
,
their
Answer
to
the
last
Question
.
You
have
just
done
reading
it
,
and
therefore
I
need
not
repeat
to
you
either
the
Doubt
or
the
Solution
of
it
;
but
one
may
be
allowed
to
say
modestly
,
that
it
was
a
sudden
Answer
:
'T
is
possible
the
Lords
then
present
were
well
enough
inform'd
,
when
they
were
told
that
such
kind
of
Petitioning
was
an
Offence
next
to
Treason
and
Felony
;
but
I
dare
be
so
bold
as
to
say
,
That
at
this
Day
,
not
a
Lawyer
in
England
would
be
the
wiser
for
such
an
Answer
;
they
would
be
confounded
,
and
not
know
whether
it
were
Misprision
of
Treason
,
which
seems
an
Offence
nearest
to
Treason
,
or
Petty-larceny
,
which
seems
nearest
to
Felony
.
You
will
be
apt
to
tell
me
that
I
mistake
my
Lords
the
Judges
,
and
they
spoke
not
of
the
nature
of
the
crime
,
but
the
manner
of
the
Punishment
;
but
this
will
mend
the
matter
but
little
;
for
since
the
Punishments
of
those
two
Crimes
are
so
very
different
,
you
are
still
as
much
in
the
dark
as
ever
,
what
these
ambiguous
words
mean
.
Well
,
but
we
will
agree
,
that
the
Crime
about
which
the
Enquiry
was
made
,
was
a
very
great
one
.
When
Men
arrive
to
such
Insolence
,
as
to
threaten
their
Prince
,
it
will
be
but
little
excuse
to
them
to
call
their
Menaces
,
by
the
soft
and
gentle
Name
of
Petitions
.
But
you
would
know
for
what
,
and
in
what
manner
we
are
at
present
to
Petition
;
13
Car.
2.
c.
5
and
I
will
give
you
a
plain
and
infallible
Rule
.
It
is
the
Statute
13
Car.
2.
c.
5.
Be
it
enacted
,
&c.
that
no
person
or
persons
whatsoever
,
shall
solicite
,
labour
,
or
procure
the
getting
of
hands
,
or
other
consent
of
any
persons
above
the
number
of
twenty
,
or
more
,
to
any
Petition
,
Complaint
,
Remonstance
,
Declaration
,
or
other
Addresses
to
the
King
,
or
both
,
or
either
Houses
of
Parliament
,
for
alteration
of
matters
established
by
Law
in
Church
or
State
,
unless
the
matter
thereof
have
been
first
consented
to
,
and
ordered
by
three
or
more
Justices
of
the
County
,
or
by
the
major
part
of
the
Grand
Jury
of
the
County
,
or
Division
of
the
County
,
where
the
same
matter
shall
arise
at
their
publick
Assizes
,
or
General
Quarter-Sessions
,
or
if
arising
in
London
,
by
the
Lord
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
Commons
in
Common
Council
assembled
;
and
that
no
person
or
persons
whatsoever
shall
repair
to
His
Majesty
,
or
both
,
or
either
of
the
Houses
of
Parliament
,
upon
Pretence
of
presenting
or
delivering
any
Petition
,
Complaint
,
Remonstrance
,
or
Declaration
,
or
other
Addresses
,
accompanied
with
excessive
Number
of
People
,
not
at
any
one
time
with
above
the
Number
of
ten
Persons
,
upon
the
Pain
of
incurring
a
Penalty
,
not
exceeding
the
Sum
of
100
l.
in
Money
,
and
Three
Months
Imprisonment
,
without
Bail
or
Mainprize
for
every
Offence
;
which
Offence
to
be
prosecuted
at
the
Court
of
Kings-bench
,
or
at
the
Assizes
,
or
general
Quarter-Sessions
,
within
six
Months
after
the
Offence
committed
,
and
proved
by
two
or
more
credible
Witnesses
.
Here
you
observe
the
Parliament
,
who
set
themselves
directly
to
obviate
all
the
Inconveniences
which
might
arise
to
the
Government
from
tumultuous
petitioning
,
will
not
allow
that
great
Numbers
should
joyn
in
Petitions
,
for
alteration
of
the
Laws
(
because
it
is
possible
ill
Men
should
abuse
such
Liberty
)
unless
the
matter
of
the
Petition
be
con●●●ted
to
in
such
a
manner
as
the
Act
directs
;
but
in
all
other
Cases
they
leave
the
Subjects
to
their
undoubted
Liberty
,
as
well
knowing
that
from
thence
there
could
arise
no
possible
Inconvenience
;
but
on
the
contrary
,
that
to
bar
the
People
of
that
humble
way
of
making
their
Wants
known
,
might
force
them
upon
worse
ways
of
doing
it
.
And
therefore
I
must
tell
you
,
that
you
do
my
Lord
Chancellor
great
Injustice
if
you
think
his
Speech
tends
to
deter
Men
from
all
manner
of
petitioning
:
No
,
that
wise
and
eloquent
Lord
,
who
receives
every
day
so
many
Petitions
,
will
I
suppose
be
content
the
King
should
receive
some
too
.
It
never
yet
was
thought
[
](A61358-e44090-b)*
*
It
is
the
Right
of
all
People
that
apprehend
themselves
aggrieved
to
approach
his
Majesty
by
Petition
.
Mr.
Finch's
Argument
in
the
Trial
of
the
Seven
Bishops
.
f.
105.
The
Subjects
have
a
Right
to
Petition
the
King
in
all
their
Grievances
,
so
say
all
our
Books
of
Law
,
and
so
says
the
Statute
13
Car.
2.
Sergeant
Levinz
in
the
same
Trial
fol.
121.
It
was
one
Article
against
the
Earl
of
Strafford
,
That
he
Issued
out
a
Proclamation
and
Warrant
of
Restraint
,
to
inhibit
the
Kings
Subjects
to
come
to
the
Fountain
,
their
Sovereign
,
to
deliver
their
Complaints
of
their
Wrongs
and
Oppressions
.
Rushw
.
in
his
Trial
721.
seditious
or
tumultuous
in
any
Government
,
for
the
Subjects
in
an
humble
manner
to
beg
,
That
he
who
has
the
only
Power
to
do
it
,
would
redress
their
Grievances
:
'T
is
the
way
by
which
we
apply
our selves
to
the
King
of
Heaven
,
who
knows
all
our
Wants
,
and
yet
expects
from
us
that
we
should
daily
express
them
to
him
in
humble
Petitions
.
And
the
Wisdom
of
the
Church
,
which
has
appointed
Liturgies
,
and
Forms
of
Common-Prayer
seems
to
instruct
us
,
that
God
is
pleased
when
huge
Numbers
joyn
in
the
same
Petition
.
Why
should
not
then
suppliant
Subjects
,
with
like
Humility
,
and
in
like
manner
address
themselves
to
the
God
on
Earth
?
Especially
since
Kings
cannot
know
our
Desires
,
or
our
Grievances
,
till
we
our selves
inform
them
what
they
are
.
I
remember
some
wicked
Councellors
of
Darius
did
once
obtain
a
Law
to
be
made
,
that
none
should
Petition
any
one
but
the
King
for
thirty
Days
;
but
there
never
yet
was
found
so
absurd
a
States-man
as
to
advise
a
Law
,
that
Subjects
should
not
supplicate
their
Prince
.
'T
is
probable
it
would
be
well
for
some
Favourites
,
who
are
near
a
King
,
if
such
a
Right
could
be
taken
from
the
People
,
for
then
all
their
false
Suggestions
and
Informations
might
pass
undiscovered
;
but
't
is
impossible
that
a
King
should
long
be
safe
in
such
a
Condition
.
I
will
suppose
a
malicious
States-man
,
intending
to
raise
a
Jealousie
in
the
Mind
of
the
Sovereign
,
should
inform
him
in
dangerous
times
,
that
he
was
not
beloved
by
his
People
,
and
that
he
was
not
to
trust
them
:
How
could
the
Subjects
in
such
a
Case
recover
the
Prince's
good
Opinion
,
in
the
Absence
of
a
Legal
Representative
,
but
by
humble
and
affectionate
Addresses
?
Or
suppose
some
good
Protestant
Prince
should
be
so
unfortunate
,
as
to
have
some
Councellors
near
him
who
are
conceal'd
;
and
others
,
whose
Crimes
make
them
fear
Parliaments
;
it
is
easie
to
suppose
,
that
the
one
sort
will
be
filling
his
Ears
with
Stories
,
that
a
great
part
of
his
Kingdom
are
inclined
to
Popery
;
and
the
other
sort
,
that
the
best
of
his
Subjects
are
quite
out
of
Love
with
Parliaments
,
as
factious
and
seditious
Assemblies
.
Into
what
unfortunate
Circumstances
,
would
such
a
Prince
be
apt
to
fall
,
if
his
People
were
percluded
from
Addressing
themselves
,
and
opening
their
Desires
to
him
!
I
might
go
on
to
trouble
you
with
infinite
Instances
of
this
Nature
,
but
there
is
no
want
of
any
in
so
plain
a
case
:
'T
is
the
Doctrine
of
our
Church
,
that
the
only
Arms
of
Subjects
,
are
Prayers
,
Petitions
,
Supplications
and
Tears
;
and
they
are
no
Friends
either
to
the
King
or
Church
,
H●b.
220.
Wrenhams
Case
.
Vet.
Magn.
Chart.
Exil
.
Hugi.
De
Spencer
.
51.
who
would
disarm
us
of
these
.
My
Lord
Chief
Justice
Hobbart
tell
us
,
That
it
is
lawful
for
any
Subject
to
petition
to
the
King
for
Redress
in
an
humble
and
modest
manner
;
for
(
says
he
)
Access
to
the
Sovereign
must
not
be
shut
up
in
case
of
the
Subjects
Distresses
.
It
was
one
of
the
Crimes
for
which
the
Spencers
were
banished
by
Parliament
,
that
they
hindred
the
King
from
receiving
and
answering
Petitions
from
great
Men
,
and
others
.
And
as
it
is
our
unquestionable
Right
,
Be
the
Right
of
the
Subject
never
so
clear
,
manifest
and
acknowledged
by
all
;
yet
if
his
own
be
detained
from
him
by
the
King
,
he
hath
no
other
Writ
or
Account
to
recover
,
but
a
mere
Petition
,
Supplicare
Celsitudini
,
&c.
A
Learned
Judge's
Argument
about
Impositions
.
Printed
,
1641.
p.
26.
so
in
all
Ages
the
Usage
has
been
by
Petition
,
to
inform
our
King
of
our
Grievances
.
In
the
Reign
of
King
Ed.
2.
and
Ed.
3.
Petitions
were
frequent
for
Redress
of
publick
Grievances
,
and
for
Parliaments
,
especially
out
of
Ireland
(
though
that
is
a
conquer'd
Nation
)
as
may
be
seen
in
the
close
Rolls
of
the
Reigns
of
those
two
Kings
.
One
Instance
I
will
give
you
for
your
Satisfaction
,
but
I
will
tire
you
with
no
more
,
for
that
would
be
endless
.
'T
is
Claus
.
10.
Ed.
2.
M.
28.
Claus
.
10.
E.
2.
M.
28.
intus
Pro
communitate
Hiberniae
.
Intus
pro
Communitate
Hiberniae
.
Rex
Dilect
.
&
fideliter
suis
Justa
Cancellar.
&
Thesaur
.
suis
Hib.
salutem
ex
parte
populi
nostri
terrae
praedict.
per
Petitionem
suam
coram
nobis
&
Concilio
nostro
exhibitum
nobis
est
cum
instantia
supplicare
,
quod
cum
,
&c.
In
the
5th
.
year
of
King
Richard
the
II.
the
whole
Body
of
the
Realm
petition'd
,
Cookes
Jurisdiction
of
Courts
p.
79.
Burarts
History
of
the
Reformation
.
Pag.
231.
Procl
.
Dat.
7.
Feb.
11.
Jac.
that
the
most
wise
and
able
men
within
the
Realm
might
be
chosen
Chancellors
.
King
Henry
the
8.
told
his
Subjects
then
in
Arms
against
him
in
York-shire
,
that
they
ought
not
to
have
rebell'd
,
but
to
have
applied
themselves
to
him
by
Petition
.
King
James
by
a
Proclamation
publisht
in
the
12th
.
year
of
his
Reign
,
begins
thus
:
The
Complaints
lately
exhibited
to
us
by
certain
Noblemen
,
and
others
of
our
Kingdom
of
Ireland
,
suggesting
Disorders
and
Abuses
,
as
well
in
the
Proceedings
of
the
late
begun
Parliament
,
as
in
the
Martial
and
Civil
Government
of
the
Kingdom
,
We
did
receive
with
extraordinary
Grace
and
Favour
.
And
by
another
Proclamation
in
the
12th
.
year
of
his
Reign
,
Procl
.
12
Jac.
he
declares
,
That
it
was
the
Right
of
his
Subjects
to
make
their
immediate
Addresses
to
him
by
Petition
;
and
in
the
19th
.
year
of
his
Reign
he
invites
his
Subjects
to
it
.
And
in
the
20th
year
of
his
Reign
,
Procl
.
Dat.
10
July
19.
Jac.
Procl
.
Dat.
14.
Feb.
20.
Jac.
he
tells
his
People
,
that
his
own
,
and
the
Ears
of
his
Privy
Council
did
still
continue
open
to
the
just
Complaints
of
his
People
;
and
that
they
were
not
confined
to
Times
and
Meetings
in
Parliament
,
nor
restrained
to
particular
Grievances
;
not
doubting
but
that
his
loving
Subjects
would
apply
themselves
to
his
Majesty
for
Relief
;
to
the
utter
abolishing
of
all
those
private
whisperings
and
causless
Rumors
,
which
without
giving
his
Majesty
any
Opportunity
of
Reformation
by
particular
knowledge
of
any
Fault
,
serve
to
no
other
purpose
but
to
occasion
and
blow
abroad
Discontentment
.
It
appears
,
Lords
Journ.
Anno
1640.
that
the
House
of
Lords
both
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
Nemine
contradicente
,
Voted
Thanks
to
those
Lords
who
Petitioned
the
King
at
York
,
to
call
a
Parliament
.
And
the
King
by
his
Declaration
Printed
in
the
same
year
,
Declar.
1644.
declares
his
Royal
Will
and
Pleasure
,
That
all
his
Loving
Subjects
who
have
any
just
cause
to
present
or
complain
of
any
Grievances
or
Oppressions
,
may
freely
Address
themselves
by
their
humble
Petitions
to
his
Sacred
Majesty
,
who
will
graciously
hear
their
Complaints
.
Since
his
Majesty's
happy
Restauration
,
Temp.
Car.
2.
the
Inhabitants
of
the
County
of
Bucks
made
a
Petition
,
That
their
County
might
not
be
over-run
by
the
Kings
Deer
;
and
the
same
was
done
by
the
County
of
Surry
on
the
same
Occasion
.
'T
is
time
for
me
to
conclude
your
trouble
:
I
suppose
you
do
no
longer
doubt
but
that
you
may
joyn
in
Petition
for
a
Parliament
,
since
you
see
it
has
been
often
done
heretofore
:
nor
need
you
fear
how
many
of
your
honest
Countreymen
joyn
with
you
,
since
you
hear
of
Petitions
by
the
whole
Body
of
the
Realm
;
and
since
you
see
,
both
by
the
Opinions
of
our
Lawyers
,
by
the
Doctrine
of
our
Church
,
and
by
the
Declarations
of
our
Kings
,
That
it
is
our
undoubted
Right
to
Petition
.
Nothing
can
be
more
absurd
than
to
say
,
That
the
number
of
the
Supplicants
makes
an
innocent
Petition
an
Offence
;
on
the
contrary
,
if
in
a
thing
of
this
Publick
concernment
,
a
few
only
should
address
themselves
to
the
King
,
it
would
be
a
thing
in
it self
ridiculous
;
the
great
end
of
such
Addresses
being
to
acquaint
him
with
the
general
desires
of
his
People
,
which
can
never
be
done
unless
multitudes
joyn
.
How
can
the
Complaints
of
the
diffusive
Body
of
the
Realm
reach
his
Majesty's
Ears
in
the
absence
of
a
Parliament
,
but
in
the
actual
concurrence
of
every
individual
Person
in
Petition
?
for
the
personal
application
of
multitudes
,
is
indeed
unlawful
and
dangerous
.
Give
me
leave
,
since
the
Gazette
runs
so
much
in
your
mind
,
Stat.
13.
Car.
2.
c.
5.
to
tell
you
(
as
I
may
modestly
enough
do
,
since
the
Statute
directs
me
)
what
answer
the
Judges
would
now
give
if
such
another
Case
were
put
to
them
,
as
was
put
to
the
Judges
2
Jacobi
.
Suppose
the
Nonconformists
at
this
day
(
as
the
Puritans
then
did
)
should
sollicite
the
getting
of
the
hands
of
Multitudes
to
a
Petition
to
the
King
for
suspending
the
Execution
of
the
Penal
Laws
against
themselves
;
the
present
Judges
would
not
tell
you
that
this
was
an
Offence
next
to
Treason
or
Felony
,
nor
that
the
Offenders
were
to
be
brought
to
the
Council-board
to
be
punished
;
but
they
would
tell
you
plainly
and
distinctly
,
That
if
the
hands
of
more
Persons
than
twenty
were
solicited
or
procured
to
such
a
Petition
,
and
the
Offenders
were
convicted
upon
the
Evidence
of
two
or
more
credible
Witnesses
upon
a
Prosecution
in
the
Kings-bench
,
or
at
the
Assizes
or
Quarter
Sessions
,
within
six
Months
,
they
would
incur
a
Penalty
not
exceeding
a
100
l.
and
three
Months
Imprisonment
,
because
their
Petition
was
to
change
a
matter
establisht
by
Law
.
But
I
am
sure
you
are
a
better
Logician
than
not
to
see
the
difference
which
the
Statute
makes
between
such
a
Petition
which
is
to
alter
a
thing
establisht
by
Law
,
and
an
innocent
and
humble
Petition
.
That
a
Parliament
may
meet
according
to
Law
,
in
a
time
when
the
greatest
Dangers
hang
over
the
King
,
the
Church
,
and
the
State
.
The
Right
Honourable
the
Earl
of
Shaftsbury
's
Speech
in
the
House
of
Lords
,
March
25.
1679.
My
Lords
,
YOU
are
appointing
of
the
Consideration
of
the
State
of
England
to
be
taken
up
in
a
Committee
of
the
whole
House
,
some
day
next
Week
.
I
do
not
know
how
well
what
I
have
to
say
may
be
received
,
for
I
never
study
either
to
make
my
Court
well
,
or
to
be
Popular
;
I
always
speak
what
I
am
commanded
by
the
Dictates
of
the
Spirit
within
me
.
There
are
some
other
Considerations
that
concern
England
so
nearly
,
that
without
them
you
will
come
far
short
of
Safety
and
Quiet
at
Home
:
We
have
a
little
Sister
,
and
she
hath
no
Breasts
,
what
shall
we
do
for
our
Sister
in
the
day
when
she
shall
be
spoken
for
?
If
she
be
a
Wall
,
we
will
build
on
her
a
Palace
of
Silver
,
if
she
be
a
Door
,
we
will
inclose
her
with
Boards
of
Cedar
.
We
have
several
little
Sisters
without
Breasts
,
the
French
Protestant
Churches
,
the
two
Kingdoms
of
Ireland
and
Scotland
;
The
Foreign
Protestants
are
a
Wall
,
the
only
Wall
and
Defence
to
England
;
upon
it
you
may
build
Palaces
of
Silver
,
glorious
Palaces
.
The
Protection
of
the
Protestants
abroad
,
is
the
greatest
Power
and
Security
the
Crown
of
England
can
attain
to
,
and
which
can
only
help
us
to
give
Check
to
the
growing
Greatness
of
France
.
Scotland
and
Ireland
are
two
Doors
,
either
to
let
in
Good
or
Mischief
upon
us
;
they
are
much
weakened
by
the
Artifice
of
our
cunning
Enemies
,
and
we
ought
to
inclose
them
with
Boards
of
Cedar
.
Popery
and
Slavery
,
like
two
Sisters
,
go
hand
in
hand
,
sometimes
one
goes
first
,
sometimes
the
other
in
a
doors
,
but
the
other
is
always
following
close
at
hand
.
In
England
,
Popery
was
to
have
brought
in
Slavery
;
in
Scotland
,
Slavery
went
before
,
and
Popery
was
to
follow
.
I
do
not
think
your
Lordships
or
the
Parliament
have
Jurisdiction
there
.
It
is
a
Noble
and
Ancient
Kingdom
;
they
have
an
illustrious
Nobility
,
a
Gallant
Gentry
,
a
Learned
Clergy
,
and
an
Understanding
,
Worthy
People
;
but
yet
we
cannot
think
of
England
as
we
ought
,
without
reflecting
on
the
Condition
therein
.
They
are
under
the
same
Prince
,
and
the
Influence
of
the
same
Favourites
and
Councils
;
when
they
are
hardly
dealt
with
,
can
we
that
are
the
Richer
expect
better
usage
?
for
't
is
certain
,
that
in
all
Absolute
Governments
,
the
poorest
Countreys
are
always
most
favourably
dealt
with
.
When
the
Ancient
Nobility
and
Gentry
there
cannot
enjoy
their
Royalties
,
their
Shrevaldoms
,
and
their
Stewardaries
which
they
and
their
Ancestors
have
possessed
for
several
hundreds
of
years
;
but
that
now
they
are
enjoyned
by
the
Lords
of
the
Council
to
make
Deputations
of
their
Authorities
to
such
as
are
their
known
Enemies
.
Can
we
expect
to
enjoy
our
Magna
Charta
long
under
the
same
Persons
,
and
Administration
of
Affairs
?
If
the
Council-Table
there
can
Imprison
any
Nobleman
or
Gentleman
for
several
years
,
without
bringing
him
to
Trial
,
or
giving
the
least
Reason
for
what
they
do
;
can
we
expect
the
same
Men
will
preserve
the
Liberty
of
the
Subject
here
?
I
will
acknowledge
,
I
am
not
well
vers'd
in
the
particular
Laws
of
Scotland
;
but
this
I
do
know
,
that
all
the
Nothern
Countries
have
,
by
their
Laws
an
undoubted
and
inviolable
Right
to
their
Liberties
and
Properties
;
yet
Scotland
hath
out-done
all
the
Eastern
and
Southern
Countries
,
in
having
their
Lives
,
Liberties
and
Estates
subjected
to
the
Arbitrary
Will
and
Pleasure
of
those
that
Govern.
They
have
lately
plundered
and
harrassed
the
richest
and
wealthiest
Countries
of
that
Kingdom
,
and
brought
down
the
Barbarous
Highlanders
to
devour
them
;
and
all
this
without
almost
a
colourable
Pretence
to
do
it
:
Nor
can
there
be
found
a
Reason
of
State
for
what
they
have
done
;
but
that
those
wicked
Ministers
designed
to
procure
a
Rebellion
at
any
Rate
,
which
as
they
managed
,
was
only
prevented
by
the
miraculous
Hand
of
God
,
or
otherwise
all
the
Papists
in
England
would
have
been
Armed
,
and
the
fairest
Opportunity
given
in
the
just
time
for
the
Execution
of
that
Wicked
and
Bloudy
Design
the
Papists
had
;
and
it
is
not
possible
for
any
Man
that
duly
considers
it
,
to
think
other
,
but
that
those
Ministers
that
Acted
that
,
were
as
guilty
of
the
Plot
,
as
any
of
the
Lords
that
are
in
question
for
it
.
My
Lords
,
I
am
forced
to
speak
this
the
plainer
,
because
,
till
the
Pressure
be
fully
and
clearly
taken
off
from
Scotland
,
't
is
not
possible
for
me
,
or
any
Thinking
Man
to
believe
that
Good
is
meant
us
here
.
We
must
still
be
upon
our
Guard
,
apprehending
that
the
Principle
is
not
changed
at
Court
,
and
that
these
Men
that
are
still
in
Place
and
Authority
,
have
that
Influence
upon
the
Mind
of
our
Excellent
Prince
,
that
he
is
not
,
nor
cannot
be
that
to
us
,
that
his
own
Nature
and
Goodness
would
incline
him
to
.
I
know
your
Lordships
can
order
nothing
in
this
,
but
there
are
those
that
hear
me
,
can
put
a
perfect
Cure
to
it
;
until
that
be
done
,
the
Scottish
Weed
is
like
Death
in
the
Pot
,
Mors
in
Olla
;
But
there
is
something
too
,
now
I
consider
,
that
most
immediately
concerns
us
;
their
Act
of
Twenty
two
thousand
Men
to
be
ready
to
invade
us
upon
all
Occasions
.
This
,
I
hear
,
that
the
Lords
of
the
Council
there
have
treated
as
they
do
all
other
Laws
,
and
expounded
it
into
a
standing
Army
of
Six
thousand
Men.
I
am
sure
we
have
Reason
and
Right
to
beseech
the
King
that
that
Act
may
be
better
considered
in
the
next
Parliament
there
.
I
shall
say
no
more
for
Scotland
at
this
time
,
I
am
afraid
your
Lordships
will
think
I
have
said
too
much
,
having
no
concern
there
;
But
if
a
French
Noble-Man
should
come
to
dwell
in
my
House
and
Family
,
I
should
think
it
concern'd
me
to
ask
what
he
did
in
France
:
for
if
he
were
there
a
Felon
,
a
Rogue
,
a
Plunderer
,
I
should
desire
him
to
live
elsewhere
;
and
I
hope
your
Lordships
will
do
the
same
thing
for
the
Nation
,
if
you
find
the
same
cause
.
My
Lords
,
give
me
leave
to
speak
two
or
three
Words
concerning
our
other
Sister
Ireland
:
thither
,
I
hear
,
is
sent
Douglas's
Regiment
,
to
secure
us
against
the
French
.
Besides
,
I
am
credibly
informed
,
that
the
Papists
have
their
Arms
restored
,
and
the
Protestants
are
not
many
of
them
yet
recovered
from
being
the
suspected
Party
;
the
Sea-Towns
as
well
as
the
In-land
,
are
full
of
Papists
:
That
Kingdom
cannot
long
continue
in
the
English
Hands
,
if
some
better
Care
be
not
taken
of
it
.
This
is
in
your
Power
,
and
there
is
nothing
there
,
but
is
under
your
Laws
;
therefore
I
beg
that
this
Kingdom
at
least
may
be
taken
in
consideration
,
together
with
the
State
of
England
:
For
I
am
sure
there
can
be
no
Safety
here
,
if
these
Doors
be
not
shut
up
and
made
sure
.
THE
INSTRUMENT
OR
Writing
of
Association
,
THAT
THE
True
Protestants
of
ENGLAND
entred
into
,
IN
THE
Reign
of
Q.
Elizabeth
.
FOrasmuch
as
Almighty
God
hath
Ordained
Kings
,
Queens
and
Princes
,
to
have
Dominion
and
Rule
over
all
their
Subjects
,
and
to
preserve
them
in
the
Possession
and
Observation
of
the
true
Christian
Religion
,
according
to
his
holy
Word
and
Commandment
:
And
in
like
sort
,
that
all
Subjects
should
Love
,
Fear
and
Obey
their
Soveraign
Princes
,
being
Kings
or
Queens
,
to
the
utmost
of
their
Power
;
at
all
times
to
withstand
,
pursue
and
suppress
all
manner
of
Persons
that
shall
by
any
means
intend
and
attempt
any
thing
dangerous
or
hurtful
to
the
Honour
,
States
,
or
Persons
of
their
Soveraigns
.
Therefore
we
whose
Names
are
or
shall
be
subscribed
to
this
Writing
,
being
Natural
Born
Subjects
of
this
Realm
of
England
,
and
having
so
gracious
a
Lady
,
our
Soveraign
Elizabeth
,
by
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
our
most
rightful
Queen
,
Reigning
over
us
these
many
Years
with
great
Felicity
,
to
our
inestimable
Comfort
:
And
finding
lately
by
divers
Depositions
,
Confessions
,
and
sundry
Advertisements
out
of
Foreign
Parts
from
credible
Persons
,
well
known
to
her
Majesties
Council
and
to
divers
others
;
That
for
the
furtherance
and
Advancement
of
some
pretended
Title
to
the
Crown
,
it
hath
been
manifested
that
the
Life
of
our
gracious
Soveraign
Lady
Queen
Elizabeth
,
hath
been
most
dangerously
to
the
Peril
of
her
Person
;
if
Almighty
God
her
perpetual
Defender
,
of
his
Mercy
had
not
revealed
and
withstood
the
same
.
By
whose
Life
we
and
all
other
her
Majesties
True
and
Loyal
Subjects
,
do
enjoy
an
inestimable
benefit
of
Peace
in
this
Land
;
do
for
the
Reasons
and
Causes
before
alledged
not
only
acknowledge
our selves
most
justly
bound
with
our
Lives
and
Goods
for
her
Defence
,
in
her
Safety
,
to
persecute
,
suppress
and
withstand
all
such
Intenders
,
and
all
other
her
Enemies
,
of
what
Nation
,
Condition
and
Degree
whatsoever
they
shall
be
,
or
by
what
Council
or
Title
they
shall
pretend
to
be
her
Enemies
,
or
to
attempt
any
Harm
upon
her
Person
;
but
do
further
think
it
our
bounden
Duties
for
the
great
Benefit
of
Peace
,
Wealth
,
and
Godly
Government
,
we
have
more
plentifully
received
these
many
Years
,
under
her
Majesties
Government
,
then
any
of
our
Forefathers
have
done
in
any
longer
time
of
any
other
Progenitors
,
Kings
of
this
Realm
.
Do
declare
,
and
by
this
Writing
make
manifest
,
our
bounden
Duties
to
our
said
Sovereign
Lady
for
her
Safety
.
And
to
that
end
,
We
,
and
every
of
us
,
First
Calling
to
Witness
the
Name
of
Almighty
God
,
do
Voluntarily
and
most
willingly
bind
our selves
,
every
one
of
us
to
the
other
,
joyntly
and
severally
in
the
Band
of
one
Firm
and
Loyal
Society
.
And
do
hereby
Vow
and
Promise
by
the
MAJESTY
OF
ALMIGHTY
GOD
,
That
with
our
whole
Powers
,
Bodies
,
Lives
and
Goods
,
and
with
our
Children
and
Servants
,
We
,
and
every
of
us
,
will
faithfully
serve
and
humbly
obey
our
said
Sovereign
Lady
Queen
Elizabeth
,
against
all
States
,
Dignities
and
Earthly
Powers
whatsoever
;
and
will
as
well
with
our
joynt
and
particular
Forces
during
our
Lives
,
withstand
,
offend
,
and
pursue
,
as
well
by
Force
of
Arms
,
as
by
all
other
means
of
Revenge
;
all
manner
of
Persons
of
what
State
soever
they
shall
be
,
and
their
Abettors
,
that
shall
attempt
any
Act
,
Council
,
or
Consent
to
any
thing
that
shall
tend
to
the
Harm
of
her
Majesties
Royal
Person
,
and
will
never
desist
from
all
manner
of
Forcible
Pursuit
against
such
Persons
,
to
the
utter
Extermination
of
them
,
their
Counsellors
,
Aiders
and
Abettors
.
And
if
any
such
wicked
Attempt
against
her
most
Royal
Person
,
shall
be
taken
in
hand
,
or
procured
,
whereby
any
that
have
,
may
or
shall
pretend
Title
to
come
to
this
Crown
,
by
the
untimely
Death
of
her
Majesty
so
wickedly
procured
(
which
God
for
his
Mercy
sake
forbid
)
may
be
avenged
;
We
do
not
only
bind
our selves
both
joyntly
and
severally
never
to
Allow
,
Accept
,
or
Favour
any
such
pretended
Successor
,
by
whom
,
or
for
whom
any
such
detestable
Act
shall
be
Attempted
or
Committed
,
as
unworthy
of
all
Government
in
any
Christian
Realm
or
Civil
State
.
But
do
also
further
Vow
and
Protest
as
we
are
most
bound
,
and
that
in
the
Presence
of
the
Eternal
and
Everlasting
God
,
to
Prosecute
such
Person
and
Persons
to
Death
with
our
joynt
or
particular
Forces
,
and
to
ask
the
utmost
Revenge
upon
them
that
by
any
means
we
or
any
of
us
can
devise
and
do
,
or
cause
to
be
devised
and
done
for
their
utter
Overthrow
and
Extirpation
.
And
to
the
better
Corroboration
of
this
our
Loyal
Band
and
Association
,
We
do
also
testifie
by
this
Writing
,
that
we
do
confirm
the
Contents
hereof
by
our
Oaths
corporally
taken
upon
the
Holy
Evangelist
,
with
this
express
Condition
;
That
no
one
of
us
shall
for
any
respect
of
Persons
or
Causes
,
or
for
Fear
or
Reward
,
separate
our selves
from
this
Association
,
or
fail
in
the
Prosecution
thereof
,
during
our
Lives
,
upon
pain
of
being
by
the
rest
of
us
prosecuted
,
and
supprest
as
perjur'd
Persons
,
and
as
Publick
Enemies
to
God
,
our
Queen
,
and
to
our
Native
Country
.
To
which
Punishment
and
Pains
we
do
voluntarily
submit
ourselves
,
and
every
of
us
,
without
Benefit
of
any
Colour
or
Pretence
.
In
Witness
of
all
which
Premises
to
be
inviolably
kept
,
we
do
to
this
Writing
put
our
Hands
and
Seals
;
and
shall
be
most
ready
to
accept
and
admit
any
other
hereafter
,
to
this
Society
and
Association
.
The
ACT
of
Parliament
of
the
27th
of
Queen
Elizabeth
in
Confirmation
of
the
same
.
FOrasmuch
as
the
good
Felicity
and
Comfort
of
the
whole
Estate
of
this
Realm
consisteth
(
only
next
under
God
)
in
the
Surety
and
Preservation
of
the
Queens
most
excellent
Majesty
:
And
for
that
it
hath
manifestly
appeared
,
that
sundry
wicked
Plots
and
Means
have
of
late
been
devised
and
laid
as
well
in
Foreign
Parts
beyond
the
Seas
,
as
also
within
this
Realm
,
to
the
great
indangering
of
his
Highness
most
Royal
Person
,
and
to
the
utter
Ruine
of
the
whole
Commonweal
,
if
by
Gods
merciful
Providence
the
same
had
not
been
revealed
:
Therefore
for
preventing
of
such
great
Perils
as
might
hereafter
otherwise
grow
,
by
the
like
detestable
and
divilish
Practices
,
at
the
humble
Suit
and
earnest
Petition
and
Desire
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
the
Commons
in
this
present
Parliament
assembled
,
and
by
the
Authority
of
the
same
Parliament
,
Be
it
Enacted
and
Ordained
,
if
at
any
Time
after
the
end
of
this
present
Session
of
Parliament
,
any
open
Invasion
or
Rebellion
shall
be
had
or
made
,
into
or
within
any
of
Her
Majesties
Realms
or
Dominions
,
or
any
Act
attempted
,
tending
to
the
hurt
of
her
Majesties
most
Royal
Person
by
or
for
any
Person
that
shall
or
may
pretend
any
Title
to
the
Crown
of
this
Realm
,
after
her
Majesties
Decease
:
or
if
any
thing
shall
be
compassed
or
imagined
,
tending
to
the
hurt
of
her
Majesties
Royal
Person
,
by
any
person
or
with
the
Privity
of
any
person
that
shall
or
may
pretend
Title
to
the
Crown
of
this
Realm
;
that
then
by
Her
Majesties
Commission
under
Her
Great
Seal
,
the
Lords
and
other
of
Her
Highness
Privy
Council
,
and
such
other
Lords
of
Parliament
to
be
Named
by
her
Majesty
,
as
with
the
said
Privy
Council
shall
make
up
the
Number
of
Four
and
twenty
at
the
least
,
ving
with
them
for
their
Assistance
in
that
behalf
such
of
the
Judges
of
the
Courts
of
Record
at
Westminster
,
as
Her
Highness
shall
for
that
purpose
assign
and
appoint
,
or
the
more
part
of
the
same
Council
,
Lords
and
Judges
,
shall
by
virtue
of
the
Act
,
have
Authority
to
examine
all
and
every
the
Offences
aforesaid
,
and
all
Circumstances
thereof
,
and
thereupon
to
give
Sentence
or
Judgment
,
as
upon
good
proof
the
matter
shall
appear
unto
them
:
And
that
after
such
Sentence
or
Judgment
given
,
and
Declaration
thereof
made
and
published
by
Her
Majesties
Proclamation
under
the
Great
Seal
of
England
,
all
persons
against
whom
such
Sentence
or
Judgment
shall
be
so
given
and
published
,
shall
be
excluded
and
disabled
for
ever
to
have
or
claim
,
or
to
pretend
to
have
or
claim
the
Crown
of
this
Realm
,
or
of
any
Her
Majesties
Dominions
,
any
former
Law
or
Statute
whatsoever
to
the
contrary
in
any
wise
notwithstanding
:
And
that
thereupon
All
Her
Highness
Subjects
shall
and
may
lawfully
by
virtue
of
this
Act
,
and
Her
Majesties
Direction
in
that
behalf
,
by
forcible
and
possible
means
pursue
to
Death
every
such
wicked
person
,
by
whom
or
by
whose
means
assent
or
privity
,
any
such
Invasion
or
Rebellion
shall
be
in
Form
aforesaid
denounced
to
have
been
made
,
or
such
wicked
Act
attempted
,
or
other
thing
compassed
or
imagined
against
Her
Majesties
Person
,
and
all
their
Aiders
,
Comforters
and
Abettors
.
And
if
any
such
detestible
Act
shall
be
Executed
against
her
Highness
most
Royal
Person
,
whereby
Her
Majesties
Life
shall
be
taken
away
(
which
God
of
his
great
mercy
forbid
:
)
that
then
every
such
person
,
by
or
for
whom
any
such
Act
shall
be
executed
,
and
their
Issues
being
any
wise
assenting
or
privy
to
the
same
,
shall
by
virtue
of
this
Act
be
excluded
and
disabled
for
ever
to
have
or
claim
,
or
pretend
to
have
or
claim
the
said
Crown
of
this
Realm
or
of
any
other
Her
Highness
Dominions
,
any
former
Law
or
Statute
whatsoever
to
the
contrary
in
any
wise
notwithstanding
.
And
that
all
the
Subjects
of
this
Realm
,
and
all
other
Her
Majesties
Dominions
,
shall
and
may
lawfully
by
virtue
of
this
Act
,
by
all
forcible
and
possible
means
pursue
to
Death
every
such
wicked
Person
,
by
whom
or
by
whose
means
,
any
such
detestible
Fact
shall
be
in
Form
hereafter
expressed
denounced
to
have
been
committed
,
and
also
their
Issues
being
any
way
assenting
or
privy
to
the
same
,
and
all
their
Aiders
,
Comforters
,
and
Abettors
in
that
behalf
.
And
to
the
end
that
the
intention
of
this
Law
may
be
effectually
Executed
,
if
Her
Majesties
Life
shall
be
taken
away
by
any
violent
or
unnatural
means
(
which
God
defend
:
)
Be
it
further
Enacted
by
the
Authority
aforesaid
,
That
the
Lords
and
others
which
shall
be
of
Her
Majesties
Privy
Council
at
the
time
of
such
Her
Decease
,
or
the
more
part
of
the
same
Council
,
joyning
unto
them
for
their
better
Assistance
five
other
Earls
,
and
seven
other
Lords
of
Parliament
at
the
least
,
(
foreseeing
that
none
of
the
said
Earls
,
Lords
or
Council
be
known
to
be
persons
that
may
make
any
Title
to
the
Crown
,
)
those
persons
which
were
Chief
Justices
of
either
Bench
,
Master
of
the
Rolls
,
and
Chief
Baron
of
the
Exchequer
at
the
time
of
Her
Majesties
Death
,
or
in
Default
of
the
said
Justices
,
Master
of
the
Rolls
,
and
Chief
Baron
,
some
other
of
those
which
were
Justices
of
some
of
the
Courts
of
Records
at
Westminster
,
at
the
time
of
Her
Highness
Decease
,
to
supply
their
Places
or
any
Four
and
twenty
or
more
of
them
,
whereof
Eight
to
be
Lords
of
the
Parliament
,
not
being
of
the
Privy
Council
,
shall
to
the
uttermost
of
their
Power
and
Skill
examine
the
cause
and
manner
of
such
Her
Majesties
Death
,
and
what
persons
shall
be
any
way
Guilty
thereof
,
and
all
Circumstances
concerning
the
same
,
according
to
the
true
meaning
of
this
Act
,
and
thereupon
shall
by
open
Proclamation
publish
the
same
,
and
without
any
delay
by
all
forcible
and
possible
means
prosecute
to
Death
,
all
their
Aiders
and
Abettors
:
And
for
the
doing
thertof
,
and
for
the
withstanding
and
suppressing
of
all
such
Power
and
Force
,
as
shall
any
way
be
levied
or
stirred
in
Disturbance
of
the
due
Execution
of
this
Law
,
shall
by
virtue
of
this
Act
,
have
Power
and
Authority
not
only
to
raise
and
use
such
Forces
as
shall
in
that
behalf
be
needful
and
convenient
,
but
also
to
use
all
other
means
and
things
possible
and
necessary
for
the
maintenance
of
the
same
Forces
,
and
prosecution
of
the
said
Offenders
.
And
if
any
such
Power
and
Force
shall
be
levied
or
stirred
in
Disturbance
of
the
due
Execution
of
this
Law
,
by
any
person
that
shall
or
may
pretend
any
Title
to
the
Crown
of
this
Realm
,
whereby
this
Law
may
not
in
all
things
be
fully
Executed
,
according
to
the
effect
and
true
meaning
of
the
same
:
That
then
every
such
person
shall
by
virtue
of
this
Act
be
therefore
excluded
and
disabled
for
ever
to
have
or
claim
,
or
to
pretend
to
have
or
claim
the
Crown
of
this
Realm
,
or
of
any
other
Her
Highness
Dominions
,
any
former
Law
or
Statute
whatsoever
to
the
contrary
notwithstanding
.
And
be
it
further
Enacted
by
the
Authority
aforesaid
;
and
all
and
every
the
Subjects
of
all
Her
Majesties
Realms
and
Dominions
,
shall
to
the
uttermost
of
their
Power
,
aid
and
assist
the
said
Councel
and
all
other
the
Lords
and
other
Persons
to
be
adjoyned
to
them
for
Assistance
,
as
is
aforesaid
,
in
all
things
to
be
done
,
and
executed
according
to
the
effect
and
intention
of
this
Law
:
And
that
no
Subject
of
this
Realm
shall
in
any
wise
be
impeached
in
Body
,
Lands
or
Goods
,
at
any
time
hereafter
for
any
thing
to
be
done
or
executed
according
to
the
Tenour
of
the
Law
,
any
Law
or
Statute
heretofore
made
to
the
contrary
in
any
wise
notwithstanding
.
And
whereas
of
late
many
of
Her
Majesties
good
and
faithful
Subjects
have
in
the
Name
of
God
and
with
the
Testimonies
of
good
Consciences
by
one
Uniform
manner
of
Writing
under
their
Hands
land
Seals
,
and
by
their
several
Oaths
voluntarily
taken
,
joyned
themselves
together
in
one
Bond
and
Association
to
withstand
and
revenge
to
the
uttermost
all
such
malicious
Actions
and
Attempts
against
Her
Majesties
most
Royal
Person
:
Now
for
the
full
Explaining
of
all
such
Ambiguities
and
Questions
as
otherwise
might
happen
to
grow
by
reason
of
any
sinister
or
wrong
Construction
or
Interpretation
to
be
made
or
inferred
of
or
upon
the
words
or
meaning
thereof
,
Be
it
Declared
and
Enacted
by
the
Authority
of
this
present
Parliament
,
That
the
same
Association
and
every
Article
and
Sentence
therein
contained
,
as
well
concerning
the
Disallowing
;
Excluding
or
Disabling
any
Person
that
may
or
shall
pretend
any
Title
to
come
to
the
Crown
of
this
Realm
,
as
also
for
the
pursuing
and
taking
Revenge
of
any
person
for
any
such
wicked
Act
or
Attempt
as
is
mentioned
in
the
same
Association
,
shall
and
ought
to
be
in
all
things
expounded
and
adjudged
according
to
the
true
intent
and
meaning
of
this
Act
,
and
not
otherwise
,
nor
against
any
other
person
or
persons
.
A
Word
without
Doors
concerning
the
BILL
for
SUCCESSION
.
SIR
,
I
AM
very
sensible
of
the
great
Honour
you
were
pleas'd
to
do
me
in
your
last
,
which
I
received
immediately
after
our
late
unhappy
Dissolution
;
but
could
have
wished
you
would
have
laid
your
Commands
on
some
more
able
Person
,
to
have
given
you
Satisfaction
in
the
matter
you
there
propose
relating
to
the
Duke
,
who
,
you
seem
to
insinuate
,
was
like
(
if
the
Parliament
had
continued
)
to
have
received
hard
measure
.
I
must
ingeniously
confess
to
you
,
I
was
not
long
since
perfectly
of
your
Opinion
,
and
thought
it
the
highest
Injustice
imaginable
,
for
any
Prince
to
be
debar'd
of
his
Native
Right
of
Succession
upon
any
pretence
whatsoever
.
But
upon
a
more
mature
Deliberation
and
Enquiry
,
I
found
my
Error
proceeded
principally
from
the
falso
Notions
I
had
took
up
of
Government
it self
,
and
from
my
Ignorance
of
the
Practi●●●
of
all
Communities
of
Men
in
all
Ages
,
whenever
Self-preservation
and
Necessity
of
their
Affairs
obliged
them
to
declare
their
Opinion
in
Cases
of
the
like
Nature
:
To
the
knowledge
of
all
which
,
the
following
Accident
I
shall
relate
to
you
,
did
very
much
contribute
.
My
Occasions
obliging
me
one
day
to
attend
the
coming
of
a
Friend
in
a
Coffee-house
near
Charing-Cross
,
there
happened
to
sit
at
the
same
Table
with
me
Two
Ingenious
Gentlemen
,
who
according
to
the
Frankness
of
Conversation
now
used
in
the
Town
,
began
a
Discourse
on
the
same
Subject
you
desire
to
be
more
particularly
informed
in
;
and
having
Extolled
the
late
House
of
Commons
as
the
best
number
of
Men
that
had
ever
sate
within
those
Walls
;
and
that
no
House
had
ever
more
vigorously
maintained
and
asserted
English
Liberty
and
Protestant
Religion
,
than
they
had
done
,
as
far
as
the
nature
of
the
things
that
came
before
them
,
and
the
Circumstances
of
time
would
admit
(
to
all
which
I
very
readily
and
heartily
assented
;
)
they
then
added
,
That
the
great
Wisdom
and
Zeal
of
that
House
had
appeared
in
nothing
more
,
than
in
Ordering
a
Bill
to
be
brought
in
for
debarring
the
Duke
of
Y.
from
inheriting
the
Crown
▪
A
Law
they
affirmed
to
be
the
most
just
and
reasonable
in
the
World
,
and
the
only
proper
Remedy
to
establish
this
Nation
on
a
true
and
solid
Interest
,
both
Relation
to
the
present
and
future
Times
.
To
which
I
could
not
but
Reply
,
That
I
begged
their
Pardon
if
I
differed
from
them
in
Opinion
;
and
did
believe
,
that
how
honestly
soever
the
House
of
Commons
might
intend
in
that
matter
,
yet
that
the
point
of
Succession
was
so
Sacred
a
thing
,
and
of
so
high
a
Nature
,
that
it
was
not
subjected
to
their
Cognizance
:
That
Monarchy
was
of
Divine
Right
:
That
Princes
succeeded
by
Nature
and
Generation
only
,
and
not
by
Authority
,
Admission
,
or
Approbation
of
the
People
;
and
consequently
,
that
neither
the
Merit
or
Demerit
of
their
Persons
,
nor
the
different
influences
from
thence
upon
the
People
,
were
to
be
respected
or
had
in
consideration
;
but
the
Common-wealth
ought
to
obey
and
Submit
to
the
next
Heir
,
without
any
further
Inquisition
;
and
if
he
proved
a
Worthy
,
Vertuous
,
and
Just
Prince
,
it
was
a
great
Happiness
;
if
Unjust
,
Barbarous
,
and
Tyrannical
,
there
was
no
other
Remedy
,
but
Prayer
,
Patience
and
an
intire
Submission
to
so
difficult
a
Dispensation
of
Gods
Providence
.
I
had
no
sooner
ended
my
Discourse
,
but
one
of
the
Gentlemen
(
that
was
the
most
serious
in
the
Company
)
seeing
me
a
Young
Man
,
gravely
Replied
;
That
he
could
not
but
be
extreamly
concerned
to
hear
that
such
pernicious
Notions
against
all
lawful
Government
,
had
been
taught
in
the
World
:
That
he
believed
they
were
in
me
purely
the
Effects
of
an
University-Education
;
and
that
it
had
been
my
Misfortune
to
have
had
a
very
high
Church-man
for
my
Tutor
,
who
had
endeavoured
(
as
it
was
their
constant
Practice
to
all
Young
Gentlemen
under
their
Care
)
to
debauch
me
with
such
Principles
as
would
enslave
my
mind
to
their
Hierarchy
,
and
the
Monarchical
part
of
the
Government
,
without
any
Regard
at
all
to
the
Aristocratical
and
Popular
;
and
that
fat
Parsonages
,
Prebendships
,
Deanaries
,
and
Episcopal
Sees
,
were
the
certain
and
constant
Rewards
of
such
Services
:
That
the
Place
we
were
in
,
was
a
little
too
Publick
for
Discourses
of
this
Nature
;
but
if
I
would
accept
of
a
Bottle
of
Wine
at
the
next
Tavern
,
he
would
undertake
to
give
me
juster
measures
;
adding
it
was
pity
so
hopeful
a
Gentleman
should
be
tainted
with
bad
Principles
.
My
Friend
coming
in
at
the
same
Time
,
proved
to
be
one
of
their
particular
Acquaintance
;
and
both
he
and
I
readily
complied
with
so
generous
a
motion
.
We
had
no
sooner
drank
a
Glass
round
,
but
the
Old
Gentleman
was
pleased
to
renew
his
Discourse
,
and
said
it
was
undoubtedly
true
,
that
the
inclination
of
Mankind
to
live
in
Company
(
from
whence
come
Towns
,
Cities
,
and
Common-wealths
)
did
proceed
of
Nature
,
and
consequently
of
God
the
Author
of
Nature
:
So
likewise
Government
and
the
Jurisdiction
of
Magistrates
in
general
(
which
does
necessarily
flow
from
the
living
together
in
Society
)
is
also
of
Nature
,
and
ordained
by
God
for
the
common
Good
of
Mankind
;
but
that
the
particular
Species
and
Forms
of
this
or
that
Government
,
in
this
or
that
manner
;
To
have
many
,
few
,
or
one
Governour
;
or
that
they
should
have
this
or
that
Authority
,
more
or
less
,
for
a
longer
,
or
a
shorter
time
;
or
whether
ordinarily
by
Succession
or
by
Election
:
All
these
things
(
he
said
)
are
Ordained
and
Diversified
by
the
particular
positive
Laws
of
every
Country
,
and
are
not
Establish'd
either
by
Law
Natural
or
Divine
,
but
left
by
God
unto
every
Nation
and
Country
,
to
pitch
upon
what
Form
of
Government
they
shall
think
most
proper
to
promote
the
common
good
of
the
whole
,
and
best
adapted
to
the
Natures
,
Constitutions
,
and
other
Circumstances
of
the
People
;
which
accordingly
for
the
same
Reasons
may
be
altered
or
amended
in
any
of
its
parts
,
by
the
mutual
Consent
of
the
Governours
and
Governed
,
whenever
they
shall
see
reasonable
cause
so
to
do
;
all
which
appears
plainly
,
both
from
the
diversity
of
Governments
extant
in
the
World
,
and
by
the
same
Nations
living
sometimes
under
one
sort
of
Government
,
and
sometimes
under
another
.
So
we
see
God
himself
permitted
his
peculiar
People
the
Jews
to
live
under
divers
Forms
of
Government
;
as
First
,
under
Patriarchs
,
then
under
Captains
,
then
under
Judges
,
then
under
High-Priests
,
next
under
Kings
,
and
then
under
Captains
and
High-Priests
again
,
until
they
were
conquered
by
the
Romans
,
who
themselves
also
first
lived
under
Kings
,
and
then
Consuls
,
whose
Authority
they
afterwards
limitted
by
a
Senate
,
by
adding
Tribunes
of
the
People
;
and
in
extraordinary
Emergencies
of
the
Commonwealth
they
were
governed
by
Dictators
,
and
last
of
all
by
Emperors
.
So
that
it
's
plain
no
Magistrate
has
his
particular
Government
,
or
an
Interest
of
Succession
in
it
,
by
any
Institution
of
Nature
,
but
only
by
the
particular
Constitution
of
the
Commonwealth
within
it self
.
And
as
the
kinds
of
Government
are
different
,
so
also
are
the
measures
of
Power
and
Authority
in
the
same
kind
,
in
different
Countries
.
I
shall
begin
,
(
said
he
)
with
that
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
which
though
it
be
the
first
in
Dignity
among
Christian
Princes
,
yet
it
is
so
restrained
and
limited
by
the
particular
Laws
of
the
Empire
,
that
he
can
do
much
less
in
his
State
,
than
other
Kings
in
theirs
.
He
can
neither
make
War
,
nor
exact
any
Contribution
of
Men
or
Money
,
but
by
the
Consent
of
all
the
States
of
the
German
Diet
:
And
as
for
his
Children
and
Relations
,
they
have
no
Interest
or
Pretence
to
succeed
,
but
only
by
Election
,
if
they
shall
be
thought
worthy
.
Nay
,
the
chiefest
Article
the
Emperour
swears
to
keep
at
his
Admission
to
that
Honour
,
is
,
That
he
shall
never
endeavour
to
make
the
Dignity
of
the
Empire
Hereditary
to
his
Family
.
In
Spain
and
in
France
,
the
Priviledges
of
Kings
are
much
more
eminent
,
both
in
Power
and
Succession
;
their
Authority
is
more
absolute
,
every
Order
of
theirs
having
the
Validity
of
a
Law
,
and
their
next
of
Bloud
does
ordinarily
inherit
,
though
in
a
different
manner
.
In
Spain
the
next
Heir
cannot
succeed
but
by
the
Approbation
of
the
Nobility
,
Bishops
,
and
States
of
the
Realm
.
In
France
the
Women
are
not
admitted
to
succeed
,
let
them
be
never
so
lineally
descended
.
In
England
our
Kings
are
much
more
limited
and
confined
in
their
Power
,
than
either
of
the
two
former
;
for
here
no
Law
can
be
made
but
by
Consent
and
Authority
of
Parliament
;
and
as
to
the
Point
of
Succession
,
the
next
of
kin
is
admitted
,
unless
in
extraordinary
Cases
,
and
when
important
Reason
of
State
require
an
Alteration
:
And
then
the
Parliaments
of
England
(
according
to
the
ancient
Laws
and
Statutes
of
the
Realm
)
have
frequently
directed
and
appointed
the
Succession
of
the
Crown
in
other
manner
than
in
course
it
would
have
gone
;
of
which
I
shall
give
you
some
Examples
in
Order
.
But
first
let
us
look
abroad
,
and
see
how
things
have
been
carried
as
to
this
Point
in
other
Countries
.
Amongst
the
Jews
the
Law
of
Succession
did
ordinarily
hold
;
and
accordingly
Rehoboam
the
Lawful
Son
and
Heir
of
Solomon
,
after
his
Fathers
Decease
,
went
to
Sichem
to
be
crowned
and
admitted
by
the
People
;
and
the
whole
Body
of
the
People
of
Israel
being
there
gathered
together
,
did
(
before
they
would
admit
him
their
lawful
King
)
make
unto
him
certain
propositions
for
taking
away
some
heavy
Taxes
that
had
been
imposed
on
them
by
his
Father
Solomon
,
which
he
refusing
to
gratifie
them
in
,
and
following
the
Advice
of
Young
Men
,
Ten
of
the
twelve
Tribes
immediately
chose
Jeroboam
,
a
Servant
of
Rehoboham's
,
a
meer
Stanger
,
and
of
mean
Parentage
,
and
made
him
their
King
;
and
God
approved
thereof
,
as
the
Scriptures
in
express
Words
do
testifie
:
For
when
Rehoboam
had
raised
an
Army
of
One
hundred
and
fourscore
thousand
Men
,
intending
by
force
of
Arms
to
have
justified
his
Claim
,
God
appeared
unto
Semaiah
,
and
commanded
him
to
go
to
Rehoboam
,
and
to
the
House
of
Jadah
and
Benjamin
,
saying
,
Return
every
man
to
his
house
,
for
this
thing
is
of
me
,
saith
the
Lord
.
So
that
since
God
did
permit
and
allow
this
in
his
own
Commonwealth
,
which
was
to
be
the
Pattern
for
all
others
,
no
doubt
he
will
approve
the
same
in
other
Kingdoms
,
whenever
his
Service
and
Glory
,
or
the
Happiness
of
the
Weal-publick
shall
require
it
.
The
next
instance
,
I
shall
give
you
,
shall
be
in
Spain
,
where
Don
Alonso
de
la
Cerda
having
been
admitted
Prince
of
Spain
in
his
Father's
Life-time
(
according
to
the
Custom
of
that
Realm
)
married
Blanoha
Daughter
of
Lewis
the
First
King
of
France
,
and
had
by
her
two
Sons
Named
Alonso
and
Hernando
de
la
Cerda
;
but
their
Father
(
who
was
only
Prince
)
dying
before
Alonso
the
Ninth
then
King
,
he
recommended
them
to
the
Realm
as
lawful
Heirs
apparent
to
the
Crown
:
But
Don
Sancho
their
Fathers
Younger
Brother
,
who
was
a
great
Warrier
,
and
Sirnamed
El
Bravo
,
was
admitted
Prince
,
and
they
,
put
by
,
in
their
Grandfathers
Life-time
,
by
his
and
the
States
Consent
;
and
this
was
done
at
a
Parliament
held
at
Sagovia
,
in
the
Year
1276.
And
in
the
Year
1284
,
(
Alonso
the
Ninth
being
dead
)
Don
Sancho
was
aknowledg'd
King
,
and
the
Two
Princes
Imprisoned
;
but
at
the
Mediation
of
Philip
the
Third
,
King
of
France
,
their
Unkle
,
they
were
set
free
,
and
Endowed
with
considerable
Revenues
in
Land
,
and
from
them
do
descend
the
Dukes
De
Medina
Celi
at
this
Day
;
and
the
present
King
of
Spain
that
is
in
Possession
,
descendeth
from
Don
Sancho
.
In
France
,
Lewis
the
Fourth
,
had
Two
Sons
,
Lothairin
,
who
succeeded
him
,
and
Charles
whom
he
made
Duke
of
Lorrain
.
Lothairin
dying
,
left
an
only
Son
named
Lewis
,
who
dying
without
Issue
after
he
had
reigned
Two
Years
,
the
Crown
was
to
have
descended
on
his
Unkle
Charles
Duke
of
Lorrain
.
But
the
States
of
France
did
exclude
him
,
and
chose
Hugo
Capetus
,
Earl
of
Paris
,
for
their
King
;
and
in
an
Oration
made
by
their
Embassadour
to
Charles
of
Lorrain
,
did
give
an
Account
of
their
Reasons
for
so
doing
,
as
it
is
related
by
Belforest
a
French
Historian
,
in
these
very
words
:
Every
Man
knoweth
(
Lord
Charles
)
that
the
Sucession
of
the
Crown
and
Kingdom
of
France
,
according
to
the
ordinary
Rights
and
Laws
of
the
same
,
belongeth
unto
you
,
and
not
unto
Hugh
Capet
now
our
King
:
But
yet
the
same
Laws
which
do
give
unto
you
such
Right
of
Succession
,
do
judge
you
also
unworthy
of
the
same
,
for
that
you
have
not
endeavoured
hitherto
to
frame
your
Life
according
to
the
Prescript
of
those
Laws
,
nor
according
to
the
Use
and
Custom
of
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
but
rather
have
allied
your self
with
the
Germans
our
old
Enemies
,
and
have
accustomed
your self
to
their
vile
and
base
Manners
.
Wherefore
since
you
have
abandoned
and
forsaken
the
ancient
Virtue
,
Amity
,
and
Sweetness
of
your
Countrey
,
your
Countrey
has
also
abandoned
and
forsaken
you
;
for
we
have
chosen
Hugh
Capet
for
our
King
,
and
have
put
you
by
,
and
this
without
any
Scruple
in
our
Consciences
at
all
;
esteeming
it
for
better
and
more
just
to
live
under
Hugh
Capet
,
the
possessor
of
the
Crown
,
with
enjoying
the
ancient
use
of
our
Laws
,
Customs
,
Privileges
,
and
Liberties
,
than
under
you
the
next
Heir
by
Blood
,
in
Oppressions
,
strange
Customs
,
and
Cruelty
:
For
,
as
they
who
are
to
make
a
Voyage
in
a
Ship
on
a
dangerous
Sea
,
do
not
so
much
respect
whether
the
Pilot
claims
Title
to
the
Ship
or
no
,
but
rather
,
whether
he
be
skilful
,
valiant
,
and
like
to
bring
them
in
safety
to
their
ways
end
;
even
so
our
principal
care
is
,
to
have
a
good
Prince
,
to
lead
and
guide
us
happily
in
this
way
of
Civil
and
Politick
Life
;
which
is
the
end
for
which
Princes
are
appointed
.
And
with
this
Message
ended
his
Succession
and
Life
,
he
dying
not
long
after
in
Prison
.
And
now
I
shall
come
home
,
and
give
you
an
Instance
or
two
in
England
,
since
the
Conquest
,
and
so
conclude
.
William
Rufus
,
second
Son
of
William
the
Conqueror
,
by
the
assistance
of
Lanfrank
,
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
who
had
a
great
opinion
of
his
Virtue
and
Probity
,
was
admitted
King
by
the
consent
of
the
Realm
,
his
elder
Brother
Robert
Duke
of
Normandy
being
then
in
the
War
at
Jerusalem
:
William
dying
,
his
younger
Brother
Henry
,
by
his
ingenuity
and
fair
carriage
,
and
by
the
assistance
of
Henry
Earl
of
Warwick
,
who
had
greatest
interest
in
the
Nobility
,
and
Maurice
Bishop
of
London
,
a
leading-man
amongst
the
Clergy
,
obtained
also
the
Crown
:
And
Robert
Duke
of
Normandy
was
a
second
time
excluded
.
And
though
this
King
Henry
could
pretend
no
other
Title
to
the
Crown
than
the
Election
and
Admission
of
the
Realm
,
yet
he
defended
it
so
well
,
and
God
prosper'd
him
with
success
,
that
when
his
elder
Brother
Robert
came
to
claim
the
Kingdom
,
by
force
of
Arms
,
he
beat
him
in
a
pitch'd-Battel
,
took
him
Prisoner
,
and
so
he
died
miserable
in
Bonds
.
King
Henry
had
one
only
Daughter
,
named
Maud
,
or
Matilda
,
who
was
married
to
the
Emperor
,
and
he
dying
without
Issue
,
she
was
afterwards
married
to
Geofry
Plantagenet
Earl
of
Anjou
in
France
,
by
whom
she
had
a
Son
named
Henry
,
whom
his
Grandfather
declared
Heir-apparent
to
the
Crown
in
his
Life-time
;
yet
after
his
Death
,
Henry
was
excluded
,
and
Stephen
Earl
of
Bulloine
,
Son
of
Adela
,
Daughter
of
William
the
Conqueror
,
was
by
the
States
thought
more
fit
to
Govern
than
Prince
Henry
,
who
was
then
but
a
Child
.
And
this
was
done
by
the
perswasion
of
Henry
Bishop
of
Winchester
,
and
at
the
solicitation
of
the
Abbot
of
Glastenbury
,
and
others
,
who
thought
they
might
do
the
same
lawfully
,
and
with
a
good
Conscience
,
for
the
publick
Good
of
the
Realm
.
But
the
Event
did
not
prove
so
well
as
they
intended
;
for
this
occasioned
great
Factions
and
Divisions
in
the
Kingdom
;
for
the
quieting
of
which
,
there
was
a
Parliament
held
at
Wallingford
,
which
passed
a
Law
,
That
Stephen
should
be
King
only
during
his
Life
,
and
that
Prince
Henry
and
his
Off-spring
should
succeed
him
;
and
by
the
same
Law
debarred
William
Son
of
King
Stephen
from
inheriting
the
Crown
,
and
only
made
him
Earl
of
Norfolk
.
Thus
did
the
Parliament
dispose
of
the
Crown
in
those
days
,
which
was
in
the
year
1153
,
which
sufficiently
proves
what
I
have
asserted
.
The
sum
of
all
I
have
said
amounts
to
this
:
That
Government
in
general
is
by
the
Law
of
Nature
,
and
consequently
the
Ordinance
of
God
;
but
that
the
different
forms
of
Government
,
whether
to
reside
in
One
,
Few
,
or
Many
;
or
whether
it
shall
be
continued
by
Succession
or
by
Election
,
together
with
the
different
measures
and
limitations
of
Power
and
Authority
in
Governours
of
the
same
kind
in
several
Countries
;
all
these
things
,
I
say
,
are
ordained
by
,
and
purely
depend
upon
positive
and
humane
Laws
:
From
whence
it
will
necessarily
follow
,
That
the
same
human
Authority
(
residing
in
King
,
Lords
and
Commons
,
here
in
England
)
which
gave
Being
to
those
Laws
for
the
good
of
the
Community
,
is
Superintendent
over
them
,
and
both
may
and
ought
to
make
any
Addition
to
,
or
Alteration
of
them
,
when
the
publick
Good
and
Welfare
of
the
Nation
shall
require
it
;
unless
you
will
admit
,
That
an
Human
Authority
establishing
any
thing
intentionally
,
for
the
common
good
of
the
Society
,
which
in
tract
of
time
,
by
reason
of
unforeseen
circumstances
and
emergencies
,
proves
destructive
of
it
,
has
by
that
Act
concluded
it self
,
and
made
that
accidental
Evil
moral
and
unchangeable
,
which
to
affirm
is
sensless
and
repugnant
.
And
now
,
Sir
,
I
hope
by
this
time
(
said
the
old
Gentleman
)
you
begin
to
think
that
the
Bill
for
disabling
the
Duke
,
was
not
so
unjust
and
unreasonable
as
was
pretended
;
and
that
the
course
of
Succession
(
being
founded
upon
the
same
bottom
with
other
Civil
Constitutions
)
might
likewise
as
justly
have
been
altered
by
the
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
,
as
any
other
Law
or
Custom
whatever
.
And
here
I
might
conclude
;
but
because
a
late
Pensionary
Pen
has
publickly
arraign'd
the
Wisdom
,
Loyalty
,
and
Justice
of
the
Honourable
House
of
Commons
,
on
the
account
of
this
Bill
,
I
will
ex
abundanti
add
a
word
or
two
more
to
that
particular
.
Whereupon
he
pluck'd
a
Paper
out
of
his
Pocket
,
entituled
,
Great
and
weighty
Considerations
relating
to
the
Duke
and
Successor
of
the
Crown
,
&c.
Which
as
soon
as
he
had
read
unto
us
,
You
see
here
(
said
he
)
the
true
Temper
of
those
men
,
of
whom
I
first
gave
you
caution
:
There
never
was
an
Endeavour
(
though
in
a
Legal
and
Parliamentary
way
)
after
any
Reformation
either
in
Church
or
State
,
but
the
Promoters
of
it
were
sure
to
be
branded
by
them
with
the
odious
imputations
of
Fanaticism
and
Faction
.
Nay
,
if
the
Country-Electors
of
Parliament-men
,
will
not
pitch
upon
such
Rake-hells
of
the
Nation
as
are
usually
proposed
by
them
,
but
,
on
the
contrary
,
make
use
of
their
Freedom
and
Consciences
in
chusing
able
,
upright
,
and
deserving
persons
;
and
if
good
men
thus
chosen
,
do
but
(
according
to
their
Duty
in
the
House
)
enquire
into
publick
Grievances
,
pursue
in
a
legal
course
notorious
Offenders
,
and
consult
and
advise
the
Security
of
the
Government
and
Protestant
Religion
,
the
high
Church-man
immediately
swells
,
and
in
a
passion
tells
you
,
That
all
this
proceeds
from
the
old
Phanatick
Leven
,
not
yet
worn
out
amongst
the
People
;
That
we
are
going
back
again
to
Forty
One
,
and
acting
over
afresh
the
Sins
of
our
Forefathers
.
Thus
ignorantly
do
they
complement
the
Times
and
Persons
they
endeavour
to
expose
,
by
appropriating
to
them
such
Virtues
as
were
common
to
good
men
in
all
Ages
.
But
enough
of
this
.
In
the
next
place
,
pray
observe
how
hypocritically
the
Considerer
puts
this
Question
,
viz.
Whether
Protestant
Religion
was
not
settled
in
this
Nation
by
the
same
mighty
hand
of
God
,
that
establish'd
Jeroboam
in
the
Kingdom
of
Israel
?
[
And
then
adds
]
Whether
we
(
like
that
wicked
King
)
should
so
far
despair
of
God's
Providence
in
preserving
the
work
of
his
own
Hands
,
as
never
to
think
it
safe
,
unless
it
be
establish'd
on
the
Quick-sands
of
our
own
wicked
Inventions
?
[
viz.
the
Bill
against
the
Duke
.
]
And
throughout
his
whole
Discourse
,
he
frequently
calls
all
Care
of
preserving
our
Religion
,
a
Mistrust
of
God's
Providence
;
and
on
that
score
calls
out
to
the
Nation
,
O
ye
of
little
Faith
,
&c.
Now
I
will
allow
him
,
That
the
least
Evil
is
not
to
be
done
,
that
the
greatest
and
most
important
Good
may
ensue
:
But
that
the
Bill
for
disabling
the
Duke
is
highly
justifiable
both
by
the
Laws
of
God
and
Constitution
of
our
Government
,
I
think
,
by
my
former
Discourse
,
I
have
left
no
room
to
doubt
:
And
the
Considerer
having
scarce
attempted
to
prove
the
contrary
,
it
's
preposterously
done
of
him
to
give
us
his
Use
of
Reproof
,
before
he
has
clear'd
his
Doctrine
.
However
,
I
owe
him
many
thanks
for
putting
me
in
mind
how
Protestant
Religion
was
first
establish'd
here
in
England
;
it
was
indeed
by
the
mighty
Hand
of
God
,
influencing
the
publick
Councils
of
the
Nation
,
so
that
all
imaginable
care
was
taken
,
both
by
Prince
and
People
,
to
rescue
themselves
from
under
the
Romish
Yoke
;
and
accordingly
most
excellent
Laws
were
made
against
the
usurpation
and
tyranny
of
that
Man
of
Sin
.
Our
noble
Ancestors
,
in
those
days
,
did
not
palliate
a
want
of
Zeal
for
their
Religion
,
with
a
lazy
pretence
of
trusting
in
God's
Providence
;
but
,
together
with
their
Prayers
to
,
and
Affiance
in
Heaven
,
they
joyned
the
Acts
of
their
own
Duty
,
without
which
(
they
very
well
knew
)
they
had
no
reason
to
expect
a
Blessing
from
it
.
But
now
be
pleased
to
take
notice
of
the
Candor
of
this
worthy
Considerer
;
nothing
less
will
serve
his
turn
,
than
the
proving
all
the
Voters
for
the
Bill
guilty
of
the
highest
Perjury
;
For
(
says
he
)
they
have
all
sworn
in
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
to
bear
Faith
and
true
Allegiance
to
His
Majesty
,
his
Heirs
and
Successors
;
but
the
Duke
is
Heir
,
ergo
,
&c.
A
very
hopeful
Argument
indeed
!
But
what
if
it
should
happen
,
(
as
it
is
neither
impossible
nor
very
improbable
to
imagin
it
)
that
the
next
Heir
to
the
Crown
should
commit
Treason
,
and
conspire
the
Death
of
the
present
Possessor
,
and
for
this
Treason
should
not
only
be
attainded
by
Parliament
,
but
executed
too
:
Pray
,
Mr.
Considerer
,
would
the
Parliament
in
this
case
be
guilty
of
Murder
and
Perjury
?
I
am
confident
you
will
not
say
it
.
If
therefore
the
next
Heir
become
obnoxious
to
the
Government
in
a
lower
degree
,
why
may
not
the
same
Authority
proportion
the
Punishment
,
and
leave
him
his
Life
,
but
debar
him
of
the
Succession
?
This
I
say
only
to
shew
the
absurdity
of
his
Argument
.
My
Answer
is
this
:
No
man
can
bear
Allegiance
to
two
persons
at
the
same
time
;
nor
can
Allegiance
be
ever
due
to
a
Subject
,
and
therefore
my
Obligation
by
the
word
[
Heir
]
in
the
Oath
,
does
not
commence
till
such
Heir
has
a
present
Right
to
,
or
actual
Possession
of
the
Crown
,
which
if
he
never
attains
,
either
by
reason
of
Death
,
or
any
other
Act
that
incapacitates
and
bars
him
,
then
can
my
Obligation
to
him
by
the
word
Heir
in
the
Oath
never
have
a
beginning
.
But
besides
all
this
,
it
cannot
be
denied
but
Mr.
Considerer's
Doctrine
does
bring
great
Inconveniences
on
Succession
;
for
the
next
Heir
(
by
his
way
of
arguing
)
is
let
loose
from
all
the
Restrictions
and
Penalties
of
Humane
Laws
;
and
has
no
other
tyes
upon
him
,
not
to
snatch
the
Crown
out
of
the
Hands
of
the
Possessor
,
than
purely
those
of
his
own
Conscience
,
which
is
worthy
Mr.
Considerer's
highest
Consideration
.
I
shall
only
take
notice
of
one
Objection
more
,
and
then
conclude
,
(
fearing
I
have
too
much
trespass'd
on
your
Patience
already
.
)
It
's
very
hard
(
says
he
)
that
a
man
should
lose
his
Inheritance
because
he
is
of
this
or
that
Perswasion
in
Matters
of
Religion
.
And
truly
,
Gentlemen
,
were
the
Case
only
so
,
I
should
be
intirely
of
his
mind
:
But
alass
!
Popery
(
whatever
Mr.
Considerer
is
pleas'd
to
insinuate
)
in
not
an
harmless
innocent
Perswasion
of
a
Number
of
Men
,
differing
from
others
in
matters
relating
to
Christian
Religion
;
but
is
really
and
truly
a
different
Religion
from
Christianity
it self
.
Nor
is
the
Inheritance
he
there
mentions
,
an
Inheritance
only
of
Black-Acre
and
White
Acre
without
any
Office
annexed
,
which
requires
him
to
be
par
Officio
:
But
the
Government
and
Protection
of
several
Nations
,
the
Making
War
and
Peace
for
them
,
the
Preservation
of
their
Religion
,
the
Disposal
of
Publick
Places
and
Revenues
,
the
Execution
of
all
Laws
,
together
with
many
other
things
of
the
greatest
Importance
,
are
in
this
Case
claimed
by
the
Word
Inheritance
;
which
if
you
consider
,
and
at
the
same
time
reflect
upon
the
Enslaving
and
Bloody
Tenents
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
more
particularly
the
Hellish
and
Damnable
Conspiracy
those
of
that
Communion
are
now
carrying
on
against
our
Lives
,
our
Religion
,
and
our
Government
;
I
am
confident
you
will
think
it
as
proper
for
a
Wolf
to
be
a
Shepherd
,
as
it
is
for
a
Papist
to
be
the
Defender
of
our
Faith
,
&c.
The
Old
Gentleman
had
no
sooner
ended
his
Discourse
,
but
I
returned
him
my
hearty
Thanks
,
for
the
Trouble
he
had
been
pleased
to
give
himself
on
this
Occasion
;
and
I
could
not
but
acknowledge
he
had
given
me
great
Satisfaction
in
that
Affair
;
what
it
will
give
thee
,
Charles
,
I
know
not
,
I
am
sure
I
parted
from
him
very
Melancholy
for
having
been
a
Fool
so
long
.
Adieu
,
I
am
thy
Affectionate
.
I.
D.
A
Collection
of
Speeches
IN
THE
House
of
Commons
In
the
Year
.
1680.
The
Lord
L.
Speech
.
My
Lords
,
MAny
have
been
the
Designs
of
the
Papists
to
subvert
this
poor
Nation
from
the
Protestant
Religion
to
that
of
the
See
of
Rome
,
and
that
by
all
the
undermining
Policies
possibly
could
be
invented
,
during
the
Recess
of
Parliament
even
to
the
casting
the
Odium
of
their
most
Damnable
Designs
on
the
Innocency
of
his
Majesties
most
Loyal
Subjects
.
We
have
already
had
a
taste
of
their
Plottings
in
Ireland
,
and
find
how
many
unaccountable
Irish
Papists
dally
arrive
,
which
we
have
now
under
Consideration
.
My
Lord
Dunbarton
,
a
great
Romanist
,
has
Petitioned
for
his
stay
here
,
alledging
several
Reasons
therein
,
which
in
my
Opinion
make
all
for
his
speedy
Departure
;
for
I
can
never
think
his
Majesty
and
this
Kingdom
sufficiently
secure
,
till
we
are
rid
of
those
Irish
Cattel
,
and
all
others
besides
;
for
I
durst
be
bold
to
say
,
that
whatsoever
they
may
pretend
,
there
is
not
one
of
them
but
have
a
destructive
Tenet
,
only
they
want
Power
,
not
Will
to
put
it
in
force
.
I
would
not
have
so
much
as
a
Popish
Man
nor
a
Popish
Woman
to
remain
here
,
nor
so
much
as
a
Popish
Dog
,
or
a
Popish
Bitch
,
no
not
so
much
as
a
Popish
Cat
that
should
put
or
mew
about
the
King
.
We
are
in
a
Labyrinth
of
Evils
,
and
must
carefully
endeavour
to
get
out
of
them
;
and
the
greatest
danger
of
all
amongst
us
are
,
our
conniving
Protestants
,
who
notwithstanding
the
many
Evidences
of
the
Plot
,
have
been
industrious
to
revile
the
Kings
Witnesses
;
and
such
an
one
is
R
—
L'E
—
who
now
disappears
,
being
one
of
the
greatest
Villains
upon
the
Earth
,
a
Rogue
beyond
my
Skill
to
delineate
,
has
been
the
Bugbear
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
traduced
the
King
and
Kingdoms
Evidences
by
his
notorious
scribling
Writings
,
and
hath
endeavoured
as
much
as
in
him
lay
,
to
eclipse
the
Glory
of
the
English
Nation
;
he
is
a
dangerous
rank
Papist
,
proved
by
good
and
substantial
Evidence
,
for
which
since
he
has
walked
under
another
disguise
,
he
deserves
of
all
Men
to
be
hanged
,
and
I
believe
I
shall
live
to
see
that
to
be
his
State
.
He
has
scandalized
several
of
the
Nobility
,
and
detracted
from
the
Rights
of
his
Majesty's
great
Council
the
Parliament
,
and
is
now
fled
from
Justice
,
by
which
he
confesses
the
Charge
against
him
,
and
that
shows
him
to
be
guilty
.
My
humble
Motion
is
,
that
this
House
Address
to
his
Majesty
,
to
put
him
out
of
the
Commission
of
Peace
,
and
all
other
Publick
Employments
for
ever
.
Speeches
in
the
Honourable
House
of
Commons
.
Mr.
Speaker
.
IN
the
Front
of
Magna
Charta
it
is
said
,
Nulli
negabimus
,
nulli
differimus
Justitiam
,
we
will
defer
or
deny
Justice
to
no
Man
;
to
this
the
King
is
Sworn
,
and
with
this
the
Judges
are
intrusted
by
their
Oaths
.
I
admire
what
they
can
say
for
themselves
,
if
they
have
not
read
this
Law
,
they
are
not
fit
to
sit
upon
the
Bench
;
and
if
they
have
,
I
had
almost
said
,
they
deserve
to
lose
their
Heads
.
Mr.
Speaker
.
The
State
of
the
poor
Nation
is
to
be
deplored
,
that
in
almost
all
ages
,
the
Judges
,
who
ought
to
be
Preservers
of
the
Laws
,
have
endeavoured
to
destroy
them
;
and
that
to
please
a
Court-Faction
:
they
have
by
Treachery
attempted
to
break
the
Bonds
asunder
of
Magna
Charta
,
the
great
Treasury
of
our
Peace
;
it
was
no
sooner
passed
,
but
a
Chief
Justice
in
that
day
perswades
the
King
he
was
not
bound
by
it
,
because
he
was
under
Age
when
it
was
passed
.
But
this
sort
of
Insolence
the
next
Parliament
resented
,
to
the
ruine
of
the
pernicious
Chief
Justice
.
In
the
time
of
Richard
the
Second
,
an
unthinking
dissolute
Prince
,
there
were
Judges
that
did
insinuate
into
the
King
,
that
the
Parliament
were
only
his
Creatures
,
and
depended
on
his
Will
,
and
not
on
the
Fundamental
Constitutions
of
the
Land
;
which
Treacherous
Advice
proved
the
Ruine
of
the
King
,
and
for
which
all
those
evil
Instruments
were
brought
to
Justice
.
In
his
late
Majesties
Time
,
his
Misfortunes
were
occasioned
chiesly
by
the
Corruptions
of
the
Long
Robe
;
his
Judges
by
an
Extrajudicial
Opinion
give
the
King
Power
to
raise
Money
upon
an
extraordinary
Occasion
without
Parliament
,
and
made
the
King
Judge
of
such
Occasions
.
Charity
prompts
me
to
think
they
thought
this
a
Service
to
the
King
,
but
the
sad
Consequences
of
it
may
convince
all
Mankind
,
that
every
illegal
Act
weakens
the
Royal
Interest
;
and
to
endeavour
to
introduce
Absolute
Dominion
in
these
Realms
,
is
the
worst
of
Treasons
,
because
,
whilst
it
bears
the
Face
of
Friendship
to
the
King
,
and
Designs
to
be
for
his
Service
,
it
never
fails
of
the
contrary
effect
.
The
two
great
Pillars
of
the
Government
are
Parliaments
and
Juries
;
it
is
this
gives
us
the
Title
of
Free-born
English-men
:
for
my
Notion
of
Free-English-men
is
this
,
that
they
are
ruled
by
Laws
of
their
own
making
,
and
tried
by
Men
of
the
same
Condition
with
themselves
.
The
Two
great
and
undoubted
Priviledges
of
the
People
have
been
lately
invaded
by
the
Judges
that
now
sit
in
Westminster-hall
;
they
have
Espoused
Proclamation
against
Law
;
they
have
discountenanced
and
opposed
several
legal
Acts
,
that
tended
to
the
sitting
of
this
Honourable
House
;
they
have
grasped
the
Legislative
Power
into
their
own
Hands
,
as
in
that
Instance
of
Printing
;
the
Parliament
was
considering
that
matter
,
but
they
in
the
interim
made
their
private
Opinion
to
be
Law
,
to
supersede
the
Judgment
of
this
House
;
They
have
discharged
Grand
Juries
on
purpose
to
quel
their
Presentments
,
and
shelter
great
Criminals
from
Justice
;
and
when
Juries
have
presented
their
Opinion
for
the
sitting
of
this
Parliament
,
they
have
in
disdain
thrown
them
at
their
Feet
,
and
told
them
,
they
would
be
no
Messengets
to
carry
such
Petitions
;
and
yet
in
a
few
days
after
,
have
encouraged
all
that
would
spit
their
Venom
against
the
Government
;
they
have
served
an
Ignorant
and
Arbitrary
Faction
,
and
been
the
Messengers
of
Abhorrences
to
the
King
.
Mr.
Speaker
.
What
we
have
now
to
do
,
is
to
load
them
with
shame
,
who
have
bid
defiance
to
the
Law
;
they
are
guilty
of
Crimes
against
Nature
,
against
the
King
,
against
their
Knowledge
,
and
against
Posterity
.
The
whole
frame
of
Nature
doth
loudly
and
daily
petition
to
God
their
Creator
;
and
Kings
,
like
God
,
may
be
addressed
to
in
like
manner
by
Petition
,
not
Command
.
They
likewise
knew
it
was
lawful
to
petition
;
Ignorance
can
be
no
Plea
,
and
their
Knowledge
aggravates
their
Crimes
.
The
Children
unborn
are
bound
to
curse
such
Proceedings
,
for
't
was
not
petitioning
,
but
Parliaments
they
abhorr'd
.
The
Atheist
pleads
against
a
God
,
not
that
he
disbelieves
a
Deity
,
but
would
have
it
so
.
Tresilian
and
Belknap
were
Judges
too
,
their
Learning
gave
them
Honour
,
but
their
Villanies
made
their
Exit
by
a
Rope
.
The
end
of
my
Motion
therefore
is
,
That
we
may
address
warmly
to
our
Prince
against
them
,
let
us
settle
a
Committee
to
enquire
into
their
Crimes
,
and
not
fail
of
doing
Justice
upon
them
that
have
perverted
it
;
let
us
purge
the
Fountain
,
and
the
Streams
will
issue
pure
.
November
the
17th
.
being
appointed
for
consideration
of
His
Majesty's
Message
,
the
Order
being
read
,
it
was
moved
by
a
worthy
Member
,
THAT
as
long
as
Popery
hangs
over
us
,
we
could
do
nothing
,
and
we
ought
to
represent
our
condition
to
the
King
;
and
then
,
when
we
had
secured
our
Religion
and
Property
,
we
should
be
ready
to
do
any
thing
that
might
make
the
King
happy
and
great
.
A
Second
.
I
am
sorry
that
Tangier
(
that
is
,
a
Supply
)
is
moved
for
,
at
so
unseasonable
a
time
;
I
confess
,
Tangier
is
of
great
moment
,
but
we
have
now
in
hands
that
which
is
of
greater
moment
than
ten
Tangiers
put
together
.
The
consideration
of
that
,
before
we
are
secure
in
our
Religion
at
home
,
is
as
when
an
Enemy
was
landed
we
should
afterwards
go
to
fortifie
the
Coasts
of
Kent
.
And
being
told
us
by
His
Majesty
,
we
should
secure
our selves
against
Popery
,
by
all
ways
but
meddling
with
the
Succession
,
and
should
rest
there
,
we
are
prevented
of
what
is
our
preservation
:
And
the
providing
for
Tangier
now
,
will
be
the
weakening
of
our
Security
.
When
Tangier
was
put
into
the
hands
of
the
English
first
,
there
was
an
Article
that
there
should
continue
a
Popish
Church
,
and
the
Religion
that
belonged
to
it
to
continue
their
Lives
,
but
not
to
be
replenish'd
with
new
.
And
if
it
be
enquir'd
into
,
I
believe
it
will
be
found
the
number
of
them
is
not
yet
decreased
.
It
is
not
long
since
there
was
a
Popish
Governour
there
,
many
Papists
and
Souldiers
gone
thither
lately
from
Ireland
.
It
is
not
a
little
Sum
that
will
do
what
is
needful
there
;
and
if
it
should
be
a
considerable
one
that
should
be
given
for
it
,
it
may
be
made
use
of
to
raise
an
Army
there
;
so
that
we
run
into
a
great
Inconveniency
by
providing
for
it
;
I
think
we
ought
to
consider
well
of
it
before
we
do
:
And
yet
I
am
not
for
sullenly
saying
,
we
will
raise
no
Money
,
but
for
clearly
stating
the
Case
by
an
Address
to
the
King
.
A
Third
.
I
am
only
to
acquaint
you
,
That
Tangier
is
not
to
be
maintained
without
your
Support
.
A
Fourth
.
All
things
are
to
be
considered
comparatively
,
and
if
it
be
made
an
Argument
against
the
Duke's
Bill
,
that
is
at
the
Head
of
an
Army
in
Scotland
,
and
that
in
Ireland
there
are
ten
Papists
to
one
Protestant
,
his
great
interest
in
the
Fleet
,
and
being
Admiral
,
and
Tangier
being
a
Seminary
of
Papists
,
then
sure
you
have
a
special
Argument
to
take
Tangier
into
your
Consideration
,
and
Money
may
be
for
that
Service
.
But
then
this
Parliament
do
not
ask
Petitions
of
Grace
,
but
of
Right
.
And
will
you
part
with
your
Money
without
any
Security
?
You
have
often
done
so
,
and
what
are
you
the
better
for
it
?
I
long
for
the
time
,
when
we
may
give
Money
to
make
the
King
great
;
but
if
things
must
go
on
as
they
do
,
I
am
for
a
plain
Bargain
,
to
know
what
we
shall
have
for
our
Money
.
For
my
part
,
I
only
desire
our
Security
;
but
if
we
should
give
Money
,
I
suppose
you
will
take
care
what
hands
we
put
it
in
,
and
there
ought
to
be
a
Trust
:
Let
us
Address
His
Majesty
.
A
Fifth
.
We
are
told
Tangier
is
of
Importance
,
it
is
a
Nursery
of
Papists
:
And
we
are
likewise
told
,
The
Irish
sent
thither
a
part
of
the
Irish
Army
,
and
they
take
the
Oath
,
that
is
no
Security
:
Was
not
the
Lord
Bellassis
Governour
of
Tangier
and
Hull
,
and
the
Pensioners
Captain
,
all
at
a
time
,
and
took
the
Oaths
;
those
Souldiers
,
for
ought
I
know
,
may
be
brought
hither
,
and
the
asking
for
a
Supply
for
it
at
this
time
,
is
very
unreasonable
,
because
Parliaments
have
been
put
off
two
or
three
years
,
and
whilst
there
are
people
that
dare
make
a
difference
between
the
King
and
this
House
,
we
shall
never
be
safe
.
Let
us
represent
our
Condition
as
boldly
as
may
stand
with
good
manners
.
It
is
not
to
be
endured
,
to
see
the
Duke
preferred
before
the
King
,
as
he
was
;
as
if
Arguments
of
his
Greatness
and
Power
were
Arguments
strong
enough
to
hinder
the
Bill
:
He
hath
violated
the
Law
,
and
we
needed
not
to
have
gone
this
way
to
work
,
if
we
could
have
had
Justice
against
him
;
but
he
is
too
great
for
that
,
let
us
Address
His
Majesty
.
A
Smith
.
If
Tangier
be
wholly
under
the
Duke's
Care
and
Protection
,
and
such
a
Seminary
for
Papists
as
hath
been
represented
,
I
think
no
motion
to
have
a
Supply
for
it
is
unseasonable
,
and
am
against
it
;
order
the
bringing
in
the
state
of
it
.
A
Seventh
.
I
spoke
the
fence
of
the
City
formerly
,
and
do
so
now
again
,
and
in
the
name
of
the
greatest
part
of
the
Commonalty
of
the
City
of
London
,
and
we
do
declare
,
That
we
are
ready
to
give
Money
,
half
we
have
,
nay
all
,
and
be
content
to
set
up
again
,
and
get
new
Estates
,
if
we
can
but
be
secured
.
The
burning
of
London
,
justly
laid
upon
the
Papists
,
and
keeping
Watch
since
the
Plot
,
hath
cost
the
City
above
100000
l.
The
City
of
London
is
the
Bulwark
of
our
Religion
:
And
is
it
not
said
,
the
Duke
is
at
the
head
of
30
or
40000
men
?
The
Lieutenancy
and
Justices
,
how
are
they
molded
for
his
turn
.
And
if
you
do
nothing
now
in
this
House
,
we
must
all
,
without
any
more
ado
,
try
to
make
a
Peace
with
him
as
well
as
we
can
,
I
'll
never
do
it
:
And
will
you
,
for
the
sake
of
one
man
,
destroy
three
Kingdoms
?
An
Highth
.
He
moved
,
that
the
Representation
might
declare
,
That
we
see
no
Security
,
but
removing
the
Duke
of
York
.
A
Ninth
.
We
discoursing
of
Tangier
at
this
time
,
is
like
Nero's
Fiddling
whilst
Rome
was
consuming
by
Fire
:
If
it
be
in
a
good
condition
,
we
cannot
help
it
;
if
in
a
bad
one
,
we
are
not
in
a
posture
to
do
it
.
Pray
consider
the
condition
by
what
's
past
,
when
King
Henry
the
Eighth
was
for
Supremacy
,
the
Kingdom
was
for
it
;
when
King
Henry
the
Eighth
was
against
it
,
the
Kingdom
was
against
it
.
When
King
Edward
the
Sixth
was
a
Protestant
,
the
Kingdom
was
so
;
when
Queen
Mary
was
a
Papist
,
the
Kingdom
was
so
;
when
Queen
Elizabeth
was
a
Protestant
,
the
Kingdom
so
again
;
Regis
ad
exemplum
,
&c.
And
I
believe
,
even
in
King
Edward
the
Sixth's
time
,
the
Bishops
themselves
would
not
have
been
for
throwing
out
such
a
Bill
as
this
.
And
if
King
Edward
had
promised
any
thing
for
the
preservation
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
so
that
Mary
might
succeed
,
the
Pope
would
no
way
have
contrived
so
great
a
Favour
.
The
bidding
us
prevent
Popery
,
and
the
letting
alone
a
Popish
Successor
,
is
as
if
a
Physician
should
come
to
a
man
in
a
Pleurisie
,
and
tell
him
,
he
may
make
use
of
any
Remedies
but
letting
of
Blood
;
the
Party
must
perish
,
that
being
the
only
Cure
.
I
am
not
at
present
for
giving
of
Money
,
that
being
to
the
State
as
Food
to
the
Stomach
;
if
that
be
clean
,
meat
turns
to
good
Nourishment
;
but
if
it
be
out
of
order
,
it
breeds
Diseases
:
And
so
it
is
in
the
State
,
if
that
be
not
in
order
too
.
We
have
been
often
deceived
,
and
by
the
same
men
again
.
Was
not
200000
l.
given
for
the
Fleet
in
74
,
and
was
any
of
it
employed
that
way
?
Money
given
for
an
actual
War
with
France
,
employed
for
a
dishonourable
Peace
.
Never
so
many
Admirals
,
and
so
few
Ships
to
guard
us
;
never
more
Commissioners
of
the
Treasury
,
and
so
little
Money
;
never
so
many
Counsellors
,
and
so
little
Safety
:
Let
us
address
His
Majesty
.
A
Tenth
.
I
'll
never
be
for
giving
of
Money
for
promoting
Popery
,
and
a
Successor
a
publick
Enemy
to
the
Kingdom
,
and
a
Slave
to
the
Pope
:
Whilst
he
hath
11
to
7
in
the
Council
,
and
63
to
31
in
the
House
of
Lords
,
we
are
not
secure
.
And
if
my
own
Father
had
been
one
of
the
63
,
I
should
have
voted
him
an
Enemy
to
the
King
and
Kingdoms
;
and
if
we
cannot
live
Protestants
,
I
hope
we
shall
dye
so
.
The
Eleventh
.
Redress
our
Grievances
first
,
and
then
,
and
not
till
then
,
Money
.
Tangier
never
was
,
nor
will
be
a
place
of
Trade
.
Tituan
and
Sally
so
near
,
they
will
never
trade
with
us
to
destroy
themselves
,
and
can
never
be
for
our
Advantage
.
And
I
have
many
years
wonder'd
at
the
Council
that
have
been
for
the
keeping
of
it
;
and
am
of
opinion
,
that
Popery
may
be
aimed
at
by
it
,
and
that
our
Councils
are
managed
at
Rome
,
from
whence
I
saw
a
Letter
from
a
Friend
,
dated
the
21th
.
of
October
,
with
the
Heads
of
the
King's
Speech
in
it
,
to
this
effect
,
That
His
Majesty
would
command
them
not
to
meddle
with
the
Succession
;
That
he
would
ask
no
Money
;
That
he
would
stand
upon
the
Confirmation
of
the
Lord
Danby's
Pardon
;
and
,
That
the
keeping
of
Tangier
was
to
draw
on
Expences
,
and
was
it
not
,
would
be
for
the
blowing
of
it
up
.
Twelfth
.
I
am
for
a
Representation
.
Thirteenth
.
I
remember
,
before
the
last
Session
of
Parliament
,
there
was
a
Council
held
at
Lambeth
,
and
there
hatched
a
Bill
against
Popery
.
It
was
for
the
breeding
of
Children
of
a
Popish
Successor
,
which
admitted
the
thing
;
and
it
was
called
a
Bill
against
Popery
,
but
we
called
it
the
Popish
Bill
.
I
am
for
the
Church
of
England
,
but
not
for
the
Church-men
of
the
late
Bishop
of
St.
Asaph
,
on
his
Death-bed
,
good
man
,
could
hardly
forbear
declaring
himself
,
which
his
Epitaph
did
(
Ora
pro
Anima
)
ordered
to
be
written
upon
his
Tomb.
We
are
told
the
other
day
,
we
ought
to
make
the
Duke
a
Substantive
to
stand
by
himself
;
That
there
was
less
danger
of
a
General
without
an
Army
,
than
an
Army
without
a
General
.
And
I
have
read
in
Pliny
which
was
most
to
be
feared
,
an
Army
of
Lyons
with
an
Hare
to
their
General
,
or
an
Army
of
Hares
with
a
Lyon
to
their
General
?
and
it
was
concluded
,
that
an
Army
of
Hares
with
a
Lyon
to
their
General
,
was
most
to
be
feared
of
the
two
.
His
Majesty
is
inclosed
by
a
sort
of
Monsters
,
who
endeavour
to
destroy
,
and
I
hope
to
move
against
them
before
we
rise
;
and
though
we
have
lost
our
last
Bill
,
we
have
not
lost
our
Courage
and
Hearts
.
Fourteenth
.
His
Majesty
desires
your
Advice
and
Assistance
,
it
is
seldom
,
which
is
very
kind
,
and
though
you
shall
think
fit
not
to
give
the
latter
,
it
's
but
mannerly
to
give
the
first
.
And
I
hope
you
will
not
resent
any
Injury
,
if
any
there
were
done
by
the
House
of
Lords
on
the
King
,
who
though
he
cannot
cure
all
ill
in
one
day
,
he
can
ruine
all
.
And
I
acquaint
you
,
there
is
a
very
great
Weight
laid
upon
this
Session
of
Parliament
,
and
upon
the
agreeing
of
the
King
with
the
People
,
on
which
depends
the
Welfare
of
the
Protestants
abroad
,
and
hope
you
will
not
go
about
to
Remonstrate
now
.
Fifteenth
.
If
you
had
sent
the
Duke's
,
Lord
Craven's
,
and
Mulgrave's
Regiment
to
Tangier
,
it
would
supply
the
Place
with
Men
,
and
Disband
the
Lord
Oxford's
Regiment
,
and
the
Money
on
those
imployed
,
would
bear
much
of
the
share
of
this
.
Then
the
House
Resolved
to
appoint
a
Committee
to
draw
up
an
Address
upon
the
Debate
of
this
House
,
to
represent
His
Majesty
the
State
and
Condition
of
the
Kingdom
,
in
Answer
to
His
Majesties
Message
about
Tangier
.
The
SPEECHES
of
several
Learned
and
Worthy
Members
of
the
Honourable
House
of
Commons
,
for
Passing
the
Bill
against
the
Duke
of
York
.
Mr.
Speaker
,
THE
Gentleman
that
spoke
last
,
seems
to
intimate
that
we
ought
to
have
a
due
regard
to
the
Kings
Brother
,
and
consider
what
infinite
disadvantages
will
accrew
to
us
,
if
we
are
too
hasty
in
our
Resolutions
,
as
before
the
Duke
is
found
guilty
,
to
proceed
to
pass
a
Bill
for
Exclusion
;
for
that
nothing
but
War
and
Bloodshed
can
be
expected
from
it
;
therefore
he
says
we
ought
to
be
moderate
,
and
find
out
a
Medium
to
secure
the
Protestant
Religion
,
notwithstanding
the
Duke
may
be
a
Papist
.
Now
Gentlemen
,
I
give
you
the
Dictates
of
my
Heart
,
without
either
Passion
or
Prejudice
,
and
should
be
as
willing
as
any
Person
to
agree
with
what
that
Gentleman
hath
proposed
,
if
any
such
Reason
can
be
brought
to
enforce
it
.
For
my
part
,
I
think
it
absolutely
impossible
that
this
Kingdom
can
be
safe
,
or
the
Protestant
Religion
succeed
under
a
Popish
Successor
;
for
do
but
Review
the
Ancient
and
Modern
Histories
,
and
you
shall
find
how
Protestants
have
lived
under
a
Popish
King
;
have
they
not
been
Massacred
,
Butchered
and
Enslaved
in
Germany
,
France
,
and
in
our
own
Countries
,
notwithstanding
all
the
Laws
,
Vows
and
Promises
to
the
contrary
?
Are
not
the
Tenets
of
the
Papists
destructive
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
which
is
Heresie
,
and
that
Faith
is
not
to
be
kept
with
such
?
See
the
barbarous
Usage
of
the
Protestants
in
Piedmont
,
and
in
Queen
Maries
Time
;
How
then
can
we
expect
any
better
success
?
for
by
how
much
a
Popish
Prince
seems
to
be
Religious
,
by
so
much
ought
he
to
be
looked
upon
desperately
dangerous
;
for
since
the
Papists
make
such
Plotting
and
Designing
to
subvert
our
Religion
under
a
Protestant
Prince
,
how
much
more
will
they
act
against
us
under
a
Popish
Successor
?
For
to
think
to
Restrain
a
Prince
under
the
Power
of
a
penal
Law
,
thereby
to
secure
Religion
,
is
no
more
than
to
tye
Sampson
with
Cords
;
for
will
not
the
Courteors
be
flattered
by
their
Prince
,
to
imitate
the
same
Religion
with
him
?
and
then
will
not
we
Protestants
be
discountenanced
,
and
none
but
Priests
and
Jesuites
have
Dominion
over
us
?
For
my
part
,
if
you
pass
not
this
Bill
,
we
shall
all
agree
to
have
our
Throats
cut
;
and
I
have
no
patience
at
all
for
that
:
you
see
how
the
Duke
of
York
being
a
Papist
,
they
have
all
the
dependency
on
him
,
and
hope
to
perfect
their
Villanies
.
Therefore
take
away
this
General
,
and
this
Army
may
be
secured
;
and
then
being
united
at
home
,
we
need
not
fear
what
all
the
Papists
in
the
World
can
do
unto
us
,
when
we
fight
for
the
maintenance
of
our
Laws
and
Religion
by
Exclusion
of
a
Popish
Prince
,
and
rather
withstand
any
Violence
that
shall
be
brought
against
us
,
than
be
in
Danger
every
day
to
have
our
Throats
cut
by
those
that
are
amongst
us
.
One
Gentleman
was
pleased
to
say
,
that
it
was
a
Papist
Jesuits
Bill
,
and
that
which
they
brand
the
Papists
withall
,
(
viz
)
Deposing
of
Princes
.
I
do
say
as
to
that
,
That
we
do
not
Depose
James
D.
of
Y.
but
as
being
a
Papist
,
considering
the
sad
Consequence
that
will
ensue
;
for
should
we
admit
a
Papist
,
we
should
give
away
the
Crown
,
for
he
would
only
have
the
Title
,
the
Pope
would
be
our
Sovereign
.
And
we
ought
to
prevent
any
such
Usurpers
,
who
no
doubt
would
make
havock
of
our
Estates
,
if
he
spares
us
our
Lives
.
To
tell
us
that
Exclusion
will
cause
a
Civil
War
,
I
am
of
the
contrary
Opinion
;
for
it
will
be
more
conducing
to
the
Preservation
of
the
Kings
Person
and
Government
,
our
Laws
,
Lives
and
Religion
,
to
be
Unanimous
.
Whereas
Oppression
,
Fire
and
Faggot
,
might
cause
People
to
Rebel
and
be
Mutunous
,
when
the
other
would
be
a
means
to
unite
us
.
As
I
will
give
you
a
reason
why
we
cannot
restrain
him
otherwise
,
or
use
moderation
towards
him
;
for
suppose
I
were
riding
a
full
speed
on
the
Road
on
a
secure
Horse
,
a
Gentleman
passing
by
,
desired
me
to
be
moderate
,
for
that
I
would
kill
my
Horse
,
when
at
the
same
time
he
knows
that
if
I
slacken
my
pace
,
I
shall
have
my
throat
cut
by
thieves
that
are
swiftly
pursuing
me
;
therefore
I
cannot
be
moderate
in
this
case
,
unless
I
will
fling
away
my
Life
.
And
I
will
lay
down
another
Similitude
,
that
is
,
if
I
were
Sayling
to
the
East-Indies
,
and
passing
the
Equinoctial
Line
,
most
of
the
Sea-men
were
distempered
through
Heat
,
and
on
their
sick
Beds
,
but
it
being
told
them
,
that
the
Ship
is
in
danger
of
sinking
,
for
there
springs
a
Leak
,
upon
which
they
all
arise
,
and
instantly
fall
to
Pump
;
but
the
Chyrurgeon
acquaints
them
,
that
if
they
do
not
work
more
moderately
,
they
will
get
the
Calenture
,
and
so
destroy
themselves
;
but
they
give
him
only
the
Hearing
,
knowing
that
if
they
cease
never
so
little
,
they
are
all
drowned
in
the
Deep
:
therefore
in
this
case
there
can
be
no
Moderation
.
And
to
give
an
Instance
in
Holy
Writ
,
Moses
was
a
meek
and
mild
Man
,
and
a
moderate
Man
,
but
seeing
an
Egyptian
and
an
Israelite
fighting
,
he
immediately
slew
the
Egyptian
,
for
he
knew
it
was
to
no
purpose
to
be
moderate
with
him
;
and
afterwards
seeing
two
Israelites
fighting
,
endeavoured
to
part
them
,
telling
them
,
they
were
Brethren
,
and
ought
to
be
moderate
;
so
we
must
place
it
upon
the
right
Object
,
and
not
suffer
our selves
and
Posterity
to
be
irrecoverably
undone
.
Another
Speech
by
a
Worthy
Gentleman
.
Mr.
Speaker
,
NO
Man
hath
a
greater
Veneration
for
the
Royal
Family
than
my self
,
to
which
I
am
obliged
both
in
gratitude
and
Duty
,
I
am
bold
to
say
that
I
have
a
great
esteem
and
honour
for
the
D.
of
Y.
Yet
I
must
before
the
passing
of
this
Bill
(
to
dissent
from
that
worthy
Gentleman
that
thinked
it
a
Bill
of
Rigour
,
for
it
is
as
I
conceive
,
a
Bill
of
Grace
and
Mercy
)
Vote
for
it
,
as
a
Favour
for
the
D.
I
am
sure
it
is
so
to
the
Royal
Family
,
they
cannot
be
safe
till
the
Bill
be
passed
;
in
tenderness
to
one
Branch
we
must
endanger
the
whole
.
That
worthy
Gentleman
that
moved
last
,
seems
to
intimate
,
that
the
passing
this
Bill
is
against
our
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
:
I
admire
his
Mistake
,
and
it
is
the
first
time
I
ever
heard
the
Protestant
Oaths
cited
to
justifie
a
Popish
Successor
:
it
is
urged
we
are
sworn
to
the
King
,
his
Heirs
and
lawful
Successors
;
it
is
true
,
we
are
so
,
but
not
obliged
to
any
in
the
Kings
life
time
but
himself
,
for
that
were
Treason
:
He
has
no
Heirs
or
Successors
by
Law
during
his
own
Life
,
Non
est
Heres
viventis
.
We
are
likewise
told
,
we
are
designing
a
Bill
to
UNITE
the
Protestant
Interest
,
but
will
divide
it
,
because
many
true
Protestants
are
for
the
true
Heir
,
and
for
the
D.
of
Y.
if
he
be
so
,
which
may
occasion
the
Effusion
of
much
Blood
amongst
us
.
Mr.
Speaker
,
UNITY
is
desired
by
all
,
yet
let
us
be
glad
to
divide
from
such
Men
,
for
when
this
Bill
is
passed
,
their
false
Loyalty
will
be
a
Crime
,
and
we
know
not
what
Character
to
give
it
,
and
what
Punishment
to
assign
them
;
LOYALTY
is
a
Correspondency
and
Submission
to
the
Law
,
it
is
that
surrounds
the
King
,
and
makes
his
Person
Sacred
.
It
is
hinted
that
we
must
Impeach
the
Duke
,
I
should
be
for
that
if
he
did
not
withdraw
,
I
will
not
say
fly
from
Justice
;
if
we
Impeach
him
being
absent
,
we
can
only
Attaint
him
,
and
should
he
survive
the
King
,
and
be
then
Lawful
Heir
,
the
Descent
of
the
Crown
takes
off
all
Attainders
,
and
such
Proceedings
were
only
an
Illusion
,
and
would
indeed
involve
us
in
Blood
.
Let
us
disable
him
,
't
is
absolutely
necessary
,
without
't
is
impossible
to
salve
.
I
perceive
no
Gentleman
here
has
confidence
to
deny
the
Loyalty
of
the
Fact
,
or
excuse
the
black
Crimes
that
appear
before
us
.
Why
do
they
not
answer
the
Evidence
that
is
now
come
in
?
If
it
be
false
,
contradict
it
;
if
true
,
what
is
the
Reason
of
this
Debate
?
Is
not
the
King
alive
?
Is
not
all
Loyalty
due
to
him
?
Love
hates
a
Competitor
,
much
more
a
Crown
.
A
Speech
spoke
by
the
same
Worthy
Member
,
upon
the
Irish
Informations
,
given
in
at
the
Bar
in
Writing
.
THIS
is
not
so
much
a
Discovery
as
a
Confirmation
of
the
Discovery
of
the
Plot
,
although
some
inconsiderate
Men
are
apt
to
give
Credit
to
the
dying
Words
of
some
Men.
This
agrees
exactly
with
Oates
his
first
Discovery
.
It
adds
to
the
strength
of
what
Coleman's
Letters
imported
;
but
so
deplorable
is
our
Condition
,
we
are
in
danger
,
we
see
the
Knife
is
even
at
our
Throats
,
but
none
seeks
to
take
it
out
of
our
Enemies
hand
.
You
have
Witnesses
against
a
Great
Person
,
one
before
,
another
now
;
he
is
a
Lord
,
a
Privy
Counsellor
,
and
sits
in
Council
still
:
My
Lord
of
Tyrone
,
he
is
in
the
Gate-House
,
but
not
secured
:
There
is
one
Informant
tells
you
they
received
Incouragement
from
the
D.
of
Y.
and
that
he
promised
them
Assistance
:
I
call
not
the
Truth
of
this
in
question
,
but
we
see
they
make
use
of
these
great
Names
:
so
that
even
in
this
Kings
time
,
we
are
not
secure
a
day
without
the
Bill
.
They
have
Reason
to
believe
that
a
Popish
Successor
will
assist
them
in
their
Rebellion
.
Now
we
see
why
our
Ministers
made
a
Peace
;
We
thought
our
Security
to
be
in
the
French
Kings
being
involved
in
a
War
:
Now
I
say
,
the
reason
of
the
Nimeguen
Plenipotentiaries
making
a
Peace
is
seen
,
to
have
the
French
King
be
at
Liberty
to
send
Men
into
Ireland
.
Here
you
have
a
full
Confirmation
of
this
Evidence
;
We
see
our
danger
both
at
home
and
abroad
,
and
what
posture
we
are
in
,
if
any
means
be
left
for
our
Security
.
Let
these
Depositions
be
Printed
that
the
Country
may
see
our
Danger
:
if
we
will
not
Impeach
the
Earl
of
Tyrone
presently
;
if
he
should
write
into
Ireland
,
I
am
afraid
he
will
find
too
much
Favour
there
:
consider
the
Case
of
this
Lord
the
Privy
Councellor
;
he
is
a
great
Man
,
and
a
Lawyer
;
if
I
thought
we
could
not
reach
him
,
we
would
not
go
about
to
Impeach
him
.
Agree
with
the
Lords
in
their
Vote
,
and
desire
them
to
agree
with
you
,
that
the
Papists
may
not
draw
their
Incouragement
from
a
Popish
Successor
.
Another
Speech
by
a
Person
of
Honour
.
Mr.
Speaker
,
I
Have
not
hitherto
troubled
you
,
and
am
so
sensible
of
my
own
inabilities
in
comparison
of
so
many
wiser
and
abler
Men
in
this
House
;
that
't
is
with
great
unwillingness
,
I
rise
up
to
speak
;
but
when
I
hear
the
Honour
and
Justice
of
this
House
call'd
in
question
,
as
it
was
by
that
Honourable
Member
which
spake
last
;
I
cannot
I
confess
bear
it
with
patience
,
but
must
(
as
I
think
it
my
Duty
)
endeavour
to
vindicate
the
Justice
of
the
House
:
for
I
must
profess
Sir
,
that
in
my
Judgment
this
Bill
is
so
far
from
an
unjust
thing
,
that
it
is
rather
a
Favour
to
him
,
since
if
he
were
proceeded
against
by
Impeachment
for
the
Crimes
he
is
accused
of
by
several
Witnesses
,
he
might
perhaps
forfeit
more
than
a
Crown
;
which
for
our
Safeties
only
we
go
about
to
exclude
him
from
enjoying
:
And
since
it
is
undoubtedly
in
the
Power
of
Parliaments
to
dispose
of
such
Successions
,
it
seems
very
hard
with
me
to
tax
this
House
with
Unjustice
for
so
doing
,
upon
so
great
reason
and
necessity
as
now
requires
it
.
I
will
not
Sir
,
at
all
deny
the
many
great
Services
(
mentioned
by
that
Honourable
Member
,
)
the
Duke
has
done
the
Nation
at
Sea
,
nor
will
I
say
any
thing
at
all
in
Derogation
of
any
one
of
them
,
but
yet
I
do
not
think
he
fought
for
us
when
he
was
asleep
.
There
are
several
things
Sir
,
wherein
this
Nation
hath
been
betrayed
,
I
will
not
say
any
of
them
directly
upon
him
,
but
when
I
think
of
some
of
them
,
I
am
very
much
startled
and
know
not
well
what
to
believe
,
for
when
I
consider
that
in
the
Fire
of
London
,
there
were
several
outlandish
Men
taken
in
the
very
act
of
Firing
a
House
,
and
being
delivered
to
the
Guard
,
were
presently
set
at
Liberty
by
the
Officer
that
commanded
it
,
and
that
such
a
Man
should
ever
since
not
only
continue
,
but
increase
in
the
Duke's
Favour
to
the
greatest
Degree
imaginable
,
I
must
confess
I
do
not
like
it
,
and
I
think
it
looks
very
ill
.
When
I
also
think
of
the
general
Design
which
plainly
appears
to
have
been
carried
on
all
along
,
to
destroy
the
People
,
and
to
weaken
the
Nation
as
much
as
possible
,
as
apapears
by
the
Treachery
was
used
at
Chatham
,
and
the
French's
standing
still
while
the
Dutch
and
we
cut
one
anothers
Throats
,
this
also
in
my
Judgment
is
very
ill
nor
doth
it
appear
better
that
it
was
taken
ill
,
that
the
D.
of
Monmouth
when
he
was
sent
into
Scotland
,
did
not
cut
those
poor
miserable
Peoples
Throats
.
(
But
that
Prince
had
too
much
humanity
and
discretion
than
to
do
it
.
)
But
I
do
not
particularly
charge
any
Person
with
these
.
There
are
many
things
Sir
,
spoken
of
by
the
witnesses
you
have
heard
relating
to
the
Duke
,
as
also
several
things
in
the
Letters
you
have
heard
read
,
I
shall
not
repeat
any
of
them
:
I
will
only
tell
you
a
Passage
comes
into
my
mind
,
and
I
do
not
tell
it
for
the
sake
of
the
Story
,
but
that
it
appears
to
me
by
it
,
that
the
Duke
was
either
somewhat
concerned
in
the
Plot
,
or
at
least
to
hinder
the
discovery
of
it
;
for
the
D.
speaking
publickly
to
all
that
were
round
him
,
of
one
Le
Faire
that
was
accused
by
Mr.
Bedloe
,
to
have
been
one
of
Sir
E.
B.
Godfreys
Murderers
,
and
one
of
the
Queens
servants
,
he
said
that
could
not
be
,
because
there
was
no
such
Man
as
Le
Faire
about
the
Queen
,
but
yet
it
so
fell
out
they
say
,
that
in
some
little
time
after
there
was
a
Bond
found
,
under
this
Man
's
own
hand
,
and
he
proved
to
be
one
of
the
Queens
Servants
,
and
run
away
upon
this
Business
.
Now
Sir
,
if
this
were
so
,
't
is
impossible
the
other
should
be
true
,
and
if
a
Prince
,
or
any
Man
speaks
an
untruth
,
it
is
a
fault
so
hateful
to
me
,
that
I
must
confess
I
know
not
what
to
call
it
,
nor
what
Name
to
give
it
,
(
It
is
the
Devil
.
)
I
shall
trouble
you
Sir
,
with
one
thing
more
which
comes
into
my
mind
,
and
if
true
,
is
as
bad
as
any
thing
can
be
:
There
was
Sir
,
a
French
Protestant
came
o're
to
the
King
to
make
Proposals
for
the
Interest
of
the
Protestant
Religion
—
Here
a
Person
of
Honour
standing
up
,
said
,
He
never
heard
a
Prince
so
Reflected
upon
in
his
life
:
Upon
which
the
House
cried
,
Go
on
,
Go
on
:
The
Gentleman
answered
,
Mr.
Speaker
,
I
wonder
that
Noble
Lord
should
thus
interrupt
me
,
for
I
have
not
positively
affirmed
any
thing
at
all
of
the
Duke
,
though
I
have
said
nothing
but
what
in
my
Judgment
I
thought
might
be
truth
,
and
I
shall
not
change
my
mind
for
his
being
displeased
at
it
;
but
however
I
am
very
well
satisfied
to
say
no
more
,
but
only
,
that
I
remember
that
Honourable
Person
by
the
Bar
,
told
us
,
he
would
not
speak
to
the
prudential
part
against
the
Bill
,
and
truly
Sir
,
I
think
he
has
kept
his
Word
very
exactly
:
and
that
,
whereas
another
Member
before
him
objected
,
That
it
was
possible
the
Duke
might
turn
Protestant
,
I
would
only
answer
,
that
I
do
not
think
it
possible
,
that
any
Person
that
has
been
bred
up
in
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
hath
been
weak
enough
(
for
so
I
must
call
it
)
to
turn
Papist
,
should
ever
after
(
in
that
respect
)
be
wise
enough
to
turn
Protestant
,
and
therefore
Sir
,
upon
the
whole
matter
,
my
humble
Motion
is
,
That
the
Bill
may
pass
.
Debates
in
the
House
of
Commons
,
Jan.
7.
1680.
upon
His
Majesties
Message
.
The
First
Speech
by
an
Honourable
Gentleman
.
HIS
Majesties
relies
not
only
on
the
Dictates
of
his
own
Judgment
,
but
is
confirmed
by
the
Judgment
of
the
House
of
Lords
;
but
many
of
them
have
gained
their
Honour
by
Interest
rather
than
Merit
.
His
Majesty
hath
given
no
Answer
to
several
of
your
Addresses
;
when
you
say
nothing
can
secure
you
but
this
Bill
,
that
he
should
propose
other
means
;
but
if
we
have
not
the
Bill
,
we
are
deprived
of
the
means
to
preserve
His
Majesties
Life
,
Person
and
Government
.
I
never
knew
that
Tangier
was
more
considerable
than
all
the
Three
Kingdoms
:
Is
it
time
to
be
silent
,
or
not
?
Why
is
all
this
stir
for
a
Man
that
desires
the
Throne
before
His
Majesty
is
dead
?
He
is
in
all
the
Plot
,
either
at
one
end
or
other
:
who
took
evidence
of
London
Fire
?
Arbitrary
Power
was
at
the
end
;
and
no
Religion
like
Popery
to
set
up
:
That
I
will
pay
the
Duty
and
Allegiance
of
an
English-man
,
to
an
English
Prince
:
But
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
must
be
rooted
out
.
Can
you
hope
for
any
Good
while
this
Man
is
Heir
,
an
Apostate
from
his
Religion
;
his
Government
is
the
most
dangerous
:
Our
Ministers
of
State
give
us
little
hopes
from
Whitehall
;
I
hope
they
will
be
Named
;
First
set
a
Brand
on
all
them
that
framed
the
Answer
,
and
all
them
that
shall
lend
Money
by
way
of
Anticipation
;
desire
him
to
take
Advice
of
His
Parliament
,
rather
then
private
Men
,
or
to
let
us
go
home
,
and
attend
His
Service
when
he
shall
again
call
for
us
.
The
Second
Speech
by
another
Person
of
Hour
.
I
am
afraid
we
are
lost
,
we
have
done
our
Parts
,
shewed
our selves
good
Subjects
;
but
some
stand
between
the
King
and
us
to
promote
the
Duke
of
York's
Interest
;
Those
that
advised
the
King
not
to
pass
the
Bill
,
deserve
to
be
Branded
.
The
Third
Speech
by
an
Honourable
Gentleman
.
We
have
made
the
modestest
Request
that
ever
People
did
in
such
a
time
of
Danger
:
we
have
neither
passed
a
Bill
,
nor
obtained
a
kind
Answer
;
our
Trust
must
be
in
our
Votes
:
When
the
King
bid
us
look
into
the
Plot
,
like
well-meaning
Countrey-Gentlemen
,
we
looked
into
the
Tower
;
we
should
have
looked
into
Whitehall
,
There
the
Plot
is
hatched
,
cherished
and
brought
up
:
It
would
be
well
,
if
all
against
the
Bill
were
put
out
of
Councel
,
and
all
of
this
House
were
put
out
of
Commission
that
were
for
it
:
I
had
rather
the
Moors
had
Tangier
,
the
French
King
Flanders
,
than
the
Pope
had
Eugland
.
The
Fourth
Speech
by
a
Person
of
Honour
.
I
think
the
Debate
is
upon
a
Message
from
the
King
;
and
the
most
especial
part
is
about
the
Bill
;
I
concur
with
that
Noble
Person
,
rather
than
with
all
the
rest
;
But
begin
with
the
first
,
his
Majesty
hath
suffered
us
twice
to
address
upon
the
Bill
;
yet
the
Lords
have
not
admitted
one
Conference
;
I
believe
every
man
came
unwillingly
into
this
Bill
;
have
any
that
were
against
it
proposed
any
thing
for
our
Security
,
if
they
will
,
let
them
stand
up
,
and
I
will
sit
down
:
I
have
advised
with
Men
that
know
the
Laws
,
Religion
and
Government
;
they
say
,
if
you
will
preserve
this
Government
,
this
Law
,
this
Bill
must
pass
:
We
have
received
no
expedient
from
the
Lords
;
the
State
of
the
Nation
lies
at
their
Door
:
they
sit
to
hear
Causes
,
they
mind
you
of
Mr.
Seymour
,
but
say
nothing
of
the
Bills
.
In
Richard
the
Second
his
Time
,
some
Lords
were
said
to
be
Lords
in
the
King's
Pocket
,
but
had
no
shoulders
to
support
him
.
It
's
plain
our
evil
comes
from
evil
Ministers
.
There
are
some
that
will
have
a
Prince
of
one
Religion
on
the
Throne
,
to
rule
the
People
of
another
;
a
Popish
Prince
and
a
Protestant
Kingdom
,
will
any
Ministers
of
parts
,
unless
they
have
an
indifferency
of
Religion
,
think
this
consistent
?
I
dedicate
my
Allegiance
to
the
King
,
they
to
another
Person
,
so
the
Kingdom
must
be
destroy'd
,
either
this
limited
Monarchy
must
stand
,
or
come
to
Blood
;
on
the
other
side
Water-Monarchy
is
absolutely
supported
by
little
men
of
no
Fortune
,
and
he
that
takes
mean
and
low
men
to
make
Ministers
of
,
sets
up
for
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Government
:
The
King
hath
Counsels
born
;
if
you
have
a
Popish
Prince
,
and
a
Protestant
Parliament
,
will
the
King
ever
concur
with
them
in
matters
of
Religion
and
Property
,
are
not
your
Estates
sprinkled
with
Abbey-Lands
?
If
he
asks
Money
,
will
you
trust
him
?
must
Foreigners
comply
with
a
Prince
that
in
effect
hath
no
People
?
We
must
be
overcome
with
France
and
Popery
,
or
the
Body
will
get
a
new
Head
,
or
the
Head
a
new
Body
.
The
Fifth
Speech
by
a
Person
of
Honour
.
The
House
was
unwilling
at
first
to
enter
into
a
Debate
about
Expedients
,
and
I
am
not
prepared
to
propound
them
;
any
thing
you
have
heard
proposed
by
the
King
in
Print
,
if
you
had
them
they
will
do
you
no
harm
:
One
day
you
say
the
King
had
been
a
good
Prince
,
if
he
had
good
Company
and
good
Councils
;
no
great
Complement
to
the
King
,
he
offers
you
any
thing
but
the
Bill
,
I
humbly
make
my
motion
to
try
it
.
The
Sixth
Speech
by
an
Honourable
Gentleman
.
I
think
it
becomes
that
Gentleman
very
well
to
be
of
the
Opinion
he
is
,
though
no
man
else
in
this
House
.
I
wish
the
D.
was
of
that
Opinion
his
Father
desired
him
.
The
Lords
rejected
the
Bill
,
but
I
am
afraid
the
King
solicited
,
or
else
they
would
not
;
it
's
some
mens
interest
to
be
for
the
D.
but
while
they
are
at
Court
,
we
shall
never
have
it
:
Foreign
Persons
have
given
Influence
at
Court
,
the
French
Ministers
access
to
Court
,
inclines
me
to
believe
some
body
is
paid
for
it
:
The
Court
is
a
Nurcery
of
Vice
;
they
transmit
them
into
the
Countrey
,
and
none
but
such
men
are
imployed
.
The
Seventh
Speech
by
an
Honourable
Gentleman
.
The
Question
now
before
you
is
,
Whether
any
other
means
be
effectual
besides
the
Bill
;
I
have
heard
none
proposed
in
this
Parliament
;
the
last
Parliament
thought
not
fit
to
debate
them
,
they
were
so
weak
,
but
hath
this
Plot
been
no
longer
than
1678.
We
gave
250000
l.
to
fight
the
Dutch
,
and
assist
them
that
had
a
Design
to
subdue
us
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
which
is
not
well
settled
.
Have
all
the
Laws
been
put
in
Execution
against
the
Papists
?
But
a
few
Apprentices
going
to
pull
down
a
Bawdy-house
,
with
a
Red
Cloth
on
a
Pole
,
was
made
Treason
,
but
what
hath
been
done
with
the
Plot
in
the
intervals
of
Parliament
.
The
Lords
have
confirmed
the
King
in
his
Opinion
;
but
did
not
the
Proviso
for
the
D.
come
from
the
Lords
House
;
I
believe
the
Lords
do
not
fear
him
;
but
I
believe
the
Plot
is
more
dangerous
than
ever
.
To
rely
upon
any
Remedy
but
this
Bill
,
will
expose
your Selves
and
your
Religion
.
The
Eighth
Speech
by
an
Honourable
Gentleman
.
You
have
heard
several
Propositions
,
but
first
make
an
end
of
one
.
It
is
long
since
we
thought
in
this
House
we
were
not
secure
without
the
Bill
,
some
have
not
yet
considered
of
it
,
and
I
think
we
never
shall
.
To
make
an
Act
of
Association
against
the
D.
is
to
say
,
Let
him
be
lawful
King
,
and
then
fight
against
him
.
Another
way
is
Banishment
,
if
it
be
during
the
Kings
life
;
truly
you
run
into
more
dangers
,
rather
then
remove
them
;
if
you
talk
of
Banishment
during
the
D.
Life
,
that
is
Exclusion
:
if
the
D.
be
a
Papist
,
exclude
all
Papists
from
inheriting
.
Some
talk
of
an
Act
pass
,
they
would
not
satisfie
their
Consciences
,
I
am
sure
a
Vote
to
Exclude
him
will
not
.
Popery
encreases
upon
hopes
the
D.
may
come
to
the
Crown
?
we
ought
to
take
care
of
this
Presumption
;
Will
not
Papists
expect
to
have
their
Religion
established
when
the
D.
is
next
:
I
wonder
men
will
pretend
to
plead
for
Loyalty
to
one
,
that
they
may
never
come
to
use
it
;
some
say
,
Cannot
the
D.
change
his
Religion
?
Must
not
the
Two
Houses
joyn
?
Did
not
Queen
Mary
do
it
,
Regis
ad
Exemplum
,
most
will
conform
.
To
make
Arguments
of
this
Bill
is
to
lessen
it
;
the
King
bids
you
go
on
to
other
things
;
let
's
declare
all
other
things
are
ineffectual
without
this
Bill
;
We
cannot
think
our selves
safe
;
to
rely
on
any
thing
else
,
is
not
only
insufficient
but
dangerous
.
The
Ninth
Speech
by
an
Honourable
Gentleman
.
Now
I
see
the
House
is
full
,
so
considerate
,
I
am
bound
to
give
my
Thoughts
.
The
Reason
,
the
Verity
of
the
Bill
hath
formerly
been
debated
,
and
Precedents
are
Printed
to
shew
it
hath
been
done
.
It
will
be
a
Reproach
to
us
when
dead
in
our
Graves
,
if
we
do
not
whatever
any
Parliament
did
to
preserve
Religion
.
When
we
received
the
Kings
Message
,
I
was
perswaded
he
was
over-ruled
by
other
men
;
for
he
saith
,
What
shall
come
in
a
Parliamentary
Way
;
how
comes
the
King
to
know
what
's
done
in
Parliament
?
When
Clifford
set
up
bare-fac'd
for
Popery
,
he
brought
the
King
to
come
frequently
to
the
House
of
Lords
.
Cranmer
saith
,
That
King
Henry
the
Eighth
,
passed
the
Act
of
6
Articles
in
an
Un-Parliamentary
way
,
by
the
Kings
coming
and
solliciting
.
Henry
the
Fourth
in
a
Record
called
,
The
Indempnity
of
the
Peers
and
Commons
,
the
King
being
in
haste
for
Money
,
sends
a
Message
,
desires
he
may
debate
the
matter
with
them
,
they
return
Answer
,
Parliaments
ought
to
debate
free
.
It
's
entred
into
the
Rolls
,
That
the
King
shall
neither
come
to
one
House
or
other
:
Danby's
solliciting
could
not
move
them
,
the
King
comes
and
he
prevails
:
Some
Lords
have
little
Estates
,
some
little
Consciences
,
some
less
Religion
.
The
King
calls
it
an
Opinion
,
and
tells
you
he
is
confirmed
in
it
by
the
House
of
Lords
;
he
may
come
to
take
up
other
Resolutions
,
if
the
Parliament
go
away
and
leave
this
work
undone
:
The
King
is
in
the
highest
Danger
,
though
some
men
think
they
shall
be
accounted
Loyal
for
opposing
an
Act
of
Parliament
;
it
is
but
a
Nick-name
.
King
James
in
his
Speech
,
1603
,
thought
it
his
Security
to
comply
with
his
Parliament
:
Nay
,
He
would
betray
his
Country
and
Posterity
in
not
doing
it
.
Remember
what
care
the
last
King
took
to
have
his
Posterity
maintain
the
Protestant
Religion
.
Remember
Queen
Mary
broke
her
Word
for
Conscience
sake
every
day
;
a
Security
would
draw
me
from
the
Bill
.
Queen
Elizabeths
Association
against
the
Queen
of
Scots
in
the
Act
of
Parliament
was
an
Exclusion
,
she
was
but
a
Woman
,
but
had
wise
Counsellors
;
Prelates
then
did
not
fear
the
frown
of
a
Prince
.
Surely
when
the
King
sees
so
many
Gentlemen
of
this
House
so
firm
,
he
will
take
their
Advise
,
and
Prorogue
them
,
and
then
pass
the
Bill
.
I
find
not
a
Man
that
hath
understanding
,
but
saith
,
We
are
undone
without
it
;
We
have
not
Compounded
yet
for
our
Throats
,
as
some
at
Whitehall
have
done
,
there
is
no
next
best
;
the
only
way
to
preserve
the
Protestant
Religion
is
to
pass
the
Bill
,
what
is
as
secure
as
this
,
must
be
amounting
to
Exclusion
;
We
can't
save
his
Personal
Dignity
,
but
with
the
loss
of
our
Laws
and
Lives
too
.
I
would
to
God
the
King
knew
how
well
this
House
doth
love
him
.
The
Tenth
Speech
by
an
Honourable
Gentleman
.
Consider
whether
the
Dis-inheriting
of
a
lawful
Prince
be
Injustice
or
not
;
or
whether
we
ought
not
rather
to
trust
to
the
Providence
of
Almighty
God
.
The
Eleventh
Speech
by
an
Honourable
Gentleman
.
I
should
be
glad
the
last
Gentleman
would
make
it
good
,
that
we
are
to
trust
to
the
Providence
of
Almighty
God
,
rather
than
do
,
as
he
supposes
,
an
unlawful
Act
;
but
can
he
prove
it
unlawful
;
can
the
King
,
Lords
and
Commons
do
an
unlawful
Act
?
must
we
not
have
a
Supream
Power
?
But
to
hint
it
to
something
,
is
to
say
,
it
is
not
Supream
;
was
there
not
Machinations
every
year
against
Queen
Elizabeth
,
but
she
took
away
the
Scotch
Queen
.
I
wonder
we
have
this
Answer
,
till
I
consider
who
is
at
the
Kings
Ear
,
and
have
had
an
Interest
carried
on
so
long
.
The
denial
of
this
,
is
the
denial
of
every
thing
;
you
see
where
there
are
divers
Medicines
,
yet
but
one
conducing
to
the
end
;
you
shall
have
a
Popish
King
,
if
that
be
allowed
,
with
Power
to
compel
and
corrupt
you
,
you
shall
have
what
you
will
to
protect
you
,
but
you
shall
be
under
the
power
of
one
to
destroy
you
.
The
Frogs
must
have
a
Government
,
but
they
must
have
a
Stork
for
their
King
.
Samson's
Locks
will
be
grown
again
by
that
time
he
comes
in
;
There
is
a
Lion
in
the
Lobby
,
keep
him
out
say
I
,
no
says
some
,
open
the
Door
,
we
will
chain
him
when
he
's
come
in
:
Would
you
have
a
King
that
would
neither
court
you
nor
protect
you
;
you
would
have
a
Parliament
to
make
Judges
and
Bishops
,
then
sure
the
Long-House
will
be
Jure
divino
;
you
can
have
no
Security
under
the
Copes
of
Heaven
without
this
Bill
.
A
Copy
of
the
Duke
of
YORK
's
Bill
.
WHereas
James
Duke
of
York
is
notoriously
known
to
have
been
perverted
from
the
Protestant
to
the
Popish
Religion
;
whereby
not
only
great
Encouragement
hath
been
given
to
the
Popish
Party
to
enter
into
,
and
carry
on
most
Devilish
and
Horrid
Plots
and
Conspiracies
for
the
Destruction
of
His
Majesties
Sacred
Person
and
Government
,
and
for
the
Extirpation
of
the
True
Protestant
Religon
:
But
also
if
the
said
Duke
should
succeed
to
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Realm
;
nothing
is
more
manifest
than
that
a
Total
Change
of
Religion
within
these
Kingdoms
would
ensue
.
For
the
Preservation
whereof
,
Be
it
Enacted
by
the
King
's
Most
Excellent
Majesty
,
by
,
and
with
the
Advice
and
Consent
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
the
Commons
in
this
present
Parliament
Assembled
,
and
by
the
Authority
of
the
same
;
That
the
said
James
Duke
of
York
shall
be
,
and
is
by
the
Authority
of
this
present
Parliament
,
Excluded
,
and
made
for
ever
uncapable
to
Inherit
,
Possess
or
Enjoy
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Realm
,
and
of
the
Kingdoms
of
Ireland
,
and
the
Dominions
and
Territories
to
them
,
or
either
of
them
belonging
,
or
to
have
,
exercise
or
enjoy
any
Dominion
,
Power
,
Jurisdiction
or
Authority
in
the
same
Kingdoms
,
Dominions
,
or
any
of
them
.
And
be
it
further
Enacted
by
the
Authority
aforesaid
,
That
if
the
said
James
Duke
of
York
shall
at
any
time
hereafter
,
challenge
,
claim
,
or
attempt
to
possess
,
or
enjoy
,
or
shall
take
upon
him
to
use
or
exercise
any
Dominion
,
Power
,
or
Authority
,
or
Jurisdiction
within
the
said
Kingdoms
,
or
Dominions
,
or
any
of
them
,
as
King
or
Chief
Magistrate
of
the
same
;
That
then
he
the
said
James
Duke
of
York
,
for
every
such
Offence
,
shall
be
deemed
and
adjudged
guilty
of
High
Treason
;
and
shall
suffer
the
Pains
,
Penalties
and
Forfeitures
,
as
in
case
of
High
Treason
:
And
further
,
That
if
any
Person
or
Persons
whatever
shall
assist
or
maintain
,
abett
,
or
willingly
adhere
unto
the
said
James
Duke
of
York
,
in
such
challenge
,
claim
or
attempt
;
or
shall
of
themselves
attempt
,
or
endeavour
to
put
or
bring
the
said
James
Duke
of
York
into
the
Possession
or
Exercise
of
any
Regal
Power
,
Jurisdiction
or
Authority
within
the
Kingdoms
and
Dominions
aforesaid
;
or
shall
by
Writing
or
Preaching
,
advisedly
publish
,
maintain
or
declare
,
That
he
hath
any
Right
,
Title
or
Authority
to
the
Office
of
King
or
Chief
Magistrate
of
the
Kingdoms
and
Dominions
aforesaid
,
that
then
every
such
Person
shall
be
deemed
and
adjudged
guilty
of
High
Treason
;
and
that
he
suffer
and
undergo
the
Pains
,
Penalties
and
Forfeitures
aforesaid
.
And
be
it
further
Enacted
by
the
Authority
aforesaid
,
That
he
the
said
James
Duke
of
York
shall
not
at
any
time
,
from
,
and
after
the
Fifth
of
November
1680
,
return
or
come
into
,
or
within
any
of
the
Kingdoms
or
Dominions
aforesaid
;
And
then
he
the
said
James
Duke
of
York
shall
be
deemed
and
adjudged
guilty
of
High
Treason
;
and
shall
suffer
the
Pains
,
Penalties
and
Forfeitures
as
in
case
of
High
Treason
;
And
further
,
That
if
any
Person
or
Persons
whatsoever
shall
be
aiding
or
assisting
unto
such
Return
of
the
said
James
Duke
of
York
,
That
then
every
such
Person
shall
be
deemed
and
adjudged
guilty
of
High
Treason
;
and
shall
suffer
as
in
Cases
of
High
Treason
.
And
be
it
further
Enacted
by
the
Authority
aforesaid
,
That
he
the
said
James
Duke
of
York
,
or
any
other
Person
being
guilty
of
any
of
the
Treasons
aforesaid
,
shall
not
be
capable
of
,
or
receive
Benefit
by
any
Pardon
,
otherwise
than
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
wherein
they
shall
be
particularly
named
;
and
that
no
Nole
prosequi
,
or
Order
for
stay
of
Proceedings
shall
be
received
or
allowed
in
,
or
upon
any
Indictment
for
any
of
the
Offences
mentioned
in
this
Act.
And
be
it
further
Enacted
and
Declared
;
And
it
is
hereby
Enacted
and
Declared
,
That
it
shall
and
may
be
lawful
to
,
and
for
any
Magistrates
,
Officers
and
other
Subjects
whatsoever
of
these
Kingdoms
and
Dominions
aforesaid
;
and
they
are
hereby
enjoyned
and
required
to
apprehend
and
secure
the
said
James
Duke
of
York
,
and
every
other
Person
offending
in
any
of
the
Premisses
,
and
with
him
or
them
in
case
of
Resistance
to
fight
,
and
him
or
them
by
Force
to
subdue
:
For
all
which
Actings
,
and
for
so
doing
,
they
are
,
and
shall
be
by
virtue
of
this
Act
saved
harmless
and
indemnified
.
Provided
,
and
it
is
hereby
Declared
,
That
nothing
in
this
Act
contained
,
shall
be
construed
,
deemed
or
adjudged
to
disenable
any
other
Person
from
inheriting
and
enjoying
the
Imperial
Crown
of
the
Realms
and
Dominions
aforesaid
;
(
other
than
the
said
James
Duke
of
York
.
)
But
that
in
case
the
said
James
Duke
of
York
should
survive
his
now
Majesty
,
and
the
Heirs
of
his
Majesty's
Body
;
The
said
Imperial
Crown
shall
descend
to
,
and
be
enjoyed
by
such
Person
or
Person
successarily
during
the
Life
of
the
said
James
Duke
of
York
,
as
should
have
inherited
and
enjoyed
the
same
in
case
the
said
James
Duke
of
York
were
naturally
dead
,
any
thing
contained
in
this
Act
to
the
contrary
notwithstanding
.
And
be
it
further
Enacted
,
by
the
Authority
aforesaid
,
That
during
the
Life
of
the
said
James
Duke
of
York
,
this
Act
shall
be
given
in
charge
at
every
Assizes
and
General
Sessions
of
the
Peace
within
the
Kingdoms
,
Dominions
and
Territories
aforesaid
;
and
also
shall
be
openly
Read
in
every
Cathedral
Church
,
and
Parish
Church
,
and
Chappels
within
the
aforesaid
Kingdoms
,
Dominions
and
Territories
,
by
the
several
respective
Parsons
,
Vicars
,
Curates
,
and
Readers
thereof
,
who
are
hereby
required
immediately
after
Divine
Service
in
the
Fore-noon
to
read
the
same
twice
in
every
year
,
that
is
to
say
,
on
the
25th
.
of
December
,
and
upon
Easter-day
,
during
the
Life
of
the
said
James
Duke
of
York
.
This
BILL
was
Read
Three
Times
,
and
Passed
,
and
sent
up
to
the
Lords
for
their
Concurrence
.
Some
particular
Matters
of
Fact
relating
to
the
Administration
of
Affairs
in
Scotland
under
the
Duke
of
LAUDERDALE
.
Humbly
offered
to
Your
Majesty's
Consideration
,
in
Obedience
to
Your
Royal
Commands
.
1.
THE
Duke
of
Lauderdale
did
grosly
misrepresent
to
your
Majesty
the
Condition
of
the
Western
Countries
,
as
if
they
had
been
in
a
state
of
Rebellion
,
though
there
had
never
been
any
opposition
made
to
your
Majesty's
Authority
,
nor
any
Resistance
offered
to
your
Forces
,
nor
to
the
execution
of
the
Laws
.
But
he
purposing
to
abuse
your
Majesty
,
that
so
he
might
carry
on
his
sinistrous
Designs
by
your
Authority
,
advised
your
Majesty
to
raise
an
Army
against
your
peaceable
Subjects
;
at
least
did
frame
a
Letter
,
which
he
sent
to
your
Majesty
to
be
signed
by
your
Royal
Hand
to
that
effect
;
which
being
sent
down
to
your
Council
,
Orders
was
thereupon
given
out
for
raising
an
Army
of
Eight
or
Nine
thousand
men
,
the
greatest
part
whereof
were
Highblanders
;
and
notwithstanding
that
,
to
avert
threatning
,
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
of
that
Country
did
send
to
Edenburgh
,
and
for
the
security
of
the
Peace
did
offer
to
engage
,
that
whatsoever
should
be
sent
to
put
the
Laws
in
execution
,
should
meet
with
no
affront
;
and
that
they
would
become
Hostages
for
their
safety
:
yet
this
Army
was
marched
and
led
into
a
peaceable
Country
,
and
did
take
free
Quarters
according
to
their
Commissions
,
and
in
most
places
levied
great
Sums
of
Money
,
under
notion
of
dry
Quarters
,
and
did
plunder
and
rob
your
Subjects
;
of
which
no
redress
could
be
obtained
,
though
Complaints
were
frequently
made
:
all
which
were
expresly
contrary
to
the
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
.
2.
In
their
Quarters
it
was
apparent
that
regard
was
only
had
to
the
Dukes
private
Animosities
;
for
the
greatest
part
of
those
places
that
were
most
quartered
on
and
destroyed
,
had
not
been
guilty
of
the
Field-Conventicles
complained
of
,
and
many
of
the
places
that
were
most
guilty
were
spared
upon
private
Considerations
.
3.
The
Subjects
at
that
time
were
required
to
subscribe
an
exorbitant
and
illegal
Bond
,
which
was
impossible
to
be
performed
by
them
;
that
they
,
their
Wives
and
Children
and
Servants
should
live
orderly
according
to
Law
,
not
go
to
Conventicles
,
or
entertain
vagrant
Preachers
,
with
several
other
particulars
;
by
which
Bond
,
those
that
signed
it
were
made
lyable
for
every
Man's
fault
that
lived
upon
their
Ground
.
4.
Your
Majesty's
Subjects
were
charged
with
Laborrows
denounced
Rebels
;
and
Captions
were
issued
out
for
seizing
their
persons
upon
their
refusing
to
sign
the
aforesaid
Bond
:
and
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
there
who
have
ever
been
faithful
to
your
Majesty
,
and
had
appeared
in
Arms
for
suppressing
the
last
Rebellion
,
were
disarmed
upon
Oath
.
A
Proclamation
was
also
issued
,
forbidding
them
upon
great
Penalty
to
keep
any
Horses
above
four
Pounds
ten
groats
price
.
5.
The
Nobility
and
Gentry
of
the
Shire
of
Ayre
were
also
indicted
at
the
instance
of
your
Majesty's
Advocate
of
very
high
Crimes
and
Misdemeanors
:
whereof
some
did
import
Treason
.
These
Indictments
were
delivered
them
in
the
Evening
,
to
be
answered
by
them
the
next
Morning
upon
Oath
:
and
when
they
did
demand
two
or
three
days
time
to
consider
of
their
Indictments
,
and
crave
the
benefit
of
Lawyers
to
advise
with
in
matters
of
so
high
concernment
;
and
also
excepted
to
their
being
put
to
swear
against
themselves
in
matters
that
were
Capital
,
which
was
contrary
to
all
Law
and
Justice
;
those
their
desires
were
rejected
,
though
the
like
had
never
been
done
to
the
greatest
Malefactor
in
the
Kingdom
.
And
it
was
told
them
,
they
must
either
swear
instantly
,
or
they
would
repute
them
guilty
and
proceed
accordingly
.
6.
The
Noblemen
and
Gentlemen
knowing
themselves
innocent
of
all
that
had
been
surmised
against
them
,
did
purge
themselves
by
Oath
of
all
the
particulars
that
were
objected
to
them
,
and
were
thereupon
acquitted
.
And
though
the
Committee
of
the
Council
used
the
severest
manner
of
enquiry
to
discover
any
Seditious
or
Treasonable
Designs
,
which
were
pretended
as
the
grounds
of
leading
in
that
Army
into
those
Countries
;
yet
nothing
could
ever
be
proved
:
so
false
was
that
Suggestion
concerning
a
Rebellion
then
designed
that
was
offered
to
your
Majesty
,
and
prevailed
with
you
for
sending
the
aforementioned
Letter
.
7.
The
Oppressions
and
Quarterings
still
continued
.
The
Noblemen
and
Gentry
of
those
Countries
went
to
Edenburgh
to
present
to
your
Council
the
heavy
Pressure
that
they
and
their
people
lay
under
,
and
were
ready
to
offer
to
them
all
that
in
Law
or
Reason
could
be
required
of
them
for
securing
the
peace
.
The
Council
did
immediately
upon
their
appearing
there
,
set
forth
a
Proclamation
requiring
them
to
depart
the
Town
within
three
days
upon
all
highest
pains
:
and
when
the
Duke
of
Hamilton
did
petition
for
leave
to
stay
two
three
or
days
longer
for
some
very
urgent
Affairs
,
that
was
refused
him
.
8.
When
some
Persons
of
Quality
had
declared
to
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
that
they
would
go
to
represent
their
condition
to
your
Majesty
,
if
they
could
not
have
Justice
from
your
Ministers
;
for
preventing
that
,
a
Proclamation
was
set
forth
,
forbidding
all
the
Subjects
to
depart
the
Kingdom
without
License
;
that
so
your
Majesty
might
not
be
acquainted
with
the
said
condition
of
your
Subjects
from
making
their
application
to
your
Majesty
,
no
less
contrary
to
your
Majesty's
true
Interest
(
who
must
always
be
the
Refuge
of
his
People
)
than
to
the
natural
right
of
the
Subject
.
The
former
Particulars
relate
to
the
Invasion
of
the
Rights
of
great
numbers
of
your
Subjects
all
at
once
.
What
follow
,
have
indeed
only
fallen
on
some
single
persons
;
yet
are
such
,
that
your
whole
People
apprehend
they
may
be
all
upon
the
slightest
occasions
brought
under
the
like
Mischiefs
.
1.
The
Council
hath
upon
many
occasions
proceeded
to
a
new
kind
of
Punishment
,
of
declaring
men
uncapable
of
all
publick
Trust
;
concerning
which
your
Majesty
may
remember
what
Complaints
the
said
Duke
made
,
when
during
the
Earl
of
Middleton's
Administration
,
he
himself
was
put
under
,
and
incapacitated
by
an
Act
of
Parliament
.
The
Words
of
his
Paper
against
the
Earl
of
Middleton
are
[
Uncapacitating
]
was
to
whip
with
Scorpions
,
a
punishment
to
rob
men
of
their
Honour
,
and
to
lay
a
lasting
stain
upon
them
and
their
Posterity
.
And
if
this
was
complained
of
,
when
done
by
the
highest
Court
of
Parliament
,
your
Majesty
may
easily
conclude
,
it
cannot
be
done
in
any
lower
Court
.
But
yet
notwithstanding
it
is
become
of
late
years
an
ordinary
Sentence
in
Council
,
when
the
least
Complaints
are
brought
against
any
,
with
whom
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
and
his
Brother
are
offended
.
Instances
of
this
are
:
The
declaring
Thirteen
worthy
Citizens
of
Edenburgh
uncapable
of
publick
Trust
,
against
whom
no
Complaint
was
ever
made
to
this
day
.
as
your
Majesty
will
perceive
by
a
Paper
more
fully
concerning
that
Affair
.
The
true
cause
of
it
was
,
that
those
men
being
in
the
Magistracy
,
that
Duke
and
his
Brother
could
not
get
a
vast
Bribe
from
them
out
of
the
Towns-money
,
which
was
afterwards
obtained
when
they
were
removed
.
The
Provost
of
Glascow
,
Aberdeen
and
Jadburgh
were
put
under
the
same
Sentence
,
for
signing
a
Letter
to
your
Majesty
in
the
Convention
of
the
Burroughs
with
the
rest
of
that
Body
,
which
Letter
was
advised
by
him
who
is
now
your
Majesty's
Advocate
,
as
that
which
had
nothing
in
it
which
could
bring
them
under
any
guilt
;
and
yet
those
three
were
singled
out
of
the
whole
number
,
and
incapacitated
,
besides
an
high
Fine
and
long
Imprisonment
,
as
to
your
Majesty
will
more
fully
appear
by
another
Paper
.
Sir
Patrick
Holme
of
Polworth
being
sent
by
the
Shire
of
Berwick
to
complain
of
some
illegal
Proceedings
,
and
to
obtain
a
legal
remedy
to
them
,
which
he
did
only
in
the
common
Form
of
Law
,
was
also
declared
uncapable
of
publick
Trust
,
besides
many
months
Imprisonment
.
The
Provost
of
Linlythgo
being
complained
of
for
not
furnishing
some
of
your
Forces
with
Baggage
Horses
,
was
called
before
the
Council
,
and
because
he
said
they
were
not
bound
in
Law
to
furnish
Horses
in
such
manner
,
he
was
immediately
declared
incapable
of
publick
Trust
,
and
was
both
fined
and
imprisoned
.
There
are
also
fifty
of
the
Town
of
St.
Johnstons
incapacitated
upon
a
very
slight
pretence
,
so
that
it
's
very
impossible
for
them
to
find
a
sufficient
number
of
Citizens
for
the
Magistracy
of
that
Town
.
2.
Your
Subjects
are
sometimes
upon
slight
,
and
sometimes
upon
no
grounds
imprisoned
,
and
often
kept
Prisoners
many
Months
and
years
,
nothing
being
objected
to
them
,
and
are
required
to
enter
themselves
Prisoners
;
which
is
contrary
to
Law
.
It
was
in
the
former
Article
expressed
,
that
many
of
these
Persons
declared
incapable
of
publick
Trust
,
did
also
suffer
Imprisonment
;
and
besides
these
instances
,
Lieutenant
General
Drummond
,
(
whose
eminent
Loyalty
and
great
Services
are
well
known
to
your
Majesty
,
)
was
required
to
enter
himself
Prisoner
in
the
Castle
of
Dunbarton
,
where
he
was
kept
one
year
and
a
half
;
and
was
made
a
close
Prisoner
for
nine
months
of
that
time
,
and
yet
nothing
was
ever
objected
to
him
to
this
day
to
justifie
that
Usage
.
The
Lord
Cardross
was
for
his
Ladies
keeping
two
Conventicles
in
her
own
House
(
at
which
he
was
not
present
)
fined
110
l.
and
hath
now
been
kept
prisoner
four
years
in
the
Castle
of
Edenburg
,
where
he
still
remains
;
although
he
hath
often
petitioned
for
his
Liberty
;
and
Sir
Patrick
Holme
hath
been
now
a
second
time
almost
one
year
,
and
nothing
is
yet
laid
to
his
charge
.
Besides
these
illegal
Imprisonments
,
the
Officers
of
your
Majesties
Forces
frequently
carry
Warrants
with
them
for
apprehending
persons
that
are
under
no
legal
Censure
,
nor
have
been
so
much
as
cited
to
appear
;
which
hath
put
many
of
your
Subjects
under
great
fears
,
especially
upon
what
was
done
in
Council
three
years
ago
:
Captain
Carstairs
(
a
man
now
well
enough
known
to
your
Majesty
)
did
intrap
one
Kirkton
,
an
outed
Minister
,
into
his
Chamber
at
Edenburgh
,
and
did
violently
abuse
him
;
and
designed
to
have
extorted
some
money
from
him
:
The
noise
of
this
coming
to
the
Ears
of
one
Baily
,
Brother-in-law
to
the
said
Kirkton
,
he
came
to
the
house
,
and
hearing
him
cry
Murder
,
Murder
,
forced
open
the
Chamber
door
,
where
he
found
his
Brother-in-law
and
the
Captain
grapling
;
the
Captain
pretended
to
have
a
Warrant
against
Kirkton
,
and
Baily
desired
him
to
shew
it
,
and
promised
,
that
all
obedience
should
be
given
to
it
:
But
the
Captain
refusing
to
do
it
,
Kirkton
was
rescued
.
This
was
only
delivering
a
man
from
the
hands
of
a
Robber
,
which
Nature
obligeth
all
men
to
do
;
especially
when
joyned
with
so
near
a
Relation
.
The
Captain
complained
of
this
to
the
Council
,
and
the
Lord
Hatton
with
others
were
appointed
to
examine
the
Witnesses
:
And
when
it
was
brought
before
the
Council
,
the
Duke
of
Hamilton
,
Earls
of
Mereton
,
Dumfrize
and
Kinkarden
,
the
Lord
Cocheren
,
and
Sir
Archibald
Primrose
,
then
Lord
Register
,
desired
,
that
the
Report
of
the
Examination
might
be
read
;
but
that
not
serving
their
ends
,
was
denyed
.
And
thereupon
those
Lords
delivered
their
Opinion
,
that
fithence
Carstares
did
not
shew
any
Warrant
,
nor
was
cloathed
with
any
publick
Character
,
it
was
no
opposing
of
your
Majesties
Authority
in
Baily
,
so
to
rescue
the
said
Kirkton
;
yet
Baily
was
for
this
fined
in
6000.
Marks
,
and
kept
long
a
Prisoner
.
Those
Lords
were
upon
that
so
represented
to
your
Majesty
,
that
by
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale's
procurement
,
they
were
turned
out
of
the
Council
,
and
all
command
of
the
Militia
.
And
it
can
be
made
appear
,
that
the
Captain
had
at
that
time
no
Warrant
at
all
against
Kirkton
,
but
procured
it
after
the
Violence
committed
:
And
it
was
ante-dated
,
on
design
to
serve
a
turn
at
that
time
.
This
manner
of
Proceedings
hath
ever
since
put
your
subjects
under
sad
apprehensions
.
There
is
one
particular
further
offered
to
your
Majesties
consideration
,
concerning
their
way
of
using
Prisoners
.
There
were
14
men
taken
at
a
Field
Conventicle
,
who
without
being
legally
Convict
of
that
or
any
other
crimes
,
were
secretly
and
in
the
night
taken
out
of
Prison
upon
a
Warrant
signed
by
the
Earl
of
Lynlythgo
,
and
the
Lord
Hatton
and
Collington
,
and
were
delivered
to
Captain
Maytland
,
who
had
been
Page
to
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
,
but
was
then
a
French
Officer
,
and
was
making
his
Levies
in
Scotland
,
and
were
carryed
over
to
the
service
of
the
French
King
in
the
year
1676.
3.
The
Council
hath
upon
many
occasions
,
proceeded
to
most
unreasonable
and
Arbitrary
Fines
,
either
for
slight
offences
,
or
for
offences
where
the
Fine
is
regulated
by
Law
,
which
they
have
never
considered
,
when
the
persons
were
not
acceptable
to
them
:
So
the
Lord
Cardross
was
Fined
in
1111
l.
for
his
Ladies
keeping
two
Conventicles
in
his
house
,
and
Christning
a
Child
by
an
outed
Minister
without
his
knowledge
.
The
Provost
formerly
mentioned
,
and
Baily
with
many
more
,
were
also
fined
without
any
regard
to
Law
.
The
Council
hath
at
several
times
proceeded
to
the
taking
of
Gentlemens
Dwelling-houses
from
them
,
and
putting
Garrisons
in
them
,
which
in
time
of
peace
is
contrary
to
Law
.
In
the
year
75.
It
was
designed
against
twelve
of
your
Majesties
Subjects
,
and
was
put
in
Execution
in
the
houses
of
the
Earl
of
Calender
,
the
Lord
Cardrosse
,
the
Lady
Lumsden
,
&c.
and
was
again
attempted
in
the
year
78.
the
Houses
belonging
to
the
Leirds
of
Cosnock
,
Blagan
,
and
Rowal
,
and
were
possessed
by
Souldiers
,
and
declared
Garrisons
.
Nor
did
it
rest
there
,
but
Orders
were
sent
from
the
Council
,
requiring
the
Countries
about
those
Houses
,
to
furnish
them
for
the
Souldiers
use
,
and
to
supply
them
with
necessaries
,
much
contrary
to
Law
.
It
was
against
this
,
that
Sir
Patrick
Holme
came
to
desire
a
remedy
;
and
common
Justice
being
denied
him
,
he
used
a
legal
Protestation
in
the
ordinary
Form
of
Law
,
and
was
thereupon
kept
for
many
Months
a
Prisoner
,
and
declared
incapable
of
all
publick
trust
,
&c.
There
is
another
particular
,
which
because
it
is
so
odious
,
is
unwillingly
touched
:
yet
it
is
necessary
to
inform
your
Majesty
about
it
;
for
thereby
it
will
appear
,
that
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
and
his
Brother
have
in
a
most
solemn
manner
broken
the
publick
faith
that
was
given
in
your
Majesties
name
.
One
Mitchel
being
put
in
Prison
upon
great
suspicion
of
his
having
attempted
to
murder
the
late
Arch
Bishop
of
St.
Andrews
,
and
there
being
no
Evidence
against
him
,
Warrant
was
given
by
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
(
then
your
Majesties
Commissioner
)
and
your
Council
to
promise
him
his
life
if
he
would
confess
;
Whereupon
he
did
confess
,
and
yet
some
years
after
,
that
person
,
who
indeed
deserved
many
deaths
,
if
there
had
been
any
other
Evidence
against
him
,
was
upon
that
confession
,
convicted
of
the
Crime
,
and
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
and
his
Brother
being
put
to
it
by
him
,
did
swear
,
that
they
never
gave
or
knew
of
any
assurance
of
life
given
him
:
And
when
it
was
objected
,
that
the
promise
was
upon
Record
in
the
Council
books
,
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
did
in
open
Court
,
where
he
was
present
only
as
a
Witness
,
and
so
ought
to
have
been
silent
,
threaten
them
,
if
they
should
proceed
to
the
Examination
of
that
Act
of
Council
,
which
,
as
he
then
said
,
might
infer
perjury
on
them
that
swore
:
and
so
did
cut
off
the
proof
of
that
defence
,
which
had
been
admitted
by
the
Court
as
good
in
Law
,
and
sufficient
to
save
the
Prisoner
,
if
proved
.
Thus
was
that
man
hanged
upon
that
Confession
only
,
though
the
promise
that
drew
it
from
him
,
doth
appear
upon
Record
,
and
can
be
proved
by
good
and
clear
Evidence
.
And
from
this
your
Majesty
may
judge
,
what
credit
may
be
given
to
such
men
.
We
do
not
at
present
enlarge
on
other
particulars
,
though
of
great
importance
;
such
as
Monopolies
,
selling
places
of
Honors
,
turning
men
of
known
integrity
out
of
their
Imployments
,
to
which
they
had
a
good
and
just
right
during
their
lives
:
the
profits
of
one
of
the
most
considerable
of
these
,
being
sequestred
for
sometime
,
and
applyed
for
the
Dutchess
of
Lauderdales
use
:
the
treating
about
,
and
receiving
of
great
bribes
by
the
Duke
and
Dutchess
of
Lauderdale
,
and
the
Lord
Hatton
,
and
particularly
from
the
Towns
of
Edenborough
,
Abberdeen
,
Lynlythgo
,
and
many
others
,
for
procuring
from
your
Majesty
Warrants
for
illegal
impositions
within
these
Towns
:
the
manifest
and
publick
perverting
of
Justice
in
the
Session
:
besides
the
most
signal
abuses
of
the
Mint
and
Copper
Coin
,
that
are
most
grievous
to
all
your
Subjects
.
But
the
number
of
these
is
so
great
,
and
they
will
require
so
many
Witnesses
,
to
be
brought
hither
for
proving
them
,
that
we
fear
it
would
too
much
trouble
your
Majesty
now
to
examine
them
all
:
but
your
Majesty
shall
have
a
full
account
of
them
afterwards
.
One
thing
is
humbly
offered
to
your
Majesty
,
as
the
root
of
these
and
many
other
oppressions
,
which
is
,
that
the
Method
of
governing
that
Kingdom
for
several
years
hath
been
,
That
the
Lord
Hatton
and
his
adherents
frame
any
Letter
that
they
desire
from
your
Majesty
to
your
Council
,
and
send
it
to
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
,
who
returns
it
signed
;
and
this
is
brought
to
the
Council
:
upon
which
if
at
any
time
a
debate
ariseth
concerning
the
matter
of
that
Letter
,
as
being
against
or
with
Law
;
and
when
it
is
proposed
,
that
a
representation
of
that
should
be
made
to
your
Majesty
;
then
the
Lord
Hatton
in
his
insolent
way
,
calls
to
have
it
put
to
the
question
,
as
if
it
were
a
crime
to
have
any
Warrant
either
debated
or
represented
to
your
Majesty
,
which
is
procured
by
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
or
himself
;
and
this
is
ecchoed
by
his
Party
,
and
by
this
means
any
further
debating
is
stopped
.
There
are
some
other
particulars
relating
to
these
heads
,
that
are
to
be
offered
to
your
Majesty
in
other
Papers
,
which
are
not
added
here
,
lest
your
Majesty
should
now
be
troubled
with
too
long
a
Paper
.
The
Impeahment
of
the
Duke
and
Dutchess
of
Lauderdale
,
with
their
Brother
My
Lord
Hatton
,
Presented
to
His
Majesty
by
the
City
of
Edenbourgh
.
The
matters
of
Fact
particularly
relating
to
the
Town
of
Edenbourgh
,
humbly
offered
for
your
Majesties
Information
.
Before
the
Matter
of
Fact
be
spoken
to
,
it
is
necessary
that
your
Majesty
be
informed
of
one
thing
upon
which
this
whole
Affair
hath
moved
.
THe
City
of
Edenbourgh
had
at
several
times
given
considerable
sums
of
Money
to
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
,
amounting
to
upward
of
Twelve
Thousand
pounds
Sterlin
,
and
the
Lord
Hatton
,
Brother
to
the
said
Duke
,
being
inraged
by
that
their
former
practice
,
and
being
arrived
to
great
height
and
influence
in
the
Administration
of
Your
Majesties
Affairs
in
Scotland
,
did
thereupon
resolve
on
a
Designe
of
getting
Money
for
himself
also
from
them
,
as
will
appear
to
your
Majesty
by
the
following
Narration
;
but
the
Magistrates
at
that
time
,
and
such
others
as
had
then
the
Principal
Influence
in
the
Administration
of
Affairs
in
that
Town
,
being
honest
Men
of
good
Fortunes
,
and
not
to
be
brought
to
comply
with
his
Design
,
he
bethought
himself
of
all
ways
to
vex
them
;
and
knowing
they
did
much
value
the
Prosperity
of
the
Town
,
he
thought
that
the
first
means
for
promoting
that
his
Design
,
was
to
have
them
threatned
with
removing
Your
Majesties
Publique
Judicatures
from
that
City
to
Sterlin
,
and
perswaded
his
Brother
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
to
move
Your
Majesty
to
that
purpose
;
but
being
disappointed
of
that
project
by
Your
Majesties
Royal
Wisdom
,
Your
Majesty
looking
upon
it
as
if
it
were
to
declare
to
the
World
that
You
were
jealous
of
so
great
a
Part
of
that
Your
Ancient
Kingdom
,
he
bethought
himself
of
new
ways
to
accomplish
his
Design
,
for
which
he
judged
nothing
so
proper
and
effectual
,
as
to
disturb
them
in
the
choice
of
their
Magistrates
and
Town-Counsel
;
and
by
all
means
possible
to
get
some
of
his
own
chusing
,
fit
for
his
own
ends
,
brought
into
the
Administration
of
the
Affairs
of
that
City
.
In
order
to
which
,
being
impatient
of
any
longer
delay
,
he
laid
hold
of
what
follows
,
being
the
first
occasion
that
offer'd
,
though
a
very
frivolous
one
.
At
Michaclmas
1674
,
The
said
City
of
Edenbourgh
being
to
go
about
the
Election
of
their
Magistrates
for
the
ensuing
year
,
there
was
procured
a
Letter
from
Your
Majesty
to
Your
Privy
Counsel
,
commanding
them
to
forbid
the
Magistrates
and
Town
Counsel
to
proceed
in
their
Elections
,
but
to
continue
the
Magistrates
that
then
were
,
till
Your
Majesty's
further
pleasure
should
be
known
;
the
reason
suggested
to
Your
Majesty
for
it
,
was
taken
from
this
Circumstance
,
That
the
Election
ought
to
be
made
upon
the
Tuesday
after
Michaelmas
,
and
(
it
happening
this
year
that
Michaelmas
fell
to
be
on
a
Tuesday
)
they
were
resolved
to
proceed
to
their
Elections
upon
Michaelmas-day
.
Though
this
was
a
very
small
Matter
,
and
upon
very
good
and
prudent
Considerations
,
resolved
,
as
will
afterward
appear
,
yet
was
it
represented
to
Your
Majesty
as
a
Factious
Design
,
and
an
Innovation
of
dangerous
Consequence
,
tending
to
create
and
maintain
Faction
in
that
City
,
contrary
to
Your
Majesties
Service
.
Your
Majesties
foresaid
Letter
being
intimated
to
the
Magistrates
and
Town-Counsel
,
they
did
immediately
give
exact
obedience
to
the
same
.
They
did
also
represent
to
Your
Majesties
Privy
Council
,
the
Rights
that
they
had
for
chusing
their
own
Magistrates
,
which
had
been
granted
to
them
by
many
of
Your
Majesties
Royal
Ancestors
,
and
confirmed
by
many
Parliaments
;
by
vertue
of
which
they
humbly
conceived
they
ought
to
be
suffered
to
proceed
in
their
Elections
.
They
did
also
represent
to
Your
Majesties
Privy
Council
,
the
Reasons
which
had
moved
them
to
resolve
of
making
their
Elections
on
the
said
Tuesday
,
being
Michaelmas
day
,
which
in
short
were
,
that
by
their
Constitution
they
were
obliged
upon
the
Friday
before
Michaelmas
to
make
the
List
out
of
which
the
Magistrates
are
to
be
chosen
;
after
the
doing
of
which
there
is
a
Surcease
and
Vacation
of
all
ordinary
Courts
of
Judicature
within
the
Town
,
and
the
whole
time
is
spent
by
the
Common
People
and
Tradesmen
of
the
Town
,
in
Rioting
and
Drinking
,
until
the
Elections
be
finished
,
which
in
this
case
would
have
been
Twelve
days
;
which
they
did
in
Prudence
think
they
ought
to
shorten
,
not
conceiving
it
contrary
in
the
least
to
the
established
Rules
of
their
Election
.
2.
On
these
things
they
did
humbly
crave
Your
Majesties
Privy
Council
would
be
pleased
to
represent
to
Your
Majesty
,
that
thereby
they
might
be
freed
from
the
suspicion
of
any
Factious
Design
,
with
which
they
were
charged
by
the
said
Letter
.
This
being
,
through
the
Influence
of
the
Lord
Hatton
,
refused
by
the
Privy
Council
,
they
dispatched
a
Gentleman
to
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
,
with
Letters
and
Instructions
full
of
Respect
and
Submission
to
his
Grace
.
The
Gentleman
at
his
first
arrival
found
Duke
Lauderdale
very
kind
,
and
was
made
believe
he
should
be
quickly
dispatched
with
Answers
according
to
his
Desire
;
but
some
Delays
having
fallen
in
,
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
fell
likewise
upon
thoughts
of
getting
Money
from
the
Town
upon
this
occasion
,
and
therefore
pretending
still
more
and
more
kindness
to
the
said
Gentleman
;
he
did
first
by
some
Insinuations
let
fall
to
him
his
expectation
,
and
at
last
flatly
asked
him
if
he
had
not
brought
a
heavy
Purse
with
him
;
which
when
he
understood
,
he
was
not
to
expect
,
he
changed
his
Method
,
and
grew
harsher
;
and
having
detained
him
Five
or
Six
Weeks
,
he
the
said
Duke
entered
into
Consultation
with
his
old
Friend
Sir
Andrew
Ramsey
,
how
to
order
the
Affair
.
By
his
Advice
he
did
write
a
Letter
and
sent
Proposals
to
the
said
Town
,
That
they
should
give
Bond
and
Security
,
That
the
Townsmen
should
live
regularly
as
to
all
matters
Ecclesiastical
in
the
largest
extent
,
as
the
same
is
determined
by
the
late
Acts
of
Parliament
;
and
to
keep
the
Town
free
of
all
sorts
of
Tumults
,
either
of
Man
or
Woman
:
Judging
that
this
was
impossible
for
them
to
perform
,
and
unfavourable
to
attempt
,
and
that
therefore
it
would
oblige
them
to
make
offers
of
Money
.
This
Letter
was
all
the
Gentleman
could
obtain
,
and
having
gone
back
to
Scotland
and
delivered
it
to
the
Magistrates
,
they
were
so
far
from
being
carried
in
the
Design
,
that
they
were
glad
of
that
opportunity
to
witness
their
Zeal
to
serve
Your
Majesty
;
for
they
did
very
heartily
comply
with
what
was
proposed
concerning
the
Bonds
and
Securities
demanded
;
and
immediately
urged
that
Your
Majesties
Ofcers
and
Lawyers
would
cause
draw
such
Bonds
and
Securities
as
was
fit
for
the
purpose
;
offering
good
Security
for
great
summs
of
Money
for
the
performance
.
But
this
not
being
the
thing
truly
intended
,
their
ready
Compliance
with
it
,
set
them
yet
farther
off
from
their
desired
Settlement
,
and
served
for
no
other
intent
than
to
cause
the
Lord
Hatton
to
double
his
diligence
to
find
out
new
means
to
mollest
them
;
to
which
end
it
was
alledged
by
him
,
that
they
had
of
old
forfeited
their
Priviledges
and
Liberties
by
some
great
Misdemeanour
,
and
that
therefore
they
had
not
right
to
chuse
their
own
Magistrates
,
for
which
he
would
needs
have
their
Records
searched
;
and
accordingly
they
themselves
,
with
their
Books
and
Records
,
were
in
a
most
unusual
manner
brought
often
before
him
and
his
Friends
,
though
they
had
not
Authority
for
it
,
to
the
great
Disturbance
and
Annoyance
of
the
Citizens
,
by
being
abundantly
jealous
of
their
Liberties
,
were
with
no
small
care
kept
within
the
due
Bounds
of
Moderation
,
by
the
Loyalty
and
Vigilancy
of
their
Magistrates
.
They
the
said
Magistrates
,
finding
how
they
were
used
at
home
by
the
Lord
Hatton
,
did
again
apply
themselves
to
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
,
both
by
private
Letters
to
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
and
his
Dutchess
,
from
some
of
the
most
eminent
of
them
,
full
of
Assurances
of
particular
Respect
to
their
Graces
,
and
by
a
publick
Letter
to
him
from
the
whole
Town-Council
,
offering
Bond
and
Security
to
him
in
the
terms
proposed
by
his
fore-mentioned
Letter
.
But
this
could
not
prevail
,
it
being
objected
to
them
,
from
some
frivolous
things
the
Lord
Hatton
had
scraped
together
out
of
their
old
Records
,
that
they
had
lost
their
Liberties
,
and
that
the
right
of
chusing
their
Magistrates
did
no
more
belong
to
them
.
Then
did
they
produce
their
Charters
,
and
did
convincingly
clear
all
Mistakes
,
and
evidently
make
appear
that
the
right
of
chusing
their
own
Magistrates
did
remain
to
them
undoubtedly
and
intirely
.
All
these
things
being
cleared
and
open
,
they
expected
to
be
restored
to
the
free
exercise
of
their
Election
in
their
accustomed
manner
.
They
were
still
kept
off
with
Delayes
,
until
the
Lord
Hatton
,
in
pursuance
of
his
Design
,
fell
a
practising
with
some
few
of
themselves
,
who
did
undertake
with
his
assistance
,
to
get
such
Elected
as
were
fit
for
his
ends
;
whereupon
he
writes
to
his
Brother
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
to
move
Your
Majesty
for
a
Letter
,
and
accordingly
the
Letter
was
procured
from
Your
Majesty
upon
the
Seventh
of
August
75
;
wherein
Your
Majesty
,
after
reciting
Your
former
Orders
in
that
Affair
,
did
declare
,
that
You
were
well
informed
of
their
Obedience
to
Your
Commands
,
and
of
their
dutiful
Carriage
in
Your
Concerns
;
and
therefore
ordained
them
,
the
next
day
after
the
Receipt
of
the
Letter
,
to
convene
their
whole
Council
,
after
their
accustomed
manner
,
and
out
of
the
Lists
already
made
,
to
Elect
the
Lord
Provost
,
Bailies
,
and
other
Officers
.
According
to
which
Letter
,
they
did
the
next
day
proceed
to
their
Elections
,
but
instead
of
those
whom
the
Lord
Hatton
expected
they
would
have
chosen
,
they
did
Elect
some
men
of
good
Fortunes
and
Integrity
,
not
at
all
fit
for
his
purpose
(
these
who
had
ingaged
to
him
not
being
men
of
that
esteem
or
influence
as
to
be
able
to
carry
his
Design
as
they
had
undertaken
.
)
The
new
Magistrates
and
Council
,
did
immediately
after
their
Election
,
acquaint
Your
Majesty
with
their
Procedure
,
and
gave
Your
Majesty
great
Acknowledgments
and
Assurances
of
their
care
of
the
Peace
of
the
Town
,
and
of
Your
Majesty's
Service
in
all
Matters
,
both
Ecclesiastical
and
Civil
.
The
said
Lord
Hatton
being
exceedingly
inraged
at
this
Act
of
theirs
,
did
by
Advice
of
Sir
George
Mackynge
,
now
Your
Majesties
Advocate
,
send
a
Letter
to
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
;
to
which
he
procured
Your
Majesties
Hand
upon
the
25th
of
the
same
month
of
August
,
by
which
Your
Majesty
ordered
Your
Privy
Council
to
intimate
to
the
Magistrates
and
Town-Council
,
that
it
was
Your
Royal
Pleasure
that
there
should
be
turned
out
of
the
Town-Council
and
declared
incapable
of
any
Publique
Trust
in
the
said
Town
,
Twelve
of
the
most
eminent
of
the
same
Men
with
whom
your
Majesty
had
exprest
your self
so
well
pleased
,
and
whose
Actings
your
Majesty
had
approved
,
by
your
Letter
of
the
Seventh
of
the
said
Month.
This
was
accordingly
executed
by
the
Privy-Council
,
without
ever
so
much
as
calling
before
them
the
said
Persons
,
though
great
Crimes
were
laid
to
their
Charge
,
as
being
Factious
Persons
,
and
mis-representing
your
Majesty's
Proceedings
,
without
mentioning
any
particular
Fact
of
theirs
which
could
import
any
such
Crime
.
And
though
they
be
threatned
by
the
said
Letter
to
be
pursued
for
these
great
Crimes
,
and
that
your
Majesty's
Advocate
is
commanded
in
the
same
to
insist
against
them
,
yet
could
they
never
obtain
from
your
Majesty's
Privy-Council
that
they
should
be
tryed
for
these
things
,
though
by
a
Petition
signed
by
the
whole
Twelve
,
they
did
represent
the
great
Prejudice
they
sustained
both
in
their
Reputation
and
Trade
,
by
being
kept
under
such
Threatnings
;
and
therefore
did
humbly
offer
themselves
to
the
strictest
and
severest
Tryal
.
To
which
Petition
they
never
received
any
Answer
.
To
make
appear
to
your
Majesty
that
these
things
were
done
for
private
and
finistrous
Designs
,
and
not
upon
account
of
the
ill
effectedness
,
or
factious
Dispositions
of
the
Men
,
as
was
pretended
;
Your
Majesty
is
humbly
prayed
to
take
notice
of
these
Particulars
following
.
First
,
There
are
three
of
the
most
considerable
of
these
very
Persons
who
had
been
charged
with
so
great
Crimes
,
admitted
since
that
time
,
by
bribing
the
Dutchess
of
Lauderdale
,
into
a
Trust
in
your
Majesty's
Affairs
in
Scotland
,
more
eminent
and
considerable
than
any
Trust
the
Town
of
Edenburgh
can
confer
,
viz.
The
paying
off
your
Majesty's
Forces
,
and
bringing
in
your
Majesty's
Excise
.
Secondly
,
No
sooner
were
these
Twelve
Men
turned
out
of
the
Town-Council
,
but
after
many
great
and
essential
Informalities
(
with
the
recital
of
which
it
is
needless
to
trouble
your
Majesty
)
they
elected
for
Magistrates
Men
of
no
Reputation
,
either
for
Parts
,
Estate
,
or
Honesty
:
And
though
these
Bonds
and
Securities
,
which
had
been
demanded
from
the
others
,
and
consented
to
by
them
,
was
formerly
pretended
to
be
of
great
importance
for
your
Majesty's
Service
,
yet
they
were
not
so
much
as
once
demanded
,
either
by
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
,
or
the
Lord
Hatton
,
from
these
Men
who
were
now
chosen
.
Thirdly
,
These
new
Magistrates
were
not
long
in
their
Seats
,
when
off
comes
the
Mask
,
and
the
true
design
of
getting
Money
appears
.
For
by
an
Act
of
the
Town-Council
there
is
about
5000
l.
Sterlin
disposed
on
amongst
their
nameless
Friends
,
which
were
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
,
the
Lord
Hatton
,
and
some
other
of
their
Friends
.
A
great
Sum
to
be
got
from
that
City
,
considering
that
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
had
got
before
that
about
12000
l.
Sterlin
from
them
.
The
Dutchess
of
Lauderdale
,
did
also
since
that
time
endeavour
to
get
more
Money
from
them
,
and
did
with
great
Wrath
threaten
the
Magistrates
in
plain
Terms
,
for
not
giving
her
a
Present
,
notwithstanding
all
the
Good
she
said
she
had
done
for
them
,
reckoning
the
Favours
your
Majesty
hath
at
any
time
been
pleased
to
bestow
upon
them
,
as
done
by
her self
.
Thus
hath
that
poor
Town
been
abused
,
and
doth
now
lie
,
having
Magistrates
without
either
Conduct
or
Courage
,
in
a
time
when
the
Disorders
of
that
Nation
doth
require
Persons
to
be
imployed
there
of
eminent
Fidelity
and
Capacity
to
serve
your
Majesty
.
His
Majesty's
Declaration
for
the
Dissolution
of
his
late
Privy
Council
,
And
for
Constituting
a
New
one
,
made
in
the
Council-Chamber
at
White
-
Hall
,
April
the
twentieth
,
1679.
By
His
Majesty's
Special
Command
.
My
Lords
,
HIS
Majesty
hath
called
you
together
at
this
time
,
to
communicate
unto
you
a
Resolution
he
hath
taken
in
a
matter
of
great
Importance
to
his
Crown
and
Government
,
and
which
he
hopes
will
prove
of
the
greatest
Satisfaction
and
Advantage
to
his
Kingdoms
in
all
Affairs
hereafter
,
both
at
Home
and
Abroad
;
and
therefore
he
doubts
not
of
your
Approbation
,
however
you
may
seem
concerned
in
it
.
In
the
first
place
,
His
Majesty
gives
you
all
Thanks
for
your
Service
to
him
here
,
and
for
all
the
good
Advices
you
have
given
him
,
which
might
have
been
more
frequent
,
if
the
great
number
of
this
Council
had
not
made
it
unfit
for
the
Secrecy
and
Dispatch
that
are
necessary
in
many
great
Affairs
.
This
forced
him
to
use
a
smaller
number
of
your
in
a
Foreign
Committee
,
and
sometimes
the
Advices
of
some
few
among
them
(
upon
such
Occasions
)
for
many
Years
past
.
He
is
sorry
for
the
ill
success
he
has
found
in
this
Course
,
and
sensible
of
the
ill
Posture
of
Affairs
from
that
,
and
some
unhappy
Accidents
,
which
have
raised
great
Jealousies
and
Dissatisfaction
among
his
good
Subjects
,
and
thereby
left
the
Crown
and
Government
in
a
Condition
too
weak
for
those
Dangers
we
have
reason
to
fear
both
at
home
and
abroad
.
These
his
Majesty
hopes
may
be
yet
prevented
by
a
Course
of
wise
and
steady
Counsels
for
the
future
,
and
these
Kingdoms
grow
again
to
make
such
a
Figure
as
they
have
formerly
done
in
the
World
,
and
as
they
may
always
do
,
if
our
Union
and
Conduct
were
equal
to
our
Force
.
To
this
end
he
hath
resolved
to
lay
aside
the
use
he
may
have
hitherto
made
of
any
single
Ministry
or
private
Advices
,
or
Foreign
Committees
for
the
general
direction
of
his
Affairs
,
and
to
constitute
such
a
Privy-Council
,
as
may
not
only
by
its
number
be
fit
for
the
Consultation
and
Digestion
of
all
business
both
Domestick
and
Foreign
,
but
also
by
the
Choice
of
them
out
of
the
several
Parts
this
State
is
composed
of
,
may
be
the
best
informed
in
the
true
Constitutions
of
it
,
and
thereby
the
most
able
to
counsel
him
in
all
the
Affairs
and
Interests
of
this
Crown
and
Nation
.
And
by
the
constant
Advice
of
such
a
Council
,
his
Majesty
is
resolved
hereafter
to
govern
his
Kingdoms
;
together
with
the
frequent
use
of
his
Great
Council
of
Parliament
,
which
he
takes
to
be
the
true
ancient
Constitution
of
this
State
and
Government
.
Now
for
the
greater
Dignity
of
this
Council
,
his
Majesty
resolves
their
constant
number
shall
be
limited
to
that
of
Thirty
.
And
for
their
greater
Authority
,
there
shall
be
Fifteen
of
his
chief
Officers
who
shall
be
Privy
Counsellors
by
their
places
.
And
for
the
other
Fifteen
,
he
will
choose
Ten
out
of
the
several
Ranks
of
the
Nobility
,
and
Five
Commoners
of
the
Realm
,
whose
known
Abilities
,
Interest
and
Esteem
in
the
Nation
,
shall
render
them
without
all
suspicion
of
either
mistaking
or
betraying
the
true
Interests
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
consequently
of
advising
him
ill
.
In
the
first
place
therefore
,
and
to
take
care
of
the
Church
,
his
Majesty
will
have
the
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
and
Bishop
of
London
for
the
time
being
;
and
to
inform
him
well
in
what
concerns
the
Laws
,
the
Lord
Chancellor
,
and
one
of
the
Lord
Chief
Justices
;
For
the
Navy
and
Stores
(
wherein
consists
the
chief
Strength
and
Safety
of
the
Kingdom
)
the
Admiral
and
Master
of
the
Ordnance
;
for
the
Treasury
,
the
Treasurer
and
Chancellor
of
the
Exchequer
(
or
whenever
any
of
these
Charges
are
in
Commission
,
then
the
first
Commissioner
to
serve
here
in
their
room
)
the
rest
of
the
Fifteen
,
shall
be
the
Lord
Privy-Seal
,
the
Master
of
the
Horse
,
Lord
Steward
and
Lord
Chamberlain
of
his
Houshold
,
the
Groom
of
the
Stole
,
and
the
two
Secretaries
of
State
.
And
these
shall
be
all
the
Offices
of
his
Kingdom
to
which
the
Dignity
of
Privy-Counsellor
shall
be
annexed
.
The
others
his
Majesty
has
resolved
,
and
hopes
he
has
not
chosen
ill
.
His
Majesty
intends
besides
,
to
have
such
Princes
of
his
Blood
as
he
shall
at
any
time
call
to
this
Board
,
being
here
in
Court
.
A
President
of
the
Council
whenever
he
shall
find
it
necessary
,
and
the
Secretary
of
Scotland
,
when
any
such
shall
be
here
.
But
these
being
uncertain
,
he
reckons
not
of
the
constant
number
of
Thirty
,
which
shall
never
be
exceeded
.
To
make
way
for
this
new
Council
,
his
Majesty
hath
now
resolved
to
Dissolve
this
old
one
,
and
does
hereby
Dissolve
it
,
and
from
this
time
excuses
your
farther
attendance
here
,
but
with
his
repeated
Thanks
for
your
Service
hitherto
,
and
with
the
assurance
of
his
Satisfaction
in
you
so
far
,
that
he
should
not
have
parted
with
you
,
but
to
make
way
for
this
new
Constitution
,
which
he
takes
to
be
,
as
to
the
Number
and
Choice
,
the
most
proper
and
necessary
for
the
uses
he
intends
them
.
And
as
most
of
you
have
Offices
in
his
Service
,
and
all
of
you
particular
Shares
in
his
Favour
and
good
Opinion
,
so
he
desires
you
will
continue
to
exercise
and
deserve
them
,
with
the
same
Diligence
and
good
Affections
that
you
have
hitherto
done
,
and
with
confidence
of
his
Majesty's
Kindness
to
you
,
and
of
those
Testimonies
you
shall
receive
of
it
upon
other
occasions
.
Therefore
upon
the
present
Dissolution
of
this
Council
,
his
Majesty
appoints
and
commands
all
those
Officers
he
hath
named
,
to
attend
him
here
to
morrow
at
Nine
in
the
Morning
,
as
his
Privy-Council
,
together
with
those
other
Persons
he
designs
to
make
up
the
number
,
and
to
each
of
whom
he
has
already
signed
particular
Letters
to
that
purpose
,
and
commands
the
Lord
Chancellor
to
see
them
issued
out
accordingly
,
which
is
the
Form
he
intends
to
use
,
and
that
hereafter
they
shall
be
signed
in
Council
,
so
that
nothing
may
be
done
unadvisedly
in
the
Choice
of
any
Person
to
a
Charge
of
so
great
Dignity
and
Importance
to
the
Kingdom
.
Names
of
the
Lords
of
His
Majesty's
most
Honourable
Privy-Council
.
-
HIS
Highness
Prince
Rupert
.
-
William
Lord
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
.
-
Heneage
Lord
Finch
,
Lord
Chancellor
of
England
.
-
Anthony
Earl
of
Shaftsbury
,
Lord
President
of
the
Council
.
-
Arthur
Earl
of
Anglesey
,
Lord
Privy-Seal
.
-
Christopher
Duke
of
Albemarle
.
-
James
Duke
of
Monmouth
,
Master
of
the
Horse
.
-
Henry
Duke
of
Newcastle
.
-
John
Duke
of
Lauderdale
,
Secretary
of
State
for
Scotland
.
-
James
Duke
of
Ormond
,
Lord
Steward
of
the
Houshold
.
-
Charles
Lord
Marquess
of
Winchester
.
-
Henry
Lord
Marquess
of
Worcester
.
-
Henry
Earl
of
Arlington
,
Lord
Chamberlain
of
the
Houshold
.
-
James
Earl
of
Salisbury
.
-
John
Earl
of
Bridgewater
.
-
Robert
Earl
of
Sunderland
,
one
of
his
Majesty's
Principal
Secretaries
of
State
.
-
Arthur
Earl
of
Essex
,
first
Lord
Commissioner
of
the
Treasury
.
-
John
Earl
of
Bath
,
Groom
of
the
Stole
.
-
Thomas
Lord
Viscount
Falconberg
.
-
George
Lord
Viscount
Hallifax
.
-
Henry
Lord
Bishop
of
London
.
-
John
Lord
Roberts
.
-
Denzil
Lord
Holles
.
-
William
Lord
Russel
.
-
William
Lord
Cavendish
.
-
Henry
Coventry
,
Esq
one
of
his
Majesty's
Principal
Secretaries
of
State
.
-
Sir
Francis
North
Knight
,
Lord
Chief
Justice
of
the
Common
Pleas.
-
Sir
Henry
Capell
,
Knight
of
the
Bath
,
first
Commissioner
of
the
Admiralty
.
-
Sir
John
Ernle
Knight
,
Chancellor
of
the
Exchequer
.
-
Sir
Thomas
Chicheley
Knight
,
Master
of
the
Ordnance
.
-
Sir
William
Temple
Baronet
.
-
Edward
Seymour
Esquire
.
-
Henry
Powle
Esquire
.
Whitehall
,
April
11.
1679.
HIS
Majesty
being
this
day
in
Council
,
did
cause
such
of
the
aforementioned
Lords
,
and
others
,
who
were
then
present
,
to
be
Sworn
Privy-Counsellors
;
which
being
done
,
they
took
their
places
accordingly
.
His
Majesty
was
also
pleased
to
declare
that
he
intended
to
make
-
Sir
Henry
Capell
,
Knight
of
the
Bath
.
-
Daniel
Finch
Esquire
.
-
Baronets
.
-
Sir
Thomas
Lee
,
-
Sir
Humphrey
Winch
,
-
Sir
Thomas
Meers
,
-
Edward
Vaughan
,
and
Edward
Hales
.
Esquires
.
Commmissioners
for
the
Execution
of
the
Office
of
Lord
High
Admiral
of
England
.
And
his
Majesty
being
afterwards
come
into
the
House
of
Peers
,
in
his
Royal
Robes
,
and
the
House
of
Commons
attending
,
his
Majesty
was
pleased
to
make
this
Speech
,
My
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
I
Thought
it
requisite
to
acquaint
you
with
what
I
have
done
now
this
day
;
which
is
,
That
I
have
Established
a
new
Privy-Council
,
the
Constant
number
of
which
shall
never
exceed
Thirty
.
I
have
made
choice
of
such
Persons
as
are
Worthy
and
able
to
Advise
Me
,
and
am
Resolved
in
all
My
Weighty
and
Important
Affairs
,
next
to
the
Advice
of
my
Great
Council
in
Parliament
(
which
I
shall
very
often
Consult
with
)
to
be
Advised
by
this
Privy-Council
.
I
could
not
make
so
great
a
Change
without
acquainting
both
Houses
of
Parliament
.
And
I
desire
you
all
to
apply
your selves
heartily
,
as
I
shall
do
,
to
those
things
which
are
necessary
for
the
good
and
safety
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
that
no
time
may
be
lost
in
it
.
The
Message
from
the
King
,
by
Mr.
Secretary
Jenkins
to
the
Commons
,
on
the
9th
of
November
.
1680.
CHARLES
R.
HIs
Majesty
desires
this
House
,
as
well
for
the
satisfaction
of
His
People
,
as
of
Himself
,
to
expedite
such
Matters
as
are
depending
before
them
,
relating
to
Popery
,
and
the
Plot
;
and
would
have
them
rest
assured
,
That
all
Remedies
they
can
tender
to
his
Majesty
,
conducing
to
those
Ends
,
shall
be
very
acceptable
to
him
;
Provided
they
be
such
as
may
consist
with
preserving
the
Succession
of
the
Crown
in
its
due
and
legal
course
of
Descent
.
The
Address
to
his
Majesty
from
the
Commons
,
Saturday
,
November
13.
1680.
May
it
please
your
most
Excellent
Majesty
,
WE
,
Your
Majesty's
most
Loyal
and
Obedient
Subjects
,
the
Commons
in
this
Present
Parliament
assembled
,
having
taken
into
our
most
serious
Consideration
Your
Majesty's
Gracious
Message
brought
unto
us
the
ninth
day
of
this
instant
November
,
by
Mr.
Secretary
Jenkins
,
do
with
all
thankfulness
acknowledge
Your
Majesty's
Care
and
Goodness
in
inviting
us
to
expedite
such
Matters
as
are
depending
before
us
relating
to
Popery
and
the
Plot.
And
we
do
,
in
all
Humility
,
represent
to
Your
Majesty
,
that
we
are
fully
convinced
that
it
is
highly
incumbent
upon
us
,
in
discharge
both
of
our
Duty
to
.
Your
Majesty
,
and
of
that
great
Trust
reposed
in
us
,
by
those
whom
we
represent
,
to
endeavour
,
by
the
most
speedy
and
effectual
ways
,
the
Suppression
of
Popery
within
this
Your
Kingdom
,
and
the
bringing
to
publick
Justice
all
such
as
shall
be
found
Guilty
of
the
Horrid
and
Damnable
Popish
Plot.
And
though
the
Time
of
our
Sitting
(
abating
what
must
necessarily
be
spent
in
the
choosing
and
presenting
a
Speaker
,
appointing
Grand
Committees
,
and
in
taking
the
Oaths
and
Tests
enjoyned
by
Act
of
Parliament
)
hath
not
much
exceeded
a
Fortnight
;
yet
we
have
in
this
Time
not
only
made
a
considerable
Progress
in
some
things
which
to
us
seem
,
and
(
when
presented
to
Your
Majesty
in
a
Parliamentary
way
)
will
,
we
trust
,
appear
to
Your
Majesty
,
to
be
absolutely
necessary
for
the
Safety
of
Your
Majesties
Person
,
the
effectual
Suppression
of
Popery
,
and
the
Security
of
the
Religion
,
Lives
,
and
Estates
of
Your
Majesties
Protestant
Subjects
.
But
even
in
relation
to
the
Tryals
of
the
Five
Lords
impeached
in
Parliament
for
the
Execrable
Popish
Plot
,
we
have
so
far
proceeded
,
as
we
doubt
not
but
in
a
short
time
we
shall
be
ready
for
the
same
.
But
we
cannot
(
without
being
unfaithful
to
Your
Majesty
,
and
to
our
Country
,
by
whom
we
are
entrusted
)
omit
,
upon
this
occasion
,
humbly
to
inform
Your
Majesty
,
that
our
Difficulties
,
even
as
to
these
Tryals
,
are
much
encreased
by
the
evil
and
destructive
Councels
of
those
Persons
who
advised
Your
Majesty
,
first
,
to
the
Prorogation
,
and
then
,
to
the
Dissolution
of
the
last
Parliament
;
at
a
time
when
the
Commons
had
taken
great
pains
about
,
and
were
prepared
for
those
Tryals
.
And
by
the
like
pernicious
Councels
of
those
who
advised
the
many
and
long
Prorogations
of
the
present
Parliament
,
before
the
same
was
permitted
to
sit
;
whereby
some
of
the
Evidence
which
was
prepared
in
the
last
Parliament
may
possibly
(
during
so
long
an
Interval
)
be
forgotten
or
lost
,
and
some
Persons
,
who
might
probably
have
come
in
as
Witnesses
,
are
either
dead
,
have
been
taken
off
,
or
may
have
been
discouraged
from
giving
their
Evidence
.
But
of
one
mischievous
Consequence
of
those
dangerous
and
unhappy
Councels
we
are
certainly
and
sadly
sensible
,
namely
,
That
the
Testimony
of
a
material
Witness
against
every
of
those
Five
Lords
(
and
who
could
probably
have
discovered
and
brought
in
much
other
Evidence
about
the
Plot
in
general
,
and
those
Lords
in
particular
)
cannot
now
be
given
vivâ
voce
.
Forasmuch
as
that
Witness
is
unfortunately
dead
between
the
Calling
and
the
Sitting
of
this
Parliament
:
To
prevent
the
like
,
or
greater
Inconveniences
for
the
future
,
We
make
it
our
most
humble
Request
to
Your
Excellent
Majesty
,
that
as
You
tender
the
Safety
of
Your
Royal
Person
,
the
Security
of
Your
Loyal
Subjects
,
and
the
Preservation
of
the
True
Protestant
Religion
,
You
will
not
suffer
your Self
to
be
prevailed
upon
by
the
like
Councels
to
do
any
thing
which
may
occasion
in
consequence
(
though
we
are
assured
never
with
Your
Majesties
Intention
)
either
the
deferring
of
a
full
and
perfect
Discovery
and
Examination
of
this
most
wicked
and
detestable
Plot
,
or
the
preventing
the
Conspirators
therein
from
being
brought
to
speedy
and
exemplary
Justice
and
Punishment
.
And
we
humbly
beseech
your
Majesty
to
rest
assured
(
notwithstanding
any
Suggestions
which
may
be
made
by
persons
,
who
,
for
their
own
wicked
purposes
,
contrive
to
create
a
distrust
in
your
Majesty
of
Your
People
,
)
That
nothing
is
more
in
the
Desires
,
and
shall
be
more
the
Endeavours
of
us
,
Your
faithful
and
loyal
Commons
,
than
the
promoting
and
advancing
of
your
Majesties
true
Happiness
and
Greatness
.
The
Address
of
the
Commons
in
Parliament
to
his
Majesty
,
to
remove
Sir
George
Jeffreys
out
of
all
Publick
Offices
.
WE
your
Majesties
most
Dutiful
and
Loyal
Subjects
the
Commons
in
Parliament
assembled
,
having
received
a
Complaint
against
Sir
George
Jeffreys
Knight
,
your
Majesties
Chief
Justice
of
Chester
,
and
heard
the
Evidence
concerning
the
same
,
and
also
what
he
did
alledge
and
prove
in
his
Defence
.
And
being
thereupon
fully
satisfied
that
the
said
Sir
George
Jeffreys
,
well
knowing
that
many
of
your
Loyal
Protestant
Subjects
,
and
particularly
those
of
your
Great
and
Famous
City
of
London
,
out
of
Zeal
for
the
Preservation
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
your
Majesties
Royal
Person
and
Government
,
and
in
hopes
to
bring
the
Popish
Conspirators
to
speedy
Justice
,
were
about
to
Petition
to
your
Majesty
in
an
Humble
,
Dutiful
and
Legal
way
,
for
the
Sitting
of
this
Parliament
,
the
said
Sir
George
Jeffreys
not
regarding
his
Duty
to
your
Majesty
,
or
the
welfare
of
your
People
,
did
on
purpose
to
serve
his
own
private
Ends
,
and
to
create
a
Mis-understanding
between
your
Majesty
and
your
Good
Subjects
,
though
disguised
with
pretence
of
Service
to
your
Majesty
,
maliciously
declared
such
Petitioning
,
sometimes
to
be
Tumultuous
,
Seditious
and
Illegal
,
and
at
other
times
did
presume
publickly
to
insinuate
and
assert
,
as
if
your
Majesty
would
deprive
your
Citizens
of
London
of
their
Charters
,
and
divers
other
Priviledges
,
Immunities
and
Advantages
,
and
also
of
your
Royal
Favour
in
case
they
should
so
Petition
,
and
also
did
publickly
declare
that
in
case
they
should
so
Petition
,
there
should
not
be
any
Meeting
or
Sitting
of
Parliament
,
thereby
traducing
your
Majesty
,
as
if
you
would
not
pursue
your
Gracious
Intentions
,
the
rather
because
they
were
grateful
to
your
good
Subjects
,
do
,
in
most
humble
manner
beseech
your
Majesty
to
remove
the
said
Sir
George
Jeffreys
out
of
the
said
Place
of
Cheif
Justice
of
Chester
,
and
out
of
all
other
Publick
Offices
and
Employments
under
your
Majesty
.
His
Majesty
by
Mr.
Secretary
Jenkins
was
pleased
to
return
Answer
to
this
Address
,
That
he
would
consider
of
it
.
His
Majesties
Message
to
the
Commons
in
Parliament
,
Relating
to
Tangier
.
CHARLES
REX
.
HIs
Majesty
did
in
His
Speech
,
at
the
opening
of
this
Session
,
desire
the
Advice
and
Assistance
of
His
Parliament
,
in
relation
to
Tangier
:
The
Condition
and
Importance
of
the
Place
obliges
His
Majesty
to
put
this
House
in
mind
again
,
that
He
relies
upon
them
for
the
support
of
it
,
without
which
it
cannot
be
much
longer
Preserved
.
His
Majesty
does
therefore
very
earnestly
Recommend
Tangier
again
to
the
due
and
speedy
Consideration
and
Care
of
this
House
.
The
Humble
Address
of
the
Commons
in
Parliament
assembled
,
Presented
to
His
Majesty
,
Monday
29th
.
day
of
November
1680.
in
Answer
to
that
Message
.
May
it
please
your
Most
Excellent
Majesty
,
WE
Your
Majesties
most
Obedient
and
Loyal
Subjects
,
The
Commons
in
Parliament
Assembled
,
having
with
all
Duty
and
Regard
taken
into
our
serious
Consideration
Your
Majesties
late
Massage
relation
to
Tangier
,
cannot
but
account
the
present
Condition
of
it
,
as
Your
Majesty
is
Pleased
to
represent
in
Your
said
Message
,
(
after
so
vast
a
Treasure
expended
to
make
it
Useful
)
not
only
as
one
Infelicity
more
added
to
the
afflicted
Estate
of
Your
Majesties
Faithful
and
Loyal
Subjects
,
but
as
one
result
also
of
the
same
Councels
and
Designs
which
have
brought
Your
Majesties
Person
,
Crown
and
Kingdoms
into
those
great
and
imminent
Dangers
,
with
which
at
this
day
they
are
surrounded
;
And
we
are
the
less
surprised
to
hear
of
the
Exigencies
of
Tangier
,
when
we
remember
that
since
it
became
a
part
of
Your
Majesties
Dominions
,
it
hath
several
times
been
under
the
Command
of
Popish
Governours
,
(
particularly
for
some
time
under
the
Command
of
a
Lord
Impeached
,
and
now
Prisoner
in
the
Tower
for
the
Execrable
and
Horrid
Popish
Plot
)
That
the
Supplies
sent
thither
have
been
in
great
part
made
up
of
Popish
Officers
and
Soldiers
,
and
that
the
Irish
Papists
amongst
the
Soldiers
of
that
Garrison
,
have
been
the
Persons
most
Countenanced
and
Encouraged
.
To
that
part
of
your
Majesties
Message
which
expresses
a
reliance
upon
this
House
for
the
support
of
Tangier
,
and
a
recommendation
of
it
to
our
speedy
care
,
We
do
with
all
humility
and
reverence
give
this
Answer
,
That
although
in
due
Time
and
Order
,
we
shall
omit
nothing
incumbent
on
Us
for
the
preservation
of
every
part
of
your
Majesties
Dominions
,
and
advancing
the
prosperity
and
flourishing
Estate
of
this
your
Kingdom
;
yet
at
this
time
,
when
a
Cloud
which
has
long
threatned
this
Land
is
ready
to
break
upon
our
heads
in
a
storm
of
Ruine
and
Confusion
,
to
enter
into
any
further
consideration
of
this
matter
;
especially
to
come
to
any
resolutions
in
it
,
before
we
are
effectually
secured
from
the
imminent
and
apparent
Dangers
arising
from
the
Power
of
Popish
Persons
and
Councils
,
We
humbly
conceive
will
not
consist
either
with
our
Duty
to
your
Majesty
,
or
the
Trust
reposed
in
Us
by
those
we
represent
.
It
is
not
unknown
to
your
Majesty
how
restless
the
Endeavours
,
and
how
bold
the
Attempts
of
the
Popish
Party
,
for
many
years
last
past
,
have
been
,
not
only
within
this
,
but
other
your
Majesties
Kingdoms
,
to
introduce
the
Romish
,
and
utterly
to
extirpate
the
true
Protestant
Religion
.
The
several
Approaches
they
have
made
towards
the
compassing
this
their
Design
(
assisted
by
the
Treachery
of
perfidious
Protestants
,
)
have
been
so
strangely
successful
,
that
't
is
matter
of
Admiration
to
Us
,
and
which
we
can
only
ascribe
to
an
Over-ruling
Providence
,
that
your
Majesties
Reign
is
still
continued
over
Us
,
and
that
We
are
yet
assembled
to
consult
the
means
of
our
preservation
;
This
bloody
and
restless
Party
not
content
with
the
great
Liberty
they
had
a
long
time
enjoyed
to
excercise
their
own
Religion
privately
amongst
themselves
,
to
pertake
of
an
equal
Freedom
of
their
persons
and
Estates
with
your
Majesties
Protestant
Subjects
,
and
of
an
Advantage
above
them
,
in
being
excused
from
chargeable
Offices
and
Employments
,
hath
so
far
prevailed
,
as
to
find
countenance
for
an
open
and
avowed
practice
of
their
Superstition
and
Idolatry
,
without
controul
,
in
several
parts
of
this
Kingdom
.
Great
swarms
of
Priests
and
Jesuits
have
resorted
hither
,
and
have
here
exercised
their
Jurisdiction
,
and
been
daily
tampering
to
pervert
the
Consciences
of
your
Majesties
Subjects
.
Their
Opposers
they
have
found
means
to
disgrace
,
and
if
they
were
Judges
,
Justices
of
the
Peace
,
or
other
Magistrates
,
to
have
them
turned
out
of
Commission
:
and
in
contempt
of
the
known
Laws
of
the
Land
,
they
have
practised
upon
people
of
all
Ranks
and
qualities
,
and
gained
over
divers
to
their
Religion
;
some
openly
to
profess
it
,
others
secretly
to
espouse
it
,
as
most
conduced
to
the
service
thereof
.
After
some
time
they
became
able
to
influence
matters
of
State
and
Government
,
and
thereby
to
destroy
those
they
cannot
corrupt
.
The
continuance
or
Prorogation
of
Parliaments
has
been
accommodated
to
serve
the
purposes
of
that
Party
.
Money
raised
upon
the
People
to
supply
your
Majesties
extraordinary
Occasions
,
was
by
the
prevalence
of
Popish
Councils
imployed
to
make
War
upon
a
Protestant
State
,
and
to
advance
and
augment
the
dreadful
Power
of
the
French
King
,
though
to
the
apparent
hazard
of
this
,
and
all
other
Protestant
Countries
.
Great
numbers
of
your
Majesties
Subjects
were
sent
into
,
and
continued
in
the
service
of
that
King
,
notwithstanding
the
apparent
Interest
of
your
Majesties
Kingdoms
,
the
Addresses
of
the
Parliament
,
and
your
Majesties
gracious
Proclamations
to
the
contrary
.
Nor
can
We
forbear
to
mention
,
how
that
at
the
beginning
of
the
same
War
,
even
the
Ministers
of
England
were
made
Instruments
to
press
upon
that
State
,
the
acceptance
of
one
demand
,
among
others
,
from
the
French
King
for
procuring
their
peace
with
him
,
that
they
should
admit
the
publick
exercise
of
the
Roman
Catholick
Religion
in
the
United
Provinces
,
the
Churches
there
to
be
divided
,
and
the
Romish
Priests
maintained
out
of
the
publick
Revenue
.
At
home
,
if
Your
Majesty
did
at
any
time
by
the
Advice
of
Your
Privy-Council
,
or
of
Your
two
Houses
of
Parliament
,
Command
the
Laws
to
be
put
in
Execution
against
Papists
,
even
from
thence
they
gained
advantage
to
their
Party
,
while
the
edge
of
those
Laws
was
turned
against
Protestant
Dissenters
,
and
the
Papists
escaped
in
a
manner
untoucht
.
The
Act
of
Parliament
,
enjoining
a
Test
to
be
taken
by
all
Persons
admitted
into
any
Publick
Office
and
intended
for
a
security
against
Papists
coming
into
Employment
,
had
so
little
effect
,
that
either
by
Dispensations
,
obtained
from
Rome
,
they
submitted
to
those
Tests
,
and
held
their
Offices
themselves
,
or
those
put
in
their
places
,
were
so
favourable
to
the
same
Interests
,
that
Popery
it self
has
rather
gained
than
lost
ground
since
that
Act.
But
that
their
business
in
hand
might
yet
more
speedily
and
strongly
proceed
,
at
length
a
Popish
Secretary
(
since
Executed
for
his
Treasons
)
takes
upon
him
to
set
afoot
and
maintain
correspondencies
at
Rome
(
particularly
with
a
Native
Subject
of
Your
Majesties
,
promoted
to
be
a
Cardinal
)
and
in
the
Courts
of
other
Forreign
Princes
(
to
use
their
own
form
of
Speech
)
for
the
subduing
that
Pestilent
Heresie
,
which
has
so
long
domineered
over
this
Northern
World
;
that
is
,
to
root
the
Protestant
religion
out
of
England
,
and
thereby
to
make
way
the
more
easily
to
do
the
same
in
other
Protestant
Countries
.
Towards
the
doing
this
great
Work
,
(
as
Mr.
Coleman
was
pleased
to
call
it
)
Jesuits
(
the
most
dangerous
of
all
Popish
Orders
to
the
Lives
and
Estates
of
Princes
)
were
distributed
to
their
several
Precincts
within
this
Kingdom
,
and
held
joint
Councils
with
those
of
the
same
Order
in
all
Neighbour
Popish
Countries
:
Out
of
these
Councils
and
Correspondencies
was
hatcht
that
damnable
and
hellish
Plot
,
by
the
good
Providence
of
Almighty
God
brought
to
light
above
two
Years
since
,
but
still
threatning
us
;
wherein
the
Traitors
impatient
of
longer
delay
,
reckoning
the
prolonging
of
Your
Sacred
Majesties
Life
(
which
God
long
Preserve
)
as
the
Great
Obstacle
in
the
way
to
the
Consummation
of
their
hopes
,
and
having
in
their
prospect
a
Proselyted
Prince
immediately
to
succeed
in
the
Throne
of
these
Kingdoms
,
resolved
to
begin
their
Work
with
the
Assassination
of
Your
Majesty
,
to
carry
it
on
with
Armed
Force
,
to
destroy
Your
Protestant
Subjects
in
England
,
to
Execute
a
second
Massacre
in
Ireland
,
and
so
with
ease
to
arrive
at
the
suppression
of
our
Religion
,
and
the
subversion
of
the
Government
.
When
this
Accursed
Conspiracy
began
to
be
discovered
,
they
began
the
smothering
it
with
the
Barbarous
Murther
of
a
Justice
of
the
Peace
,
within
one
of
Your
Majesties
own
Palaces
,
who
had
taken
some
Examinations
concerning
it
.
Amidst
these
distractions
and
fears
,
Popish
Officers
,
for
the
Command
of
Forces
were
allowed
upon
the
Musters
by
special
Orders
(
surreptitionsly
obtained
from
Your
Majesty
)
but
Counter-Signed
by
a
Secretary
of
State
,
without
ever
passing
under
the
Tests
prescribed
by
the
aforementioned
Act
of
Parliament
.
In
like
manner
above
fifty
new
Commissions
were
granted
about
the
same
time
to
known
Papists
,
besides
a
great
number
of
desperate
Popish
Officers
,
though
out
of
Command
,
yet
entertain'd
at
half
pay
.
When
in
the
next
Parliament
the
House
of
Commons
were
prepared
to
bring
to
a
legal
Tryal
the
principal
Conspirators
in
this
Plot
,
that
Parliament
was
first
Prorogued
,
and
then
Dissolved
.
The
Interval
between
the
Calling
and
Sitting
of
this
Parliament
was
so
long
,
that
now
they
conceive
Hopes
of
covering
all
their
past
Crimes
,
and
gaining
a
seasonable
time
and
advantages
of
practising
them
more
effectually
.
Witnesses
are
attempted
to
be
corrupted
,
and
not
only
promises
of
Reward
,
but
of
the
Favour
of
your
Majesty's
Brother
,
made
the
Motives
to
their
Compliance
.
Divers
of
the
most
considerable
of
your
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
have
Crimes
of
the
highest
nature
forged
against
them
,
the
Charge
to
be
supported
by
Subornation
and
Perjury
,
that
they
may
be
destroyed
by
Forms
of
Law
and
Justice
.
A
Presentment
being
prepared
for
a
Grand
Jury
of
Middlesex
,
against
your
Majesty's
said
Brother
the
Duke
of
York
,
(
under
whose
Countenance
all
the
rest
shelter
themselves
)
the
Grand
Jury
were
in
an
unheard
of
and
unpresidented
,
and
illegal
manner
discharged
;
and
that
with
so
much
haste
,
and
fear
lest
they
should
finish
that
Presentment
,
that
they
were
prevented
from
delivering
many
other
Indictments
by
them
at
that
time
found
against
other
Popish
Recusants
.
Because
a
Pamphlet
came
forth
Weekly
,
called
,
The
Weekly
Pacquet
of
Advice
from
Rome
,
which
exposes
Popery
(
as
it
deserves
)
as
ridiculous
to
the
People
,
a
new
and
arbitrary
Rule
of
Court
was
made
in
your
Majesty's
Court
of
King's
Bench
(
rather
like
a
Star-Chamber
than
a
Court
of
Law
)
That
the
same
should
not
for
the
future
be
Printed
by
any
Person
whatsoever
.
We
acknowledge
your
Majesty's
Grace
and
Care
in
issuing
forth
divers
Proclamations
since
the
Discovery
of
the
Plot
,
for
the
banishing
Papists
from
about
this
great
City
,
and
Residence
of
your
Majesty's
Court
,
and
the
Parliament
;
but
with
trouble
of
Mind
we
do
humbly
inform
your
Majesty
,
That
notwithstanding
all
these
Prohibitions
,
great
Numbers
of
them
,
and
of
the
most
dangerous
Sort
,
to
the
Terrour
of
your
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
,
do
daily
resort
hither
,
and
abide
here
.
Under
these
and
other
sad
Effects
and
Evidences
of
the
Prevalency
of
Popery
,
and
its
Adherents
,
We
Your
Majesty's
Faithful
Commons
found
this
your
Majesty's
distressed
Kingdom
,
and
other
parts
of
your
Dominions
labouring
,
when
we
assembled
.
And
therefore
from
our
Allegiance
to
your
Majesty
,
our
Zeal
to
our
Religion
,
our
Faithfulness
to
our
Country
,
and
our
Care
of
Posterity
,
We
have
lately
,
upon
mature
deliberation
,
proposed
one
Remedy
of
these
Great
Evils
,
without
which
(
in
our
Judgments
)
all
others
will
prove
vain
and
fruitless
,
and
(
like
all
deceitful
Securities
against
certain
Dangers
)
will
rather
expose
your
Majesty's
Person
to
the
greatest
hazard
,
and
the
people
,
together
with
all
that
's
valuable
to
them
as
Men
or
Christians
,
to
utter
Ruine
and
Destruction
.
We
have
taken
this
Occasion
of
an
Access
to
your
Majesty's
Royal
Presence
,
humbly
to
lay
before
your
Majesty's
great
Judgment
and
Gracious
Consideration
this
most
dreadful
design
of
introducing
Popery
,
and
,
as
necessary
consequences
of
it
,
all
other
Calamities
,
into
your
Majesty's
Kingdoms
.
And
if
after
all
this
,
the
private
Suggestions
of
the
subtle
Accomplices
of
that
Party
and
Design
should
yet
prevail
,
either
to
elude
or
totally
obstruct
the
faithful
Endeavours
of
Us
your
Commons
for
an
Happy
Settlement
of
this
Kingdom
,
We
shall
have
this
remaining
Comfort
,
That
we
have
freed
our selves
from
the
Guilt
of
that
Blood
and
Desolation
which
is
like
to
ensue
.
But
our
only
Hope
,
next
under
God
,
is
in
your
Sacred
Majesty
,
That
by
your
Great
Wisdom
and
Goodness
,
we
may
be
effectually
secured
from
Popery
,
and
all
the
Evils
that
attend
it
;
and
that
none
but
persons
of
known
Fidelity
to
your
Majesty
,
and
Sincere
Affections
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
may
be
put
into
any
Employment
,
Civil
or
Military
;
that
whilst
we
shall
give
a
Supply
to
Tangier
,
we
may
be
assured
we
do
not
augment
the
Strength
of
our
Popish
Adversaries
,
nor
encrease
our
own
Dangers
.
Which
Desires
of
your
faithful
Commons
,
if
your
Majesty
shall
graciously
vouchsafe
to
grant
,
We
shall
not
only
be
ready
to
assist
your
Majesty
in
Defence
of
Tangier
,
but
do
whatsoever
else
shall
be
in
our
Power
to
enable
your
Majesty
to
protect
the
Protestant
Religion
and
Interest
,
at
Home
and
abroad
,
and
to
Resist
and
Repel
the
Attempts
of
your
Majesty's
and
the
Kingdoms
Enemies
.
The
Humble
Address
of
the
House
of
Commons
presented
to
His
Majesty
upon
Tuesday
the
21.
Day
of
December
,
1680.
In
Answer
to
His
Majesty's
Gracious
Speech
to
both
Houses
of
Parliament
,
upon
the
15th
Day
of
the
same
December
.
May
it
please
Your
most
Excellent
Majesty
.
WE
your
Majesty's
most
Dutiful
and
Loyal
Subjects
,
the
Commons
in
this
present
Parliament
Assembled
,
have
taken
into
our
serious
Consideration
your
Majesty's
Gracious
Speech
to
both
your
Houses
of
Parliament
,
on
the
15th
of
this
instant
December
;
and
do
with
all
the
grateful
Sense
of
Faithful
Subjects
,
and
sincere
Protestants
,
acknowledge
your
Majesty's
great
Goodness
to
us
,
in
renewing
the
Assurances
you
have
been
pleased
to
give
us
of
your
readiness
to
concur
with
us
in
any
means
for
the
Security
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
your
Gracious
Invitation
of
us
to
make
our
Desires
known
to
your
Majesty
.
But
with
grief
of
Heart
we
cannot
but
observe
,
that
to
these
Princely
Offers
your
Majesty
has
been
advised
(
by
what
Secret
Enemies
to
Your
Majesty
and
your
People
,
we
know
not
)
to
annex
a
Reservation
,
which
if
insisted
on
,
in
the
instance
to
which
alone
it
is
applicable
,
will
render
all
your
Majesty
's
other
Gracious
Inclinations
of
no
effect
or
advantage
to
us
.
Your
Majesty
is
pleased
thus
to
limit
your
promise
of
concurrence
in
the
Remedies
which
shall
be
proposed
,
that
they
may
consist
with
preserving
the
Succession
of
the
Crown
in
its
due
and
legal
course
of
Descent
.
And
we
do
humbly
inform
your
Majesty
,
that
no
Interruption
of
that
Descent
has
been
endeavoured
by
us
,
except
only
the
Descent
upon
the
Person
of
the
Duke
of
York
,
who
by
the
wicked
Instruments
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
has
been
manifestly
perverted
to
their
Religion
.
And
we
do
humbly
represent
to
your
Majesty
,
as
the
Issue
of
our
most
deliberate
Thoughts
,
and
Consultations
,
that
for
the
Papists
to
have
their
hopes
continued
,
that
a
Prince
of
that
Religion
shall
succeed
in
the
Throne
of
these
Kingdoms
,
is
utterly
inconsistent
with
the
Safety
of
your
Majesty's
Person
,
the
Preservation
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Prosperity
,
Peace
and
Welfare
of
your
Protestant
Subjects
.
That
your
Majesty's
Sacred
Life
is
in
continual
danger
,
under
the
prospect
of
a
Popish
Successor
,
is
evident
,
not
only
from
the
Principles
of
those
devoted
to
the
Church
of
Rome
,
which
allow
that
an
Heretical
Prince
(
and
such
they
term
all
Protestant
Princes
)
Excommunicated
and
deposed
by
the
Pope
,
may
be
destroyed
and
murther'd
;
but
also
from
the
Testimonies
given
in
the
prosecution
of
the
Horrid
Popish
Plot
,
against
divers
Traitors
Attainted
for
designing
to
put
those
accursed
Principles
into
practice
against
your
Majesty
.
From
the
expectation
of
this
Succession
,
has
the
number
of
Papists
in
your
Majesty's
Dominions
so
much
encreased
within
these
few
years
,
and
so
many
been
prevailed
with
to
desert
the
true
Protestant
Religion
,
that
they
might
be
prepared
for
the
Favours
of
a
Popish
Prince
,
assoon
as
he
should
come
to
the
possession
of
the
Crown
:
and
while
the
same
Expectation
lasts
,
many
more
will
be
in
the
same
danger
of
being
perverted
.
This
it
is
that
has
hardned
the
Papists
of
this
Kingdom
,
animated
and
confedederated
by
their
Priests
and
Jesuits
,
to
make
a
common
Purse
,
provide
Arms
,
make
application
to
Foreign
Princes
and
sollicite
their
Aid
for
imposing
Popery
upon
us
;
And
all
this
even
during
your
Majesty's
Reign
,
and
while
your
Majesty's
Government
,
and
the
Laws
were
our
protection
.
It
is
your
Majesty's
Glory
and
true
Interest
,
to
be
the
Head
and
Protector
of
all
Protestants
,
as
well
abroad
as
at
home
:
But
if
these
Hopes
remain
,
what
Alliances
can
be
made
for
the
advantage
of
the
Protestant
Religion
and
Interest
,
which
shall
give
confidence
to
your
Majesty's
Allies
,
to
joyn
so
vigorously
with
your
Majesty
,
as
the
State
of
that
Interest
in
the
World
now
requires
,
while
they
see
this
Protestant
Kingdom
in
so
much
danger
of
a
Popish
Successor
;
by
whom
at
the
present
,
all
their
Councils
and
Actions
may
be
eluded
,
as
hitherto
they
have
been
,
and
by
whom
,
if
he
should
succeed
)
they
are
sure
to
be
destroyed
?
We
have
thus
humbly
laid
before
your
Majesty
,
some
of
those
great
Dangers
and
Mischiefs
which
evidently
accompany
the
expectation
of
a
Popish
Successor
.
The
certain
and
unspeakable
Evils
which
will
come
upon
your
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
and
their
posterity
,
if
such
a
Prince
should
inherit
,
are
more
also
than
we
can
well
enumerate
.
Our
Religion
,
which
is
now
so
dangerously
shaken
,
will
then
be
totally
overthrown
;
Nothing
will
be
left
,
or
can
be
found
to
protect
or
defend
it
.
The
execution
of
old
Laws
must
cease
,
and
it
will
be
vain
to
expect
new
ones
.
The
most
sacred
Obligations
of
Contracts
and
Promises
(
if
any
should
be
given
)
that
shall
be
judged
to
be
against
the
interest
of
the
Romish
Religion
,
will
be
violated
;
as
is
undeniable
,
not
only
from
Argument
and
Experience
elsewhere
,
but
from
the
sad
experience
this
Nation
once
had
on
the
like
occasion
.
In
the
Reign
of
such
a
Prince
,
the
Pope
will
be
acknowledged
Supream
(
though
the
Subjects
of
this
Kingdom
have
sworn
the
contrary
)
and
all
Causes
,
either
as
Spiritual
,
or
in
order
to
Spiritual
Things
,
will
be
brought
under
his
Jurisdiction
.
The
Lives
,
Liberties
,
and
Estates
of
all
such
Protestants
,
as
value
their
Souls
and
their
Religion
more
than
their
secular
Concernments
,
will
be
adjudged
forfeited
.
To
all
this
we
might
add
:
That
it
appears
in
the
discovery
of
the
Plot
,
that
Forreign
Princes
,
were
invited
to
assist
in
securing
the
Crown
to
the
Duke
of
York
;
with
Arguments
from
his
great
Zeal
to
establish
Popery
,
and
to
extirpate
Protestants
(
whom
they
call
Hereticks
)
out
of
his
Dominions
;
and
such
will
expect
performance
accordingly
.
We
further
humbly
beseech
Your
Majesty
,
in
Your
great
Wisdom
to
consider
,
Whether
in
case
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Protestant
Kingdom
,
should
descend
to
the
Duke
of
York
;
the
opposition
which
may
possibly
be
made
to
his
possessing
it
,
may
not
only
endanger
the
farther
descent
in
the
Royal
Line
,
but
even
Monarchy
it self
.
For
these
Reasons
,
we
are
most
humble
Petitioners
to
your
most
Sacred
Majesty
,
That
in
tender
commiseration
of
your
poor
Protestant
people
,
Your
Majesty
will
be
gratiously
pleased
to
depart
from
the
Reservation
in
Your
said
Speech
;
and
when
a
Bill
shall
be
tendred
to
your
Majesty
,
in
a
Parliamentary
way
,
to
disable
the
Duke
of
York
from
inheriting
the
Crown
,
Your
Majesty
will
give
your
Royal
Assent
thereto
;
and
as
necessary
to
fortify
and
defend
the
same
,
that
your
Majesty
will
likewise
be
gratiously
pleased
to
Assent
to
an
Act
whereby
your
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
may
be
enabled
to
Associate
themselves
for
the
defence
of
your
Majesty's
Person
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Security
of
your
Kingdoms
.
These
Requests
we
are
constrained
Humbly
to
make
to
your
Majesty
as
of
absolute
Necessity
,
for
the
safe
and
peaceable
Enjoyment
of
our
Religion
.
Without
these
things
the
Alliances
of
England
will
not
be
valuable
,
nor
the
People
encouraged
to
contribute
to
your
Majesties
Service
.
As
some
farther
means
for
the
Preservation
both
of
our
Religion
and
Propriety
;
We
are
Humble
Suiters
to
your
Majesty
,
that
from
henceforth
such
Persons
onely
may
be
Judges
within
the
Kingdom
of
England
and
Dominion
of
Wales
,
as
are
Men
of
Ability
,
Integrity
,
and
known
Affection
to
the
Protestant
Religion
.
And
that
they
may
hold
both
their
Offices
and
Sallaries
,
Quam
diu
se
bene
gesserint
.
That
(
several
Deputy-Lieutenants
and
Justices
of
the
Peace
,
fitly
qualified
for
those
Imployments
,
having
been
of
late
displaced
,
and
others
put
in
their
room
,
who
are
Men
of
Arbitrary
Principles
,
and
Countenancers
of
Papists
and
Popery
)
such
only
may
bear
the
Office
of
a
Lord-Lieutenant
as
are
Persons
of
integrity
and
known
Affection
to
the
Protestant
Religion
.
That
Deputy-Lieutenants
and
Justices
of
the
Peace
may
be
also
so
qualified
,
and
may
be
moreover
Men
of
Ability
,
of
Estates
and
interest
in
their
Countrey
.
That
none
may
be
Imployed
as
Military
Officers
,
or
Officers
in
your
Majesties
Fleet
,
but
Men
of
known
Experience
,
Courage
and
Affection
to
the
Protestant
Religion
.
These
our
Humble
Requests
being
obtained
,
we
shall
on
our
part
be
ready
to
Assist
your
Majesty
for
the
Preservation
of
Tangier
,
and
for
putting
your
Majesties
Fleet
into
such
a
Condition
as
it
may
preserve
your
Majesties
Soveraignty
of
the
Seas
,
and
be
for
the
Defence
of
the
Nation
.
If
your
Majesty
hath
or
shall
make
any
necessary
Allyances
for
defence
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
Interest
and
Security
of
this
Kingdom
,
this
House
will
be
ready
to
Assist
and
stand
by
your
Majesty
in
the
support
of
the
same
.
After
this
our
humble
Answer
to
your
Majesties
Gracious
Speech
,
we
Hope
no
evil
Instruments
whatsoever
shall
be
able
to
lessen
your
Majesties
Esteem
of
that
Fidelity
and
Affection
we
bear
to
your
Majesties
Service
;
but
that
your
Majesty
will
always
retain
in
your
Royal
Breast
,
that
Favourable
Opinion
of
us
your
Loyal
Commons
,
that
those
other
Good
Bills
which
we
have
now
under
Consideration
,
Conducing
to
the
Great
Ends
we
have
before
mentioned
;
as
also
all
Laws
for
the
Benefit
and
Comfort
of
your
People
,
which
shall
from
time
to
time
be
tendred
for
your
Majesties
Royal
Assent
,
shall
find
acceptance
with
your
Majesty
.
The
Report
of
the
Committee
of
the
Commons
appointed
to
Examine
the
Proceedings
of
the
Judges
,
&c.
THis
Committee
being
Inform'd
,
that
in
Trinity-Term
last
,
the
Court
of
Kings-Bench
discharg'd
the
Grand
Jury
,
that
serv'd
for
the
Hundred
of
Ossulston
,
in
the
County
of
Middlesex
,
in
a
very
unusual
manner
;
proceeded
to
enquire
into
the
same
,
and
found
by
the
Information
of
Charles
Umfrevil
,
Esq
Foreman
of
the
said
Jury
,
Edward
Proby
,
Henry
Gerard
,
and
John
Smith
,
Centlemen
,
also
of
the
said
Jury
,
That
on
the
21st
of
June
last
the
Constables
attending
the
said
Jury
,
were
found
Defective
,
in
not
presenting
the
Papists
as
they
ought
,
and
thereupon
were
ordered
by
the
said
Jury
to
make
further
Presentments
of
them
on
the
26.
following
,
on
which
Day
the
Jury
met
for
that
purpose
;
when
several
Peers
of
this
Realm
,
and
other
Persons
of
Honour
and
Quality
,
brought
them
a
Bill
against
James
Duke
of
York
,
for
not
coming
to
Church
:
But
some
exceptions
being
taken
to
that
Bill
,
in
that
it
did
not
set
forth
the
said
Duke
to
be
a
Papist
,
some
of
the
Jury
Attended
the
said
persons
of
Quality
to
receive
satisfaction
therein
.
In
the
mean
time
,
and
about
an
Hour
after
they
had
received
the
said
Bill
,
some
of
the
Jury
attended
the
Court
of
Kings-Bench
with
a
Petition
,
which
they
desired
the
Court
to
present
in
their
Name
unto
His
Majesty
for
the
Sitting
of
this
Parliament
.
Upon
which
the
Lord
Chief
Justice
Scrogs
raised
many
Scruples
,
and
on
pretence
that
they
were
not
all
in
Court
(
tho'
twenty
of
the
Jury
had
subscrib'd
the
Petition
)
sent
for
them
,
saying
,
he
would
dispatch
them
presently
The
Jury
being
come
,
and
their
Names
called
over
,
they
renewed
their
Desire
that
the
Court
would
present
their
Petition
:
But
the
Chief
Justice
ask'd
,
if
they
had
any
Bills
?
they
Answered
,
They
had
,
but
the
Clerks
were
drawing
them
into
Form
:
Upon
which
the
Chief
Justice
said
,
They
would
not
make
two
Works
of
one
Business
:
and
the
Petition
being
Read
,
he
said
,
This
was
no
Article
of
their
Charge
,
nor
was
there
any
Act
of
Parliament
that
required
the
Court
to
deliver
the
Grand
Jury's
Petitions
:
That
there
was
a
Proclamation
about
them
;
And
that
it
was
not
reasonable
the
Court
should
be
obliged
to
run
on
their
Errands
:
And
he
thought
it
much
,
that
they
should
come
with
a
Petition
to
alter
the
Kings
Mind
declared
in
the
News
Books
.
The
Jury
said
,
They
did
it
not
to
Impose
on
the
Court
,
but
(
as
other
Juries
had
done
)
with
all
Submission
they
desired
it
:
But
the
Court
refused
,
bidding
the
Cryer
return
them
their
Petition
:
And
Mr.
Justice
Jones
told
them
,
They
had
medled
with
Matters
of
State
,
not
given
them
in
Charge
,
but
presented
no
Bills
of
the
Matters
given
in
Charge
.
They
answered
as
before
,
They
had
many
before
them
,
that
would
be
ready
in
due
time
.
Notwithstanding
which
,
the
said
Justice
Jones
told
them
,
They
were
Discharged
from
further
Service
.
But
Philip
Ward
(
the
Clerk
that
attended
the
said
Jury
)
cryed
out
,
No
,
No
,
they
have
many
Bills
before
them
;
for
which
the
Court
understanding
(
as
it
seems
to
this
Committe
)
a
secret
Reason
,
which
the
Clerk
did
not
,
reproved
him
,
Asking
if
he
or
they
were
to
give
the
Rule
there
?
The
Cryer
then
told
the
Court
,
They
would
not
receive
their
Petition
;
the
Chief
Justice
bid
him
let
it
alone
;
so
it
was
left
there
,
and
the
Jury
return'd
to
the
Court-House
,
and
there
found
several
Constables
with
Presentments
of
Papists
and
other
Offenders
,
as
the
Jury
had
directed
them
on
the
21st
before
,
but
could
not
now
receive
the
said
Presentments
,
being
discharged
.
Whereby
much
business
was
obstructed
,
tho'
none
of
the
said
Informants
ever
knew
the
said
Jury
discharged
before
the
last
day
of
the
Term
,
which
was
not
till
Four
days
after
.
And
it
further
appeareth
to
the
Committee
,
by
the
Evidences
of
Samuel
Astrey
,
Jasper
Waterhouse
,
and
Philip
Ward
,
Clerks
,
that
have
long
served
in
the
said
Court
,
That
they
were
much
surprised
at
the
said
discharging
of
the
Jury
,
in
that
it
was
never
done
in
their
Memory
before
;
and
the
rather
,
because
the
said
Waterhouse
,
as
Secondary
,
constantly
enters
on
that
Grand
Jury's
Paper
that
the
last
day
of
the
Term
is
given
them
to
return
their
Verdict
on
,
as
the
last
day
but
one
is
given
to
the
other
Two
Grand
Juries
of
that
County
,
which
Entry
is
as
followeth
;
Trinit.
Middlesex
.
Ossulston
Hundred
32.
Car.
2.
Juratores
habent
diem
ad
Veredictum
suum
reddendum
usque
diem
Mercurii
proxime
post
tres
Septimanas
,
sancte
Trinitatis
.
Being
the
last
day
of
the
Term
,
and
so
in
all
the
other
Terms
the
last
day
is
given
,
which
makes
it
appear
to
this
Committee
,
That
they
were
not
in
truth
Discharged
for
not
having
their
Presentments
ready
,
since
the
Court
had
given
them
a
longer
day
,
but
only
to
obstruct
their
further
Proceedings
:
And
it
appeareth
by
the
Evidence
aforesaid
to
this
Committee
,
that
the
four
Judges
of
that
Court
were
present
at
the
Discharging
of
the
said
Jury
,
and
it
did
not
appear
that
any
of
them
did
Dissent
therein
;
upon
Consideration
whereof
,
the
Committee
came
to
this
Resolution
.
Resolved
,
That
it
is
the
Opinion
of
this
Committee
,
That
the
Discharging
of
the
Grand
Jury
of
the
Hundred
of
Ossulston
,
in
the
County
of
Middlesex
,
by
the
Court
of
Kings-Bench
in
Trinity-Term
last
,
before
the
last
day
of
the
Term
,
and
before
they
had
finisht
their
Presentments
,
was
Illegal
,
Arbitrary
,
and
an
High
Misdemeanour
.
This
Committee
proceeded
also
to
inquire
into
a
Rule
of
the
Court
of
Kings-Bench
,
lately
made
against
the
publishing
a
Book
called
,
The
weekly
Pacquet
of
Advice
from
Rome
;
or
The
History
of
Popery
:
and
Samuel
Astrey
.
Gent.
examined
thereupon
,
inform'd
this
Committee
,
that
the
Author
of
the
said
Book
Henry
Carr
,
had
been
informed
against
for
the
same
,
and
had
pleaded
to
the
Information
:
But
before
it
was
Tryed
,
a
Rule
was
made
on
a
Motion
,
as
he
supposeth
,
against
the
said
book
:
All
the
Judges
of
that
Court
(
as
he
remembers
)
being
present
,
and
none
dissenting
.
The
Copy
of
which
Rule
he
gave
into
this
Committee
,
and
is
as
followeth
.
Dies
Mercurij
proxime
post
tres
Septimanas
,
sancte
Trinitatis
.
Anno
32
Car.
2.
Regis
.
Ordinatum
est
quod
liber
intitulat
,
The
Weekly
Pacquet
of
Advice
from
Rome
,
or
,
The
History
of
Popery
,
non
ulterius
Imprimatur
vel
publicetur
per
aliquam
Personam
quamcunque
Per
Cur.
And
this
Committe
admiring
that
Protestant
Judges
should
take
offence
against
a
Book
whose
chief
design
was
to
expose
the
Cheats
and
Foppery
of
Popery
,
enquired
further
into
it
,
and
found
by
the
Evidence
of
Jane
Curtis
,
that
the
said
Book
had
been
Licens'd
for
several
Months
,
that
her
Husband
paid
for
the
Copy
,
and
enter'd
it
in
the
Hall-Book
of
the
Company
:
But
for
all
this
,
she
could
not
prevail
by
these
Reasons
with
the
Lord
Chief
Justice
Scroggs
to
permit
it
any
longer
;
who
said
,
'T
was
a
Scandalous
Libel
,
and
against
the
King's
Proclamation
,
and
he
would
ruine
her
if
ever
she
printed
it
any
more
.
And
soon
after
she
was
served
with
the
said
Rule
,
as
the
Author
and
other
Printers
were
;
and
by
the
Author's
Evidence
it
appears
,
That
he
was
taken
and
brought
before
the
said
Chief
Justice
by
his
Warrant
above
a
year
since
,
and
upon
his
owning
he
writ
part
of
that
Book
,
the
Chief
Justice
called
him
Rogue
,
and
other
ill
names
;
saying
,
he
would
fill
all
the
Goals
in
England
with
such
Rogues
,
and
pile
them
up
as
men
do
Faggots
;
and
so
committed
him
to
prison
,
refusing
sufficient
Bayl
,
and
saying
,
he
would
Goal
him
to
put
him
to
charges
;
and
his
Lordship
observed
his
word
punctually
therein
,
forcing
him
to
his
Habeas
Corpus
,
and
then
taking
the
same
Bayl
he
refused
before
;
upon
which
,
this
Committee
came
to
this
Resolution
.
Resolved
,
That
it
is
the
opinion
of
the
Committee
,
that
the
Rule
made
by
the
Court
of
Kings-Bench
in
Trinity
Term
last
,
against
printing
a
Book
called
,
The
Weekly
Pacquet
of
Advice
from
Rome
,
is
Illegal
and
Arbitrary
.
And
the
Committee
proceeded
further
,
and
upon
Information
that
a
very
great
latitude
had
been
taken
of
late
by
the
Judges
,
in
imposing
Fines
on
the
persons
found
Guilty
before
them
,
caused
a
Transcript
of
all
the
Fines
imposed
by
the
Kings-Bench
since
Easter
Term
in
the
28th
of
His
Majesty's
Reign
,
to
be
brought
before
them
from
the
said
Court
by
Samuel
Astrey
Gent.
by
perusal
of
which
,
it
appear'd
to
this
Committee
,
That
the
quality
of
the
Offence
,
and
the
Ability
of
the
person
found
Guilty
,
have
not
been
the
Measures
that
have
determined
the
quantity
of
many
of
these
Fines
,
which
being
so
very
numerous
,
the
Committee
refer
themselves
to
those
Records
as
to
the
general
,
instancing
in
some
particulars
,
as
followeth
.
Upon
Joseph
Brown
of
London
Gent.
on
an
Information
for
publishing
a
printed
Book
called
,
The
Long
Parliament
Dissolved
;
in
which
is
set
forth
these
words
:
Trinit.
29
,
Car.
2.
Nor
let
any
man
think
it
strange
,
that
we
account
it
Treason
for
you
to
sit
and
Act
contrary
to
our
Laws
:
for
if
in
the
first
Parliament
of
Richard
the
second
,
Grimes
and
Weston
for
lack
of
Courage
only
were
adjudged
guilty
of
High
Treason
for
surrendring
the
places
committed
to
their
trust
;
how
much
more
you
,
if
you
turn
Renegadoes
to
the
people
that
intrusted
you
,
and
as
much
as
in
you
lie
surrender
not
a
little
pitiful
Castle
or
two
,
but
all
the
legal
defence
the
people
of
England
have
for
their
Lives
,
Liberties
,
and
Properties
,
at
once
.
Neither
let
the
vain
presuasion
delude
you
,
That
no
persident
can
be
found
,
that
one
English
Parliament
hath
hang'd
up
another
;
tho
paradventure
even
that
may
be
proved
a
mistake
;
for
an
unpresidented
Crime
calls
for
an
unpresidented
punishment
;
and
if
you
shall
be
so
wicked
to
do
the
one
,
or
rather
endeavour
to
do
(
for
now
you
are
no
longer
a
Parliament
)
what
ground
of
Confidence
you
can
have
that
none
will
be
found
so
worthy
to
do
the
other
,
we
cannot
understand
,
and
do
faithfully
promise
,
if
your
unworthiness
provoke
us
to
it
,
that
we
will
use
our
honest
and
utmost
endeavours
(
whenever
a
new
Parliament
shall
be
called
)
to
chuse
such
as
may
convince
you
of
your
mistake
:
the
old
and
infallible
Observation
,
That
Parliaments
are
the
pulse
of
the
people
,
shall
lose
its
esteem
:
or
you
will
find
,
that
this
your
presumption
was
over
fond
;
however
it
argues
but
a
bad
mind
to
sin
,
because
it
's
believed
it
shall
not
be
punished
.
The
Judgment
was
,
That
he
be
fin'd
1000
Marks
,
be
bound
to
the
good
behaviour
for
seven
years
,
and
his
name
struck
out
of
the
Roll
of
the
Attorneys
,
without
any
offence
alledged
in
his
said
Vocation
.
And
the
publishing
this
Libel
consisted
only
in
superscribing
a
Pacquet
,
with
this
inclosed
to
the
East
Indies
.
Which
Fine
he
not
being
able
to
pay
(
living
only
upon
his
practice
)
he
lay
in
prison
for
three
years
,
till
His
Majesty
gratiously
pardon'd
him
,
and
recommended
him
to
be
restored
to
his
place
again
of
Attorney
,
by
His
Warrant
dated
the
15.
of
Decem.
1679.
Notwithstanding
which
,
he
has
not
yet
obtained
the
said
Restauration
from
the
Court
of
Kings
Bench.
Upon
John
Harrington
of
London
,
Gent.
for
speaking
these
words
in
Latin
thus
:
Hill.
29
&
30.
Car.
2.
Quod
nostra
Gubernatio
de
tribus
statibus
consistibat
,
&
si
Rebellio
eveniret
in
regno
,
&
non
accideret
contra
omnes
tres
status
,
non
est
Rebellio
.
A
Fine
of
1000
l.
Sureties
for
the
Good
behaviour
for
seven
years
,
and
to
recant
the
words
in
open
Court
;
which
Fine
he
was
in
no
capacity
of
ever
paying
.
Upon
Benjamin
Harris
of
London
,
Stationer
,
Hill.
31
&
32.
Car.
2.
on
an
Information
for
printing
a
Book
call'd
,
An
Appeal
from
the
Countrey
to
the
City
,
setting
forth
these
words
:
We
in
the
Countrey
have
done
our
parts
,
in
chusing
for
the
generality
good
Members
to
serve
in
Parliament
:
but
if
(
as
our
two
last
Parliaments
were
)
they
must
be
dissolved
or
prorogued
whenever
they
come
to
redress
the
grievances
of
the
Subject
,
we
may
be
pitied
,
not
blam'd
,
if
the
Plot
takes
effect
;
and
in
all
probability
it
will
.
Our
Parliaments
are
not
then
to
be
condemn'd
,
for
that
their
not
being
suffer'd
to
sit
,
occasion'd
it
.
Judgment
to
pay
500
l.
Fine
,
stand
on
the
Pillory
an
hour
,
and
give
Sureties
for
the
good
behaviour
for
three
years
.
And
the
said
Benj.
Harris
inform'd
this
Committee
,
That
the
Lord
Chief
Justice
Scroggs
prest
the
Court
then
to
add
to
this
Judgment
his
being
publickly
whipt
;
but
Mr.
Justice
Pemberton
holding
up
his
hands
in
admiration
at
their
severity
therein
,
Mr.
Justice
Jones
pronounc'd
the
Judgment
aforesaid
;
and
he
remains
yet
in
prison
,
unable
to
pay
the
said
Fine
.
Notwithstanding
which
Severity
in
the
cases
forementioned
,
this
Committee
has
observed
the
said
Court
has
not
wanted
in
other
cases
an
extraordinary
Compassion
and
Mercy
,
though
there
appear'd
no
publick
reason
judicially
in
the
Trial
;
as
in
particular
:
Upon
Thomas
Knox
Principal
,
Hill.
31.
&
32.
Car.
2.
on
an
Indictment
of
Subornation
and
Conspiracy
against
the
Testimony
and
life
of
Dr.
Oats
for
Sodomy
;
and
also
against
the
Testimony
of
William
Bedloe
;
a
Fine
of
200
Marks
,
a
years
Imprisonment
,
and
to
find
Sureties
for
the
good
behaviour
for
three
years
.
Upon
John
Lane
,
for
the
same
offence
,
a
Fine
of
100
Marks
,
Exd.
Ter.
to
stand
in
the
Pillory
for
an
hour
,
and
to
be
imprison'd
for
one
year
,
Upon
John
Tasborough
Gent.
Par.
32.
Car.
2.
on
an
Indictment
for
Subornation
of
Stephen
Dugdale
,
tending
to
overthrow
the
whole
Discovery
of
the
Plot
:
The
said
Tasborough
being
affirmed
to
be
a
Person
of
good
Quality
,
a
Fine
of
100
l.
Upon
Ann
Price
for
the
same
offence
,
200
l.
Eod.
Ter.
Trin.
32.
C.
2.
Upon
Nathaniel
Thompson
and
William
Badcock
,
on
an
Information
for
Printing
and
Publishing
weekly
a
Libel
,
call'd
The
true
Domestick
Intelligence
,
or
News
both
from
City
and
Country
,
and
known
to
be
Popishly
affected
,
a
Fine
of
3
,
6
,
8
,
on
each
of
them
.
Upon
Matthew
Turner
,
Stationer
,
on
an
Information
for
vending
and
publishing
a
Book
,
Eod.
Ter.
call'd
the
Compendium
,
wherein
the
Justice
of
the
Nation
in
the
late
Tryals
of
the
Popish
Conspirators
,
even
by
some
of
these
Judges
themselves
,
is
highly
Arraign'd
;
and
all
the
Witnesses
for
the
King
horribly
asperst
:
and
this
being
the
common
notorious
Popish
Book-seller
of
the
Town
,
Judgment
to
pay
a
Fine
of
100
Marks
,
and
is
said
to
be
out
of
Prison
already
.
Upon
Loveland
,
Trin.
32.
C.
2.
on
an
Indictment
for
a
Notorious
Conspiracy
and
Subornation
against
the
Life
and
Honour
of
the
Duke
of
Buckingham
,
for
Sodomy
,
a
Fine
of
5
l.
and
to
stand
an
hour
in
the
Pillory
.
Upon
Edward
Christian
,
Mich.
32.
C.
2.
Esq
for
the
same
offence
,
a
Fine
of
100
Marks
,
and
to
stand
an
hour
in
the
Pillory
.
And
upon
Arthur
Obrian
,
for
the
same
offence
,
a
Fine
of
20
Marks
,
and
to
stand
an
hour
in
the
Pillory
.
Upon
Consideration
whereof
,
this
Committee
came
to
this
Resolution
:
Resolv'd
,
That
it
is
the
Opinion
of
this
Committee
,
That
the
Court
of
King's
-
Bench
(
in
the
Imposition
of
Fines
on
Offenders
of
late
years
)
hath
acted
Arbitrarily
,
Illegally
and
Partially
,
favouring
Papists
,
and
persons
Popishly
affected
,
and
excessively
oppressing
His
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
.
And
this
Committee
being
inform'd
,
That
several
of
His
Majesty's
Subjects
had
been
committed
for
Crimes
Bailable
by
Law
,
although
they
then-tendred
sufficient
Sureties
,
which
were
refus'd
,
only
to
put
them
to
vexation
and
charge
,
proceeded
to
enquire
into
the
same
,
and
found
that
not
only
the
fore-mention'd
Henry
Carr
had
been
so
refus'd
the
common
Right
of
a
Subject
,
as
is
above-said
;
but
that
George
Broome
,
being
a
Constable
last
year
in
London
,
and
committing
some
of
the
Lord
Chief
Justice
Scroggs's
Servants
for
great
Disorders
,
according
to
his
Duty
,
he
was
in
few
days
arrested
by
a
Tipstaff
,
without
any
London
Constable
,
and
carried
before
the
said
Chief
Justice
by
His
Warrant
,
to
answer
for
the
committing
of
those
persons
above-said
;
but
being
there
,
was
accused
of
having
spoken
irreverently
of
the
said
Chief
Justice
;
and
an
Affidavit
read
to
him
to
that
purpose
,
which
was
falsly
(
as
the
said
George
Broome
affirms
)
Sworn
against
him
by
two
persons
that
use
to
be
common
Bail
in
that
Court
,
and
of
very
ill
Reputation
.
Upon
which
he
was
committed
to
the
Kings's
-
Bench
,
though
he
then
tendred
two
able
Citizens
and
Common-Council-men
of
London
to
be
his
Bail
:
And
he
was
forc't
to
bring
his
Habeas
Corpus
,
to
his
great
Charge
,
before
he
came
out
:
When
the
Marshal
,
Mr.
Cooling
,
exacted
5
l.
of
him
,
of
which
he
complain'd
to
the
Chief
Justice
,
but
had
no
other
Answer
,
But
he
might
take
his
Remedy
at
Law
.
But
the
said
Marshall
,
fearing
he
should
be
questioned
,
restor'd
him
two
Guinies
of
it
.
And
further
this
Committee
was
inform'd
by
Francis
Smith
,
Bookseller
,
That
about
Michaelmas
was
Twelve-month
he
was
brought
before
the
said
Chief
Justice
by
his
Warrant
,
and
charged
by
the
Messenger
,
Robert
Stephens
,
That
he
had
seen
some
parcels
of
a
Pamphlet
,
call'd
,
Observations
on
Sir
George
Wakeman
'
s
Tryal
,
in
his
Shop
:
Upon
which
the
Chief
Justice
told
him
,
he
would
make
him
an
Example
,
use
him
like
a
Boar
in
France
,
and
pile
him
and
all
the
Booksellers
and
Printers
up
in
Prison
,
like
Faggots
;
and
so
committed
him
to
the
Kings's
-
Bench
:
Swearing
and
Cursing
at
him
in
great
fury
.
And
when
he
tendred
Three
sufficient
Citizens
of
London
for
his
Bail
,
alledging
Imprisonment
in
his
circumstances
would
be
his
utter
ruin
;
the
Chief
Justice
replied
,
The
Citizens
lookt
like
sufficient
persons
,
but
he
would
take
no
Bail
;
and
so
he
was
forc't
to
come
out
by
Habeas
Corpus
,
and
was
afterwards
inform'd
against
for
the
same
matter
,
to
his
great
charge
and
vexation
.
And
a
while
after
Francis
(
the
Son
of
the
said
Francis
Smith
)
was
committed
by
the
said
Chief
Justice
,
and
Bail
refus'd
,
for
selling
a
Pamphlet
,
call'd
,
A
New-years
Gift
for
the
said
Chief
Justice
,
to
a
Coffee-house
;
and
he
declared
to
them
he
would
take
no
Bail
,
for
he
would
ruin
them
all
.
And
further
it
appear'd
to
this
Committee
,
that
the
said
Chief
Justice
(
about
October
was
twelve
month
)
committed
in
like
manner
Jane
Curtis
,
she
having
a
Husband
and
Children
,
for
selling
a
Book
call'd
,
A
Satyr
against
Injustice
,
which
his
Lordship
call'd
a
Libel
against
him
;
and
her
Friends
tendring
sufficient
Bail
,
and
desiring
him
to
have
mercy
on
her
Poverty
and
Condition
;
he
swore
by
the
Name
of
God
she
should
go
to
Prison
;
and
he
would
shew
no
more
mercy
than
they
could
expect
from
a
Woolf
that
came
to
devour
them
;
and
she
might
bring
her
Habeas
Corpus
and
come
out
so
:
Which
she
was
forc'd
to
do
;
and
after
inform'd
against
and
prosecuted
to
her
utter
ruin
,
four
or
five
Terms
after
.
In
like
manner
it
appeared
to
this
Committee
,
that
about
that
time
also
,
Edward
Berry
(
Stationer
of
Gray's
-
Inn
)
was
committed
by
the
said
Chief
Justice
,
being
accus'd
of
selling
The
Observations
on
Sir
George
Wakeman
's
Tryal
;
and
though
he
tendered
1000
l.
Bail
,
yet
the
Chief
Justice
said
,
he
would
take
no
Bail
,
he
should
go
to
Prison
,
and
come
out
according
to
Law
.
And
after
he
with
much
Trouble
and
Charge
got
out
by
Habeas
Corpus
,
he
was
forc'd
by
himself
,
or
his
Attorney
,
to
attend
five
Terms
before
he
could
be
discharg'd
,
though
no
Information
was
Exhibited
against
him
in
all
that
time
.
In
Consideration
whereof
,
and
of
others
of
the
like
Nature
,
(
too
tedious
here
to
relate
)
this
Committee
came
to
this
Resolution
.
Resolved
,
That
it
is
the
Opinion
of
this
Committee
,
That
the
refusing
sufficient
Bail
in
these
Cases
,
wherein
the
Persons
Committed
were
Bailable
by
Law
:
Was
Illegal
,
and
a
High
Breach
of
the
Liberty
of
the
Subject
.
And
this
Committee
being
informed
of
an
extraordinary
kind
of
a
Charge
,
given
at
the
last
Assizes
at
Kingston
(
in
the
County
of
Surrey
)
by
Mr.
Baron
Weston
,
and
proceeding
to
examine
several
Persons
then
and
there
present
:
It
was
made
appear
to
this
Committee
,
by
the
Testimony
of
John
Cole
,
Richard
Mayo
,
and
John
Pierce
,
Gentlemen
,
and
others
(
some
of
whom
put
down
the
said
Barons
words
in
Writing
immediately
)
that
part
of
the
said
Charge
was
to
this
effect
:
He
inveighed
very
much
against
Farel
,
Luther
,
Calvin
,
and
Zuinglius
,
condemning
them
as
Authors
of
the
Reformation
:
Which
was
against
their
Princes
minds
,
and
then
adding
to
this
purpose
,
Zuinglius
set
up
his
Fanaticism
,
and
Calvin
built
on
that
blessed
Foundation
:
And
to
speak
truth
,
all
his
Disciples
are
seasoned
with
such
a
sharpness
of
Spirit
,
that
it
much
concerns
Magistrates
to
keep
a
strait
hand
over
them
:
And
now
they
are
restless
,
amusing
us
with
Fears
,
and
nothing
will
serve
them
but
a
Parliament
:
For
my
part
,
I
know
no
Representative
of
the
Nation
but
the
King
;
all
Power
Centers
in
him
:
'T
is
true
,
he
does
intrust
it
with
his
Ministers
,
but
he
is
the
sole
Representative
;
and
I-faith
,
he
has
wisdom
enough
to
intrust
it
no
more
in
these
Men
,
who
have
given
us
such
late
Examples
of
their
Wisdom
and
Faithfulness
.
And
this
Committee
taking
the
said
matter
into
their
Consideration
,
came
to
this
Resolution
.
Resolved
,
That
it
is
the
Opinion
of
this
Committee
,
That
the
said
Expressions
in
the
Charge
given
by
the
said
Baron
Weston
,
were
a
Scandal
to
the
Reformation
,
in
Derogation
of
the
Rights
and
Priviledges
of
Parliaments
,
and
tending
to
raise
Discord
between
his
Majesty
and
his
Subjects
.
And
this
Committee
being
informed
by
several
Printers
and
Booksellers
,
of
great
Trouble
and
Vexation
given
them
unjustly
by
one
Robert
Stephens
,
(
called
a
Messenger
of
the
Press
)
the
said
Stephens
being
examined
by
this
Committee
,
by
what
Authority
he
had
proceeded
in
that
manner
,
produced
two
Warrants
under
the
Hand
and
Seal
of
the
Chief
Justice
Scroggs
,
which
were
,
In
haec
verba
:
Angl.
ss.
WHereas
There
are
divers
ill
disposed
Persons
who
do
dayly
Print
and
Publish
many
Seditious
and
Treasonable
Books
and
Pamphlets
,
endeavouring
thereby
to
dispose
the
minds
of
his
Majesties
Subjects
to
Sedition
and
Rebellion
.
And
also
infamous
Libels
reflecting
upon
particular
Persons
,
to
the
great
scandal
of
his
Majesties
Government
.
For
Suppressing
whereof
,
his
Majesty
hath
lately
issued
out
his
Royal
Proclamation
.
And
for
the
more
speedy
suppressing
the
said
Seditious
Books
,
Libels
and
Pamphlets
,
and
to
the
end
that
the
Authors
and
Publishers
thereof
may
be
brought
to
their
punishment
.
These
are
to
will
and
require
you
,
and
in
His
Majesties
Name
to
charge
and
command
you
,
and
every
of
you
,
upon
sight
hereof
,
to
be
Aiding
and
Assisting
unto
Robert
Stephens
,
Messenger
of
the
Press
,
in
the
seizing
on
all
such
Books
and
and
Pamphlets
as
asoresaid
,
as
he
shall
be
informed
of
,
in
any
Book-sellers
or
Printers
Shops
or
Ware-houses
,
or
elsewhere
whatsoever
,
to
the
end
they
may
be
disposed
as
to
Law
shall
appertain
;
Also
if
you
shall
be
informed
of
the
Authors
,
Printers
,
or
Publishers
of
such
Books
or
Pamphlets
as
are
above-mentioned
,
you
are
to
Apprehend
them
,
and
have
them
before
one
of
His
Majestiees
Justices
of
the
Peace
,
to
be
proceeded
against
according
to
Law
.
Dated
this
29th
day
of
November
,
1679.
To
Robert
Stephens
Messenger
of
the
Press
,
and
to
all
Mayors
,
Sheriffs
,
Bayliffs
,
Constables
,
and
all
other
Officers
and
Ministers
whom
these
may
concern
.
WILLIAM
SCROGGS
.
Angl.
ss.
WHereas
The
King's
Majesty
hath
lately
Issued
out
His
Proclamation
for
Suppressing
the
Printing
and
Publishing
Unlicensed
News-Books
,
and
Pamphlets
of
News
:
Notwithstanding
which
,
there
are
divers
Persons
who
do
daily
Print
and
Publish
such
Unlicensed
Books
and
Pamphlets
.
These
are
therefore
to
Will
and
Require
You
,
and
in
His
Majesty's
Name
to
Charge
and
Command
You
,
and
every
of
You
,
from
Time
to
Time
,
and
at
all
Times
,
so
often
as
You
shall
be
thereunto
required
,
to
be
Aiding
and
Assisting
to
Robert
Stephens
,
Messenger
of
the
Press
,
in
the
Seizing
all
such
Books
and
Pamphlets
as
aforesaid
,
as
he
shall
be
informed
of
,
in
any
Book-seller's
Shop
,
or
Printer's
Shop
or
Ware-houses
,
or
elsewhere
whatsoever
,
to
the
end
they
may
be
disposed
of
as
to
Law
shall
appertain
.
Likewise
,
if
You
shall
be
Informed
of
the
Authors
,
Printers
,
or
Publishers
of
such
Books
and
Pamphlets
,
You
are
to
Apprehend
them
,
and
have
them
before
Me
,
or
one
of
His
Majesty's
Justices
of
the
Peace
,
to
be
proceeded
against
as
to
Law
shall
appertain
.
Dated
this
28th
Day
of
May
,
Anno
Dom.
1680.
To
all
Mayors
,
Sheriffs
,
Bayliffs
,
Constables
,
and
all
other
Officers
and
Ministers
whom
these
may
concern
.
WILLIAM
SCROGGS
.
To
Robert
Stephens
,
Messenger
of
the
Press
.
Upon
view
whereof
this
Committee
came
to
this
Resolution
.
Resolved
,
That
it
is
the
Opinion
of
this
Committee
,
That
the
said
Warrants
are
Arbitrary
and
Illegal
.
And
this
Committee
being
informed
of
certain
Scandalous
Discourses
,
said
to
be
uttered
in
publick
places
by
the
Lord
Chief
Justice
Scroggs
,
proceeded
to
Examine
Sir
Robert
Atkins
,
late
one
of
the
Justices
of
the
Common
Pleas
,
concerning
the
same
,
by
whom
it
appears
,
That
at
a
Sessions-Dinner
at
the
Old-Bayly
(
in
the
Maiorality
of
Sir
Robert
Clayton
)
who
was
then
present
,
the
said
Chief
Justice
took
occasion
to
speak
very
much
against
Petitioning
,
condemning
it
as
resembling
41
,
as
Factious
and
tending
to
Rebellion
,
or
to
that
effect
;
to
which
the
said
Sir
Robert
Atkins
made
no
Reply
,
suspecting
he
waited
for
some
Advantage
over
him
:
But
the
Chief
Justice
continuing
and
pressing
him
with
the
said
Discourse
,
he
began
to
justifie
Petitioning
as
the
Right
of
the
People
,
especially
for
the
Sitting
of
a
Parliament
,
which
the
Law
requires
,
if
it
be
done
with
Modesty
and
Respect
.
Upon
which
the
Chief
Justice
fell
into
a
great
passion
;
and
there
is
some
reason
to
believe
,
that
soon
after
he
made
an
ill
Representation
of
what
the
said
Sir
Robert
had
then
spoke
unto
his
Majesty
.
And
this
Committee
was
further
informed
,
That
the
said
Sir
Robert
Atkins
being
in
Circuit
with
the
said
Chief
Justice
at
Summer
Assizes
was
Twelve-month
,
at
Monmouth●
,
(
Mr.
Arnold
,
Mr.
Price
,
and
Mr.
Bedlow
being
then
in
company
)
the
Chief
Justice
fell
severely
in
publick
upon
Mr.
Bedlow
,
taking
off
the
Credit
of
his
Evidence
,
and
alledging
he
had
over-shot
himself
in
it
,
or
to
that
effect
;
very
much
to
the
Disparagement
of
his
Testimony
:
And
the
said
Sir
Robert
defending
Mr.
Bedlow's
Evidence
and
Credit
,
he
grew
extreme
Angry
and
Loud
,
saying
to
this
Effect
,
That
he
verily
believed
Langhorn
died
Innocently
.
To
which
the
said
Sir
Robert
replied
,
He
wondred
how
he
could
think
so
,
who
had
condemned
him
himself
,
and
had
not
moved
the
King
for
a
Reprieve
for
him
.
All
which
matters
of
Discourse
this
Committee
humbly
Submit
to
the
Wisdom
and
Consideration
of
this
House
,
without
taking
upon
them
to
give
any
Opinion
therein
.
And
this
Committee
proceeded
further
to
inquire
into
some
Passages
that
happened
at
Lent
Assizes
last
for
the
County
of
Somerset
,
at
the
Tryal
of
Thomas
Dare
,
Gent.
there
,
upon
an
Indictment
for
saying
falsly
and
seditiously
,
That
the
Subjects
had
but
two
means
to
Redress
their
Grievances
,
one
by
Petitioning
,
the
other
by
Rebellion
:
And
found
,
that
though
by
his
other
discourse
when
he
said
so
,
that
it
appeared
plainly
he
had
no
Rebellious
intent
,
in
that
he
said
,
Then
God
forbid
there
should
be
a
Rebellion
,
he
would
be
the
first
Man
to
draw
his
Sword
against
a
Rebel
;
yet
he
was
prosecuted
with
great
violence
:
And
having
pleaded
Not
Guilty
,
he
moved
Mr.
Justice
Jones
(
who
then
sate
Judge
there
)
that
he
might
try
it
at
the
next
Assizes
,
for
that
Mr.
Searle
(
who
was
by
at
the
speaking
of
the
words
,
and
a
material
Witness
for
his
Defence
)
was
not
then
to
be
had
,
and
an
Affidavit
to
that
purpose
was
made
and
received
.
But
the
said
Justice
Jones
told
him
,
That
was
a
Favour
of
the
Court
only
,
and
he
had
not
deserved
any
Favour
,
and
so
forc'd
him
to
try
it
presently
.
But
the
Jury
,
appearing
to
be
an
extraordinary
one
,
provided
on
purpose
,
being
all
of
persons
that
had
highly
opposed
Petitioning
for
the
Sitting
of
this
Parliament
,
he
was
advised
to
withdraw
his
Plea
;
and
the
said
Justice
Jones
encouraging
him
so
to
do
,
he
confest
the
words
,
denying
any
Evil
Intention
,
and
gave
the
said
Justice
an
account
in
writing
of
the
Truth
of
the
whole
matter
,
and
made
a
submission
in
Court
,
as
he
was
directed
by
the
said
Justice
:
Who
promis'd
to
recommend
him
to
His
Majesty
,
but
imposed
a
Fine
of
500
l.
on
him
,
and
to
be
bound
to
the
Good
Behaviour
for
three
years
;
Declaring
also
,
That
he
was
turned
out
from
being
a
Common-Councellor
of
the
Corporation
of
Taunton
in
the
said
County
,
on
pretence
of
a
Clause
in
their
Charter
,
giving
such
a
power
to
a
Judge
of
Assize
.
And
the
said
Thomas
Dare
remains
yet
in
Prison
for
the
said
Fine
;
in
which
matter
of
the
Tryal
aforesaid
,
this
Committee
desireth
to
refer
it self
to
the
Judgment
of
this
House
.
The
Resolutions
of
the
House
of
Commons
upon
the
said
Report
.
I.
THat
it
is
the
Opinion
of
this
House
,
That
the
Discharging
of
the
Grand
Jury
of
the
Hundred
of
Oswalston
,
in
the
County
of
Middlesex
,
by
the
Court
of
King's
-
Bench
in
Trinity
Term
last
,
before
the
last
day
of
the
Term
,
and
before
they
had
finished
their
Presentments
,
was
Arbitrary
and
Illegal
,
destructive
to
publick
Justice
,
a
manifest
Violation
of
the
Oaths
of
the
Judges
of
that
Court
,
and
a
means
to
subvert
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
this
Kingdom
,
and
to
introduce
Popery
.
II.
That
it
is
the
Opinion
of
this
House
,
That
the
Rule
made
by
the
Court
of
King's
-
Bench
in
Trinity
Term
last
,
against
Printing
of
a
Book
,
called
,
The
Weekly
Pacquet
of
Advice
from
Rome
,
is
Illegal
and
Arbitrary
thereby
,
usurping
to
themselves
Legislative
Power
,
to
the
great
Discouragement
of
the
Protestants
,
and
for
the
Countenancing
of
Popery
.
III.
That
it
is
the
Opinion
of
this
House
,
That
the
Court
of
King's
-
Bench
in
the
Imposition
of
Fines
on
Offenders
,
of
late
Years
,
have
acted
Arbitrarily
,
Illegally
,
and
Partially
,
favouring
Papists
and
Persons
Popishly
affected
,
and
excessively
oppressing
His
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
.
IV.
That
it
is
the
Opinion
of
this
House
,
That
the
refusing
sufficient
Bail
in
these
Cases
,
wherein
the
Persons
committed
were
Bailable
by
Law
,
was
Illegal
,
and
a
high
Breach
of
the
Liberties
of
the
Subject
.
V.
That
it
is
the
Opinion
of
this
House
,
That
the
said
Expressions
in
the
Charge
given
by
the
said
Baron
Weston
,
were
a
Scandal
to
the
Reformation
,
and
tending
to
raise
Discord
between
His
Majesty
and
His
Subjects
,
and
to
the
Subversion
of
the
Ancient
Constitution
of
Parliaments
,
and
of
the
Government
of
this
Kingdom
.
VI.
That
it
is
the
Opinion
of
this
House
,
That
the
said
Warrants
are
Arbitrary
and
Illegal
.
The
Resolutions
of
the
Commons
,
for
the
Impeachment
of
the
said
Judges
.
Resolved
,
THat
Sir
William
Scroggs
,
Knight
,
Chief
Justice
of
the
Court
of
King's
-
Bench
,
be
Impeached
upon
the
said
Report
,
and
the
Resolutions
of
the
House
thereupon
.
Resolved
,
That
Sir
Thomas
Jones
,
one
of
the
Justices
of
the
said
Court
of
King's
-
Bench
,
be
Impeached
upon
the
said
Report
,
and
Resolutions
of
the
House
thereupon
.
Resolved
,
That
Sir
Richard
Weston
,
one
of
the
Barons
of
the
Court
of
Exchequer
,
be
Impeached
upon
the
said
Report
,
and
Resolutions
of
the
House
thereupon
.
Ordered
,
That
the
Committee
appointed
to
prepare
an
Impeachment
against
Sir
Francis
North
,
Chief
Justice
of
the
Court
of
Common-Pleas
,
do
prepare
Impeachments
against
the
said
Sir
William
Scroggs
,
Sir
Thomas
Jones
,
and
Sir
Richard
Weston
,
upon
the
said
Report
and
Resolutions
.
Ordered
,
That
the
said
Report
,
and
several
Resolutions
of
this
House
thereupon
,
be
printed
;
and
that
Mr.
Speaker
take
care
in
the
Printing
thereof
apart
from
this
Days
other
Votes
.
The
Report
from
the
Committee
of
the
Commons
in
Parliament
,
appointed
by
the
Honourable
House
of
Commons
,
to
Consider
the
Petition
of
Richard
Thompson
of
Bristol
,
Clerk
;
And
to
Examine
Complaints
against
him
.
And
the
Resolution
of
the
Commons
in
Parliament
upon
this
Report
,
for
his
Impeachment
of
high
Crimes
and
Misdemeanours
.
Friday
,
Decemb.
24.
1680.
At
the
Committee
appointed
to
take
into
Consideration
the
Petition
of
Richard
Thompson
,
Clerk
;
and
to
Examine
the
Complaints
against
him
.
In
the
First
Place
,
THe
Committee
read
unto
the
said
Thompson
,
the
Heads
of
the
Complaint
against
him
;
Which
(
for
the
most
part
)
he
denying
,
desired
to
have
his
Accusers
brought
Face
to
Face
:
Whereupon
the
Committee
proceeded
to
the
Examination
of
Witnesses
,
to
prove
the
said
Complaint
.
The
First
Witness
Examined
,
saith
,
That
there
being
a
great
Noise
and
Rumor
,
that
Mr.
Thompson
had
prepared
a
Sermon
to
be
Preached
on
the
Thirtieth
of
January
,
1679.
the
said
Witness
went
to
the
said
sermon
,
and
did
hear
Mr.
Thompson
publickly
declare
,
That
the
Presbyterians
were
such
Persons
,
as
the
very
Devil
Blush't
at
them
;
and
that
the
Villain
Hamden
grudged
,
and
made
it
more
Scruple
of
Conscience
,
to
give
Twenty
Shillings
to
the
KING
,
for
supplying
his
Necessities
(
by
Ship-Money
and
Loan
)
which
was
His
Right
by
Law
,
than
to
raise
Rebellion
against
Him
:
And
that
the
Presbyterians
are
worse
(
and
far
more
Intolerable
)
than
either
Priests
or
Jesuites
.
The
Second
saith
,
That
hearing
a
great
Talk
and
Noise
spread
of
a
Sermon
to
be
Preached
by
Mr.
Thompson
,
on
the
Thirtieth
of
January
,
1679.
was
minded
to
hear
the
same
,
and
accordingly
did
;
at
which
he
writ
some
Notes
;
amongst
which
,
he
saith
;
That
Mr.
Thompson
openly
preached
,
That
the
Devil
Blush't
at
the
Presbyterians
;
and
that
the
Villain
Hamden
grudged
more
to
give
the
KING
Twenty
Shillings
,
which
was
his
just
due
by
Law
,
(
Ship-money
and
Loan
)
than
to
raise
Rebellion
against
Him
;
and
that
a
Presbyterian-Brother
,
qua
talis
,
was
as
great
a
Traitour
by
the
Statute
,
as
any
Priest
or
Jesuite
whatsoever
.
That
he
heard
,
that
Mr.
Thompson
said
;
That
he
hoped
the
Presbyterians
would
be
pulled
out
of
their
Houses
,
and
the
Jails
filled
with
them
:
and
wish't
their
Houses
burnt
.
The
Third
saith
,
That
he
was
Cited
to
the
Bishop's
Court
,
to
Receive
the
Sacrament
last
Easter
:
but
being
out
of
Town
at
that
Time
,
did
Receive
it
at
a
Place
called
Purl
in
Wiltshire
;
and
that
a
Month
after
he
came
Home
,
Was
again
Cited
to
the
said
Court
;
and
he
did
accordingly
appear
,
and
told
the
Court
,
That
he
hoped
his
Absence
and
Business
might
be
accepted
for
a
Lawful
Excuse
:
Upon
which
,
Mr.
Thompson
immediately
said
,
That
they
would
proceed
to
Excommunicate
him
.
Upon
which
,
this
Informant
produced
his
Certificate
,
of
which
the
Chancellor
approved
,
and
said
,
It
was
Lawfull
.
Hereupon
Mr.
Thompson
said
,
That
his
Receiving
the
Sacrament
from
any
other
Minister
,
than
the
Minister
of
the
Parish
wherein
he
dwelled
,
Was
Damnation
to
his
Soul
:
and
that
he
would
maintain
this
Doctrine
.
The
Fourth
saith
,
That
being
at
Bristol-Fair
,
he
heard
a
great
talk
and
noise
of
a
Satyr-Sermon
prepared
,
and
designed
to
be
Preached
by
Mr.
Thompson
against
the
Presbyterians
,
on
the
Thirtieth
of
January
,
1679
;
and
that
very
many
resorted
to
hear
him
:
In
which
Sermon
,
the
said
Mr.
Thompson
declared
and
said
,
That
there
was
a
great
Talk
of
a
Plot
:
but
(
says
he
)
a
Presbyterian
is
the
man
:
And
further
added
,
That
the
Villain
Hamden
,
scrupled
to
give
the
King
20s
.
upon
Ship-Money
and
Loan
,
which
was
his
due
by
law
,
but
did
not
Scruple
,
to
raise
Rebellion
against
Him
.
The
Fifth
saith
,
That
Mr.
Thompson
in
a
Sermon
preached
the
Thirtieth
of
January
,
1679.
did
say
,
That
the
Presbyterians
did
seem
to
out-vie
Mariana
,
and
that
Calvin
was
the
first
that
Preached
the
King-Killing
Doctrine
;
and
that
after
he
had
quoted
Calvin
often
,
said
,
If
this
be
true
,
then
a
Presbyterian-Brother
,
qua
talis
,
is
as
great
a
Traitor
as
any
Priest
or
Jesuite
;
And
that
then
he
condemned
all
the
Proceedings
of
Parliaments
.
The
Sixth
saith
,
That
the
said
Mr.
Thompson
had
utter'd
many
scandalous
words
concerning
the
Act
for
Burying
in
Woollen
;
affirming
,
That
the
makers
of
that
Law
,
were
a
Company
of
Old
Fools
and
Fanaticks
,
and
that
he
would
bring
a
School-Boy
,
should
make
a
better
Act
than
that
,
and
Construe
it
when
he
had
done
.
The
Seventh
saith
,
That
Mr.
Thompson
in
a
Sermon
by
him
Preached
(
while
Petitions
for
the
sitting
of
this
Parliament
were
on
Foot
)
speaking
of
a
Second
Rebellion
by
the
Scotch
,
who
had
Framed
a
Formidable
Army
,
and
came
as
far
as
Durham
to
deliver
a
Petition
forsooth
:
&
that
they
seemed
rather
to
Command
,
than
Petition
their
Sovereign
to
grant
;
And
Comparing
that
Petition
with
the
then
Petition
on
Foot
,
greatly
inveigh'd
against
it
,
and
scoffed
much
at
it
.
The
Eighth
saith
,
That
Mr.
Thompson
(
when
the
Petition
was
on
foot
for
the
sitting
of
this
Parliament
)
used
at
the
Funeral
Sermon
of
one
Mr.
Wharton
these
words
(
pointing
at
the
Dead
said
)
That
he
was
no
Schismatical
Petitioning
Rebel
,
and
that
by
his
instigations
,
the
Grand-Jury
of
Bristol
made
a
Presentment
of
their
detestation
against
Petitioning
for
the
sitting
of
the
Parliament
:
that
he
said
Mr.
Thompson
had
told
him
,
that
he
was
Governour
to
Mr.
Narbor
,
when
he
was
beyond
Sea
;
and
said
,
That
he
had
been
very
often
(
and
above
one
hundred
times
)
at
Mass
,
in
the
great
Church
at
Paris
,
and
usually
gave
half
a
Crown
to
get
a
Place
to
hear
a
certain
Doctor
of
that
Church
,
and
that
he
was
like
to
be
brought
over
to
that
Religion
;
and
that
when
he
went
beyond
Sea
,
did
not
know
but
that
he
might
be
of
that
Religion
before
his
return
.
That
he
is
very
Censorious
,
and
Frequently
casts
evil
Aspersions
against
several
Divines
at
Bristol
of
great
Note
,
viz.
Mr.
Chetwind
,
Mr.
Standfast
,
Mr.
Crosman
,
Mr.
Palmer
and
others
,
saying
,
That
such
as
went
to
their
Lectures
,
were
the
Brats
of
the
Devil
.
The
9th
,
That
Mr.
Thompson
in
his
preaching
inveighed
bitterly
against
Subscribing
Petitions
for
Sitting
of
this
Parliament
,
saying
,
That
it
was
the
Seed
of
Rebellion
,
and
like
to
Forty
one
;
and
that
the
Devil
set
them
on
work
,
and
the
Devil
would
pay
them
their
Wages
;
saying
,
That
before
he
would
set
his
hand
to
such
Petitions
,
he
would
cut
it
off
,
yea
and
cut
them
off
.
The
10th
,
saith
,
That
about
two
years
since
,
being
in
the
Chancel
of
St.
Thomas's
Church
in
Bristol
,
where
Queen
Elizabeth's
Effigies
is
,
Mr.
Thompson
pointing
his
Finger
to
it
,
said
,
That
she
was
the
worst
of
Women
,
and
a
most
lewd
and
infamous
Woman
:
Upon
which
this
Informant
replied
,
He
never
heard
any
speak
ill
of
her
;
thereupon
Mr.
Thompson
said
,
She
was
no
better
than
a
Church-Robber
,
and
that
Henry
the
8th
begun
it
,
and
that
she
finish'd
it
.
The
11th
,
Rowe
,
saith
,
That
in
the
year
1678
,
he
waited
on
the
Mayor
to
Church
,
and
that
Mr.
Thomson
who
was
there
,
railed
at
Henry
the
Eighth
,
saying
,
He
did
more
hurt
in
Robbing
the
Abby
Lands
,
than
he
did
good
by
the
Reformation
.
That
after
Dinner
Mr.
Thompson
comes
to
this
Informant
,
and
claps
his
Hands
on
his
Shoulders
,
saying
,
Hah
Boy
,
had
Queen
Elizabeth
been
living
,
you
needed
not
to
have
been
Sword-bearer
of
Bristol
.
The
said
Rowe
asked
him
why
?
He
replied
,
She
loved
such
a
lusty
Rogue
(
so
well
)
as
he
was
;
and
he
would
have
been
very
fit
for
her
Drudgery
at
White-hall
.
The
12th
.
saith
,
That
he
heard
a
great
noise
of
a
Sermon
to
be
preached
by
Mr.
Thompson
on
the
30th
of
January
,
1679
,
to
the
second
part
of
the
same
Tune
:
And
that
he
was
present
at
the
same
Sermon
,
in
which
Mr.
Thompson
said
,
There
was
a
great
noise
of
a
Popish
Plot
,
but
,
says
he
,
Here
is
nothing
in
it
but
a
Presbyterian
Plot
;
for
here
they
are
going
about
to
Petition
for
the
sitting
of
the
Parliament
,
but
the
end
of
it
will
be
to
bring
the
Kings
Head
to
the
block
,
as
they
have
done
his
Father
.
The
13th
.
saith
,
That
in
January
last
,
or
thereabouts
,
there
was
a
Petition
going
about
for
the
sitting
of
this
Parliament
,
When
Mr.
Thompson
in
Red●liff
Church
,
in
his
Sermon
,
said
,
It
was
a
Seditious
and
Rebellious
Petition
,
and
rather
than
he
would
sign
it
,
his
Hand
should
be
cut
off
.
The
14th
.
saith
,
The
Eighth
day
of
April
,
he
going
to
pay
Mr.
Thompson
his
Dues
,
speaking
concerning
the
Meeters
in
private
;
Mr.
Thompson
said
,
He
would
hall
them
out
and
fill
the
Gaols
with
them
,
and
hoped
to
see
their
Houses
afire
about
their
Ears
in
a
short
time
;
and
this
he
the
said
Thompson
doubled
again
and
again
.
The
15th
,
saith
,
That
about
December
1679
,
Mr.
Thompson
came
to
visit
his
Mother
,
being
sick
,
and
discoursing
of
Religion
,
The
said
,
Thompson
said
,
If
he
were
as
well
satisfied
of
other
things
,
as
he
was
of
Justification
,
Auricular
Confession
,
Penance
,
Extream
Unction
,
and
Crisme
in
Baptism
,
he
would
not
have
been
so
long
separated
from
the
Catholick
Church
.
And
further
affirmed
,
That
the
Church
of
Rome
was
the
True
Catholick
Church
.
He
further
endeavoured
to
prove
Extream
Unction
,
and
Auricular
Confession
,
as
well
as
he
could
,
out
of
the
Epistles
.
Further
,
he
hath
heard
him
say
,
The
King
was
a
Person
of
mean
and
soft
Temper
,
and
could
be
led
easily
to
any
thing
,
but
yet
a
Solomon
in
vices
;
but
that
the
Duke
of
York
,
was
a
Prince
of
a
brave
Spirit
,
would
be
faithful
to
his
Friends
,
and
that
it
was
our
own
Faults
that
he
was
a
Roman
Catholick
,
in
that
we
forc'd
him
to
fly
into
France
,
where
he
imbraced
that
Religion
:
About
the
same
time
,
he
the
said
Thompson
,
said
the
Church
would
be
Militant
,
but
greatly
commended
the
Decency
of
Solemnizing
the
Mass
in
France
;
and
that
it
was
performed
with
much
more
Reverence
and
Devotion
than
any
other
Religion
doth
use
.
He
further
heard
him
say
in
a
Sermon
,
about
the
time
of
Petitioning
,
he
would
rather
cut
off
his
hand
than
Sign
it
,
and
had
many
bad
Expressions
of
it
;
that
it
was
,
the
Seed
of
Rebellion
and
like
40
and
41
:
And
further
,
the
said
Mr.
Thompson
at
one
Sandford's
Shop
door
in
Bristol
,
speaking
of
Bedlow
,
said
,
That
he
was
not
to
be
believ'd
,
because
Bedlow
had
,
said
he
,
meaning
Mr.
Thompson
,
was
at
St.
Omers
,
where
Mr.
Thompson
said
he
was
not
;
and
that
Bedlow
was
of
a
bad
Life
,
and
in
many
Plots
,
and
not
to
be
credited
in
any
thing
he
said
:
And
that
in
another
Discourse
he
commended
the
Romish
Clergy
for
their
single
Life
,
and
is
himself
so
;
and
did
at
the
same
time
Vilify
and
Rail
at
the
English
Clergy
for
Marrying
;
saying
,
It
was
better
for
a
Clergy-Man
to
be
Guelt
,
than
to
Marry
,
and
that
the
Calvinists
in
France
were
Letcherous
Fellows
,
and
could
scarce
be
two
years
a
Priest
without
a
Wife
.
About
the
time
and
after
the
Election
of
Sir
John
Knight
to
this
Parliament
,
Mr.
Thompson
said
,
he
was
not
fit
to
be
believ'd
,
and
as
bad
as
any
Fanatick
.
He
further
said
in
the
Pulpit
at
St.
Thomas's
,
that
after
Excommunication
by
the
Bishop
,
without
Absolution
from
the
Spiritual
Court
,
such
a
one
was
surely
Damned
;
and
he
would
pawn
his
Soul
for
the
Truth
of
it
.
Mr.
Thompson
after
the
Evidence
given
by
every
particular
Person
Face
to
Face
,
was
asked
to
every
one
,
If
he
had
any
Questions
to
ask
,
before
they
called
another
?
Who
answer'd
,
He
should
not
say
any
thing
at
present
.
When
the
Witnesses
before
mentioned
,
were
all
Examined
,
Mr.
Thompson
being
desir'd
to
make
his
Defence
,
and
declare
whether
he
were
Guilty
of
the
Matters
laid
to
his
charge
;
did
for
the
greatest
part
confess
words
spoken
to
that
effect
;
and
in
other
things
endeavoured
to
turn
the
words
with
more
favour
towards
himself
;
but
the
Witnesses
being
of
great
Credit
,
and
many
more
being
ready
to
have
made
good
the
same
things
,
the
Committee
look'd
upon
the
business
to
be
of
a
high
Nature
,
and
therefore
ordered
the
matter
to
be
reported
specially
;
leaving
it
to
the
Wisdom
of
the
House
.
The
Resolution
of
the
House
of
Commons
upon
the
said
Report
.
Resolved
,
Nemine
contradicente
,
THat
Richard
Thompson
Clerk
,
hath
publickly
defamed
his
Sacred
Majesty
,
preached
Sedition
,
vilified
the
Reformation
,
promoted
Popery
,
by
asserting
Popish
Principles
,
decrying
the
Popish
Plot
,
and
turning
the
same
upon
the
Protestants
;
and
endeavoured
to
subvert
the
Liberty
and
Property
of
the
Subject
,
and
the
Rights
and
Privileges
of
Parliament
;
and
that
he
is
a
Scandal
and
Reproach
to
his
Function
.
And
that
the
said
Richard
Thompson
,
be
impeached
upon
the
said
Report
and
Resolution
of
the
House
.
And
a
Committee
is
appointed
to
prepare
the
said
Impeachment
,
and
to
receive
further
Instructions
against
him
;
and
to
send
for
Persons
,
Papers
,
and
Records
.
Articles
of
Impeachment
of
Sir
William
Scroggs
,
Chief
Justice
of
the
Court
of
King's-Bench
,
by
the
Commons
in
this
present
Parliament
Assembled
,
in
their
own
Name
,
and
in
the
Name
of
all
the
Commons
of
England
,
of
High-Treason
;
and
other
great
Crimes
and
Misdemeanors
.
I.
THat
he
the
said
Sir
William
Scroggs
,
then
being
Chief
Justice
of
the
Court
of
King's
-
Bench
,
hath
traiterously
and
wickedly
endeavoured
to
subvert
the
Fundamental
Laws
,
and
the
Establisht
Religion
and
Government
of
this
Kingdom
of
England
;
and
instead
thereof
,
to
introduce
Popery
,
and
an
Arbitrary
and
Tyrannical
Government
,
against
Law
;
which
he
has
declared
by
divers
Traiterous
,
and
Wicked
Words
,
Opinions
,
Judgments
,
Practices
and
Actions
.
II.
That
he
,
the
said
Sir
William
Scroggs
,
in
Trinity
Term
last
,
being
then
Chief
Justice
of
the
said
Court
,
and
having
taken
an
Oath
duly
to
Administer
Justice
,
according
to
the
Laws
and
Statutes
of
this
Realm
,
in
pursuance
of
his
said
Traiterous
Purposes
,
did
,
together
with
the
rest
of
the
said
Justices
of
the
same
Court
,
several
days
before
the
end
of
the
said
Term
,
in
an
Arbitrary
manner
discharge
the
Grand
Jury
which
then
served
for
the
Hundred
of
Oswaldston
in
the
County
of
Middlesex
,
before
they
had
made
their
Presentments
,
or
had
found
several
Bills
of
Indictment
,
which
were
then
before
them
;
whereof
the
said
Sir
William
Scroggs
was
then
fully
informed
:
and
that
the
same
would
be
tendered
to
the
Court
upon
the
last
day
of
the
said
Term
,
which
day
then
was
,
and
by
the
known
Course
of
the
said
Court
,
hath
always
heretofore
been
given
unto
the
said
Jury
for
the
delivering
in
of
their
Bills
and
Presentments
,
by
which
sudden
and
illegal
Discharge
of
the
said
Jury
,
the
Course
of
Justice
was
stopt
maliciously
and
designedly
,
the
Presentments
of
many
Papists
and
other
Offenders
were
obstructed
;
and
in
particular
,
a
Bill
of
Indictment
against
James
Duke
of
York
,
for
absenting
himself
from
Church
,
which
was
then
before
them
,
was
prevented
from
being
proceeded
upon
.
III.
That
whereas
one
Henry
Carr
,
had
for
some
time
before
Publish'd
every
week
a
certain
Book
,
Intituled
The
weekly
Packet
of
advice
from
Rome
:
Or
,
the
History
of
Popery
,
wherein
,
the
Superstitions
and
Cheats
of
the
Church
of
Rome
were
from
time
to
time
exposed
;
he
the
said
Sir
William
Scroggs
,
then
Chief
Justice
of
the
Court
of
King's
Bench
,
together
with
the
other
Judges
of
the
said
Court
,
before
any
Legal
Conviction
of
the
said
Carr
of
any
Crime
,
did
in
the
same
Trinity
Term
,
in
a
most
Illegal
and
Arbitrary
manner
,
make
,
and
cause
to
be
entred
,
a
certain
Rule
of
that
Court
,
against
the
Printing
of
the
said
Book
,
in
Haec
Verba
.
Dies
Mercurii
proxime
post
tres
Septimanas
Sanctae
Trinitatis
,
Anno
32
Car.
II.
Regis
.
ORdinatum
est
quod
Liber
intitulat
'
The
weekly
Packet
of
Advice
from
Rome
:
Or
,
The
History
of
Popery
,
Non
ulterius
imprimatur
vel
publicetur
per
aliquam
personam
quamcunque
.
Per
Cur
'
And
did
cause
the
said
Carr
,
and
divers
Printers
,
and
other
Persons
to
be
served
with
the
same
;
which
said
Rule
and
other
Proceedings
were
most
apparently
contrary
to
all
Justice
,
in
Condemning
,
not
only
what
had
been
written
without
hearing
the
Parties
,
but
also
all
that
might
for
the
future
be
written
on
that
Subject
;
A
manifest
countenancing
of
Popery
,
and
discouragement
of
Protestants
;
an
open
Invasion
upon
the
Right
of
the
Subject
,
and
an
encroaching
and
assuming
to
themselves
a
Legislative
Power
and
Authority
.
IV.
That
he
the
said
Sir
William
Scroggs
,
since
he
was
made
Chief
Justice
of
the
King's
-
Bench
,
hath
,
together
with
the
other
Judges
of
the
said
Court
,
most
notoriously
departed
from
all
Rules
of
Justice
and
Equality
,
in
the
Imposition
of
Fines
upon
Persons
convicted
of
Misdemeanours
in
the
said
Court
;
and
particularly
in
the
Term
of
Easter
last
past
,
did
openly
declare
in
the
said
Court
,
in
the
Case
of
one
Jessop
,
who
was
convicted
of
Publishing
False
News
,
and
was
then
to
be
sined
,
That
he
would
have
regard
to
Persons
and
their
Principles
,
in
imposing
of
Fines
,
and
would
set
a
Fine
of
500
l.
on
one
Person
for
the
same
Offence
,
for
the
which
he
would
not
Fine
another
100
l.
And
according
to
his
said
Unjust
and
Arbitrary
Declaration
,
he
the
said
Sir
Will
.
Scroggs
,
together
with
the
said
other
Justices
,
did
then
impose
a
Fine
of
100
l.
upon
the
said
Jessop
,
although
the
said
Jessop
had
before
that
time
proved
one
Hewit
to
be
convicted
as
Author
of
the
said
false
News
;
and
afterwards
,
in
the
same
Term
,
did
fine
the
said
Hewit
upon
his
said
Conviction
,
only
five
Marks
.
Nor
hath
the
said
Sir
Will
.
Scroggs
,
together
with
the
other
Judges
of
the
said
Court
,
had
any
regard
to
the
Nature
of
the
Offences
,
or
the
Ability
of
the
Persons
,
in
the
imposing
of
Fines
;
but
have
been
manifestly
partial
and
favourable
to
Papists
,
and
Persons
affected
to
,
and
promoting
the
Popish
Interest
,
in
this
time
of
imminent
Danger
from
them
:
And
at
the
same
time
have
most
severely
and
grievously
oppressed
his
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
,
as
will
appear
upon
view
of
the
several
Records
of
Fines
set
in
the
said
Court
:
By
which
arbitrary
,
unjust
,
and
partial
Proceedings
,
many
of
his
Majesty's
Liege
People
have
been
ruined
,
and
Popery
countenanced
under
colour
of
Justice
;
and
all
the
Mischiefs
and
Excesses
of
the
Court
of
Star-Chamber
,
by
Act
of
Parliament
suppressed
,
have
been
again
,
in
direct
opposition
to
the
said
Law
,
introduced
.
V.
That
he
the
said
Sir
Will
.
Scroggs
,
for
the
further
accomplishing
of
his
said
traiterous
and
wicked
Purposes
,
and
designing
to
subject
the
Persons
as
well
as
the
Estates
of
his
Majesty's
Liege
People
,
to
his
lawless
Will
and
Pleasure
,
hath
frequently
refused
to
accept
of
Bail
,
though
the
same
were
sufficient
,
and
legally
tendered
unto
him
by
many
Persons
accused
before
him
,
only
of
such
Crimes
for
which
by
Law
Bail
ought
to
have
been
taken
;
and
divers
of
the
said
Persons
being
only
accused
of
Offences
against
himself
;
declaring
at
the
same
time
,
That
he
refused
Bail
,
and
committed
them
to
Gaol
only
to
put
them
to
Charges
;
and
using
such
furious
Threats
as
were
to
the
terrour
of
his
Majesty's
Subjects
,
and
such
scandalous
Expressions
as
were
a
dishonour
to
the
Government
,
and
to
the
Dignity
of
his
Office
.
And
particularly
,
That
he
the
said
Sir
Will
.
Scroggs
,
did
in
the
Year
1679
,
commit
and
detain
in
Prison
,
in
such
unlawful
manner
;
among
others
,
Henry
Carr
,
George
Broome
,
Edw.
Berry
,
Benj.
Harris
,
Francis
Smith
Sen.
Francis
Smith
Jun.
and
Jane
Curtis
,
Citizens
of
London
:
Which
Proceedings
of
the
said
Sir
Will
.
Scroggs
,
are
a
high
Breach
of
the
Liberty
of
the
Subject
,
destructive
to
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
this
Realm
,
contrary
to
the
Petition
of
Right
,
and
other
Statutes
;
and
do
manifestly
tend
to
the
introducing
of
Arbitrary
Power
.
VI.
That
he
the
said
Sir
Will
.
Scroggs
,
in
further
Oppression
of
his
Majesty's
Liege
People
,
hath
since
his
being
made
Chief
Justice
of
the
said
Court
of
Kings
-
Bench
,
in
an
Arbitrary
manner
,
granted
divers
general
Warrants
for
Attaching
the
Persons
and
Seizing
the
Goods
of
his
Majesty's
Subjects
,
not
named
or
described
particularly
in
the
said
Warrants
:
By
means
whereof
,
many
of
his
Majesty's
Subjects
have
been
vexed
,
their
Houses
entered
into
,
and
they
themselves
grievously
oppressed
,
contrary
to
Law
.
VII
.
Whereas
there
hath
been
a
Horrid
and
Damnable
Plot
,
contrived
and
carried
on
by
the
Papists
,
for
the
Murthering
the
King
,
the
Subversion
of
the
Laws
and
Government
of
this
Kingdom
,
and
for
the
Destruction
of
the
Protestant
Religion
in
the
same
;
All
which
the
said
Sir
William
Scroggs
well
knew
,
having
himself
not
only
Tried
,
but
given
Judgment
against
several
of
the
Offenders
;
nevertheless
,
the
said
Sir
Will
.
Scroggs
did
at
divers
times
and
places
,
as
well
sitting
in
Court
,
as
otherwise
,
openly
Defame
and
Scandalize
several
of
the
Witnesses
,
who
had
proved
the
said
Treasons
against
divers
of
the
Conspirators
,
and
had
given
Evidence
against
divers
other
Persons
,
who
were
then
untried
,
and
did
endeavour
to
disparage
their
Evidence
,
and
take
off
their
Credit
,
whereby
,
as
much
as
in
him
lay
,
he
did
traiterously
and
wickedly
suppress
and
stifle
the
Discovery
of
the
said
Popish
Plot
,
and
Encourage
the
Conspirators
to
proceed
in
the
same
,
to
the
great
and
apparent
Danger
of
his
Majesty's
Sacred
Life
,
and
of
the
well-established
Government
and
Religion
of
this
Realm
of
England
.
VIII
.
Whereas
the
said
Sir
William
Scroggs
being
advanced
to
be
Chief
Justice
of
the
Court
of
King's
-
Bench
,
ought
by
a
sober
,
grave
,
and
vertuous
Conversation
,
to
have
given
a
good
Example
to
the
King's
Liege
People
,
and
to
demean
himself
answerable
to
the
Dignity
of
so
Eminent
a
Station
;
yet
he
,
the
said
Sir
William
Scroggs
,
on
the
contrary
,
by
his
frequent
and
notorious
Excesses
and
Debaucheries
,
and
his
Prophane
and
Atheistical
Discourses
,
doth
daily
affront
Almighty
God
,
dishonour
his
Majesty
,
give
countenance
and
incouragement
to
all
manner
of
Vice
and
Wickedness
,
and
bring
the
highest
scandal
on
the
publick
Justice
of
the
Kingdom
.
All
which
Words
,
Opinions
,
and
Actions
of
the
said
Sir
William
Scroggs
,
were
by
him
spoken
and
done
,
traiterously
,
wickedly
,
falsly
and
maliciously
,
to
alienate
the
Hearts
of
the
King's
Subjects
from
his
Majesty
,
and
to
set
a
Division
between
him
and
them
,
and
to
subvert
the
Fundamental
Laws
,
and
the
Establisht
Religion
and
Government
of
this
Kingdom
,
and
to
Introduce
Popery
,
and
an
Arbitrary
and
Tyrannical
Government
,
and
contrary
to
his
own
knowledge
,
and
the
known
Laws
of
the
Realm
of
England
;
and
thereby
he
the
said
Sir
William
Scroggs
hath
not
only
broken
his
own
Oath
,
but
also
as
far
as
in
him
lay
,
hath
broken
the
King
Oath
to
his
People
;
whereof
he
the
said
Sir
William
Scroggs
representing
his
Majesty
in
so
high
an
Office
of
Justice
,
had
the
Custody
,
for
which
the
said
Commons
do
Impeach
him
the
said
Sir
William
Scroggs
of
the
High-Treason
against
our
Sovereign
Lord
the
King
,
and
his
Crown
and
Dignity
,
and
other
the
High
Crimes
and
Misdemeanours
aforesaid
.
And
the
said
Commons
by
Protestation
saving
to
themselves
the
Liberty
of
Exhibiting
at
any
time
hereafter
,
any
other
Accusation
or
Impeachment
against
the
said
Sir
William
Scroggs
,
and
also
of
Replying
to
the
Answer
that
he
shall
make
thereunto
,
and
of
Offering
proofs
of
the
Premises
,
or
of
any
other
Impeachments
or
Accusations
that
shall
be
by
them
exhibited
against
him
as
the
Case
shall
(
according
to
the
Course
of
Parliament
)
require
.
Do
pray
that
the
said
Sir
Will
.
Scroggs
,
Chief
Justice
of
the
Court
of
King's
-
Bench
,
may
be
put
to
Answer
to
all
and
every
the
Premises
,
and
may
be
committed
to
safe
Custody
:
and
that
such
Proceedings
,
Examinations
,
Tryals
,
and
Judgments
,
may
be
upon
him
had
and
used
as
is
agreeable
to
Law
and
Justice
,
and
the
Course
of
Parliaments
.
Resolved
,
That
the
said
Sir
William
Scroggs
be
Impeached
upon
the
said
Articles
.
The
Humble
Petition
of
the
Right
Honourable
the
Lord
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
Commons
of
the
City
of
London
,
in
Common-Council
Assembled
,
on
the
Thirteenth
of
January
,
1680.
To
the
King
's
most
Excellent
Majesty
,
for
the
Sitting
of
this
present
Parliament
,
Prorogu'd
to
the
Twentieth
Instant
.
Together
with
the
Resolutions
,
Orders
,
and
Debates
of
the
said
Court
.
Commune
Concil'
tent'
in
Camera
Guildhall
Civitatis
London
Die
Jovis
decimo
tertio
die
Januarii
Anno
Domini
1680.
Annoque
Regni
Domini
nostri
Carol
'
Secundi
nunc
Regis
Angl'
&c.
Tricesimo
secundo
,
coram
Patient'
Ward
Mil'
Major'
Civitatis
London
,
Thoma
Aleyn
Mil'
&
Bar
'
,
Johanne
Frederick
Mil
'
,
Johanne
Lawrence
Mil
'
,
Georgio
Waterman
Mil
'
,
Josepho
Sheldon
Mil
'
,
Jacobo
Edwards
Mil'
,
&
Roberto
Clayton
Mil'
,
Aldermannis
,
Georgio
Treby
Ar'
Recordatore
dictae
Civit'
,
Johanne
Moore
Mil
'
,
Willielmo
Pritchard
Mil
'
,
Henrico
Tulse
Mil
'
,
Jacobo
Smith
Mil
'
,
Roberto
Jeffery
Mil
,
Johanne
Shorter
Mil
'
,
Thoma
Gould
Mil
'
,
Willielmo
Rawsterne
Mil
'
,
Thoma
Beckford
Mil
'
,
Johanne
Chapman
Mil
'
,
Simone
Lewis
Mil
'
,
Thoma
Pilkington
Ar'
Ald'ris
,
&
Henrico
Cornish
Ar'
Ald'ro
ac
unum
vicecom'
dictae
Civitatis
,
necnon
Major'
parte
Comminarior'
dictae
Civitatis
in
Communi
Concil'
tunc
&
ibidem
Assemblat'
.
THis
Day
the
Members
that
serve
for
this
City
in
Parliament
,
having
communicated
unto
this
Court
a
Vote
or
Resolution
of
the
Honourable
House
of
Commons
,
whereby
that
House
was
pleased
to
give
Thanks
unto
this
City
for
their
manifest
Loyalty
to
the
King
,
their
Care
,
Charge
,
and
Vigilance
for
the
Preservation
of
his
Majesty's
Person
,
and
of
the
Protestant
Religion
.
This
Court
is
greatly
sensible
of
the
Honour
thereby
given
to
this
City
,
and
do
declare
,
That
it
is
the
fixt
and
uniform
Resolution
of
this
City
to
persevere
in
what
they
have
done
,
and
to
contribute
their
utmost
Assistance
for
the
Defence
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
His
Majesty's
Person
,
and
the
Government
Established
.
It
was
now
unanimously
Agreed
and
Ordered
by
this
Court
,
That
the
Thanks
of
this
Court
be
given
to
the
Members
that
serve
for
this
City
in
Parliament
,
for
their
good
Service
done
this
City
,
and
their
Faithfulness
in
discharging
their
Duties
in
that
Honourable
and
great
Assembly
.
Upon
a
Petition
now
Presented
by
divers
Citizens
and
Inhabitants
of
this
City
,
representing
their
Fears
from
the
Designs
of
the
Papists
and
their
Adherents
,
and
praying
this
Court
to
acquaint
his
Majesty
therewith
,
and
to
desire
,
That
the
Parliament
may
sit
from
the
Day
to
which
it
stands
Prorogued
,
until
they
have
sufficiently
provided
against
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
.
This
Court
,
after
some
Debate
and
Consideration
had
thereupon
,
did
return
the
Petitioners
Thanks
for
their
Care
and
good
Intention
herein
;
And
did
thereupon
nominate
and
appoint
Sir
John
Lawrence
,
Sir
Robert
Clayton
,
Knights
and
Aldermen
,
Mr.
Recorder
,
Sir
Thomas
Player
Kt.
Mr.
John
Du
Bois
,
John
Ellis
Esq
and
Mr.
Michael
Godfrey
Commoners
,
to
withdraw
,
and
immediately
to
prepare
a
Petition
to
his
Majesty
upon
the
Subject
matter
of
the
said
Petition
;
who
accordingly
withdrawing
,
after
some
time
returned
again
to
this
Court
,
and
then
presented
the
Draught
of
such
a
Petition
to
his
Majesty
.
The
Tenor
whereof
followeth
,
Viz.
To
the
King
's
most
Excellent
Majesty
,
&c.
After
reading
whereof
,
It
is
agreed
and
ordered
by
this
Court
(
Nemine
Contradicente
,
)
That
the
said
Petition
shall
be
presented
to
his
Majesty
this
Evening
,
or
as
soon
as
conveniently
may
be
.
And
the
Right
Honourable
the
Lord
Mayor
is
desired
to
present
the
same
,
accompanied
with
Sir
John
Lawrence
,
Sir
Joseph
Sheldon
,
Sir
James
Edwards
,
Knights
and
Aldermen
,
Mr.
Recorder
,
Deputy
Hawes
,
Deputy
Da●●l
,
John
Nichols
,
John
Ellis
,
Esquires
,
Mr.
Godfrey
,
and
Capt.
Griffith
Commoners
,
who
are
now
nominated
and
appointed
to
attend
upon
his
Lordship
at
the
Presenting
thereof
.
Ward
Mayor
.
Commune
Concil'
tent'
13
Januarii
1680.
Annoque
Regis
Car.
II.
32.
IT
is
Agreed
and
Ordered
by
this
Court
,
(
Nemine
Contradicente
)
That
the
Humble
Petition
to
His
Majesty
from
this
Court
,
now
read
and
agreed
upon
,
shall
be
presented
to
His
Majesty
this
Evening
,
or
as
soon
as
conveniently
may
be
.
And
the
Right
Honourable
the
Lord
Mayor
is
desired
to
Present
the
same
,
accompanied
with
Sir
John
Lawrence
,
Sir
Joseph
Sheldon
,
and
Sir
James
Edwards
,
Knights
and
Aldermen
,
Mr.
Recorder
,
Deputy
Hawes
,
Deputy
Daniel
,
John
Nichols
,
John
Ellis
,
Esquires
,
Mr.
Godfrey
,
and
Capt.
Griffith
,
Commoners
,
who
are
now
nominated
and
appointed
to
attend
upon
his
Lordship
at
the
Presenting
thereof
.
Wagstaffe
.
To
the
KING
's
most
Excellent
Majesty
.
The
Humble
Petition
of
the
Lord
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
Commons
of
the
City
of
London
,
in
Common-Council
Assembled
,
Most
Humbly
sheweth
,
THat
Your
Majesty's
great
Council
in
Parliament
,
having
in
their
late
Session
,
in
pursuance
of
Your
Majesty's
Direction
,
entred
upon
a
strict
and
impartial
Inquiry
into
the
horrid
and
execrable
Popish
Plot
,
which
hath
been
for
several
years
last
past
,
and
still
is
,
carried
on
for
destruction
of
Your
Majesty's
Sacred
Person
and
Government
,
and
extirpation
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
utter
Ruine
of
Your
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
;
and
having
so
far
proceeded
therein
,
as
justly
to
attaint
upon
full
Evidence
,
one
of
the
five
Lords
impeached
for
the
same
,
and
were
in
further
Prosecution
of
the
remaining
Four
Lords
,
and
other
Conspirators
therein
.
And
as
well
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
as
the
Commons
in
Your
said
Parliament
assembled
having
Declared
,
That
they
are
fully
satisfied
,
that
there
now
is
,
and
for
divers
years
last
past
,
hath
been
a
horrid
and
Treasonable
Plot
and
Conspiracy
contrived
and
carried
on
by
those
of
the
Pupish
Religion
in
Ireland
,
for
Massacring
the
English
,
and
subverting
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Ancient
established
Government
of
that
Kingdom
.
And
Your
said
Commons
having
Impeached
the
Earl
of
Tyrone
,
in
order
to
the
bringing
him
to
Justice
for
the
same
;
And
having
under
Examination
other
Conspirators
in
the
said
Irish
Plot.
And
Your
said
Commons
having
likewise
impeached
Sir
William
Scroggs
,
Chief
Justice
of
Your
Majesty's
Court
of
Kings
Bench
,
for
Treason
and
other
great
Crimes
and
Misdemeanors
,
in
endeavouring
to
subvert
the
Laws
of
this
Kingdom
by
his
Arbitrary
and
Illegal
proceedings
;
And
having
voted
Impeachments
against
several
other
Judges
for
the
like
Misdemeanors
.
Your
Petitioners
considering
the
continual
Hazards
to
which
Your
Sacred
Life
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Peace
of
this
Kingdom
are
exposed
,
while
the
Hopes
of
a
Popish
Successor
,
gives
Countenance
and
Encouragement
to
the
Conspiratours
in
their
wicked
Designs
.
And
considering
also
the
Disquiet
and
Dreadful
Apprehensions
of
Your
good
Subjects
,
by
reason
of
the
Miseries
and
Mischiefs
which
threaten
them
on
all
parts
;
as
well
from
Foreign
Powers
,
as
from
the
Conspiracies
within
Your
several
Kingdoms
,
against
which
no
sufficient
Remedy
can
be
provided
but
by
Your
Majesty
and
Your
Parliament
,
were
extreamly
surprized
at
the
late
Prorogation
,
whereby
the
Prosecution
of
the
Publick
Justice
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
the
making
the
Provisions
necessary
for
the
Preservation
of
Your
Majesty
,
and
Your
Protestant
Subjects
,
hath
received
an
interruption
.
And
they
are
the
more
affected
herewith
,
by
reason
of
the
Experience
they
have
had
of
the
great
Progress
,
which
the
emboldned
Conspirators
have
formerly
made
in
their
Designs
,
during
the
late
frequent
Recesses
of
Parliament
.
But
that
which
supports
them
against
Dispair
,
is
the
Hopes
they
derive
from
Your
Majesty's
Goodness
,
That
Your
Intention
was
,
and
does
continue
by
this
Prorogation
,
to
make
way
for
Your
better
Concurrence
with
the
Counsels
of
Your
Parliament
.
And
Your
Petitioners
humbly
hope
,
That
Your
Majesty
will
not
take
Offence
,
that
your
Subjects
are
thus
Zealous
,
and
even
impatient
of
the
least
Delay
of
the
long
hoped
for
Security
,
whilst
they
see
your
precious
Life
invaded
,
the
true
Religion
undermined
,
their
Families
and
innocent
Posterity
likely
to
be
subjected
to
Blood
,
Confusion
,
and
Ruine
;
and
all
these
Dangers
encreased
,
by
reason
of
the
late
Endeavours
of
Your
Majesty
,
and
Your
Parliament
,
which
have
added
Provocation
to
the
Conspirators
,
but
have
had
little
or
no
Effect
towards
securing
against
them
;
And
they
trust
Your
Majesty
will
graciously
accept
this
Discovery
and
Desire
of
their
Loyal
Hearts
to
preserve
Your
Majesty
,
and
whatever
else
is
dear
to
them
,
and
to
strengthen
Your
Majesty
against
all
Popish
and
Pernicious
Counsels
,
which
any
ill
affected
Persons
may
persume
to
offer
.
They
do
therefore
most
humbly
Pray
,
That
Your
Majesty
will
be
graciously
pleased
(
as
the
only
means
to
quiet
the
Minds
,
and
extinguish
the
Fears
of
Your
Protestant
People
,
and
prevent
the
imminent
Dangers
which
threaten
Your
Majesty's
Kingdoms
,
and
particularly
this
Your
Great
City
,
which
hath
already
so
deeply
suffered
for
the
same
)
to
permit
Your
said
Parliament
to
Sit
,
from
the
Day
to
which
they
are
Prorogued
,
untill
by
their
Counsels
and
Endeavours
those
good
Remedies
shall
be
provided
,
and
those
just
Ends
attained
,
upon
which
the
Safety
of
Your
Majesty's
Person
,
the
preservation
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
Peace
and
Settlement
of
Your
Kingdoms
,
and
the
Welfare
of
this
Your
Ancient
City
,
do
so
absolutely
depend
.
For
the
pursuing
and
obtaining
of
which
good
Effects
,
Your
Petitioners
unanimously
do
offer
their
Lives
and
Estates
.
And
shall
ever
Pray
,
&c.
Vox
Patriae
:
Or
,
the
Resentments
and
Indignation
of
the
Free-born
Subjects
of
England
,
against
Popery
,
Arbitrary
Government
,
the
Duke
of
York
,
or
any
Popish
Successor
;
being
a
true
Collection
of
the
Petitions
and
Addresses
lately
made
from
divers
Counties
,
Cities
,
and
Boroughs
of
this
Realm
,
to
their
respective
Representatives
,
chosen
to
serve
in
the
Parliament
held
at
Oxford
,
March
21
,
1680.
HE
was
certainly
no
Fool
,
that
first
said
,
Parliaments
were
the
Pulse
of
the
People
:
'T
is
from
thence
Wise
State-Physitians
take
their
Diagnosticks
.
What
Sentiments
our
late
Parliament
had
of
our
Modern
Affairs
,
is
obvious
in
their
Printed
Votes
and
Addresses
.
Nor
will
it
be
less
plain
,
what
is
the
Common
Sense
of
the
Body
of
the
People
in
this
Juncture
of
iminent
Danger
,
if
the
Unanimous
Addresses
from
so
many
considerable
parts
of
England
be
regarded
.
No
sooner
was
the
late
Parliament
surprizingly
Prorogued
,
Jan.
10.
1680/1
,
in
the
very
Crisis
of
Business
,
and
when
they
had
so
many
excellent
Bills
before
them
,
and
had
made
so
hopful
a
Progress
in
unvailing
the
horrid
Popish
Plot
(
which
still
like
an
Ill
Spright
,
haunts
and
Night-mares
us
)
and
in
bringing
Criminals
to
Justice
,
but
presently
the
whole
Nation
was
startled
,
and
forthwith
(
as
Convulsions
are
first
perceived
in
the
Head
)
the
same
Day
a
considerable
Number
of
Eminent
Citizens
of
London
Presented
the
following
Address
to
their
Major
.
To
the
Right
Honourable
Sir
Patience
Ward
,
Knight
,
Lord
Mayor
of
the
City
of
London
.
WE
the
Citizens
of
the
said
City
(
on
behalf
of
our selves
and
others
our
Fellow
Citizens
)
being
very
apprehensive
of
the
great
and
iminent
Dangers
that
this
Metropolis
,
and
the
whole
Protestant
Intrest
are
expos'd
to
,
by
the
Horrid
and
Devilish
Designs
of
the
Papists
and
their
Adherents
:
And
being
sensible
that
they
are
increas'd
and
heightned
by
the
Surprizing
Prorogation
of
this
present
Parliament
,
do
most
humbly
recommend
to
your
Lordship
the
Particulars
hereunder
mentioned
.
I.
That
your
Lordship
will
be
pleased
to
cause
the
several
Watches
of
this
City
to
be
doubled
this
Night
,
and
so
to
continue
,
and
cause
some
House-keepers
to
watch
in
person
,
and
a
sufficient
Ward
to
be
kept
by
Day
.
II.
To
cause
the
several
Chains
in
the
several
Streets
of
this
City
to
be
put
up
this
Night
,
and
so
to
continue
.
III.
That
your
Lordship
will
be
pleas'd
to
keep
the
Keys
of
the
several
Gates
of
this
City
this
Night
,
and
so
to
continue
.
IV.
To
cause
the
several
Gates
of
this
City
to
be
kept
Lock'd
up
every
Lord's
Day
and
permit
the
several
Wicket-Doors
only
to
be
opened
.
V.
That
your
Lordship
will
not
permit
any
Body
of
Armed
Souldiers
,
greater
or
less
(
other
than
the
Trained
Bands
of
this
City
)
to
march
through
any
part
of
the
same
.
VI.
That
your
Lordship
will
forthwith
Order
a
Meeting
of
the
Common
Council
of
this
City
.
Which
his
Lordship
was
pleased
favourably
to
receive
and
read
,
and
then
gave
the
Gentlemen
answer
,
That
he
was
very
apprehensive
of
the
Danger
of
this
City
,
and
had
done
something
already
to
have
full
Watches
,
and
intended
to
go
out
himself
to
see
that
they
were
kept
;
and
assured
them
,
that
he
would
seriously
consider
their
Desires
,
and
take
all
the
care
that
lay
in
him
,
to
prevent
the
Danger
that
so
threatned
them
.
The
very
same
day
,
and
before
it
was
possible
the
news
,
or
thoughts
of
any
Prorogation
could
reach
so
far
,
the
Grand
Jury
of
Shropshire
,
in
the
name
and
behalf
of
themselves
and
that
whole
County
,
thought
fit
to
express
their
hearty
Concurrence
with
,
and
thanks
to
the
then
House
of
Commons
for
their
Zealous
Proceedings
against
the
most
Dangerous
Popish
Interest
in
the
Termes
following
:
To
the
Honourable
Ric.
Newport
,
Esq
and
Sir
Vincent
Corbet
,
Bar.
Knights
of
the
Shire
in
this
present
Parliament
for
the
County
of
Salop
,
Jan.
10.
1680.
WHereas
the
Honorable
the
Commons
in
this
Parliament
assembled
,
have
to
the
great
satisfaction
of
the
Nation
,
caused
their
Votes
to
be
published
,
thereby
letting
the
Kingdom
know
the
Candour
and
Integrity
of
their
Proceeding
,
which
they
desire
may
be
examined
in
the
face
of
the
Sun
:
but
fully
satisfying
us
with
what
Wisdom
,
Constancy
and
Courage
in
this
time
of
iminent
danger
,
they
have
endeavoured
to
secure
our
King
,
our
Religion
,
the
Government
and
our
Liberties
:
We
the
Grand-Jury
Impannelled
for
the
Body
of
this
County
of
Salop
,
being
extreamly
sensible
how
worthily
you
have
discharged
the
Trust
reposed
in
you
,
and
finding
our
Opinions
therein
seconded
by
the
Unanimous
Resolution
of
the
rest
of
our
County
,
do
believe
our selves
in
all
Justice
obliged
,
humbly
to
testify
unto
you
,
how
much
we
rejoyce
in
the
Proceeding
you
have
made
,
how
heartily
we
concur
with
your
wise
Resolutions
,
and
how
earnestly
we
desire
they
may
be
brought
to
perfection
,
and
in
particular
the
Bill
to
Exclude
the
D.
of
York
.
That
so
we
and
our
Posterity
may
be
delivered
from
the
apparent
Danger
of
Popery
and
the
necessary
Consequences
thereof
,
Tyranny
and
Oppression
,
and
remain
Free
Protestant
Subjects
;
to
acknowledge
evermore
the
Service
and
Obligation
we
owe
to
Patriots
that
have
serv'd
us
so
faithfully
.
Signed
by
all
the
Members
of
the
Grand-Jury
;
being
17
of
the
most
considerable
Gentlemen
of
the
County
.
January
,
13.
1680
/
1.
A
Common
Council
being
held
at
Guild-Hall
,
several
Eminent
Citizens
Presented
the
following
Petition
.
To
the
Right
Honourable
Sir
Patience
Ward
,
Kt.
Lord
Mayor
of
the
City
of
London
,
and
the
Right
Worshipful
the
Aldermen
and
Commons
in
Common-Council
Assembled
.
The
humble
Petition
of
the
Citizens
and
Inhabitants
of
the
said
City
,
Sheweth
,
THat
we
being
deeply
sensible
of
evils
and
mischiefs
hanging
over
this
Nation
in
general
,
and
this
City
in
particular
,
in
respect
of
the
danger
of
the
Kings
Person
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
our
well
establish'd
Goverment
,
by
the
continued
hellish
and
damnable
designs
of
the
Papists
and
others
their
adherents
:
And
,
knowing
no
way
(
under
heaven
)
so
effectual
to
preserve
His
Royal
Majesty
(
and
us
)
from
the
utter
ruin
and
destruction
threatned
;
as
by
the
speedy
sitting
of
this
present
Parliament
,
the
surprising
Prorogation
of
which
greatly
adds
to
,
and
increases
the
just
fears
and
jealousies
of
your
Petitioners
minds
.
We
your
Petitioners
do
therefore
beseech
your
Lordship
,
and
this
Honorable
Court
,
to
acquaint
His
Majesty
with
these
our
fears
and
apprehensions
;
and
that
it
is
our
humble
and
earnest
desire
,
(
as
well
as
yours
)
that
His
Majesty
would
be
pleased
(
for
the
utter
defeating
the
wicked
and
bloudy
purposes
of
our
Enemies
)
to
permit
this
present
Parliament
which
stands
Prorogued
to
the
20th
of
this
instant
January
,
then
to
Assemble
and
continue
to
sit
until
they
have
effectually
secured
us
against
Popery
,
and
Arbitrary
Power
,
and
Redressed
the
manifold
,
Grievances
which
at
present
we
groan
under
,
and
for
our
immediate
security
,
that
you
will
be
pleased
to
order
whatsoever
else
shall
be
thought
necessary
and
expedient
by
your
Lordship
and
this
Honourable
Court
in
this
time
of
imminent
danger
for
the
safety
of
this
great
City
.
And
your
Petitioners
shall
ever
Pray
,
&c.
The
Address
of
the
Free-holders
of
the
County
of
Middlesex
,
to
Sir
William
Roberts
Knight
,
and
Nicholas
Raynton
Esq
Knights
of
the
Shire
.
WE
the
Freeholders
of
this
County
,
have
(
in
great
Confidence
of
your
Integrity
,
Wisdom
and
Courage
)
now
chosen
You
to
Represent
Us
in
the
next
Parliament
,
to
be
holden
at
Oxford
,
on
the
21st
.
Day
of
this
present
March.
And
although
we
do
not
in
the
least
question
your
Faithfulness
to
the
true
Interest
of
this
Nation
,
nor
your
Prudence
in
the
Management
thereof
:
yet
esteeming
it
greatly
our
Duty
,
in
this
unhappy
Juncture
,
wherein
our
Religion
,
Lives
,
Liberties
,
Properties
,
and
all
that
is
dear
unto
us
,
are
in
such
iminent
danger
,
to
signifie
our
pressing
Dangers
unto
You.
And
accordingly
we
do
request
,
That
in
the
next
Parliament
,
wherein
we
have
chose
You
to
Sit
,
and
Act
,
That
You
will
with
the
greatest
Integrity
,
and
most
undaunted
Resolution
,
joyn
with
,
and
assist
the
other
Worthy
Representatives
and
Patriots
of
this
Nation
,
in
the
searching
into
,
and
preventing
the
Horrid
and
Hellish
Vill●nies
,
Plots
and
Designs
of
that
wicked
and
restless
sort
of
People
,
the
Papists
,
both
in
this
,
and
the
Neighbouring
Kingdoms
.
And
making
some
honourable
Provision
for
the
Discovery
thereof
;
In
securing
to
us
the
Enjoyment
of
the
True
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
well
established
Government
of
this
Kingdom
.
In
Promoting
the
happy
,
and
long
prayed
for
Union
among
all
His
Majesties
Protestant
Subjects
.
In
Repealing
the
35th
of
Elizabeth
,
the
Corporation-Act
,
and
all
other
Acts
,
which
upon
experience
have
proved
injurious
to
the
true
Protestant
Interest
.
In
Asserting
the
Peoples
unquestionable
Rights
of
Petitioning
.
In
removing
our
just
Fears
,
by
reason
of
the
great
Forces
in
this
Kingdom
,
under
the
Name
of
Guards
,
which
the
Law
hath
no
knowledge
of
.
In
preventing
the
Misery
,
Ruine
,
and
utter
Destruction
,
which
unavoidably
must
come
upon
this
and
the
neighbouring
Nations
,
if
James
Duke
of
York
,
or
any
other
Papist
shall
ascend
the
Royal
Throne
of
this
Kingdom
.
And
lastly
,
in
securing
to
us
our
Legal
Right
of
Annual
Parliaments
;
which
(
under
God
)
will
unquestionably
prove
the
highest
security
of
all
that
is
good
and
desirable
to
us
and
our
Posterity
after
us
.
Always
assuring
our selves
,
that
you
will
not
in
any
wise
consent
unto
any
Money-Supply
,
until
we
are
effectually
secured
against
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
.
And
particularly
we
desire
you
to
give
the
most
hearty
Thanks
of
this
County
to
that
Noble
Peer
,
the
Earl
of
Essex
,
and
by
him
to
the
rest
of
those
Noble
and
Renowned
Peers
,
who
were
pleased
lately
,
and
so
seasonably
,
to
offer
their
Petition
and
Advice
to
His
Majesty
.
In
the
pursuance
of
all
which
Needful
,
Worthy
and
Excellent
Ends
,
we
shall
,
as
in
duty
bound
,
stand
by
you
with
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
.
A
Letter
of
Thanks
from
the
Grand-Jury
of
the
County
of
Worcester
,
to
the
Knights
of
this
Shire
;
Dated
,
Jan.
12.
1680.
Honoured
Sirs
,
WE
the
Grand-Jury
of
the
County
of
Worcester
,
at
the
General
Quarter
Sessions
of
the
Peace
held
for
the
said
County
the
11th
.
day
of
Jan.
in
the
32d
year
of
the
King's
Majesties
Reign
,
do
hereby
,
in
the
behalf
of
our selves
and
the
County
for
which
we
serve
,
return
you
our
most
hearty
Thanks
for
your
constant
and
unwearied
Attendance
upon
the
Service
of
His
Majesty
and
your
Country
in
this
present
Parliament
,
in
a
Time
of
such
iminent
danger
;
And
especially
of
your
concurrence
in
those
Methods
that
have
been
taken
for
the
Security
of
His
Majesties
Sacred
Person
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Properties
of
His
Majesties
Subjects
,
against
the
Hellish
Plots
of
the
Papists
and
their
Adherents
.
And
we
do
humbly
request
your
continuance
therein
,
and
shall
ever
pray
for
the
preservation
of
the
Person
of
our
most
Gracious
Sovereign
,
and
that
God
will
direct
and
unite
his
Councils
;
and
upon
all
occasions
testifie
that
we
are
,
Honoured
Sirs
,
Your
very
Humble
,
Obliged
,
and
Thankful
Servants
.
This
was
signed
by
all
the
said
Grand-Jury
,
and
directed
,
to
the
Honourable
Colonel
Samuel
Sandys
,
and
Thomas
Foley
Esquires
,
Members
of
this
present
Parliament
.
A
Letter
from
the
Ancient
and
Loyal
Borough
of
North-Allerton
in
Yorkshire
,
Dated
Jan.
14.
1680.
to
their
Burgesses
in
Parliament
.
Honoured
Sirs
,
THe
unexpected
and
sudden
News
of
this
Day
's
Post
,
preventing
us
from
sending
those
due
Acknowledgments
which
the
greatness
of
your
Services
for
Publick
Good
,
have
merited
from
us
,
we
have
no
better
way
(
now
left
us
)
to
express
our
Gratitude
,
and
the
highest
Resentments
of
your
Actions
before
,
and
in
your
last
Sessions
of
Parliament
,
than
to
manifest
our
Approbation
thereof
,
by
an
Assurance
,
that
if
a
Dissolution
of
this
present
Parliament
happen
,
since
you
have
evidenced
so
sufficiently
your
Affections
to
His
Majesties
Royal
Person
,
and
Endeavours
for
the
preserving
the
Protestant
Religion
,
our
Laws
and
Liberties
,
we
are
now
resolved
,
if
you
are
pleas'd
to
continue
with
us
,
to
continue
you
as
our
Representatives
:
And
do
therefore
beg
your
Acceptance
thereof
;
and
farther
,
that
you
will
continue
your
Station
during
this
Prorogation
,
faithfully
assuring
you
,
that
none
of
us
desire
to
give
,
or
occasion
you
the
Expence
or
Trouble
of
a
Journey
in
order
to
your
Election
(
if
such
happen
)
being
so
sensible
of
the
too
great
expence
you
have
been
at
already
,
in
so
carefully
discharging
the
Trust
and
Confidence
reposed
in
you
,
by
,
Gentlemen
,
Your
Obliged
and
Faithful
Friends
and
Servants
.
Signed
by
the
Burgesses
and
Electors
of
North-Allerton
,
and
directed
to
Sir
Gilbert
Gerrard
,
and
Sir
Henry
Calverly
,
Burgesses
for
the
Borough
of
North-Allerton
in
Yorkshire
.
The
same
day
the
Grand-Jury
of
Reading
Presented
the
following
Paper
to
the
Mayor
of
that
Town
.
Berkshire
ss.
The
Petition
of
the
Grand-Jury
of
the
Borough
of
Reading
,
at
the
Sessions
holden
at
the
said
Borough
,
Jan.
14.
1680.
To
the
Right
Worshipful
the
Mayor
and
Aldermen
of
the
Town
and
Borough
of
Reading
,
The
Humble
Petition
of
the
Grand-Jury
of
the
said
Town
,
in
behalf
of
themselves
and
others
the
Inhabitants
of
the
same
,
Sheweth
,
THat
your
Petitioners
are
deeply
sensible
of
the
Great
and
Iminent
Dangers
and
Mischiefs
that
threaten
Us
,
as
well
as
the
whole
Nation
,
by
the
implacable
Malice
and
Endeavour
of
our
Enemies
,
to
introduce
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Government
,
to
Subvert
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
our
well-establisht
Laws
,
and
to
deprive
us
of
our
undoubted
Rights
and
Liberties
.
We
therefore
humbly
entreat
you
,
that
you
would
take
it
into
your
consideration
,
that
no
Person
whatsoever
may
be
imployed
,
encouraged
,
or
empowered
to
act
in
any
wise
in
this
Corporation
,
that
hath
been
Voted
and
Deemed
in
Parliament
a
Betrayer
of
the
Rights
of
the
People
of
England
.
And
your
Petitioners
shall
Pray
,
&c.
Soon
after
the
Amazing
Dissolution
happened
,
and
His
Majesty
having
then
Declared
his
pleasure
to
Summon
and
Hold
the
next
Parliament
,
not
at
Westminster
,
which
in
all
Ages
has
been
generally
the
usual
place
of
Convening
those
Assemblies
(
as
being
most
conveniently
situate
near
the
Metropolis
of
the
Kingdom
,
where
all
Persons
may
be
much
better
accommodated
than
elsewhere
)
but
at
the
City
of
Oxford
;
several
Noble
Lords
thought
it
their
Duty
humbly
to
Represent
the
Inconveniencies
which
in
their
apprehensions
would
attend
such
chargeable
Removal
,
and
submissively
to
offer
their
Advice
to
His
Majesty
,
to
alter
that
Resolution
,
in
the
following
Petition
;
which
being
presented
to
His
Majesty
by
that
Noble
Peer
,
of
approved
Loyalty
and
Prudence
,
the
Right
Honourable
the
Earl
of
Essex
;
His
Lordship
being
accompanied
with
several
other
Lords
at
the
Delivery
thereof
,
thus
expressed
himself
.
The
Earl
of
Essex's
Speech
,
at
the
Delivering
the
following
Petition
to
His
most
Sacred
Majesty
,
Jan.
25.
1680.
May
it
please
your
Majesty
,
THe
Lords
here
present
,
together
with
divers
other
Peers
of
the
Realm
,
taking
notice
that
by
Your
late
Proclamation
,
Your
Majesty
has
declared
an
intention
of
calling
a
Parliament
at
Oxford
;
and
observing
from
History
and
Records
,
how
unfortunate
many
Assemblies
have
been
,
when
called
at
a
Place
remote
from
the
Capital
City
;
as
particularly
the
Congress
in
Henry
the
Second's
time
at
Clarendon
;
Three
several
Parliaments
at
Oxford
in
Henry
the
Third's
time
,
and
at
Coventry
in
Henry
the
Sixth's
time
;
With
divers
others
which
have
proved
very
fatal
to
those
Kings
,
and
have
been
followed
with
great
mischief
on
the
whole
Kingdom
:
And
considering
the
present
posture
of
affairs
,
the
many
jealousies
and
discontents
,
which
are
amongst
the
People
,
We
have
great
Cause
to
apprehend
,
that
the
consequences
of
a
Parliament
now
at
Oxford
may
be
as
fatal
to
Your
Majesty
and
the
Nation
,
as
those
others
mentioned
have
been
to
the
then
Reigning
Kings
,
and
therefore
we
do
conceive
that
we
cannot
answer
it
to
God
,
to
Your
Majesty
,
or
to
the
People
,
If
we
,
being
Peers
of
the
Realm
,
should
not
on
so
Important
an
Occasion
humbly
offer
our
advice
to
Your
Majesty
;
that
if
possible
,
Your
Majesty
may
be
prevailed
with
,
to
alter
this
(
as
we
apprehend
)
unseasonable
Resolution
The
Grounds
and
Reasons
of
our
Opinion
,
are
contained
in
this
our
Petition
,
which
We
humbly
Present
to
Your
Majesty
.
To
the
King
's
most
Excellent
Majesty
.
The
Humble
Petition
and
Advice
of
the
Lords
under-named
,
Peers
of
the
Realm
.
Humbly
Sheweth
,
THat
whereas
Your
Majesty
hath
been
pleased
,
by
divers
Speeches
,
and
Messages
to
Your
Houses
of
Parliament
,
rightly
to
represent
to
them
the
Dangers
that
Threatned
Your
Majesty's
Person
,
and
the
whole
Kingdom
,
from
the
Mischievous
,
and
wicked
Plots
of
the
Papists
,
and
the
sudden
Growth
of
a
Foreign
Power
,
unto
which
,
no
stop
or
remedy
could
be
Provided
,
unless
it
were
by
Parliament
,
and
an
Union
of
Your
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
,
in
one
Mind
,
and
one
Interest
.
And
the
Lord
Chancellor
,
in
Pursuance
of
Your
Majesty's
Commands
,
having
more
at
large
Demonstrated
the
said
Dangers
to
be
as
great
,
as
we
in
the
midst
of
our
Fears
could
Imagine
them
:
and
so
pressing
,
that
our
Liberties
,
Religion
,
Lives
,
and
the
whole
Kingdom
would
be
certainly
Lost
,
if
a
speedy
Provision
were
not
made
against
them
.
And
Your
Majesty
,
on
the
21st
.
of
April
,
1679.
Having
called
unto
your
Council
,
many
Honourable
and
Worthy
Persons
,
and
declared
to
them
and
the
whole
Kingdom
,
That
being
sensible
of
the
evil
Effects
of
a
single
Ministry
,
or
private
Advice
,
or
Forreign
Committee
,
for
the
General
Direction
of
your
Affairs
;
Your
Majesty
would
for
the
future
Refer
all
things
unto
that
Council
,
and
by
the
constant
Advice
of
them
,
together
with
the
frequent
use
of
your
great
Council
,
the
Parliament
,
Your
Majesty
was
hereafter
Resolved
to
Govern
the
Kingdoms
;
We
began
to
hope
we
should
see
an
end
of
our
Miseries
.
But
to
our
unspeakable
Grief
and
Sorrow
,
we
soon
found
our
Expectations
Frustrated
.
The
Parliament
,
then
subsisting
,
was
Prorogued
and
Dissolved
,
before
it
could
perfect
what
was
intended
for
our
Relief
and
Security
;
and
though
another
was
thereupon
called
,
yet
by
many
Prorogations
it
was
put
off
,
till
the
21st
.
of
October
past
;
and
notwithstanding
Your
Majesty
was
then
again
pleased
to
acknowledge
,
that
neither
Your
Person
,
nor
Your
Kingdom
could
be
safe
,
till
the
matter
of
the
Plot
was
gone
thorow
,
It
was
unexpectedly
Prorogued
on
the
10th
.
of
this
Month
,
before
any
sufficient
Order
could
be
taken
therein
;
all
their
Just
and
Pious
Endeavours
to
save
the
Nation
were
overthrown
;
the
good
Bills
they
had
been
Industriously
preparing
to
Unite
all
Your
Majesties
Protestant
Subjects
brought
to
nought
;
The
discovery
of
the
Irish
Plot
stifled
;
The
Witnesses
that
came
in
frequently
more
fully
to
declare
That
,
both
of
England
and
Ireland
,
discouraged
.
Those
Forreign
Kingdoms
and
States
,
who
by
a
happy
conjunction
with
us
,
might
give
a
Check
to
the
French
Power
,
disheartned
,
even
to
such
a
Despair
of
their
own
Security
against
the
growing
greatness
of
that
Monarch
,
as
we
fear
may
induce
them
to
take
new
Resolutions
,
and
perhaps
such
as
may
be
fatal
to
us
:
The
Strength
and
Courage
of
our
Enemies
both
at
home
and
abroad
increased
;
and
our selves
left
in
the
utmost
danger
of
seeing
our
Country
brought
into
utter
Desolation
.
In
these
Extremities
,
we
had
nothing
under
God
to
comfort
us
,
but
the
Hopes
,
that
Your
Majesty
(
being
touched
with
the
Groans
of
Your
perishing
People
)
would
have
suffered
Your
Parliament
to
meet
at
the
Day
unto
which
it
was
Prorogued
:
and
that
no
further
interruption
should
have
been
given
to
their
Proceedings
,
in
Order
to
their
saving
of
the
Nation
.
But
that
failed
us
too
:
For
then
we
heard
that
Your
Majesty
,
by
the
private
suggestion
of
some
Wicked
Persons
,
Favourers
of
Popery
,
Promoters
of
French
Designs
,
and
Enemies
to
Your
Majesty
and
the
Kingdom
(
without
the
Advice
,
and
as
we
have
good
Reason
to
believe
,
against
the
Opinion
,
even
of
Your
Privy-Council
)
had
been
prevailed
with
to
Dissolve
it
,
and
to
call
another
to
meet
at
Oxford
,
where
neither
Lords
nor
Commons
can
be
in
Safety
,
but
will
be
daily
exposed
to
the
Sword
of
the
Papists
,
and
their
Adherents
,
of
whom
too
many
are
crept
into
Your
Majesties
Guards
.
The
Liberty
of
speaking
according
to
their
Consciences
,
will
be
thereby
Destroyed
,
and
the
Validity
of
all
their
Acts
and
Proceedings
consisting
in
it
,
left
Disputable
.
The
Straitness
of
the
Place
,
no
way
admits
of
such
a
concourse
of
Persons
,
as
now
follows
every
Parliament
;
the
Witnesses
which
are
necessary
to
give
Evidence
against
the
Popish
Lords
,
such
Judges
,
or
others
whom
the
Commons
have
Impeached
,
or
had
resolved
to
Impeach
,
can
neither
bear
the
Charge
of
going
thither
,
nor
trust
themselves
under
the
Protection
of
a
Parliament
,
that
is
it self
Evidently
under
the
power
of
Guards
and
Soldiers
.
The
Premises
considered
,
We
Your
Majesties
Petitioners
,
out
of
a
Just
Abhorrence
of
such
a
dangerous
and
pernicious
Council
,
(
which
the
Authors
have
not
dared
to
avow
)
and
the
direful
Apprehensions
of
the
Calamities
and
Miseries
,
that
may
ensue
thereupon
;
do
make
it
our
most
Humble
Prayer
and
Advice
,
That
the
Parliament
may
not
sit
at
a
Place
,
where
it
will
not
be
able
to
Act
with
that
Freedom
,
which
is
necessary
;
and
especially
,
to
give
unto
their
Acts
and
Proceedings
,
that
Authority
which
they
ought
to
have
amongst
the
People
,
and
have
ever
had
,
unless
Impaired
by
some
Awe
upon
them
,
(
of
which
there
wants
not
Precedents
:
)
And
that
Your
Majesty
would
be
graciously
pleased
,
to
Order
It
to
Sit
at
Westminster
(
it
being
the
usual
Place
,
and
where
they
may
Consult
and
Act
with
Safety
and
Freedom
.
)
And
your
Petitioness
shall
ever
Pray
,
&c.
-
Monmouth
,
-
Kent
,
-
Huntington
,
-
Bedford
,
-
Salisbury
,
-
Clare
,
-
Stanford
,
-
Essex
,
-
Shaftsbury
,
-
Mordant
,
-
Evers
,
-
Paget
,
-
Grey
,
-
Herbert
,
-
Howard
,
-
Delamer
.
The
Counties
and
Corporations
throughout
England
,
were
generally
so
well
satisfied
with
the
Proceedings
of
the
Honourable
House
of
Commons
in
the
last
Parliament
,
That
as
soon
as
they
heard
of
the
Dissolution
,
they
Resolved
to
chuse
the
very
same
respective
Persons
again
,
and
contriv'd
to
make
their
Elections
,
without
putting
the
Gentlemen
chosen
to
any
Charge
;
Thereby
to
crush
that
Pernicious
Custom
of
over-ruling
Debauchery
,
at
Choice
of
Members
,
which
had
not
only
scandaliz'd
the
Nation
,
but
almost
impoyson'd
and
destroyed
the
very
Constitution
of
our
Parliaments
.
A
Letter
from
the
famous
Town
of
Kingston
upon
Hull
,
to
Sir
Michael
Wharton
Kt.
and
William
Gee
Esq
Burgesses
for
that
Town
in
the
late
Parliament
.
Worthy
Gentlemen
,
WE
understand
you
have
signified
to
us
our
Magistrates
your
willingness
to
represent
in
the
ensuing
Parliament
,
and
that
they
have
gratefully
accepted
of
your
generous
Offer
,
which
if
they
had
communicated
to
us
,
our
joynt
compliance
would
have
been
readily
manifested
:
for
we
are
so
sensible
of
your
integrity
in
the
late
Parliament
,
by
your
indefatigable
care
and
pains
,
in
endeavouring
the
security
of
His
Majesties
Sacred
Person
,
as
also
our
Religion
and
Property
,
that
we
cannot
but
rejoyce
that
you
are
pleased
again
to
offer
us
that
kindness
,
which
your
former
good
Service
hath
engaged
us
to
become
Suitors
for
.
We
do
therefore
return
you
our
hearty
thanks
,
and
you
may
be
confident
,
without
your
appearance
,
or
the
least
charge
,
to
have
all
our
Suffrages
Nemine
contradicente
,
and
will
,
as
our
Obligations
bind
us
,
stand
by
your
Proceedings
,
as
becomes
Loyal
Subjects
and
true
Englishmen
;
subscribing
our selves
,
Your
obliged
and
affectionate
Friends
and
Servants
,
&c.
Which
was
subscribed
by
Matthew
Johnson
Esq
Sheriff
of
the
said
Town
,
and
122
more
of
the
most
Eminent
Burgesses
and
Electors
.
Another
Letter
from
Lewis
in
Sussex
on
the
like
Occasion
.
To
their
late
Worthy
Representatives
Richard
Bridger
,
and
Thomas
Pellam
Esquires
.
Gentlemen
,
WE
are
sensible
of
the
great
Trouble
and
Charge
you
have
been
at
,
as
our
Representatives
,
and
of
your
great
Care
and
Constancy
;
for
which
we
return
you
our
hearty
Thanks
;
with
our
earnest
Request
,
that
you
would
be
pleased
once
more
to
favour
us
in
the
same
capacity
:
And
you
will
thereby
much
Oblige
Your
Faithful
Friends
and
Servants
.
This
was
Subscribed
by
near
150
of
the
Inhabitants
of
Lewis
aforesaid
.
On
the
4th
.
of
February
,
The
City
of
London
Assembled
in
Common-Hall
,
consisting
of
several
Thousand
Livery-Men
;
having
by
an
Unanimous
Voice
,
Elected
their
Old
Representatives
,
Returned
them
their
Thanks
in
a
Paper
there
Publickly
Read
,
and
Approved
of
with
a
General
Consent
.
The
Address
of
the
City
of
London
.
To
the
Honoured
Sir
Robert
Clayton
,
Knight
,
Thomas
Pilkington
,
Alderman
,
Sir
Thomas
Player
,
Knight
,
and
William
Love
,
Esq
late
(
and
now
chosen
)
Members
of
Parliament
for
this
Honourable
City
of
London
.
WE
the
Citizens
of
this
City
in
Common-Hall
Assembled
,
having
Experienced
the
great
and
manifold
Services
of
you
our
Representatives
in
the
Two
last
Parliaments
,
by
your
most
faithful
and
unwearied
Endeavours
to
Search
into
and
discover
the
depth
of
the
horrid
and
hellish
Popish
Plots
,
to
preserve
His
Majesty's
Royal
Person
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
well
established
Government
of
this
Realm
;
to
secure
the
Meeting
and
Sitting
of
frequent
Parliaments
,
to
Assert
our
undoubted
Rights
of
Petitioning
,
and
to
punish
such
who
would
have
Betrayed
those
Rights
,
to
promote
the
happy
and
long-wished
for
Union
amongst
all
His
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
,
to
Repeal
the
35th
.
of
Elizabeth
,
and
the
Corporation-Act
;
and
especially
for
what
Progress
hath
been
made
towards
the
Exclusion
of
all
Popish
Successors
,
and
particularly
of
James
Duke
of
York
,
whom
the
Commons
of
England
(
in
the
two
last
Parliaments
have
Declar'd
,
and
we
are
greatly
sensible
is
)
the
Principal
Cause
of
all
the
Ruine
and
Misery
impending
these
Kingdoms
in
general
,
and
this
City
in
particular
.
For
all
which
,
and
other
your
constant
and
faithful
Management
of
our
Affairs
in
Parliament
,
we
offer
and
return
to
you
our
most
hearty
Thanks
,
being
confidently
assur'd
that
you
will
not
consent
to
the
granting
any
Money-Sudply
,
until
you
have
effectually
Secur'd
us
against
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
;
Resolving
(
by
Divine
Assistance
)
in
pursuance
of
the
same
Ends
,
to
stand
by
you
with
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
.
And
likewise
there
was
offered
another
Paper
directed
to
the
Sheriffs
,
purporting
their
Thanks
to
the
several
Noble
Peers
for
their
late
Petition
and
Advice
to
His
Majesty
;
which
was
as
followeth
:
To
the
Worshipful
Slingsby
Bethel
and
Henry
Cornish
Esquires
,
Sheriffs
of
the
City
of
London
and
Westminster
.
WE
the
Citizens
of
the
said
City
,
in
Common-Hall
Assembled
,
having
read
,
and
diligently
perus'd
the
late
Petition
and
Advice
of
several
Noble
Peers
of
this
Realm
to
His
Majesty
,
whose
Counsels
we
humbly
conceive
are
(
in
this
unhappy
Juncture
)
highly
seasonable
,
and
greatly
tending
to
the
Safety
of
these
Kingdoms
.
We
do
therefore
make
it
our
most
hearty
Request
,
that
you
(
in
the
Name
of
this
Common-Hall
)
will
return
to
the
Right
Honourable
the
Earl
of
Essex
,
and
(
by
him
)
to
the
rest
of
those
Noble
Peers
,
the
Grateful
Acknowledgment
of
this
Assembly
.
Which
being
Read
,
and
Approved
of
by
a
General
Acclamation
,
the
Sheriffs
promised
to
give
their
Lordships
the
Thanks
of
the
Common-Hall
,
in
pursuance
of
their
Request
.
The
Address
of
the
City
of
Westminster
,
Febr.
10.
1680
/
1.
To
the
Honoured
Sir
William
Poultney
,
and
Sir
William
Waller
,
Knights
,
Unanimously
Elected
Members
of
the
ensuing
Parliament
for
the
Ancient
City
of
Westminster
.
WE
the
Inhabitants
of
this
City
and
the
Liberties
thereof
,
Assembled
,
retaining
a
most
grateful
and
indelible
Sence
of
your
prudent
Zeal
in
the
late
Parliament
,
in
searching
into
the
depth
of
the
horrid
and
hellish
Plots
of
the
Papists
against
His
Majesty's
Royal
Person
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Government
of
the
Realm
,
and
in
endeavouring
to
bring
the
Authors
of
Wicked
Counsels
to
condign
punishment
:
And
remembring
also
your
faithful
discharge
of
that
great
Trust
reposed
in
you
,
in
vindicating
our
undoubted
Right
of
Petitioning
His
Majesty
,
That
Parliaments
may
Sit
for
the
Redress
of
our
Grievances
,
which
Hereditary
Priviledge
some
Bad
Men
would
have
wrested
out
of
our
Hands
;
upon
whom
you
have
set
such
a
just
Brand
of
Ignominy
,
as
may
deter
them
from
the
like
Attempts
for
the
time
to
come
:
And
further
reflecting
upon
your
vigorous
Endeavours
to
secure
to
us
and
our
Posterity
the
Profession
of
the
True
Religion
,
by
those
Just
,
Legal
and
Necessary
Expedients
,
which
the
great
Wisdom
of
the
Two
last
Parliaments
fixed
upon
,
and
adhered
to
;
Do
find
our selves
obliged
to
make
our
open
Acknowledgement
of
,
and
to
return
our
hearty
Thanks
for
your
eminent
Integrity
and
Faithfulness
,
your
indefatigable
Labour
and
Pains
in
the
Premises
,
not
once
questioning
but
you
will
maintain
the
same
good
Spirit
and
Zeal
to
secure
His
Majesty's
Royal
Person
,
and
to
preserve
to
us
the
Protestant
Religion
(
wherein
all
good
Subjects
have
an
Interest
)
against
the
secret
and
subtil
Contrivances
and
open
Assaults
of
the
Common
Enemy
:
as
also
our
Civil
Rights
and
Properties
against
the
Incroachments
of
Arbitrary
Power
.
In
pursuance
of
which
Great
and
Good
Ends
,
we
shall
always
be
ready
,
as
we
are
obliged
,
to
adhere
to
you
our
Honoured
Representatives
,
with
the
utmost
hazard
of
our
Persons
and
Estates
.
City
of
Chichester
,
the
same
Day
.
After
the
Unanimous
Choice
of
John
Braman
and
Richard
Farington
Esquires
,
(
who
serv'd
for
that
City
in
the
late
Parliament
)
they
had
the
Sence
of
that
Eminent
City
delivered
to
them
by
a
Worthy
Person
,
in
the
Name
,
and
by
the
Consent
of
the
rest
,
in
the
following
Speech
.
Gentlemen
,
THe
Faithful
discharge
of
the
like
high
Trust
we
formerly
gave
you
,
is
the
true
Inducement
of
our
chusing
you
again
;
And
as
we
heartily
thank
you
for
your
past
worthy
Behaviour
in
Parliament
,
and
in
a
particular
manner
,
for
your
being
for
the
Bill
of
Exclusion
;
for
the
Bill
of
Uniting
all
His
Majesty's
Subjects
,
for
Vindicating
our
(
almost
lost
)
Right
of
Petitioning
for
frequent
Parliaments
,
and
for
your
endeavour
to
call
those
wretched
Pensioners
to
an
Account
,
that
betray'd
the
Nation
in
the
late
Long
Parliament
;
So
we
pray
you
to
persevere
in
your
faithful
Service
of
us
,
until
the
Nation
be
throughly
secured
against
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
.
And
since
that
Famous
and
Renowned
Bulwark
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
ever-to-be-honoured
City
of
London
,
have
commanded
their
Sheriffs
to
present
their
Thanks
to
the
true
English
and
Noble
Earl
of
Essex
,
and
by
him
to
the
rest
of
those
Right
Honourable
Peers
,
for
their
late
Excellent
Petition
and
Advice
to
His
Majesty
;
so
we
being
willing
to
imitate
so
Good
and
Great
an
Example
,
do
desire
you
in
our
names
,
to
present
in
like
manner
,
our
humble
and
hearty
Thanks
to
the
said
Earl
,
and
those
Noble
Lords
.
Borough
of
Colchester
,
February
15.
1680
/
1.
After
the
Election
made
,
a
great
Number
of
the
Free-Burgesses
of
this
Corporation
agreed
upon
the
following
Address
to
be
presented
to
their
Representatives
.
To
the
Honourable
Sir
Harbottle
Grimston
Baronet
,
and
Samuel
Reynolds
Esq
now
chosen
Burgesses
for
our
Corporation
of
Cochester
,
in
the
County
of
Essex
.
WE
the
Free-Burgesses
of
the
said
Corporation
,
being
deeply
sensible
of
the
unspeakable
danger
threatning
His
Majesty's
Life
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
well
established
Government
of
this
Kingdom
,
from
the
Hellish
Designs
of
the
Papists
,
and
their
wicked
Adherents
:
And
that
our
Religion
and
Liberties
,
can
only
,
under
God
,
be
secured
to
us
and
our
Posterity
,
by
wholsome
Advice
in
Parliament
;
Have
now
chosen
you
to
represent
us
there
,
in
confidence
of
your
Integrity
and
Courage
,
to
discharge
so
great
a
Trust
in
this
time
of
Imminent
Danger
.
And
we
do
desire
you
to
allow
us
to
speak
our
stedfast
Resolution
(
with
utmost
hazard
of
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
)
to
shew
our
Approbation
of
what
shall
be
resolved
in
Parliament
,
for
maintaining
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
our
Liberties
,
against
Popery
,
and
Arbitrary
Government
.
And
we
hope
you
will
endeavour
to
the
utmost
of
your
Power
,
to
disable
James
Duke
of
York
,
and
all
other
Popish
Pretenders
,
from
Inheriting
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Realm
:
And
we
shall
pray
for
your
good
success
.
Here
we
cannot
but
inform
the
Reader
,
That
the
Notorious
Thompson
in
his
Popish
Intelligence
of
the
15th
of
March
,
would
insinuate
as
if
there
were
no
such
Address
,
by
Printing
a
Story
,
That
the
Mayor
,
Aldermen
and
some
others
of
this
Town
,
being
Assembled
on
February
28.
1680
/
1.
A
Printed
Paper
purporting
to
be
the
manner
of
the
Election
,
and
containing
also
an
Address
made
to
the
Members
,
&c.
was
read
amongst
them
,
and
that
none
of
the
Assembly
would
own
his
Consenting
to
or
making
that
Paper
or
Address
;
Touching
which
it
must
be
Noted
.
1.
That
the
Mayor
and
several
of
these
Gentlemen
,
were
disobliged
by
being
Out-Voted
,
and
much
offended
,
because
they
could
not
carry
it
for
their
Friend
Sir
Walter
Clarges
,
and
so
had
no
Reason
to
Address
to
the
Members
duly
and
fairly
Elected
,
because
they
had
vigorously
appeared
for
a
contrary
Party
.
2.
That
there
are
in
that
Pamphlet
in
relating
the
manner
of
the
Election
some
galling
Truths
,
or
if
you
please
Reflections
,
which
possibly
had
better
been
spared
,
and
therefore
no
wise
man
would
own
the
making
it
.
But
for
the
Address
it self
't
is
certain
,
That
it
was
agreed
upon
,
consented
unto
,
and
will
be
Justified
by
the
far
greater
part
of
the
Electors
of
this
Antient
and
Eminently
Loyal
Borough
,
of
which
't
was
thought
fit
here
to
give
this
brief
Account
,
for
obviating
any
slanderous
Objection
that
might
be
made
on
that
occasion
.
The
Address
of
the
Gentlemen
and
Free-holders
of
Bedford
.
To
the
Right
Honourable
the
Lord
Russel
,
and
Sir
Humphrey
Munnox
,
Elected
Knights
for
that
Shire
,
on
the
14th
,
of
February
,
1680/1.
WHen
it
pleased
His
Majesty
to
summon
His
Peers
and
Commons
of
this
His
Realm
to
meet
Him
at
Westminster
,
in
the
last
Parliament
,
we
accordingly
then
Chose
You
to
Act
on
our
behalf
.
And
being
abundantly
satisfied
,
not
only
in
Your
Courage
,
Integrity
and
Prudence
in
general
;
but
also
in
Your
particular
Care
,
and
faithful
conscientious
Endeavours
:
(
1.
)
To
assert
our
Right
of
Legal
Petitioning
for
Redress
of
our
just
Grievances
,
and
to
punish
those
who
were
studious
to
betray
it
:
(
2.
)
To
secure
the
Meeting
,
and
Sitting
of
frequent
Parliaments
(
already
by
Law
provided
for
)
for
the
preservation
of
our
Lives
,
Liberties
and
Estates
;
and
for
the
support
of
His
Sacred
Majesty
;
and
even
of
the
Government
it self
:
(
3.
)
To
Repeal
the
Act
of
the
35th
of
Elizabeth
,
whereby
all
true
Protestants
might
possibly
,
in
case
of
a
Popish
Successor
(
from
which
God
of
his
infinite
Mercy
defend
us
)
be
liable
to
utter
Ruine
,
Abjuration
,
and
perpetual
Banishment
.
(
.4
)
To
secure
his
Majesty's
Royal
Person
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
well
Established
Government
of
this
Realm
.
(
5.
)
To
destroy
and
root
out
Popery
.
(
6.
)
To
use
the
most
effectual
means
conducing
to
so
good
an
End
;
viz.
The
Exclusion
of
a
a
Popish
Successor
,
both
by
name
,
and
otherwise
.
We
have
therefore
now
chosen
you
again
to
represent
us
in
like
manner
in
this
Parliament
called
to
be
held
at
Oxford
,
in
full
Trust
and
Confidence
,
that
with
the
same
Courage
and
Integrity
you
will
persevere
in
the
same
good
Endeavours
,
pursuing
all
things
that
(
by
joynt
consent
of
your
Fellow-Members
)
shall
be
found
for
our
publick
Good
and
Safety
.
And
in
full
assurance
that
you
will
not
consent
to
the
disposal
of
any
of
our
Moneys
,
till
we
are
effectually
secured
against
Popery
,
and
Arbitrary
Power
,
do
resolve
(
by
Divine
Assistance
)
to
stand
by
you
therein
.
The
Address
of
the
Gentry
and
Free-holders
of
the
County
of
Suffolk
,
to
their
Representatives
Chosen
the
14th
of
February
,
1680/1.
presented
to
them
by
Sir
Philip
Skippon
,
in
the
name
and
by
consent
of
the
rest
of
the
Electors
.
To
the
Honourable
Sir
Sam.
Barnardiston
,
and
Sir
Will
.
Spring
,
Baronets
,
Knights
of
the
Shire
for
the
County
of
Suffolk
.
Gentlemen
,
WE
the
Free-holders
of
this
County
having
chosen
you
our
Representatives
in
the
last
Parliament
,
in
which
we
had
satisfactory
Demonstration
of
your
Zeal
for
the
Protestant
Religion
,
of
your
Loyalty
to
his
Majesty's
Person
and
Government
,
and
of
your
faithful
Endeavours
for
the
Preservation
of
the
Laws
,
our
Rights
and
Properties
;
we
now
return
you
our
most
hearty
Thanks
,
and
have
unanimously
chosen
you
to
represent
this
County
at
the
Parliament
to
be
holden
at
Oxford
the
21st
of
March
next
:
And
though
we
have
not
the
least
distrust
of
your
Wisdom
to
understand
,
or
of
your
Integrity
and
Resolution
to
maintain
and
promote
our
common
Interests
now
in
so
great
hazard
,
yet
we
think
it
meet
(
at
this
time
of
imminent
Danger
to
the
King
and
Kingdom
)
to
recommend
some
things
to
your
Care
;
And
particularly
we
do
desire
,
1.
That
(
as
hitherto
you
have
,
so
)
you
will
vigorously
prosecute
the
Execrable
Popish
Plot
,
now
more
fully
discovered
and
proved
by
the
Trial
of
William
late
Viscount
Stafford
.
2.
That
you
will
promote
a
Bill
for
excluding
James
D.
of
York
,
and
all
Popish
Successors
from
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Realm
;
as
that
which
under
God
may
probably
be
a
present
and
effectual
means
for
the
preservation
of
his
Majesty's
Life
,
(
which
God
preserve
)
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
well-established
Government
of
this
Kingdom
.
3.
That
you
will
endeavour
the
frequent
meetings
of
Parliaments
,
and
their
sitting
so
long
as
it
shall
be
requisite
for
the
dispatch
of
those
great
Affairs
for
which
they
are
convened
,
as
that
which
is
our
only
Bulwark
against
Arbitrary
Power
.
4.
That
you
will
endeavour
an
happy
and
necessary
Union
amongst
all
his
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
,
by
promoting
those
several
good
Bills
which
were
to
that
end
before
the
last
Parliament
.
And
that
till
these
things
be
obtained
,
which
we
conceive
necessary
even
to
the
Being
of
this
Nation
,
you
will
not
consent
to
bring
any
Charge
upon
our
Estates
;
And
we
do
assure
you
that
we
will
stand
by
you
with
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
in
Prosecution
of
the
good
ends
before
recited
.
The
Address
of
the
Town
of
Hertford
,
February
21.
1680
/
1.
To
the
Right
Worshipful
Sir
William
Cooper
Baronet
,
and
Sir
Thomas
Byde
Knight
.
WE
the
Free-men
and
Inhabitants
of
the
Burrough
of
Hertford
,
in
the
County
of
Hertford
,
having
unanimously
Chosen
You
our
Representatives
to
Sit
in
the
next
ensuing
Parliament
to
be
holden
at
Oxford
the
21st
of
March
next
,
cannot
but
with
all
Thankfulness
acknowledge
your
most
faithful
Endeavours
,
and
unwearied
Pains
in
serving
us
in
the
last
Parliament
,
searching
into
and
discovering
the
late
damnable
Hellish
Popish
Plot
;
The
preservation
of
His
Majesty's
Person
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
well
established
Government
of
the
Realm
;
To
secure
the
Meeting
and
Sitting
of
frequent
Parliaments
;
to
assert
our
undoubted
Right
of
Petitioning
,
and
to
punish
such
who
would
have
betrayed
those
Rights
;
To
promote
a
happy
Union
amongst
all
His
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
;
to
Repeal
the
Act
of
the
35th
of
Queen
Elizabeth
,
and
the
Corporation
Act
;
and
particularly
for
what
Progress
hath
been
made
in
the
Bill
of
Exclusion
of
all
Popish
Successors
,
the
principal
Cause
of
all
the
Miseries
and
Ruine
impending
these
Kingdoms
in
general
;
beseeching
You
as
now
our
Representatives
,
to
prosecute
the
same
good
Ends
and
Purposes
,
until
the
Nation
shall
be
throughly
secured
against
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
,
both
in
Church
and
State
.
And
further
,
in
imitation
of
the
ever
Renowned
City
of
London
,
We
Request
You
in
our
behalf
,
to
present
our
humble
Acknowledgements
to
the
Right
Honorable
the
Earl
of
Essex
,
and
by
him
to
all
the
rest
of
those
Right
Honorable
Peers
,
for
their
late
Excellent
Petition
and
Advice
to
His
Majesty
;
and
for
all
the
rest
of
all
their
Faithfull
Services
and
Endeavours
they
have
performed
for
the
Protestant
Interest
of
the
Nation
.
The
Address
of
the
Gentry
and
Free-holders
of
the
County
of
Essex
.
To
Sir
Henry
Mildmay
and
John
Lemot
Honeywood
Esquire
Unanimously
Re
elected
Knights
for
the
Shire
,
Feb.
22.
1680
/
1.
Gentlemen
,
THe
Faithful
Discharge
of
that
Trust
we
formerly
gave
You
,
is
the
true
Inducement
of
our
Chusing
You
again
to
be
our
Representatives
,
being
abundantly
satisfied
not
only
in
Your
Care
and
Prudence
in
General
,
but
also
in
Your
Particular
Care
and
Unwearied
Diligence
in
Your
Conscientious
Endeavours
to
secure
His
Majesty's
Royal
Person
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
Government
of
the
Realm
;
To
Unite
all
His
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
;
To
Repeal
the
Act
of
the
35th
of
Elizabeth
;
To
Assert
our
just
and
ancient
Rights
and
Priviledges
,
and
particularly
that
of
Petitioning
;
and
to
punish
those
who
were
studious
to
betray
them
:
For
Your
two
excellent
Addresses
,
and
Publishing
Your
Votes
;
Endeavouring
to
secure
the
Meeting
and
Sitting
of
Frequent
Parliaments
;
To
destroy
and
root
out
Popery
,
by
securing
us
against
all
Popish
Successors
,
and
particularly
by
passing
a
Bill
against
James
Duke
of
York
,
without
which
we
are
highly
sensible
,
that
all
other
means
will
be
ineffectual
,
and
the
Peace
and
Safety
of
the
Kingdom
and
government
(
it
self
)
left
in
great
danger
;
it
being
inconsistent
with
our
Oath
,
by
which
we
swear
against
the
Pope's
Supremacy
,
whil'st
a
Popish
King
himself
owns
it
;
and
it
being
against
the
Essence
of
Government
,
that
People
should
obey
him
,
who
,
by
his
Principles
,
(
as
a
Papist
)
is
bound
to
destroy
them
.
And
as
we
do
heartily
thank
You
for
Your
past
worthy
Behaviour
herein
,
so
we
have
chosen
You
to
Act
on
our
behalf
in
the
next
Parliament
to
be
holden
at
Oxford
,
in
full
trust
and
considence
,
that
with
Courage
and
Integrity
,
You
will
persevere
in
the
same
good
Endeavours
,
pursuing
all
things
that
shall
be
found
for
our
Publick
Good
and
Safety
.
And
in
full
Assurance
that
You
will
not
consent
to
the
disposal
of
any
of
our
Moneys
,
till
we
are
effectually
secured
against
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
;
And
untill
the
Fleet
and
Garisons
are
settled
in
the
hands
of
such
as
are
Persons
of
known
Loyalty
and
Fidelity
to
the
King
and
Kingdom
,
and
true
Zeal
and
Affection
for
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
we
do
resolve
(
by
Divine
Assistance
)
to
stand
by
You
therein
with
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
.
'T
is
observable
,
That
this
Address
being
openly
read
to
their
Representatives
,
and
confirm'd
by
the
Unanimous
and
loud
Acclamations
of
the
Free-holders
,
for
further
demonstration
that
it
was
the
Sense
of
each
individual
person
of
that
Numerous
Assembly
,
it
was
offered
,
that
so
many
as
agreed
to
it
,
should
say
Ay
;
upon
which
,
they
all
cried
out
Ay
,
Ay.
And
if
any
were
otherwise
minded
,
they
were
desired
to
express
their
Dissent
by
saying
No
:
At
which
there
was
Altum
Silentium
,
not
one
to
be
heard
saying
No.
The
Address
of
the
Gentry
and
other
Free-holders
of
the
County
of
Surrey
,
being
in
number
about
2000
,
Feb.
23.
1680
/
1.
To
Arthur
Onslow
and
George
Evelin
Esquires
,
elected
Knights
for
this
County
,
in
the
ensuing
Parliament
,
whose
Session
is
appointed
at
Oxon
,
the
21st
of
the
following
Month.
WE
the
Free-holders
of
the
County
of
Surrey
,
having
in
the
two
former
Parliaments
chosen
you
to
be
our
Representatives
,
and
being
fully
satisfied
in
your
Faithfullness
and
Care
to
preserve
the
Protestant
Religion
,
His
Majesty's
Royal
Person
,
the
good
Government
of
the
Nation
by
Law
,
and
in
securing
our
Rights
and
Liberties
;
for
your
real
Endeavours
herein
,
we
joyntly
return
our
hearty
Thanks
,
and
have
now
chosen
you
again
,
to
be
our
Representatives
in
this
Parliament
.
And
though
we
have
not
the
least
Suspicion
or
Doubt
of
your
Wisdom
and
Integrity
,
in
Acting
for
our
Common
Good
(
now
,
as
we
apprehend
,
in
great
danger
)
yet
we
judge
it
expedient
to
discover
our
Minds
and
hearty
Desires
,
in
the
Particulars
following
,
(
viz.
)
I.
That
you
'll
continue
vigorously
to
prosecute
the
horrid
Popish
Plotters
,
and
endeavour
thay
may
be
brought
to
condign
punishment
,
especially
all
Sham-Plotters
,
which
we
esteem
the
worst
of
Villains
.
II.
That
you
will
insist
on
a
Bill
for
excluding
all
Popish
Successors
to
the
Crown
,
which
(
we
believe
)
an
effectual
Means
(
under
God
)
for
preserving
the
Protestant
Religion
,
His
Majesty's
Life
and
Tranquillity
,
with
the
well
established
Government
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
securing
it
to
our
Posterity
.
III.
That
you
endeavour
passing
a
Bill
for
Regulating
Elections
,
and
the
Frequency
of
Parliaments
(
for
dispatch
of
those
weighty
Affairs
of
the
Nation
,
that
shall
from
time
to
time
be
before
them
)
which
we
judge
the
best
prevention
of
an
Arbitrary
Power
.
IV.
That
you
perservere
in
Asserting
our
Right
of
Legal
Petitioning
,
for
removing
our
just
Grievances
,
and
pass
a
Bill
(
if
there
be
no
Law
)
to
punish
such
that
shall
obstruct
it
.
V.
That
you
will
use
your
utmost
Endeavours
to
bring
in
a
Bill
against
Pluralities
of
Church-Livings
,
Non-residency
,
and
Scandalous
Ministers
,
of
which
there
are
too
many
in
most
Counties
.
VI.
That
you
will
endeavour
to
preserve
His
Majesty's
Person
,
to
root
out
Popery
,
and
prevent
Arbitrary
Government
,
and
use
your
utmost
Endeavours
to
unite
His
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
.
VII
.
Lastly
,
That
you
will
not
consent
to
any
Money-Bill
,
till
the
foresaid
Particulars
be
effected
;
and
in
so
doing
,
we
hereby
promise
to
stand
by
you
with
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
.
The
Address
of
the
Free-holders
of
the
County
of
Leicester
.
To
the
Right
Honourable
Benet
Lord
Sherrard
,
and
Sir
John
Hartopp
,
Baronet
;
as
it
was
audibly
read
in
Court
by
the
Sheriff
,
and
unanimously
approved
of
by
the
said
Free-holders
,
immediately
after
their
Election
,
24
Febr.
1680/1.
WE
the
Free-holders
of
the
County
of
Leicester
,
having
chosen
you
to
be
our
Representatives
in
the
Two
last
Parliaments
,
being
highly
sensible
of
the
care
you
have
taken
to
secure
his
Majesty's
Royal
person
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
our
Liberties
and
Properties
:
as
also
your
Endeavours
further
to
discover
and
prosecute
the
horrid
Popish
Plot
spread
over
the
Realm
of
England
,
and
others
of
His
Majesty's
Dominions
,
with
your
zealous
promoting
an
happy
Union
of
all
good
Protestants
in
this
Land
,
not
only
by
good
and
wholesome
Laws
for
that
End
,
but
by
Repealing
those
which
were
destructive
to
it
;
and
especially
for
your
persisting
in
the
Exclusion
of
James
Duke
of
York
,
and
all
other
Popish
Successors
from
inheriting
the
Imperial
Crown
of
England
;
which
we
esteem
the
only
Security
under
God
,
of
His
Majesty's
Person
and
Dominions
;
Likewise
,
your
Vindicating
our
fundamentally
Right
of
Petitioning
His
Majesty
for
frequent
Sitting
of
Parliaments
,
by
your
particular
Marks
of
Displeasure
laid
upon
the
Opposers
of
it
:
For
all
which
,
and
other
good
Laws
you
were
about
to
make
,
we
give
you
most
hearty
Thanks
.
And
having
now
again
Unanimously
chosen
you
for
the
ensuing
Parliament
,
if
you
shall
continue
the
prosecution
of
the
aforementioned
absolutely
necessary
Things
,
we
shall
stand
by
you
with
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
.
The
Address
of
the
Gentry
and
Free-holders
of
the
County
of
York
,
publickly
read
in
Court
,
and
fully
consented
to
by
the
whole
Assembly
,
by
a
general
Acclamation
at
their
Election
,
March
2.
To
the
Right
Honourable
Charles
Lord
Clifford
,
and
Henry
Lord
Fairfax
.
May
it
please
your
Lordships
,
THe
Assurance
we
had
of
your
Fidelity
and
Activity
,
for
the
Service
of
our
King
and
Country
,
in
the
Parliament
which
began
at
Westminster
the
6th
.
of
March
1678.
Was
the
only
Reason
of
our
Choice
of
you
to
Represent
us
in
the
last
Parliament
,
and
our
experience
of
your
Faithfulness
and
Diligence
in
the
same
Service
the
last
Parliament
,
is
the
only
Ground
of
our
uncontradicted
Choice
of
you
again
this
Day
into
the
same
Trust
,
for
the
ensuing
Parliament
,
appointed
to
meet
at
Oxford
the
21th
.
instant
.
And
we
judge
it
our
Duty
,
as
good
Protestants
,
Loyal
Subjects
,
and
True
Englishmen
,
not
only
to
express
our
hearty
Concurrence
with
you
in
,
but
also
to
return
you
our
real
and
publick
Thanks
for
the
many
good
Things
you
did
,
and
were
about
to
do
in
both
the
last
Parliaments
;
and
more
especially
,
for
your
seasonable
Addresses
to
His
Majesty
,
your
Necessary
Votes
,
Resolutions
,
Orders
,
and
Bills
,
whereby
you
have
endeavoured
,
1.
To
preserve
the
Protestant
Religion
,
His
Majesty's
Person
,
and
the
Kingdoms
of
England
and
Ireland
from
the
many
Dangers
which
threaten
them
.
2.
To
Exclude
a
Popish
Successor
.
3.
To
Unite
all
His
Majesty's
Protestant-Subjects
.
4.
To
purge
out
the
Corruptions
which
abound
in
Elections
of
Members
to
serve
in
Parliament
.
And
,
5.
To
secure
us
for
the
future
against
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
.
And
we
intreat
you
to
proceed
in
a
Parliamentary
way
to
the
Accomplishment
of
these
Excellent
Things
;
and
we
assure
you
,
that
these
things
being
done
,
we
shall
with
great
chearfullness
be
willing
to
supply
His
Majesty
(
to
the
utmost
of
our
Ability
)
with
Money
,
for
the
securing
of
His
Interest
and
Honour
,
both
at
home
and
abroad
.
A
Letter
agreed
upon
by
the
Mayor
and
Inhabitants
of
the
Borough
of
Bridgwater
,
to
be
sent
to
their
Burgesses
chosen
on
the
26th
of
February
.
Sir
Halswel
Tynt
,
and
Sir
John
Malet
,
WE
greet
you
both
with
our
most
humble
and
hearty
Service
,
and
by
these
inform
you
,
that
on
Saturday
the
26th
.
past
,
with
all
becoming
Calmness
and
Fairness
,
we
Elected
you
to
be
our
Burgesses
and
Representatives
in
the
ensuing
Parliament
.
We
do
also
Unanimously
approve
of
that
great
Care
and
indefatigable
Industry
which
the
last
Parliament
took
,
in
and
toward
the
securing
of
the
Protestant
Religion
(
than
which
nothing
is
more
dear
to
us
)
His
Majesty's
Sacred
Person
and
Government
,
together
with
the
Vindication
and
Preservation
of
our
Native
Rights
,
Liberties
and
Priviledges
;
For
their
utmost
Endeavour
to
bring
the
Betrayers
of
the
same
,
together
with
all
the
principal
Conspirators
in
that
most
damnable
and
hellish
Popish
Plot
,
to
condign
punishment
,
not
omitting
our
grateful
Acknowledgments
of
those
many
Good
Bills
which
they
had
prepared
;
And
moreover
,
for
all
those
worthy
Votes
,
Resolutions
and
orders
made
and
past
in
that
most
Loyal
,
and
never-to-be-forgotten
Parliament
,
whereof
one
of
you
in
the
last
,
and
both
of
you
in
former
Parliaments
(
to
our
great
comfort
and
encouragment
)
approved
your selves
faithful
Members
.
We
do
also
humbly
and
heartily
Desire
and
Petition
you
to
follow
their
good
Precedent
and
Example
in
this
ensuing
Parliament
,
to
do
your
utmost
to
secure
the
King's
Person
,
with
the
Protestant
Religion
(
which
we
apprehend
,
with
deep
sense
of
mind
,
to
be
in
imminent
Danger
)
from
all
Popish
Attempts
and
Conspiracies
whatsoever
;
As
also
to
take
Care
for
the
Exclusion
and
Prevention
of
any
Popish
Successor
from
inheriting
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Realm
.
In
the
firm
and
faithful
Discharge
of
that
great
Trust
we
have
reposed
in
you
,
(
whereof
we
do
not
in
the
least
doubt
)
withal
confidently
believing
,
That
you
will
not
charge
our
Estates
,
till
we
are
effectually
secured
from
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Government
;
We
do
assure
you
,
That
we
will
stand
by
you
with
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
:
And
we
shall
ever
pray
for
your
good
Success
.
The
Sense
of
the
Gentry
and
Free-holders
of
the
County
of
Nottingham
,
to
Sir
Scroop
How
and
John
White
,
elected
Knights
of
the
Shire
there
,
Febr.
22.
as
it
was
delivered
in
the
following
Speech
made
by
a
worthy
Gentleman
,
in
the
Name
,
and
by
and
with
the
Consent
and
Approbation
of
the
whole
Company
of
Electors
.
Gentlemen
,
WE
give
you
hearty
Thanks
for
your
good
Service
in
the
late
Parliaments
,
and
for
accepting
the
same
Trust
again
;
And
we
desire
you
to
persevere
in
the
same
steps
you
have
before
made
for
the
Preservation
of
His
Majesty's
Royal
Person
,
against
the
wicked
Attempts
of
the
Hellish
Plotters
;
And
for
the
Defence
of
Religion
and
Property
,
against
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
;
and
that
you
would
be
sparing
of
our
Money
,
until
those
things
are
effectually
secured
,
and
a
sure
Foundation
laid
of
an
happy
Union
between
the
King
and
his
People
,
by
the
removal
of
those
Evil
Instruments
,
who
,
through
private
Interest
and
Ambition
,
make
it
their
business
to
divide
their
Affections
.
The
Barkshire
Address
,
to
the
Gentlemen
Unanimously
Elected
to
serve
for
that
County
,
Feb.
28.
1680
/
1.
To
the
Worshipful
William
Barker
,
and
Richard
Southby
,
Esquires
,
now
Chosen
to
be
the
Representatives
of
the
County
of
Berks.
WE
the
Free-holders
of
this
County
,
being
abundantly
satisfied
of
your
Faithful
Discharge
of
the
great
Trust
we
reposed
in
you
in
the
last
Parliament
,
in
your
Care
and
constant
Attendance
,
is
the
true
Inducement
of
our
Chusing
you
again
this
Day
to
be
our
Representatives
in
this
Parliament
to
be
holden
at
Oxford
,
and
do
return
you
our
hearty
Thanks
,
1.
That
you
have
asserted
our
Right
of
the
Legal
Petitioning
for
Redress
of
our
just
Grievances
,
and
punishing
those
who
labour
to
betray
it
.
2.
For
endeavouring
to
preserve
his
Majesty's
Royal
Person
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Established
Government
of
this
Realm
.
3.
In
using
the
most
effectual
Means
conducing
to
so
good
an
End
,
(
viz.
)
the
Excluding
of
James
Duke
of
York
,
or
any
Popish
Successor
,
from
ever
Inheriting
this
Crown
,
being
the
only
way
(
as
we
imagine
)
under
God
,
to
destroy
and
root
Popery
out
of
this
Realm
.
4.
For
endeavouring
the
frequent
Meeting
and
Sitting
of
Parliaments
(
already
by
Law
provided
,
)
for
the
preservation
of
our
Lives
,
Liberties
,
and
Estates
;
for
the
support
of
his
Majesty
,
and
the
Government
it self
.
5.
For
Repealing
the
35th
of
Queen
Elizabeth
,
whereby
all
true
Protestants
might
not
be
liable
to
utter
Ruine
,
and
perpetual
Banishment
.
6.
For
your
Inspection
into
the
Illegal
and
Arbitrary
Proceedings
of
the
Courts
in
Westminster-Hall
,
as
destructive
to
publick
Justice
,
and
violating
the
Rights
of
the
Subjects
;
and
in
effect
to
subvert
the
Ancient
Constitution
of
Parliaments
,
and
the
Government
of
this
Kingdom
.
7.
That
you
laboured
for
an
Happy
and
Necessary
Union
amongst
all
his
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
,
as
being
the
surest
way
to
defend
the
true
Religion
from
all
the
evil
Attempts
of
our
Popish
Adversaries
.
8.
For
Repealing
the
Corporation
Act.
And
now
our
Request
is
,
That
you
will
not
consent
to
any
Money-Bill
,
till
the
aforesaid
particulars
be
throughly
effected
;
and
,
in
so
doing
,
we
do
hereby
engage
to
stand
by
you
with
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
.
The
Address
of
the
Town
of
Dover
.
To
Thomas
Papillon
,
and
William
Stokes
,
Esquires
,
the
late
and
now
new
elected
Members
to
serve
in
Parliament
,
for
the
Town
and
Port
of
Dover
in
the
County
of
Kent
.
WE
the
Mayor
,
Jurats
,
and
Commonalty
of
the
said
Town
of
Dover
,
having
duly
considered
the
good
Abilities
,
and
great
Faithfulness
of
you
who
have
been
our
Representatives
in
the
two
preceeding
Parliaments
,
and
have
therein
given
demonstration
of
your
Loyalty
to
his
Majesty
,
and
for
the
Security
of
his
Majesty's
Kingdoms
,
do
with
all
gratefulness
return
you
our
hearty
thanks
,
and
do
pray
that
in
pursuance
of
the
Trust
we
have
now
again
reposed
in
you
,
you
will
with
the
same
Candor
and
Faithfulness
,
endeavour
the
Security
of
his
Majesty's
Person
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
his
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
,
by
your
utmost
endeavours
for
the
perfecting
of
those
good
Bills
that
were
before
you
in
the
last
Parliament
;
in
prosecution
of
which
we
will
stand
by
you
with
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
.
The
Address
of
the
Borough
of
New-Castle
under
Line
,
as
it
was
read
in
the
Town-Hall
by
the
Recorder
,
and
fully
consented
to
by
the
Inhabitants
,
March
the
3d.
To
the
Right
Worshipful
Sir
Thomas
Bellot
,
Bar.
and
William
Loveson
Gower
,
Esq
now
Chosen
Burgesses
for
the
Borough
of
New-Castle
under
Line
.
WE
the
Mayor
,
Aldermen
and
Free-Burgesses
,
Inhabitants
of
the
aforesaid
Borough
,
being
deeply
sensible
of
your
faithful
Discharge
of
the
great
Trust
reposed
in
you
the
two
last
Parliaments
,
and
of
the
unspeakable
Danger
threatning
his
Majesty's
Life
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
well-established
Government
of
this
Kingdom
,
from
the
Hellish
Designs
of
the
Papists
,
and
their
Adherents
.
And
that
our
Religion
and
Liberties
can
only
(
under
God
)
be
secured
to
us
and
our
Posterities
by
the
wholesome
Advice
of
Parliaments
,
have
now
chosen
you
again
to
represent
us
in
the
next
ensuing
Parliament
to
be
held
at
Oxford
,
March
21st
.
instant
,
in
confidence
of
your
continued
Faithfulness
,
Integrity
and
Courage
still
to
Discharge
so
great
a
Trust
,
especially
in
this
time
of
so
imminent
Danger
.
And
we
do
hereby
declare
,
That
to
our
utmost
power
(
though
with
the
hazard
of
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
)
we
will
maintain
and
approve
of
what
shall
be
resolved
in
Parliament
for
the
maintaining
the
Protestant
Religion
against
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Government
.
And
we
also
(
having
already
had
such
Experience
of
your
Affections
to
the
Kingdoms
Interest
)
hope
that
you
will
not
consent
to
the
Disposal
of
any
of
our
Moneys
till
we
are
effectually
setured
against
Popery
;
and
then
a
Charge
upon
us
to
the
half
of
what
we
enjoy
will
be
chearfully
accepted
by
us
.
And
,
we
hope
,
that
you
will
also
endeavour
,
to
the
utmost
of
your
Power
,
to
disable
James
Duke
of
York
,
and
all
other
Popish
Pretenders
,
from
Inheriting
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Realm
.
And
thereby
you
will
lay
a
firm
Obligation
upon
us
,
who
will
heartily
and
unfeignedly
pray
for
your
good
Success
in
so
weighty
an
undertaking
.
Signed
Ralph
Wood
,
Mayor
,
Nath.
Beard
,
and
Will
.
Middleton
,
Justices
,
and
by
the
Aldermen
,
and
Capital
Burgesses
,
and
above
200
more
of
the
Chief
Inhabitants
with
their
own
hands
.
The
Address
of
the
Gentry
and
other
Free-holders
of
the
County
of
Sussex
.
To
Sir
Will
.
Thomas
,
and
Sir
John
Fagg
,
presented
them
upon
their
being
elected
Knights
for
the
County
,
at
Lewis
,
March
the
3d.
Gentlemen
,
HAd
we
not
heard
well
of
Your
Fidelity
in
discharging
former
Publick
Trusts
,
we
had
not
this
day
called
You
to
the
same
Imploy
;
for
they
that
betray
,
or
neglect
our
service
once
,
shall
never
receive
our
Trust
again
;
And
though
we
have
no
intention
to
limit
or
circumscribe
the
Power
we
have
laid
in
You
,
yet
we
must
desire
,
(
and
with
that
earnestness
as
becometh
those
that
beg
for
no
less
than
the
life
of
their
King
,
Government
,
Religion
,
Laws
,
Liberties
and
Properties
;
yea
the
very
Lives
and
beings
of
all
the
Protestants
in
the
World
,
)
That
You
would
please
as
our
Representatives
,
to
have
an
especial
regard
to
these
particulars
following
.
1.
That
you
would
effectually
secure
His
Majesty's
Royal
Life
,
and
the
Lives
of
all
His
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
,
by
a
firm
and
Legal
Association
.
2.
That
You
would
repeat
the
Endeavours
of
the
Two
former
Worthy
Parliaments
;
in
barring
the
Door
against
all
Popish
Successors
to
the
Crown
;
and
in
particular
against
James
Duke
of
York
,
and
Arbitrary
Government
.
3.
That
You
would
be
incessant
in
Your
Endeavours
for
uniting
His
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
.
4.
That
You
would
further
search
into
the
bottom
of
those
Damnable
and
Hellish
Plots
of
the
Papists
,
that
have
been
laid
against
His
Majesty's
Life
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
Government
,
and
to
bring
those
Horrid
Criminals
to
Justice
.
5.
That
You
would
not
forget
those
Execrable
Villains
,
that
by
receiving
Pension
,
betrayed
our
Trusts
,
and
our
Liberties
in
the
late
Long
Parliament
,
but
do
such
Exemplary
Justice
on
them
,
that
all
others
for
the
future
may
fear
,
and
do
no
more
so
wickedly
.
And
in
doing
these
Great
things
,
and
all
others
that
You
shall
judge
necessary
for
the
Peace
,
Safety
and
Prosperity
of
the
Nation
,
we
shall
not
only
stand
by
you
as
Thankful
Acknowledgers
of
Your
Service
,
but
reckon
it
our
Duty
(
if
any
hazard
threaten
you
)
to
defend
You
as
Worthy
Patriots
,
with
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
.
The
Cheshire
Address
.
To
the
Honourable
Henry
Booth
,
Esq
and
Sir
Robert
Cotton
,
Kt.
and
Bar.
being
chosen
Knights
for
that
County
,
March
the
7th
.
Immediately
after
their
Election
,
the
Right
Honourable
the
Lord
Colchester
,
and
the
Lord
Brandon
,
presented
then
a
Paper
,
containing
the
Sentiments
and
Desires
of
the
Gentry
and
Free-holders
,
in
these
words
:
WE
the
Gentry
and
Free-holders
of
the
County
Palatine
of
Chester
,
who
have
by
a
free
and
unanimous
Consent
Re-elected
You
to
be
our
Representatives
in
Parliament
,
do
thankfully
acknowledge
Your
joynt
Integrity
and
concurrence
with
the
Worthy
and
Eminent
Members
of
the
Last
,
who
in
so
Signal
(
and
never
to
be
forgotten
)
a
manner
of
Petitioning
,
promoted
the
Union
,
Support
and
Growth
of
the
True
Protestant
Religion
Established
by
Law
;
And
the
only
Expedient
(
we
think
)
to
perpetuate
these
to
our
Posterity
,
is
to
adhere
to
what
the
late
Parliament
designed
relating
to
the
Duke
of
York
,
and
all
Popish
Successors
;
to
provide
for
the
Defence
and
Safety
of
His
Majesty's
Person
;
vigorously
to
pursue
the
Discovery
of
the
horrid
Popish
Plot
;
and
to
punish
all
Sham-plotters
,
whom
we
esteem
the
worst
of
Villains
,
without
which
His
Majesty
can
neither
be
easie
,
nor
secure
.
These
with
those
great
and
Excellent
things
then
under
their
Considerations
,
make
us
confident
of
Your
Sincerity
and
Proceedings
;
which
that
they
may
be
successful
,
is
our
prayer
,
and
will
be
the
support
of
all
those
who
wish
the
happiness
of
His
Majesty
,
and
these
distressed
Kingdoms
.
We
likewise
desire
the
Votes
may
continue
to
be
Printed
,
that
till
the
effects
of
your
endeavours
(
on
which
depends
the
happiness
both
of
Church
and
State
)
are
accomplished
,
we
may
be
truly
acquainted
with
your
proceedings
.
The
Northamptonshire
Address
,
March
the
8th
.
To
John
Parkhurst
and
Miles
Fleetwood
,
Esquires
,
then
elected
Knights
for
that
County
.
Gentlemen
,
THat
we
are
extreamly
satisfied
of
Your
faithful
and
honest
discharge
of
the
great
Trust
reposed
in
You
by
this
County
of
Northampton
in
the
last
Parliament
,
is
most
evident
,
by
our
Hearty
Thanks
we
now
return
You
,
and
by
our
Unanimous
Electing
of
You
again
,
to
serve
for
us
in
the
next
Parliament
to
be
holden
at
Oxford
.
Gentlemen
,
We
find
by
Experience
,
you
so
well
judge
of
the
sense
of
our
Countrey
,
that
we
need
not
tender
You
our
Thoughts
in
many
Particulars
.
Only
,
as
the
Preservation
of
His
Majesty's
Sacred
Person
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
our
Properties
,
are
of
the
greatest
Concern
,
and
most
dear
unto
us
,
So
more
especially
we
recommend
them
unto
you
,
desiring
You
to
use
Your
utmost
Endeavours
.
1.
That
there
may
be
a
more
full
and
perfect
Discovery
of
that
most
Hellish
Popish
Plot
,
and
all
other
Sham-Plots
.
2.
That
we
may
be
secured
against
a
Popish
Successor
.
3.
That
there
may
be
found
means
of
Uniting
His
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
,
against
the
Common
Enemy
.
Gentlemen
,
In
pursuance
of
these
good
Ends
,
and
such
others
,
as
You
shall
think
conducing
to
the
happiness
of
the
King
and
Kingdom
,
We
shall
stand
by
You
with
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
.
The
Address
of
the
Town
of
Taunton
,
March
11th
.
To
Edmund
Prideaux
and
John
Trenchard
,
Esquires
.
Worthy
Sirs
,
WE
do
most
Heartily
acknowledge
Your
great
Wisdom
,
Courage
,
and
Faithfulness
,
in
the
Discharge
of
the
Trust
,
by
Us
Reposed
in
You
,
as
Members
of
the
late
Dissolved
Parliament
,
whose
Worthy
Endeavours
for
the
Happiness
of
the
King
and
Kingdom
,
exceedingly
Rejoyced
the
hearts
of
True
English
and
Protestant
Spirits
,
and
will
make
them
Famous
to
Posterity
.
And
now
Sirs
,
having
a
full
assurance
of
Your
Perseverance
in
the
same
good
Works
,
we
have
persumed
again
,
to
make
Choice
of
You
,
as
Our
Representatives
in
the
Ensuing
Parliament
,
desiring
Your
Acceptance
of
that
great
Trust
.
And
begging
You
,
as
that
wherein
the
Glory
of
God
,
the
Interest
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
Safety
and
Welfare
of
the
King
and
Kingdom
is
highly
concerned
,
to
Prosecute
(
as
shall
be
Guided
by
the
Wisdom
of
that
Honourable
House
,
)
these
following
Particulars
,
viz.
1.
That
some
effectual
course
may
be
taken
for
the
Safety
of
His
Majesty's
Sacred
Person
and
Government
,
which
have
been
and
still
are
in
extreme
danger
,
by
the
abominable
Plots
and
Atempts
of
Papists
.
2.
That
further
Search
be
made
into
the
Horrid
Popish
Plot
,
and
the
Plotters
and
Abettors
thereof
brought
to
condign
Punishment
.
3.
That
You
will
joyn
with
the
rest
of
that
Honourable
House
(
whereof
You
are
now
Chosen
to
be
Members
)
in
repeating
the
Endeavours
of
the
Two
last
Worthy
Parliaments
,
to
bar
all
Papists
(
and
especially
James
Duke
of
York
)
from
the
exercise
of
the
Royal
Authority
of
this
Kingdom
.
4.
That
You
will
with
all
diligence
endeavour
the
Uniting
of
His
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
,
and
the
Repealing
those
severe
Laws
that
are
obstructive
thereof
.
5.
That
all
good
Endeavours
be
used
for
the
securing
of
our
Religion
and
Property
,
and
the
just
Rights
and
Priviledges
of
the
Subject
.
6.
That
some
Law
may
be
made
for
the
preventing
of
the
Excesses
and
Exorbitances
in
the
Elections
of
Members
of
Parliament
,
and
of
undue
Returns
;
And
that
some
effectual
Provision
may
be
made
for
the
meeting
of
frequent
Parliaments
,
and
for
their
sitting
to
redress
Grievances
,
and
to
make
such
wholsome
Laws
as
shall
be
necessary
for
the
welfare
of
this
Nation
.
7.
That
some
effectual
course
be
taken
to
give
a
check
to
Prophaneness
and
Debauchery
,
which
threaten
Ruine
,
or
at
least
exceeding
great
Prejudice
to
the
Kingdom
.
In
prosecuting
of
all
which
worthy
Acts
,
we
shall
endeavour
your
Defence
with
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
.
The
Humble
Address
of
the
Young
Men
of
the
Borough
of
Taunton
.
To
Edmund
Prideaux
and
John
Trenchard
,
Esquires
,
who
were
Unanimously
chosen
by
the
Inhabitants
,
to
be
Representatives
of
the
said
Borough
,
to
serve
in
this
Parliament
,
which
is
to
Sit
at
Oxford
,
March
21
,
1680/1.
SIRS
,
THough
we
are
not
immediately
Concern'd
in
the
Electing
Members
to
Serve
in
Parliament
;
yet
being
deeply
sensible
that
we
shall
bear
an
equal
share
with
others
in
the
same
Common
Danger
,
and
Universal
Slavery
,
which
Hell
and
Rome
have
been
,
and
still
are
with
joint
and
unwearied
Endeavours
,
attempting
to
involve
these
Protestant
Nations
in
;
we
cannot
without
charging
our selves
with
unparallell'd
Ingratitude
,
omit
the
returning
you
our
hearty
Thanks
for
that
good
and
eminent
Service
you
did
both
us
and
the
Nation
in
the
late
Dissolved
Parliament
;
That
you
did
with
such
inflamed
Zeal
,
with
such
undaunted
Courage
and
Resolution
,
endeavour
the
Security
of
our
Religion
,
Liberty
and
Property
,
against
that
cursed
Popish
Faction
,
who
were
the
Invaders
of
them
;
particularly
we
deem
our selves
infinitely
obliged
for
the
great
Care
you
manifested
in
the
preservation
of
His
Majesty's
Sacred
Person
,
in
your
strenuous
prosecution
of
the
Horrid
and
Damnable
Popish
Plot
,
and
in
that
your
Attempts
were
so
Brisk
and
Vigorous
from
the
preventing
of
an
Arbitrary
and
Tyrannical
Power
(
which
we
cannot
but
Unanimously
abhor
)
Liberty
and
Property
being
an
Inheritance
,
which
as
Englishmen
,
we
are
born
unto
.
And
above
all
,
we
commend
your
Courage
and
Prudence
in
prosecuting
that
happy
Expedient
of
Excluding
a
Popish
Successor
from
Inheriting
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Realm
;
without
which
we
judge
it
utterly
impossible
,
that
the
Protestant
Religion
can
be
secured
to
us
,
or
that
our
necks
can
be
long
free
from
that
Romish
Yoke
,
which
neither
we
nor
our
Fathers
were
able
to
bear
:
And
now
sith
it
hath
pleased
our
Gracious
King
to
Issue
forth
His
Royal
Proclamation
,
signifying
His
pleasure
to
meet
His
People
again
in
Parliament
,
We
cannot
but
Address
our selves
to
you
the
Representatives
of
this
Borough
,
Humbly
Requesting
,
That
you
would
,
according
to
the
Trust
Reposed
in
you
,
Vigorously
prosecute
those
Counsels
that
have
a
Tendency
to
an
happy
Settlement
of
Affairs
both
in
Church
and
State
;
particularly
,
our
Unanimous
Request
to
you
is
,
1.
That
forasmuch
as
the
late
Horrid
and
Hellish
Plot
hath
according
to
the
Votes
of
the
preceeding
Parliaments
,
received
Life
and
Countenance
from
James
Duke
of
York
,
you
would
expedite
a
Bill
for
the
utter
Incapacitating
him
ever
to
sway
the
Scepter
of
these
Kingdoms
,
and
that
the
Bill
of
Association
may
be
annexed
,
whereby
all
His
Majesty's
Subjects
may
be
enabled
to
oppose
him
or
any
of
his
Accomplices
,
in
case
he
should
attempt
to
possess
himself
of
the
same
.
2.
To
take
such
Measures
as
your
Wisdom
shall
agree
upon
for
the
Uniting
of
the
Protestant
Interest
in
these
Nations
.
3.
That
the
Artillery
and
Militia
of
the
Nation
be
setled
in
the
Hands
of
Men
of
known
Integrity
,
Courage
and
Conduct
;
and
that
all
Papists
and
Popishly
affected
Persons
now
in
places
of
Publick
Trust
,
be
Discharged
(
which
if
effected
)
may
be
ameans
to
prevent
those
great
Fears
and
Jealousies
which
are
apt
otherwise
to
be
nourished
amongst
us
.
4.
That
you
proceed
to
the
Tryal
of
the
Popish
Lords
,
together
with
all
other
Criminal
Offenders
,
and
go
on
sifting
to
the
bottom
that
Execrable
Plot
,
which
hath
been
,
and
we
must
fear
still
is
carried
on
,
to
take
away
His
Majesty's
Life
(
whom
God
long
preserve
)
to
root
out
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
this
Realm
,
as
also
to
introduce
Popery
into
the
Church
,
and
Tyranny
into
the
State
.
5.
That
you
take
Cognizance
of
the
Illegal
and
Arbitrary
Proceedings
of
Courts
,
as
well
Ecclesiastical
as
Civil
,
as
you
have
begun
,
that
so
the
Laws
may
not
be
wrested
against
the
Protestant
Dissenters
,
nor
stretched
in
favour
of
Popish
Recusants
;
As
also
to
consider
the
unpresidented
Finings
and
Imprisonings
,
whereby
many
of
His
Majesty's
truly
Loyal
Subjects
have
been
grievously
oppressed
.
6.
That
you
would
speedily
think
of
some
good
Expedient
for
the
Regulating
of
Elections
,
as
also
for
Removing
of
those
Oaths
and
Tests
,
which
have
proved
no
small
hinderance
to
divers
Worthy
Protestants
,
from
being
Useful
Instruments
in
Serving
their
King
and
Country
in
Church
and
State
.
These
things
,
worthy
Sirs
,
we
humbly
offer
to
your
Considerations
,
not
as
Directors
,
but
Remembrancers
,
out
of
a
Principle
of
Loyal
Zeal
for
his
Majesty's
Security
,
and
our
Countries
Tranquility
:
And
assure
your selves
in
the
Prosecution
of
these
truly
Noble
Designs
,
we
will
defend
you
with
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
;
accounting
our
dearest
Blood
a
Tribute
due
to
the
Safety
of
our
King
and
Country
,
when
called
for
,
in
their
Defence
.
The
Address
of
the
Ancient
Town
of
Winchelsea
,
(
a
Branch
of
the
Cinque-Ports
.
)
To
their
Barons
Sir
Steven
Lenord
and
Creswel
Draper
Esquire
,
elected
in
their
absence
,
March
4.
and
ordered
by
the
Mayor
and
Jurates
to
be
presented
to
them
;
the
said
Mr.
Draper
serving
for
them
in
the
last
Parliament
.
Mr.
Draper
,
YOu
may
assure
your self
,
That
we
are
very
highly
satisfied
with
your
unwearied
Pains
;
as
also
,
of
your
honest
Discharge
of
the
great
Trust
we
reposed
in
you
in
the
last
Parliament
,
by
our
hearty
Thanks
we
now
return
you
,
and
by
our
Unanimous
Electing
you
again
to
serve
for
us
in
the
next
Parliament
to
be
holden
at
Oxford
.
And
Gentlemen
,
as
for
you
both
,
WE
know
you
are
so
sensible
of
our
Condition
,
that
we
need
not
tender
you
our
Thoughts
in
many
particulars
;
only
the
Preservation
of
his
Sacred
Majesty's
Person
,
our
Religion
,
and
Properties
,
which
are
of
the
greatest
Concern
,
and
most
dear
unto
us
:
And
especially
in
order
thereunto
,
we
commend
unto
you
,
and
desire
you
to
use
your
utmost
Endeavours
,
1.
That
there
may
be
a
full
and
perfect
Discovery
of
that
most
Hellish
and
Damnable
Popish
Plot
in
England
and
Ireland
,
and
all
other
Sham-Plots
,
which
have
been
wickedly
Contriving
and
Acting
for
many
years
past
.
2.
That
effectual
Means
be
used
for
Uniting
all
his
Majesty's
Protestant
Subjects
against
the
common
Enemy
,
both
at
home
and
abroad
.
3.
That
all
effectual
Means
and
Ways
may
be
provided
to
secure
us
against
a
Popish
Successor
:
and
particularly
against
James
Duke
of
York
.
4.
That
you
will
endeavour
,
as
far
as
in
you
lies
,
That
a
Law
may
be
made
for
putting
our
Free-Lands
and
Houses
under
a
Voluntary
Register
,
that
thereby
this
Kingdom
may
be
a
just
and
honourable
Fund
,
whereby
Moneys
may
be
taken
up
upon
all
urgent
Occasions
,
and
so
prevent
the
great
Ruines
we
now
lie
under
,
for
want
thereof
.
5.
That
you
will
use
your
utmost
Endeavours
to
put
a
Brand
upon
those
abominable
Monsters
,
which
were
the
Pensioners
in
the
late
Long
Parliament
;
that
thereby
the
Generations
to
come
may
be
deterr'd
from
Attempting
the
like
unheard
of
Villainy
.
6.
That
you
will
vigorously
and
carefully
represent
to
the
rest
of
your
Fellow
Members
,
the
present
Condition
of
the
Royal
Navy
,
as
also
of
the
Stores
,
Castles
and
Forts
,
which
are
,
under
God
,
the
Bulwarks
of
England
;
and
that
such
effectual
Ways
and
Means
may
be
found
out
and
prosecuted
for
the
better
Securing
and
Improving
the
Navy
;
as
also
,
That
none
may
be
employed
therein
,
but
such
Persons
who
are
of
known
Integrity
and
Loyalty
both
to
the
King
and
Nation
;
and
that
all
Debauch'd
and
Unskilful
Persons
now
employ'd
,
may
be
removed
,
and
Men
fearing
God
,
loving
Truth
,
and
hating
Covetousness
,
may
be
put
into
their
Places
;
that
so
our
present
Fears
may
be
abated
,
and
thereby
the
dreadful
growing
Power
of
France
may
be
timely
check'd
.
Gentlemen
,
In
the
pursuance
of
these
good
Ends
,
and
such
other
as
you
shall
think
conducing
to
the
Happiness
of
the
King
and
Kingdom
,
we
shall
stand
by
you
with
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
.
There
were
many
more
Addresses
,
of
like
Nature
and
Purport
,
made
from
divers
other
Parts
of
the
Realm
;
true
Copies
of
which
are
not
yet
come
to
our
hands
:
But
,
indeed
,
the
Re-election
of
so
many
of
the
former
Members
,
is
it self
a
general
Address
,
and
loudly
speaks
it
.
The
Voice
of
the
People
,
which
we
trust
,
will
be
ratified
by
the
Voice
of
Heaven
.
No
Popish
Successor
,
no
French
Slavery
.
THE
SPEECH
Of
the
Honourable
Henry
Booth
,
Esq
Spoken
in
Chester
,
March
2.
1680
/
1.
at
his
being
Elected
one
of
the
Knights
of
the
Shire
for
that
County
,
to
serve
in
the
Parliament
,
Summon'd
to
meet
at
Oxford
the
Twenty
first
of
the
said
Month.
Gentlemen
and
Countrymen
,
I
Must
acknowledge
that
God
hath
been
good
unto
me
from
my
Cradle
to
this
moment
,
and
of
all
his
Providences
to
me
,
there
is
none
for
which
I
have
greater
reason
to
bless
his
Holy
Name
,
than
that
he
hath
enabled
me
to
govern
my self
and
actions
so
,
as
to
gain
your
good
opinion
and
kindness
;
and
I
cannot
but
own
I
have
your
favour
accompanied
with
all
the
obliging
Circumstances
imaginable
:
for
the
first
time
that
you
were
pleased
to
command
my
Service
was
in
the
Eighteen
Years
Parliament
,
upon
the
death
of
Sir
Foulk
Lucy
,
who
had
served
you
faithfully
in
that
Parliament
;
and
though
I
was
raw
and
unacquainted
with
those
affairs
,
and
without
any
Tryal
of
my
Integrity
,
you
ventured
all
you
had
in
my
hands
at
a
time
when
England
was
in
danger
to
be
lost
for
want
of
a
Vote
:
For
that
Parliament
chiefly
consisted
of
such
as
sold
their
Country
for
private
advantage
,
and
would
have
sold
their
King
too
,
if
they
could
have
made
a
better
market
;
I
served
you
some
time
in
that
parliament
,
at
last
it
was
Dissolved
,
and
a
new
one
called
,
and
then
as
if
you
had
approved
of
what
I
did
,
you
thought
fit
to
imploy
me
again
in
that
Service
;
though
you
laid
him
aside
who
had
been
my
Collegue
;
that
Parliament
continued
not
long
,
but
was
Dissolved
,
and
a
new
one
called
;
and
then
again
a
third
time
you
thought
me
fit
to
represent
you
in
Parliament
,
though
as
you
had
done
before
you
set
him
aside
whom
you
had
sent
along
with
me
,
and
Chose
a
new
one
in
his
room
;
but
why
you
did
me
so
Singular
an
honour
as
to
continue
me
in
your
Service
two
Parliaments
together
,
and
did
not
the
like
to
the
other
Gentlemen
,
it
is
not
for
me
to
give
the
reasons
of
it
,
those
are
best
known
to
your selves
.
This
is
now
the
fourth
time
that
I
have
waited
on
you
on
the
like
occasion
,
and
it
is
not
a
lessening
of
your
former
kindness
,
that
you
have
not
changed
my
former
Partner
;
but
rather
a
Confirmation
of
it
,
because
that
the
first
time
you
have
continued
him
is
when
he
appears
to
be
of
my
opinion
;
and
that
which
still
adds
weight
to
your
kindness
is
,
that
notwithstanding
all
this
stir
,
this
bustle
,
this
unnecessary
Charge
and
expence
,
all
the
Stories
by
which
I
have
been
traduced
,
you
have
not
been
prevailed
upon
to
withdraw
or
diminish
your
favour
.
Gentlemen
,
I
humbly
beg
your
Patience
to
speak
a
few
words
in
answer
to
what
they
say
of
me
,
lest
by
Silence
I
may
seem
to
cry
Amen
to
their
reports
and
Stories
;
the
first
thing
they
reported
,
was
,
that
I
would
not
stand
again
,
but
would
decline
your
Service
:
but
withall
they
give
no
reason
for
it
,
only
it
is
so
because
they
said
it
;
but
what
reason
there
is
to
contradict
them
now
who
said
so
the
last
time
,
and
how
true
it
was
you
well
remember
.
So
that
this
being
the
Second
time
that
they
have
told
you
the
self
same
falshoods
,
I
hope
for
the
future
that
others
will
believe
them
as
little
as
you
have
done
.
It
was
reported
that
I
was
kill'd
without
giving
any
reasons
or
circumstances
,
and
that
to
this
also
they
expected
an
implicit
belief
;
I
wish
they
are
not
for
an
implicit
faith
in
all
things
.
It
was
truly
an
excellent
Artifice
to
threap
you
out
of
your
Votes
;
yet
had
I
been
kill'd
,
had
it
been
for
your
Service
,
I
should
have
thought
my self
well
bestowed
,
and
rather
meet
than
avoid
the
occasion
of
my
Death
.
They
tell
you
also
that
I
〈◊〉
very
obnoxious
to
the
King
,
but
they
do
not
tell
you
that
I
am
restored
to
●ny
former
Station
of
my
Commission
of
the
Peace
,
without
seeking
or
desiring
it
,
it
cannot
be
imagined
that
his
Majesty
would
be
so
Gracious
to
a
man
of
whom
he
hath
an
ill
opinion
,
and
it
is
a
reflection
to
his
Majesty
to
think
he
will
do
a
thing
of
that
Nature
out
of
any
regard
whatsoever
,
but
when
a
thing
carries
its
weight
and
reasons
with
it
,
so
that
by
this
you
may
discern
how
all
their
reports
are
grounded
,
being
rather
the
effects
of
their
desires
than
that
the
thing
is
truly
so
.
It
seems
the
Gentlemen
are
much
displeased
that
this
County
have
frequently
commanded
those
of
my
Family
to
serve
them
in
Parliament
,
they
call
it
an
entailing
upon
the
Family
,
but
they
are
not
pleased
to
vouchsafe
the
reasons
why
the
Son
may
not
be
imployed
as
well
as
the
Father
,
in
case
he
proves
as
fit
for
it
;
but
the
truth
is
they
would
govern
you
,
and
are
angry
that
you
will
be
your
own
chusers
;
yet
whether
in
this
they
design
to
serve
you
or
their
own
ends
,
I
submit
to
your
Judgment
;
but
as
to
my
own
particular
,
they
think
the
County
highly
—
that
I
have
served
you
in
several
Parliaments
.
Alas
Gentlemen
,
I
know
I
am
much
inferiour
in
Parts
and
Learning
to
a
great
many
,
but
in
saithfulness
to
your
interest
,
I
will
submit
to
no
man
;
but
if
you
would
observe
it
,
they
would
impose
that
upon
you
which
they
would
not
have
done
to
themselves
.
If
they
have
a
Servant
who
hath
served
them
faithfully
,
they
would
not
take
a
new
one
in
his
room
because
they
have
entertained
him
several
years
;
but
you
must
change
your
Members
as
oft
as
you
have
new
Parliaments
,
though
they
serve
you
well
,
and
you
ought
to
hate
them
because
they
would
have
it
so
;
for
they
give
no
better
reasons
for
it
;
but
whether
they
seek
your
good
or
their
private
regard
,
I
leave
to
you
to
determine
.
A
Reverend
Gentleman
at
Northwich
was
pleased
to
tell
you
,
that
you
must
not
chuse
the
same
Members
again
,
for
if
you
did
,
the
King
and
parliament
would
not
agree
.
I
wonder
how
long
he
hath
been
one
of
the
King's
Cabinet
Council
,
that
he
can
tell
so
well
before
;
if
we
may
believe
the
greatest
Ministers
,
they
say
otherwise
,
and
that
the
King
out
of
his
gracious
disposition
to
his
people
will
deny
himself
in
that
which
is
most
dear
,
rather
than
break
with
his
people
,
so
that
either
he
or
they
are
out
;
and
I
am
not
convinced
that
he
is
infallible
,
and
am
apt
to
believe
that
he
is
in
the
wrong
,
since
I
have
observed
that
they
are
for
the
most
part
mistaken
,
who
take
upon
them
to
judge
of
matters
when
they
are
at
so
great
a
distance
from
White-Hall
,
though
it
may
be
remembred
that
this
Gentleman
hath
an
affair
at
London
,
that
requires
his
presence
much
oftner
than
he
is
pleased
to
afford
it
;
and
but
that
great
wits
are
unhappy
in
short
memories
,
that
Gentleman
could
not
have
forgot
that
if
the
Parliament
had
continued
,
one
of
his
Cloth
had
been
severely
reproved
for
medling
with
matters
not
belonging
to
his
Function
,
I
mean
Mr.
Thompson
of
Bristol
,
and
I
hear
there
is
so
great
a
number
of
the
last
House
chosen
,
and
like
to
be
chosen
,
that
his
fault
will
be
remembred
,
which
by
the
way
,
Gentlemen
,
is
the
Judgment
of
you
in
your
choice
of
me
,
you
doing
that
which
the
rest
of
the
Nation
hath
done
,
and
where
any
change
is
,
it
is
only
to
reject
those
that
were
Pensioners
,
or
else
vehemently
suspected
to
be
Mercenaries
.
But
I
could
wish
it
were
not
the
opinion
of
too
many
,
that
the
way
to
recommend
themselves
as
true
Sons
of
the
Church
is
to
Preach
seldom
,
and
meddle
with
State
affairs
more
.
I
hear
some
have
taken
offence
,
because
at
Northwich
I
did
commend
the
last
House
of
Commons
;
truly
,
Gentlemen
,
I
only
gave
it
as
my
Opinion
,
and
till
the
contrary
doth
appear
,
I
must
believe
that
for
Riches
,
Integrity
,
Learning
,
Experience
,
and
all
things
that
are
expedient
for
members
of
that
House
,
England
never
had
a
better
;
and
why
the
parliament
was
Dissolved
I
know
not
,
for
they
who
advised
it
,
have
neither
dared
to
own
it
,
nor
the
reasons
for
it
.
There
is
one
thing
I
could
not
but
take
notice
of
,
in
the
opposition
that
hath
been
made
against
me
.
If
you
will
observe
,
they
are
the
persons
that
were
most
inveterate
one
against
another
in
the
dispute
between
Sir
Philip
Egerton
and
my
Cousin
Cholmondley
;
but
to
oppose
me
they
are
united
as
one
man
.
If
their
new-made
Friendship
be
sincere
,
and
they
have
this
way
to
do
it
,
I
am
very
glad
I
have
been
the
occasion
of
their
reconciliation
;
but
if
in
this
matter
alone
they
are
cemented
,
then
it
doth
discover
upon
what
Principles
they
act
,
and
they
are
to
be
blamed
,
and
not
the
Gentlemen
who
were
set
up
to
oppose
me
;
for
I
believe
them
both
to
be
very
worthy
men
,
one
of
them
is
my
Neighbour
,
and
I
will
do
him
what
Service
I
can
;
and
for
the
other
he
shall
find
me
a
Gentleman
if
he
hath
occasion
to
use
me
.
Gentlemen
,
I
have
as
well
as
I
can
repeated
the
particular
charges
against
me●
I
had
but
a
short
time
to
recollect
my self
:
there
remains
yet
a
general
Charge
which
I
desire
to
speak
to
;
and
truly
it
is
an
heavy
charge
,
a
charge
not
to
be
born
if
I
were
guilty
of
it
.
They
say
I
am
an
evil
man
as
to
the
King
and
Church
;
I
wish
my
accusers
had
either
so
much
power
or
will
to
serve
the
King
or
Church
as
I
have
;
and
because
I
do
not
know
my self
to
be
guilty
as
to
either
of
them
,
I
hold
my self
obliged
to
say
something
in
my
Vindication
.
I
know
not
where
I
ever
gave
my
Vote
to
impair
the
King's
Prerogative
;
for
this
is
my
Principle
,
and
ever
hath
been
my
Opinion
,
that
the
King's
Prerogative
,
when
rightly
used
,
is
for
the
good
and
Benefit
of
the
People
;
and
the
Liberties
and
Properties
of
the
People
are
for
the
support
of
the
Crown
and
King's
Prerogative
,
when
they
are
not
abused
;
but
this
blessed
Harmony
may
sometimes
be
disordered
either
by
the
influence
of
some
ill
Counsel
about
the
King
,
who
to
obtain
their
own
ends
,
do
not
care
to
ruin
their
King
and
Master
;
or
else
from
the
restless
Spirits
of
some
ambitious
men
of
broken
fortunes
,
who
hope
to
repair
them
out
of
other
mens
Estates
.
But
It
seems
that
I
and
the
House
of
Commons
are
much
to
blame
,
because
by
one
of
our
Votes
we
forbid
the
People
to
lend
Money
upon
the
Revenue
by
way
of
anticipation
:
I
never
knew
it
was
a
Crime
to
pass
a
Vote
the
Law
had
justified
,
for
the
Law
will
maintain
every
part
of
that
Vote
;
and
therefore
I
need
say
no
more
of
it
,
and
besides
this
is
not
a
place
to
argue
it
in
.
As
for
my
part
i
'll
do
my
best
to
preserve
the
King's
Prerogative
,
and
the
way
to
do
it
is
neither
to
add
nor
to
diminish
;
for
to
make
a
King
absolute
is
not
to
support
but
pull
down
his
prerogative
,
for
the
King
holds
his
Prerogative
by
the
Law
,
and
if
that
be
destroy'd
,
the
Title
is
to
be
disputed
by
the
Sword
,
and
he
that
hath
the
sharpest
will
prove
to
have
the
best
right
.
As
to
the
Church
I
am
for
it
as
it
is
now
Established
under
Episcopacy
,
but
I
would
have
them
to
be
such
as
St.
Paul
to
Tim.
in
his
first
Book
and
3
chap.
describes
,
and
when
they
live
accordingly
,
I
have
as
great
a
reverence
for
them
as
any
man
,
but
when
they
live
otherwise
they
prove
to
be
—
and
a
ruin
of
the
Church
,
and
ought
to
be
abhorr'd
of
all
true
Christians
.
And
for
Ceremonies
I
take
them
not
to
be
necessary
to
Salvation
,
but
for
decency
and
order
sake
,
and
I
conceive
,
this
Ceremony
is
so
much
the
more
necessary
,
as
it
tends
to
the
more
effectual
uniting
of
protestants
,
and
to
preserve
Peace
and
concord
in
the
Church
:
I
am
of
opinion
the
Church
is
in
danger
,
and
I
'll
do
my
best
to
support
it
,
and
as
the
case
stands
we
must
either
bring
in
Protestants
or
Papists
;
I
am
for
bringing
in
Protestants
,
and
that
is
my
Crime
;
but
you
are
pleased
to
judge
me
to
be
in
the
right
.
Now
I
will
no
longer
doubt
of
my
opinion
,
I
am
sure
he
that
is
against
bringing
in
Protestants
is
for
bringing
in
Papists
;
and
whether
it
be
more
profitable
to
support
the
Church
by
uniting
of
those
who
differ
in
Ceremonies
,
or
those
who
differ
in
Fundamentals
,
I
think
is
very
plain
.
Is
he
a
wise
man
who
if
his
house
be
falling
,
by
reason
of
too
much
weight
upon
the
roof
,
will
lay
more
upon
it
,
rather
than
propt
it
up
and
take
off
some
of
the
weight
?
So
they
who
take
the
Church
to
consist
of
Ceremonies
,
must
pardon
me
that
I
am
not
of
their
opinion
,
since
the
word
of
God
warrants
no
such
thing
,
and
my
reason
tells
me
that
they
are
too
much
interested
in
the
cause
to
be
fit
judges
:
for
with
them
he
is
accounted
a
good
Son
of
the
Church
,
who
keeps
a
great
stir
about
Ceremonies
,
though
he
live
never
so
ill
a
life
,
and
perhaps
is
drunk
when
he
performs
his
Devotion
:
but
if
a
man
seem
to
be
indifferent
as
to
Ceremonies
,
and
make
them
no
more
than
indeed
they
be
,
yet
in
Practice
Conforms
more
than
he
that
makes
a
great
noise
about
them
,
though
he
live
never
so
godly
a
life
,
and
as
near
as
he
can
to
the
rule
of
God's
word
,
yet
he
is
a
Fanatick
and
an
enemy
to
the
Church
;
but
God
Almighty
tells
us
he
will
have
mercy
and
not
Sacrifice
.
Gentlemen
They
who
accuse
me
for
an
enemy
to
the
King
and
Church
have
left
you
out
of
the
story
;
but
I
hope
I
shall
not
forget
you
,
but
remember
on
whose
errand
I
am
sent
;
and
as
I
have
hitherto
stuck
to
your
interest
,
I
hope
nothing
will
draw
me
aside
from
it
,
and
if
I
know
my
own
heart
,
I
am
perswaded
that
neither
rewards
,
threats
,
hopes
nor
fears
will
prevail
upon
me
.
I
desire
nothing
but
to
promote
God's
glory
and
the
interest
of
the
King
and
people
,
and
if
it
shall
please
God
to
let
me
see
the
Protestant
Religion
and
Government
established
,
I
shall
think
I
have
lived
long
enough
,
and
I
shall
be
willing
at
that
instant
to
resign
my
breath
.
Gentlemen
,
I
thought
good
to
say
this
to
you
,
and
I
thank
you
for
your
patience
,
and
hope
I
shall
so
behave
my self
in
your
Service
,
that
I
shall
make
it
appear
I
am
sensible
of
the
honour
you
have
done
me
.
I
humbly
thank
you
all
.
An
Account
of
the
Proceedings
at
the
Sessions
for
the
City
of
Westminster
,
against
Thomas
Whitfield
,
Scrivener
;
John
Smallbones
,
Woodmonger
;
and
William
Laud
,
Painter
;
for
Tearing
a
Petition
prepared
to
be
presented
to
the
King's
Majesty
,
for
the
Sitting
of
the
Parliament
.
With
an
Account
of
the
said
Petition
,
presented
on
the
13th
instant
,
and
His
Majesty's
Gracious
Answer
.
IT
being
the
undoubted
Right
of
the
Subjects
of
England
,
Vide
the
Resolutions
of
the
Law
,
Cook
.
Jurisdict.
of
Courts
79.
Hobart
.
220.
Vel.
Magna
Chart.
Exl.
Spencer
.
51.
Vide
the
Proclamations
of
K.
Charles
I.
and
warranted
by
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
and
the
general
Practice
of
all
former
Times
,
in
an
humble
manner
to
apply
themselves
to
His
Majesty
,
in
the
Absence
of
Parliaments
,
by
Petition
;
for
the
Redress
of
their
Grievances
,
and
for
the
obtaining
such
things
as
they
apprehend
necessary
or
beneficial
,
to
the
safety
and
well
being
of
the
Nation
.
And
it
being
their
Duty
to
which
they
are
bound
,
by
the
expres
,
words
of
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
[
](A61358-e73510-b)*
*
I
do
Swear
from
my
Heart
,
That
I
will
hear
Faith
and
true
Allegiance
to
His
Majesty
,
His
Heirs
,
and
Successors
,
and
Him
and
Them
will
Defend
to
the
uttermost
of
my
power
against
all
Conspiracies
and
Attempts
whatsoever
,
which
shall
be
made
against
His
or
Their
Persons
,
Their
Crown
and
Dignity
.
And
will
do
my
best
endeavour
to
disclose
and
make
known
unto
His
Majesty
,
His
Heirs
and
Successors
,
all
Treasons
and
Trayterous
Conspiracies
,
which
I
shall
know
or
hear
of
,
to
be
against
him
or
any
of
them
.
to
represent
to
Him
any
danger
which
they
apprehend
Threatning
His
Royal
Person
or
His
Government
;
divers
Persons
in
and
about
the
City
of
Westminster
,
considering
the
too
apparent
and
unspeakable
Danger
His
Majesty
and
His
Kingdoms
are
in
,
from
the
Hellish
Plots
and
Villainous
Conspiracies
of
the
Bloody
Papists
and
their
Adherents
;
and
conceiving
no
sufficient
(
or
at
least
so
fit
)
Remedy
could
be
provided
against
it
,
but
by
the
Parliament
,
by
whom
alone
several
Persons
accused
of
these
accursed
Designs
,
can
be
brought
to
Tryal
,
did
prepare
and
sign
a
Petition
;
humbly
representing
to
His
Majesty
,
the
imminent
danger
His
Royal
Person
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Government
of
this
Nation
were
in
;
from
that
most
damnable
and
hellish
Popish
Plot
,
branched
forth
into
several
the
most
Horrid
Villainies
:
For
which
several
of
the
principal
Conspirators
stand
impeached
by
Parliament
,
and
thereby
humbly
praying
that
the
Parliament
might
Sit
upon
the
26th
of
January
,
to
try
the
Offenders
,
and
to
Redress
the
important
Crievances
,
no
otherways
to
be
redressed
;
of
which
Thomas
Whitfield
,
John
Smallbenes
,
and
William
Laud
,
Inhabitants
in
Westminster
,
taking
notice
,
upon
the
20th
day
of
December
last
,
they
sent
to
Mr.
William
Horsley
,
who
had
signed
and
promoted
the
Petition
,
and
in
whose
custody
it
was
,
to
bring
or
send
it
to
them
,
for
that
they
desired
to
sign
it
:
And
thereupon
Mr.
Horsley
attended
them
,
and
producing
the
Petition
,
in
which
many
Persons
had
joyned
,
he
delivered
it
at
their
request
to
be
by
them
read
and
signed
;
but
Mr.
Whitfield
immediately
tore
it
in
pieces
,
and
threw
it
towards
the
Fire
;
and
Smallbones
catching
it
up
,
said
,
That
he
would
not
take
10
s.
for
the
Names
,
and
then
they
declared
that
they
sent
for
it
for
that
very
purpose
,
and
owned
themselves
all
concerned
in
the
design
.
Upon
Mr.
Horsley's
complaint
hereof
to
a
Justice
of
the
Peace
,
a
Warrant
was
granted
against
them
,
and
they
being
taken
thereupon
,
after
examination
of
the
matter
,
were
bound
to
appear
and
answer
it
at
the
next
quarter
Sessions
of
the
Peace
for
the
City
of
Westminster
;
and
upon
Friday
the
9th
.
of
January
instant
the
Sessions
being
holden
,
and
there
being
present
several
Justices
of
the
Peace
that
are
eminent
Lawyers
,
the
matter
was
brought
before
them
,
and
the
Grand
Jury
Indicted
the
said
Whitfield
,
Smallbones
,
and
Laud
as
followeth
,
(
viz.
)
The
City
,
Borough
,
and
Town
of
Westminster
in
the
County
of
Middlesex
.
THe
Jurors
for
our
Soveraign
Lord
the
King
upon
their
Oath
do
present
,
that
whereas
the
Subjects
and
Liege
People
of
the
Kings
and
Queens
of
this
Realm
of
England
,
by
the
Laws
and
Customs
of
the
Realm
,
have
used
and
been
accustomed
to
represent
their
Publick
Grievances
by
Petition
,
or
by
any
other
submissive
way
;
And
that
the
20th
.
day
of
December
in
the
one
and
Thirtieth
Year
of
the
Reign
of
our
Soveraign
Lord
Charles
the
Second
,
by
the
Grace
of
God
,
of
England
,
Scotland
,
France
and
Ireland
King
,
Defender
of
the
Faith
,
&c.
at
the
Parish
of
St.
Martin's
in
the
Fields
,
within
the
Liberty
of
the
Dean
and
Chapter
of
the
Collegiate
Church
of
St.
Peter
,
of
the
City
,
Borough
and
Town
of
Westminster
in
the
County
of
Middlesex
;
a
Petition
written
in
paper
,
was
prepared
and
Subscribed
with
the
hands
of
divers
the
said
King's
Subjects
and
Liege
People
,
(
to
the
Jury
unknown
)
and
to
our
said
Soveraign
Lord
King
Charles
the
Second
Directed
,
and
to
our
said
Soveraign
Lord
the
King
to
be
Presented
and
Delivered
;
by
which
Petition
it
was
shown
,
that
whereas
there
had
been
and
was
a
most
damnable
Plot
against
the
Royal
Person
of
our
said
Soveraign
Lord
the
King
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
well
Established
Government
of
this
Realm
;
for
which
Plot
several
of
the
Principal
Conspirators
were
impeached
by
Parliament
,
and
whereby
it
was
humbly
prayed
that
the
Parliament
which
was
prorogued
to
the
26th
.
day
of
January
next
ensuing
in
the
said
Year
,
might
then
sit
to
Try
the
Offenders
,
and
to
redress
the
pressing
Grievances
not
otherwise
to
be
Redressed
.
And
that
Thomas
Whitfield
,
late
of
the
said
Parish
of
St.
Martin's
in
the
Fields
,
in
the
Liberty
aforesaid
,
and
the
County
aforesaid
,
Yeoman
,
John
Smallbones
late
of
the
said
Parish
,
within
the
Liberty
aforesaid
,
in
the
County
aforesaid
,
Woodmonger
,
and
William
Laud
late
of
the
Parish
aforesaid
,
in
the
County
aforesaid
,
Yeoman
;
being
persons
ill-affected
,
and
Contriving
,
Devising
and
Intending
as
much
as
in
them
lay
,
to
hinder
the
sitting
of
the
said
Parliament
,
as
was
prayed
by
the
said
Petition
,
and
also
to
hinder
the
Trial
of
the
said
Offenders
,
and
Redressing
the
said
Grievances
,
the
said
20th
day
of
December
in
the
said
one
and
Thirtieth
Year
of
the
Reign
of
our
said
Soveraign
Lord
the
King
,
as
Rioters
and
Disturbers
of
the
Peace
of
our
Soveraign
●ord
the
King
,
for
the
Disturbing
of
the
Peace
of
our
said
Soveraign
Lord
the
King
,
with
Force
and
Arms
at
the
said
Parish
within
the
Liberty
aforesaid
,
in
the
County
aforesaid
,
Unlawfully
and
Riotously
did
Assemble
themselves
;
and
being
so
then
and
there
assembled
,
with
Force
and
Arms
then
and
there
Unlawfully
,
Riotously
and
Injuriously
,
the
said
Petition
being
delivered
by
one
William
Horsley
to
them
,
the
said
Thomas
Whitfield
,
John
Smallbones
and
William
Laud
at
their
Request
,
and
for
the
subscribing
their
Names
thereunto
if
they
should
think
fit
,
did
Tear
in
pieces
,
in
contempt
of
our
said
Sovereign
Lord
the
King
,
and
of
his
Laws
,
to
the
evil
Example
of
all
others
in
the
like
Cases
offending
,
and
against
the
Peace
of
our
said
Soveraign
Lord
the
King
his
Crown
and
Dignity
.
The
Names
of
the
Grand-Jury
that
found
the
Bill
,
are
these
,
-
William
Jacob
,
-
Thomas
Trevor
,
-
Erasmus
Browne
,
-
Henry
Dugley
,
-
Richard
Streete
,
-
John
Henly
,
-
John
Weston
,
-
Martin
Frogg
,
-
John
Pierce
,
-
Robert
Pinke
,
-
Nathanael
Wilkinson
,
-
Edward
Whitefoot
,
-
John
Gentle
,
-
Thomas
Harris
,
-
William
Fortune
,
-
Roger
Higdon
,
-
James
Harrold
,
-
Cornelius
Rickfield
,
-
☞
George
Wright
,
Apothecary
,
-
☞
Walter
Wright
,
Apothecary
,
-
☞
Adam
Langley
.
Apothecary
,
Upon
Wednesday
the
7th
of
this
instant
January
,
many
Gentlemen
and
eminent
Citizens
,
who
had
been
concerned
for
managing
the
Petition
for
the
Sitting
of
the
Parliament
,
upon
the
26th
.
instant
,
met
together
and
agreed
upon
the
method
of
finishing
the
same
,
and
of
nominating
fit
Persons
for
the
Presenting
it
to
His
Majesty
,
which
being
accordingly
done
;
these
Gentlemen
following
,
(
viz.
)
Sir
Gilbert
Gerrard
,
Baronet
,
Son-in-Law
to
the
late
Bishop
of
Durham
,
-
Francis
Charlton
,
Esq
-
John
Ellis
,
Esq
-
John
Smith
,
Esq
-
Johnson
of
Stepney
,
Esq
-
Ellis
Crispe
,
Esq
-
Anthony
Selby
,
Esq
-
Henry
Ashurst
,
Esq
-
Tho.
Smith
,
Esq
Gentlemen
of
good
Worth
and
Estates
,
and
several
of
whom
have
been
eminent
Sufferers
for
His
Majesty
,
did
this
13th
.
of
January
,
attend
His
Majesty
with
it
at
Whitehall
,
when
being
introduced
to
His
Royal
Presence
,
Sir
Gilbert
Gerrard
kneeling
,
presented
this
Petition
;
To
the
King
's
most
Excellent
Majesty
,
The
humble
Petition
of
Your
Majesty's
most
Dutiful
and
Loyal
Subjects
,
Inhabitants
in
and
about
the
City
of
London
,
whose
Names
are
here-under
subscribed
,
Sheweth
,
THat
whereas
there
has
been
,
and
still
is
,
a
most
Damnable
and
Hellish
Popish
Plot
,
branched
forth
into
the
most
Horrid
Villianies
against
Your
Majesty's
most
Sacred
Person
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
well
Established
Government
of
this
Your
Realm
,
for
which
several
of
the
principal
Conspirators
stand
now
impeached
by
Parliament
.
Therefore
in
such
a
time
when
Your
Majesty's
Royal
person
;
as
also
the
Protestant
Religion
and
the
Government
of
this
Nation
are
thus
in
most
imminent
Danger
,
We
Your
Majesty's
most
Dutiful
and
Obebient
Subjects
,
in
the
deepest
sense
of
our
Duty
,
and
Allegiance
to
Your
Majesty
,
Do
most
humbly
and
earnestly
pray
,
That
the
Parliament
,
which
is
prorogued
until
the
26th
.
day
of
January
,
may
then
sit
,
to
Try
the
Offenders
,
and
to
redress
all
our
most
important
Grievances
,
no
otherwise
to
be
redressed
,
And
Your
Petitioners
shall
ever
pray
for
Your
Majesty's
long
and
prosperous
Reign
.
〈◊〉
expressed
himself
to
this
effect
,
Sir
I
have
a
Petition
from
many
thousands
of
your
Majesty's
Dutiful
and
Loyal
Subjects
,
in
and
about
Your
City
of
London
,
which
I
〈…〉
in
their
Names
,
and
desire
Your
Majesty
would
be
pleased
to
read
it
.
To
which
His
Majesty
gave
this
Gracious
answer
,
I
know
the
substance
of
it
already
,
I
am
Head
of
the
Government
,
and
will
take
care
of
it
,
and
then
received
the
Petition
,
it
being
a
great
Roll
of
above
100
Yards
in
length
,
and
carried
it
away
in
His
Hand
.
The
Judgment
and
Decree
of
the
University
of
Oxford
,
pass'd
in
their
Convocation
,
July
21.
1683.
against
certain
Pernicious
Books
and
Damnable
Doctrines
,
destructive
to
the
Sacred
Persons
of
Princes
,
their
State
and
Government
,
and
of
all
Human
Society
.
Published
by
Command
.
ALtho'
the
barbarous
Assassination
lately
enterprized
against
the
person
of
his
Sacred
Majesty
and
his
Royal
Brother
,
engage
all
our
thoughts
to
reflect
with
utmost
detestation
and
abhorrence
of
that
execrable
Villainy
,
hateful
to
God
and
Man
;
and
pay
our
due
acknowledgements
to
the
Divine
Providence
which
by
extraordinary
methods
brought
it
to
pass
,
that
the
breath
of
our
Nostrils
,
the
anointed
of
the
Lord
,
is
not
taken
in
the
pit
which
was
prepared
for
him
:
and
that
under
his
shadow
we
continue
to
live
,
and
enjoy
the
Blessings
of
his
Government
:
Yet
,
notwithstanding
we
find
it
to
be
a
necessary
duty
at
this
time
to
search
into
and
lay
open
those
impious
Doctrines
,
which
having
of
late
been
studiously
disseminated
,
gave
rise
and
growth
to
those
nefarious
attempts
:
and
pass
upon
them
our
solemn
publick
Censure
and
Decree
of
Condemnation
.
Therefore
to
the
honour
of
the
holy
and
undivided
Trinity
,
the
preservation
of
Catholick
truth
in
the
Church
:
and
that
the
King's
Majesty
may
be
secur'd
from
the
attempts
of
open
and
bloudy
enemies
,
and
the
machinations
of
Traiterous
Hereticks
and
Schismaticks
:
We
the
Vice
Chancellor
,
Doctors
,
Proctors
,
and
Masters
Regent
and
not
Regent
,
met
in
Convocation
in
the
accustom'd
manner
,
time
and
place
,
on
Saturday
the
21
of
July
in
the
Year
1683.
concerning
certain
Propositions
contained
in
divers
Books
and
Writings
published
in
English
,
and
also
in
the
Latin
tongue
,
repugnant
to
the
holy
Scriptures
,
Decrees
of
Councils
,
Writings
of
the
Fathers
,
the
Faith
and
Profession
of
the
Primitive
Church
:
and
also
destructive
of
the
Kingly
Government
,
the
safety
of
his
Majesty's
Person
,
the
Publick
Peace
,
the
Laws
of
Nature
,
and
bonds
of
humane
Society
:
By
our
Unanimous
assent
and
consent
have
Decreed
and
Determin'd
in
manner
and
form
following
:
Proposition
1.
All
Civil
Authority
is
derived
originally
from
the
People
.
2.
There
is
a
mutual
compact
,
tacit
or
express
,
between
a
Prince
and
his
Subjects
;
and
that
if
he
perform
not
his
duty
,
they
are
discharg'd
from
theirs
.
3.
That
if
lawful
Governors
become
Tyrants
,
or
govern
otherwise
than
by
the
Laws
of
God
and
Man
they
ought
to
do
,
they
forfeit
the
Right
they
had
unto
their
Government
.
Lex
Rex
.
Buchanan
de
Jure
Regni
.
Vindiciae
contra
tyrannos
.
Bellarmine
de
Conciliis
,
de
Pontifice
.
Milton
.
Goodwin
.
Baxter
,
H.
C.
4.
The
Sovereignty
of
England
is
in
the
three
Estates
,
viz.
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
.
The
King
has
but
a
co-ordinate
Power
,
and
may
be
over-ruled
by
the
other
two
.
Lex
Rex
.
Hunton
of
a
limited
and
mix'd
Monarchy
.
Baxter
H.
C.
Polit.
Catech.
5.
Birthright
and
proximity
of
Blood
give
no
title
to
Rule
or
Government
,
and
it
is
Lawful
to
preclude
the
next
Heir
from
his
Right
of
Succession
to
the
Crown
.
Lex
Rex
.
Hunt's
Postscript
.
Doleman
.
History
of
Succession
.
Julian
the
Apostate
.
Mene
Tekel
.
6.
It
is
Lawful
for
Subjects
,
without
the
Consent
,
and
against
the
Command
of
the
Supreme
Magistrate
,
to
enter
into
Leagues
,
Covenants
,
and
Associations
,
for
defence
of
themselves
and
their
Religion
.
Solemn
League
and
Covenant
.
Late
Association
.
7.
Self-preservation
is
the
Fundamental
Law
of
Nature
,
and
supersedes
the
Obligation
of
all
others
,
whenever
they
stand
in
competition
with
it
.
Hobbs
de
Cive
.
Leviathan
.
8.
The
Doctrine
of
the
Gospel
concerning
patient
suffering
of
Injuries
,
is
not
inconsistent
with
violent
resisting
of
the
higher
Powers
in
case
of
Persecution
for
Religion
.
Lex
Rex
.
Julian
Apostat
.
Apolog.
Relat.
9.
There
lies
no
Obligation
upon
Christians
to
Passive
Obedience
,
when
the
Prince
Commands
any
thing
against
the
Laws
of
our
Country
:
And
the
Primitive
Christians
chose
rather
to
die
than
resist
,
because
Christianity
was
not
yet
settled
by
the
Laws
of
the
Empire
.
Julian
Apostate
.
10.
Possession
and
strength
give
a
right
to
Govern
,
and
Success
in
a
Cause
or
Enterprize
proclaims
it
to
be
Lawful
and
Just
;
to
pursue
it
is
to
comply
with
the
Will
of
God
,
because
it
is
to
follow
the
Conduct
of
his
Providence
.
Hobbs
.
Owen's
Sermon
before
the
Regicides
,
Jan.
31.
1648.
Baxter
,
Jenkin's
Petition
,
Octob.
1651.
11.
In
the
state
of
Nature
there
is
no
difference
between
good
and
evil
,
right
and
wrong
;
the
state
of
Nature
is
a
state
of
War
,
in
which
every
Man
hath
a
right
to
all
things
.
12.
The
Foundation
of
Civil
Authority
is
this
natural
right
,
which
is
not
given
,
but
left
to
the
Supreme
Magistrate
upon
Men's
entring
into
Societies
,
and
not
only
a
Foreign
Invader
,
but
a
Domestick
Rebel
,
puts
himself
again
into
a
state
of
nature
,
to
be
proceeded
against
,
not
as
a
Subject
but
an
Enemy
:
And
consequently
acquires
by
his
Rebellion
the
same
right
over
the
Life
of
his
Prince
,
as
the
Prince
for
the
most
heinous
Crimes
has
over
the
Life
of
his
own
Subjects
.
13.
Every
Man
,
after
his
entring
into
a
Society
,
retains
a
right
of
defending
himself
against
Force
,
and
cannot
transfer
that
right
to
the
Common-wealth
,
when
he
consents
to
that
Union
whereby
a
Common-wealth
is
made
;
and
in
case
a
great
many
Men
together
have
already
resisted
the
Common-wealth
,
for
which
every
one
of
them
expecteth
Death
,
they
have
liberty
then
to
joyn
together
to
assist
and
defend
one
another
.
Their
bearing
of
Arms
subsequent
to
the
first
breach
of
their
Duty
,
though
it
be
to
maintain
what
they
have
done
,
is
no
new
unjust
act
;
and
if
it
be
only
to
defend
their
Persons
,
is
not
unjust
at
all
.
14.
An
Oath
superadds
no
obligation
to
pact
,
and
a
pact
obliges
no
further
than
it
is
credited
:
And
,
consequently
,
if
a
Prince
gives
any
Indication
that
he
does
not
believe
the
Promises
of
Fealty
and
Allegiance
,
made
by
any
of
his
Subjects
,
they
are
thereby
freed
from
their
subjection
;
and
,
notwithstanding
their
Pacts
and
Oaths
,
may
lawfully
rebel
against
,
and
destroy
their
Sovereign
.
Hobbs
de
Cive
.
Leviathan
.
15.
If
a
People
that
by
Oath
and
Duty
are
oblig'd
to
a
Sovereign
shall
sinfully
dispossess
him
,
and
,
contrary
to
their
Covenants
,
chuse
and
covenant
with
another
;
they
may
be
obliged
by
their
latter
Covenant
,
notwithstanding
their
former
.
Baxter
H.
C.
16.
All
Oaths
are
unlawful
,
and
contrary
to
the
Word
of
God
.
Quakers
.
17.
An
Oath
obliges
not
in
the
sense
of
the
Imposer
,
but
the
Takers
.
Sheriffs
Case
.
18.
Dominion
is
founded
in
Grace
.
19.
The
Powers
of
this
World
are
Usurpations
upon
the
Prerogative
of
Jesus
Christ
,
and
it
is
the
Duty
of
God's
People
to
destroy
them
,
in
order
to
the
setting
Christ
upon
his
Throne
.
Fifth-Monarchy
Men.
20.
The
Presbyterian
Government
is
the
Scepter
of
Christ's
Kingdom
,
to
which
Kings
as
well
as
others
are
bound
to
submit
;
and
the
King's
Supremacy
in
Ecclesiastical
Affairs
asserted
by
the
Church
of
England
is
injurious
to
Christ
,
the
sole
King
and
Head
of
his
Church
.
Altare
Damascenum
.
Apolog.
relat.
Hist.
Indulgen
.
Cartwright
.
Travers
.
21.
It
is
not
lawful
for
Superiors
,
to
impose
any
thing
in
the
Worship
of
God
that
is
not
antecedently
necessary
.
22.
The
duty
of
not
offending
a
weak
Brother
is
inconsistent
with
all
human
Authority
of
making
Laws
concerning
indifferent
things
.
Protestant
Reconciler
.
23.
Wicked
Kings
and
Tyrants
ought
to
be
put
to
Death
,
and
if
the
Judges
and
inferior
Magistrates
will
not
do
their
office
,
the
Power
of
the
Sword
devolves
to
the
People
;
if
the
major
part
of
the
People
refuse
to
exercise
this
Power
,
then
the
Ministers
may
Excommunicate
such
a
King
,
after
which
it
is
lawful
for
any
of
the
Subjects
to
kill
him
,
as
the
People
did
Athaliah
,
and
Jehu
Jezabel
.
Buchanan
.
Knox.
Goodman
.
Gilby
.
Jesuits
.
24.
After
the
sealing
of
the
Scripture-Canon
,
the
People
of
God
in
all
ages
are
to
expect
new
Revelations
for
a
rule
of
their
Actions
,
[
](A61358-e75920-b)*
*
Quakers
and
other
Enthusiasts
.
and
it
is
lawful
for
a
private
Man
,
having
an
inward
motion
from
God
,
to
kill
a
Tyrant
[
](A61358-e75930-b)†
†
Goodman
.
.
25.
The
example
of
Phineas
is
to
us
instead
of
a
Command
;
for
what
God
has
commanded
or
approved
in
one
Age
,
must
needs
oblige
in
all
.
Goodman
.
Knox.
Naphtali
.
26.
King
Charles
the
First
was
lawfully
put
to
Death
,
and
his
Murtherers
were
the
blessed
Instruments
of
God's
Glory
in
their
Generation
.
Milton
.
Goodwin
.
Owen
.
27.
King
Charles
the
First
made
War
upon
his
Parliament
;
and
in
such
a
case
the
King
may
not
only
be
resisted
,
but
he
ceaseth
to
be
King
.
Baxter
.
We
decree
,
judge
and
declare
all
and
every
of
these
Propositions
to
be
False
,
Seditious
and
Impious
;
and
most
of
them
to
be
also
Heretical
and
Blasphemous
,
infamous
to
Christian
Religion
,
and
destructive
of
all
Government
in
Church
and
State
.
We
farther
decree
that
the
Books
which
contain
the
foresaid
Propositions
and
impious
Doctrines
,
are
fitted
to
deprave
good
Manners
;
corrupt
the
Minds
of
unwary
Men
,
stir
up
Seditions
and
Tumults
,
overthrow
States
and
Kingdoms
,
and
lead
to
Rebellion
,
murther
of
Princes
,
and
Atheism
it self
:
And
therefore
we
interdict
all
Members
of
the
University
from
the
reading
the
said
Books
,
under
the
Penalties
in
the
Statutes
exprest
.
We
also
order
the
before-recited
Books
to
be
publickly
burnt
,
by
the
hand
of
our
Marshal
in
the
Court
of
our
Schools
.
Likewise
we
order
that
in
perpetual
memory
hereof
,
these
our
Decrees
shall
be
entered
into
the
Registry
of
our
Convocation
,
and
that
Copies
of
them
being
communicated
to
the
several
Colleges
and
Halls
within
this
University
,
they
be
there
publickly
affixt
in
the
Libraries
,
Refectories
,
or
other
fit
Places
,
where
they
may
be
seen
and
read
of
all
.
Lastly
,
We
command
and
strictly
enjoyn
all
and
singular
Readers
,
Tutors
,
Catechists
and
others
,
to
whom
the
care
and
trust
of
Institution
of
Youth
is
committed
,
that
they
diligently
instruct
and
ground
their
Scholars
in
that
most
necessary
Doctrine
,
which
in
a
manner
is
the
Badge
and
Character
of
the
Church
of
England
,
of
submitting
to
every
Ordinance
of
Man
for
the
Lord's
sake
,
whether
it
be
to
the
King
as
Supreme
,
or
unto
Governors
as
unto
them
that
are
sent
by
him
,
for
the
Punishment
of
evil
doers
,
and
for
the
Praise
of
them
that
do
well
:
Teaching
that
this
Submission
and
Obedience
is
to
be
clear
,
absolute
and
without
exception
of
any
state
or
order
of
Men
:
Also
that
all
Supplications
,
Prayers
,
Intercessions
and
giving
of
Thanks
be
made
for
all
Men
,
for
the
King
and
all
that
are
in
Authority
,
that
we
may
lead
a
quiet
and
peaceable
life
in
all
Godliness
and
Honesty
;
for
this
is
good
and
acceptable
in
the
sight
of
God
our
Saviour
.
And
in
especial
manner
that
they
press
and
oblige
them
humbly
to
offer
their
most
ardent
and
daily
Prayers
at
the
Throne
of
Grace
for
the
preservation
of
our
Soveraign
Lord
King
Charles
,
from
the
attempts
of
open
Violence
,
and
secret
Machinations
of
perfidious
Traitors
:
That
he
the
Defender
of
the
Faith
,
being
safe
under
the
defence
of
the
most
High
,
may
continue
his
Reign
on
Earth
,
till
he
exchange
it
for
that
of
a
late
and
happy
Immortality
.
The
Case
of
the
Earl
of
Argyle
:
Or
,
an
exact
and
full
Account
of
his
Trial
,
Escape
,
and
Sentence
.
As
likewise
a
Relation
of
several
Matter
of
Fact
,
for
better
clearing
of
the
said
Case
.
Edinburgh
,
30.
May
,
1682.
SIR
,
THE
Case
of
the
late
Earl
of
Argyle
,
which
,
even
before
the
Process
led
against
him
,
you
was
earnest
to
know
,
was
at
first
,
I
thought
,
so
plain
,
that
I
needed
not
,
and
grew
afterwards
so
exceedingly
mysterious
,
that
I
could
not
,
for
some
time
,
give
you
so
perfect
an
account
of
it
,
as
I
wished
:
But
this
time
being
still
no
less
proper
,
the
exactness
of
my
Narrative
will
,
I
hope
,
excuse
all
delays
.
The
design
against
him
being
now
so
clear
,
and
the
grounds
founded
on
so
slender
,
that
to
satisfie
all
unbyass'd
Persons
of
his
Integrity
,
there
needs
no
more
,
but
barely
to
represent
matter
of
Fact
;
I
should
think
shame
to
spend
so
many
words
,
either
on
arguments
,
or
relation
,
were
it
not
lest
to
strangers
some
mystery
might
still
be
suspected
to
remain
concealed
:
And
therefore
to
make
plain
what
they
can
hardly
believe
,
though
we
we
clearly
see
it
.
At
His
Royal
Highness
arrival
in
Scotland
,
the
Earl
was
one
of
the
first
to
wait
upon
him
,
and
until
the
meeting
of
our
last
Parliament
,
the
World
believed
,
the
Earl
was
as
much
in
his
Highness
favour
,
as
any
intrusted
in
His
Majesties
affairs
,
in
this
Kingdom
.
When
it
was
resolved
,
and
His
Majesty
moved
to
call
the
Parliament
,
the
Earl
was
in
the
Country
,
and
at
the
opening
of
it
,
he
appeared
as
forward
as
any
in
His
Majesties
,
and
his
Highness
service
,
but
it
had
not
sat
many
days
when
a
change
was
noticed
in
his
Highness
,
and
the
Earl
observed
to
decline
in
his
Highness
favour
.
In
the
beginning
of
the
Parliament
,
the
Earl
was
appointed
one
of
the
Lords
of
the
Articles
,
to
prepare
matters
for
the
Parliament
,
and
named
by
his
Highness
to
be
one
of
a
Committee
of
the
Articles
for
Religion
,
which
,
by
the
custom
of
all
Scots
Parliaments
,
and
His
Majesties
instructions
to
his
Commissioner
,
at
this
time
,
was
the
first
thing
treated
of
:
In
this
Committee
there
was
an
Act
prepared
for
securing
the
Protestant
Religion
;
which
Act
did
ratifie
the
Act
approving
the
Confession
of
Faith
,
and
also
the
Act
containing
the
Coronation
Oath
,
appointed
by
several
standing
Acts
of
Parliament
,
to
be
taken
by
all
our
Kings
,
and
Regents
,
before
their
entry
to
the
exercise
of
the
Government
.
This
Act
was
drawn
somewhat
less
binding
upon
the
Successor
,
as
to
his
own
profession
,
but
full
as
strictly
tying
him
to
maintain
the
Protestant
Religion
,
in
the
publick
profession
thereof
,
and
to
put
the
Laws
concerning
it
in
execution
,
and
also
appointing
a
further
Test
,
beside
the
former
,
to
exclude
Papists
from
places
of
publick
trust
;
and
because
the
fines
of
such
as
should
act
,
without
taking
the
Test
,
appeared
no
better
then
discharged
,
if
falling
in
the
hands
of
a
Popish
Successor
,
and
some
accounting
any
limitation
worse
than
an
exclusion
,
and
all
being
content
to
put
no
limitation
on
the
Crown
,
so
it
might
consist
with
the
safety
,
and
security
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
it
was
ordained
,
that
all
such
fines
,
and
forfaultures
should
appertain
the
one
half
to
the
informers
,
and
the
other
half
should
be
bestowed
on
pious
uses
,
according
to
certain
Rules
expressed
in
the
Act.
But
this
Act
,
being
no
wise
pleasing
to
some
,
it
was
laid
aside
,
and
the
Committee
discharged
any
more
to
meet
,
and
instead
of
this
Act
,
there
was
brought
in
to
the
Parliament
,
at
the
same
time
,
with
the
Act
of
Succession
,
a
short
Act
,
ratifying
all
former
Acts
made
for
the
security
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
which
is
the
first
of
the
printed
Acts
of
this
Parliament
.
At
the
passing
of
this
Act
,
the
Earl
proposed
that
these
words
,
And
all
Acts
against
Popery
,
might
be
added
,
which
was
opposed
by
the
Advocate
,
and
some
of
the
Clergy
,
as
unnecessary
,
but
the
motion
being
seconded
by
Sir
George
Lockhart
,
and
the
then
President
of
the
Session
,
now
turned
out
,
it
was
yielded
to
,
and
added
without
a
Vote
,
and
this
Act
being
still
not
thought
sufficient
,
and
several
Members
desiring
other
additions
,
and
other
Acts
,
a
promise
was
made
by
his
Royal
Highness
,
in
open
Parliament
,
that
time
,
and
opportunity
should
be
given
,
to
bring
in
any
other
Act
,
which
should
be
thought
necessary
for
further
securing
the
Protestant
Religion
:
But
though
several
persons
,
both
before
and
after
passing
the
Act
for
the
Test
(
here
subjoyned
)
did
give
in
memorials
,
and
overtures
,
yet
they
were
never
suffered
to
be
read
,
either
in
Articles
,
〈◊〉
Parliament
,
but
in
place
of
all
,
this
Act
for
the
Test
was
still
obtruded
,
and
nothing
of
that
nature
suffered
to
be
heard
,
after
once
that
Act
past
,
though
even
at
passing
it
the
promise
was
renewed
.
As
for
the
Test
,
it
was
first
brought
into
the
Parliament
without
mentioning
the
Confession
of
Faith
,
and
,
after
several
hours
debate
,
for
adding
the
Confession
of
Faith
,
and
many
other
additions
,
and
alterations
,
it
was
past
at
the
first
presenting
,
albeit
it
was
earnestly
prest
,
by
near
half
the
Parliament
,
that
it
might
be
delayed
till
next
morning
,
the
draught
being
so
much
changed
and
interlined
,
that
many
,
even
of
the
most
engaged
in
the
Debate
,
did
not
sufficiently
understand
it
,
and
though
they
took
notes
,
knew
not
precisely
how
it
stood
.
And
this
was
indeed
the
Earls
case
in
particular
,
and
the
cause
why
,
in
Voting
,
he
did
forbear
either
to
approve
,
or
disapprove
.
His
part
in
the
debate
was
,
that
,
in
the
entry
of
it
,
he
said
,
that
he
thought
,
as
few
Oaths
should
be
required
as
could
be
,
and
these
as
short
and
clear
as
possible
:
That
it
was
his
humble
opinion
,
that
a
very
small
alteration
in
these
Acts
,
which
had
been
used
these
twenty
years
,
might
serve
,
for
it
was
manifest
,
and
he
attested
the
whole
Parliament
upon
it
,
That
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
and
Declaration
,
had
effectually
debarred
all
Fanaticks
from
getting
into
places
of
trust
,
all
that
time
:
It
was
true
some
Papists
had
swallowed
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
and
therefore
a
word
or
two
only
of
addition
,
to
guard
against
them
,
was
all
he
judged
necessary
.
And
there
after
,
where
in
the
close
of
the
Act
,
The
Kings
Sons
,
and
Brothers
,
were
intended
to
be
dispensed
with
from
taking
the
Test
,
he
opposed
the
exception
,
and
said
,
it
was
our
happiness
that
King
and
People
were
of
one
Religion
,
and
that
they
were
so
by
Law
:
That
he
hoped
the
Parliament
would
do
nothing
to
loose
what
was
fast
,
nor
open
a
gap
for
the
Royal
Family
to
differ
in
Religion
,
their
example
was
of
great
consequence
,
one
of
them
was
as
a
thousand
,
and
would
draw
the
more
followers
,
if
once
it
appeared
to
the
people
that
it
were
honourable
,
and
a
priviledge
to
be
of
another
Religion
:
And
therefore
he
wished
,
if
any
exception
were
,
it
might
be
particular
for
his
Royal
Highness
;
but
his
Highness
himself
opposing
this
,
the
Earl
concluded
with
his
fear
,
that
if
this
exception
did
pass
,
it
would
do
more
hurt
to
the
Protestant
Religion
than
all
the
rest
of
that
Act
,
and
many
other
Acts
could
do
good
.
Whilst
these
Acts
,
about
Religion
,
were
in
agitation
,
his
Highness
told
the
Earl
one
day
in
private
,
to
beware
of
himself
,
for
the
Earl
of
Errol
,
and
others
,
were
to
give
in
a
Bill
to
the
Parliament
,
to
get
him
made
liable
to
some
debts
they
pretended
to
be
Cautioners
in
for
his
Father
,
and
that
those
that
were
most
forward
in
His
Majesties
service
must
be
had
a
care
of
:
The
Earl
●aid
,
he
knew
there
was
no
ground
for
any
such
Bill
,
and
he
hoped
neither
the
Earl
of
Errol
,
nor
any
other
,
should
have
any
advantage
of
him
,
upon
any
head
relating
to
His
Majesties
service
.
His
Highness
told
others
likewise
,
he
had
given
the
Earl
good
advice
.
But
shortly
after
the
above-mentioned
debates
,
there
were
two
Bills
given
into
the
meeting
of
the
Articles
,
against
the
Earl
,
one
by
the
Earl
of
Errol
,
the
other
by
His
Majesties
Advocate
,
who
alledged
he
did
it
by
command
,
for
otherwise
he
acknowledged
it
was
without
his
line
.
The
Earl
of
Errol's
claim
was
,
that
the
Earl
of
Argyle
might
be
declared
liable
to
relieve
him
,
and
others
,
of
a
debt
,
wherein
,
they
alledged
,
they
stood
bound
as
Cautioners
,
for
the
late
Marquess
of
Argyle
,
the
Earl's
Father
.
To
which
the
Earl
answered
,
that
he
had
not
got
his
Fathers
whole
Estate
,
but
only
a
part
of
it
,
and
that
expressly
burdened
with
all
the
debts
he
was
liable
to
pay
;
whereof
this
pretended
debt
was
none
,
and
that
the
Marquess
of
Huntly
,
who
at
that
time
was
owing
to
the
Marquess
of
Argyle
35000
l.
Sterl.
had
got
4000
l.
Sterl.
of
yearly
Rent
,
out
of
the
Marquess
of
Argyle's
forfaulture
,
without
the
burden
of
any
debt
;
so
that
both
by
Law
,
and
Equity
,
the
Earl
could
not
be
liable
,
the
Marquess
of
Huntly
,
and
not
he
,
having
got
that
which
should
bear
this
relief
,
and
which
should
indeed
have
payed
the
far
greatest
part
of
the
Marquess
of
Argyle's
debt
,
the
same
having
been
undertaken
for
Huntly
by
Argyle
,
either
as
Cautioner
for
Huntly
,
or
to
raise
money
to
pay
his
debt
:
Besides
that
the
Earl
of
Errol
can
never
make
it
appear
,
that
he
,
or
his
Predecessors
,
were
bound
,
for
the
Marquess
of
Argyle
in
the
third
part
of
the
sums
,
he
acclaims
;
yet
some
were
much
inclined
to
believe
Errol
on
his
bare
assertion
.
His
Majesties
Advocates
claim
was
,
to
take
from
the
Earl
his
heritable
Offices
of
Sheriff
,
&c.
especially
that
of
Justice-General
of
Argyle-Shire
,
the
isles
,
and
other
places
,
which
last
is
nevertheless
only
a
part
of
the
general
Justitiary
of
all
Scotland
,
granted
to
his
Predecessors
,
some
hundred
of
years
ago
,
for
honourable
,
and
onerous
causes
,
and
constantly
enjoyed
by
them
until
expressly
surrendered
,
in
his
late
Majesties
hands
,
for
a
new
Grant
of
the
above-mentioned
Justitiary
of
Argyle
,
&c.
And
this
new
Grant
was
also
confirmed
by
many
Acts
of
Parliament
,
and
particularly
by
His
Majesties
Royal
Father
,
of
Blessed
Memory
,
in
the
Parliament
holden
by
him
Anno
1633.
As
likewise
by
His
Majesty
that
now
is
(
whom
God
long
preserve
)
his
new
Gift
and
Charter
,
after
several
Debates
before
him
in
Anno
1663.
and
1672.
Which
new
Gifts
and
Charters
were
again
ratified
by
a
special
instruction
from
His
Majesty
in
the
Parliament
1672.
So
that
albeit
several
late
Gifts
of
Regality
granted
to
the
Marquess
of
Athol
,
Marquess
of
Queensberry
,
and
others
,
may
be
questioned
,
because
granted
since
the
Acts
of
Parliament
discharging
all
such
Gifts
in
time
coming
,
yet
the
Earl
of
Argyl's
rights
are
good
,
as
being
both
of
a
far
different
nature
,
and
granted
long
before
the
said
Acts
of
Parliament
,
and
in
effect
the
Earl
his
rights
are
rather
confirmed
by
these
prohibitive
Acts
,
because
both
anterior
to
,
and
excepted
from
them
as
appears
by
the
Act
Salvo
Jure
1633.
Wherein
the
Earls
rights
are
particularly
and
fully
excepted
in
the
body
of
the
printed
Act.
When
these
things
appeared
so
plain
as
not
to
be
answered
,
It
was
alledged
that
upon
the
forfaulture
of
the
late
Marquess
of
Argyl
,
his
Estate
was
annexed
to
the
Crown
,
and
so
could
not
be
gifted
to
the
Earl
by
His
Majesty
,
(
wherein
they
soon
discovered
a
design
to
forfault
him
,
if
any
pretence
could
be
found
)
But
the
Act
of
Forfaulture
being
read
,
and
containing
no
such
thing
,
but
on
the
contrary
a
clear
power
left
to
His
Majesty
to
dispose
of
the
whole
,
and
the
Earl
telling
them
plainly
,
that
these
that
were
most
active
to
have
his
Father
forfaulted
,
were
very
far
from
desiring
his
Estate
to
be
annexed
to
the
Crown
,
seeing
it
was
in
expectation
of
Gifts
out
of
it
they
were
so
diligent
,
that
pretence
of
the
annexation
was
past
from
,
but
yet
the
design
was
no
wise
given
over
,
for
there
was
a
proposition
made
,
and
a
Vote
carried
in
the
Articles
,
that
a
Committee
should
be
appointed
,
with
Parliamentary
power
,
to
meet
in
the
intervals
of
Parliament
,
to
determine
all
controversies
could
be
moved
against
any
of
the
Earls
rights
;
Which
was
a
very
extraordinary
device
,
and
plainly
carried
by
extraordinary
influences
.
Upon
this
the
Earl
applyed
to
the
Parliament
,
where
this
Vote
was
to
be
brought
,
and
having
informed
the
Members
of
his
right
,
and
the
consequences
of
such
a
new
Judicature
,
he
had
good
hope
to
get
the
Vote
ranversed
,
when
his
Royal
Highness
on
second
thoughts
judged
it
fit
to
put
a
stop
to
it
,
and
excused
himself
,
Saying
,
It
was
his
not
being
acquainted
,
and
but
lately
in
affairs
,
had
made
him
go
along
with
it
,
for
he
found
it
did
plainly
impugn
His
Majesties
prerogative
,
and
might
be
of
ill
consequence
,
and
indeed
it
is
plain
enough
.
I●
would
have
exposed
the
Marquess
of
Huntly's
gift
,
which
proceeded
on
the
same
forfaulture
,
as
well
as
the
Earl
of
Argyl's
,
to
the
same
,
and
far
greater
hazard
,
as
some
came
to
be
sensible
,
when
they
heard
all
.
You
see
here
at
what
rate
the
Earl
was
pursued
,
and
on
what
grounds
,
before
his
taking
of
the
Test
came
in
hand
.
After
the
Parliament
was
adjourned
,
there
was
a
new
design
to
apply
to
His
Majesty
for
a
Commission
,
of
the
same
nature
,
for
reviewing
all
the
Earls
rights
,
and
to
deprive
him
of
his
heritable
Offices
,
and
,
if
possible
,
to
burden
him
with
more
Debts
then
his
Estate
was
worth
.
Upon
which
,
the
Earl
waited
on
his
Highness
,
and
informed
him
more
particularly
,
offering
to
make
it
appear
,
by
unquestionable
rights
and
evidences
,
that
his
Estate
was
not
subject
to
any
such
review
,
as
was
intended
,
and
that
it
might
breed
the
Earl
great
trouble
,
but
could
have
no
effect
in
Law
.
To
which
his
Highness
Answered
,
That
a
review
could
do
no
hurt
;
The
Earl
said
,
If
a
Commission
for
a
review
were
granted
,
something
must
be
intended
,
and
something
must
be
done
,
and
it
was
very
like
that
some
of
these
put
into
such
a
Commission
would
be
his
Enemies
,
at
least
small
Friends
,
and
therefore
intreated
that
if
any
intended
to
quarrel
his
rights
,
they
and
he
and
all
their
debates
might
be
remitted
to
the
Ordinary
Judicatories
:
And
indeed
he
had
reason
,
to
desire
,
it
might
be
so
,
the
Ordinary
Judicatories
being
established
by
the
ancient
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
,
not
in
order
or
with
respect
to
particular
Causes
,
and
Persons
,
but
for
the
general
,
equal
and
impartial
administration
of
Justice
to
all
.
Whereas
the
granting
particular
Commissions
,
for
Trying
and
Judging
such
and
such
Cases
,
and
Persons
,
cannot
but
expose
to
the
just
contrary
inconveniences
,
there
being
certainly
a
vast
difference
betwixt
a
Mans
finding
a
Judge
indifferently
constitute
,
and
his
having
one
expresly
and
particularly
appointed
,
for
his
single
affair
,
who
might
possibly
think
himself
Commissionate
,
rather
to
serve
a
turn
,
in
an
arbitrary
way
,
then
to
administer
fair
Justice
:
But
all
this
prevailed
not
,
Only
his
Highness
said
,
The
Commission
should
not
be
expede
until
the
Earl
knew
the
Names
of
the
Persons
insert
in
it
:
Whereunto
the
Earl
Answered
,
That
there
might
be
many
Persons
,
against
whom
he
could
make
no
legal
exception
,
whom
yet
he
might
have
very
good
reason
to
decline
to
be
his
particular
Judges
,
and
to
have
his
rights
taken
from
the
ordinary
Judges
,
and
committed
to
their
examination
,
and
all
he
might
possibly
gain
by
excepting
would
be
to
irritate
;
Adding
that
as
to
his
heritable
Offices
,
he
had
undoubtedly
right
to
them
,
and
they
were
rather
honourable
,
then
of
advantage
,
that
his
family
had
them
for
faithful
services
to
the
Crown
;
and
because
they
had
served
more
faithfully
then
their
Neighbours
,
and
been
more
useful
then
others
,
in
keeping
the
Country
in
peace
,
from
Thieves
and
Robbers
,
therefore
all
the
broken
Men
and
their
Patrons
,
were
Enemies
to
him
,
and
his
Family
,
and
desirous
to
have
these
Offices
out
of
his
hand
,
but
he
resolved
to
do
as
he
had
always
done
,
to
put
himself
in
His
Majesties
will
,
and
if
His
Majesty
were
resolved
to
have
back
all
heritable
Offices
,
and
should
think
fit
after
hearing
him
to
have
back
his
,
His
Majesty
should
have
them
,
either
freely
or
for
a
just
value
:
For
though
,
they
rendered
the
Earl
no
free
yearly
Rent
,
as
the
Earl
used
them
,
yet
he
might
be
a
sufferer
in
the
want
of
them
,
if
the
Country
were
left
open
to
Thieves
and
Robbers
,
which
he
hoped
His
Majesty
would
repair
.
His
rights
(
as
he
had
said
in
Parliament
)
were
unquestionable
,
and
often
times
confirmed
;
Yet
he
was
willing
to
surrender
them
all
on
his
knee
to
His
Majesty
,
but
was
not
willing
to
have
them
torn
from
him
with
an
affront
by
any
other
.
Upon
this
his
Highness
was
pleased
,
to
allow
the
Earl
a
time
,
to
go
to
the
Country
,
to
bring
his
Papers
,
and
he
was
put
in
hopes
no
Commission
should
pass
till
his
return
,
which
was
indeed
observed
.
In
the
mean
time
,
the
Earl
did
writ
to
the
Earl
of
Murray
,
His
Majesties
Secretary
,
that
he
might
have
leave
,
to
wait
upon
His
Majesty
,
which
His
Majesty
did
graciously
and
readily
grant
;
The
Earl
purposing
,
at
his
return
to
Edenburgh
,
to
beg
the
same
favour
of
his
Highness
:
But
he
found
this
motion
more
fatal
to
him
then
he
could
have
at
first
expected
so
innocent
a
design
could
prove
:
For
it
was
at
first
told
him
,
he
could
not
have
access
to
kiss
His
Majesties
hand
without
taking
the
Test
;
then
it
dropt
out
,
that
it
was
ill
taken
,
His
Majesty
was
at
all
addressed
to
,
for
leave
to
kiss
his
hand
:
And
at
length
it
became
plain
,
that
taking
the
Test
would
not
clear
the
way
.
As
the
Earl
was
on
his
return
to
Edinburgh
,
to
wait
upon
his
Highness
,
and
come
the
length
of
Glasgow
,
he
got
the
news
,
that
the
late
President
of
the
Session
,
and
He
were
both
turned
out
of
it
,
and
at
his
arrival
at
Edinburgh
,
several
meetings
of
Council
were
appointed
only
to
occasion
his
taking
of
the
Test
:
But
the
Earl
having
gone
some
miles
out
of
Town
,
was
not
present
.
At
last
a
meeting
of
the
Council
was
appointed
expresly
,
and
one
of
the
Clerks
ordered
to
warn
the
Earl
particularly
to
be
present
;
whereof
the
Earl
being
advertised
before
the
Clerk
came
to
him
,
he
waited
on
his
Highness
,
and
had
the
honour
of
an
opportunity
after
Supper
,
to
speak
to
his
Royal
Highness
,
in
his
Bed-chamber
:
The
Earl
told
his
Highness
,
he
was
now
returned
,
to
make
good
his
word
,
and
to
shew
those
Writts
and
Rights
he
had
promised
:
But
Sir
(
said
the
Earl
)
I
have
heard
by
the
way
of
alterations
,
and
that
I
am
turn'd
out
of
the
Session
:
His
Highness
said
,
it
was
so
:
The
Earl
asked
what
next
?
His
Highness
said
,
he
knew
no
more
.
The
Earl
said
,
he
had
never
sought
that
,
nor
any
place
,
and
he
knew
that
place
was
at
His
Majesties
dispose
,
and
it
might
soon
be
better
filled
:
But
said
the
Earl
,
if
it
be
to
express
a
frown
,
it
is
the
first
I
have
had
from
His
Majesty
this
Thirty
years
;
I
know
I
have
Enemies
,
but
they
shall
never
make
me
alter
my
Duty
,
and
Resolution
to
serve
His
Majesty
;
I
have
served
His
Majesty
in
Arms
,
and
in
his
Judicatures
,
when
I
knew
I
had
Enemies
on
my
right
hand
,
and
on
my
left
,
and
I
will
do
so
still
.
But
if
any
have
power
,
to
render
His
Majesty
or
your
Highness
jealous
of
me
,
it
will
make
my
Service
the
more
useless
to
both
,
and
the
less
comfortable
to
my self
:
His
Highness
said
,
he
knew
no
more
then
what
he
had
said
;
the
Earl
then
said
,
it
was
late
,
and
he
would
wiat
on
his
Highness
some
other
time
,
about
these
matters
:
But
the
thing
that
at
present
presses
(
says
the
Earl
)
is
,
That
I
hear
one
of
the
Clerks
of
Council
is
appointed
to
tell
me
to
be
at
the
Council
,
to
morrow
,
I
conceive
,
to
take
the
Test
;
Pray
,
what
is
the
haste
?
may
not
I
,
with
Your
Highnesses
favour
,
have
the
time
allowed
by
the
Act
of
Parliament
?
His
Highness
said
,
No.
The
Earl
urged
it
again
,
but
in
vain
:
And
all
the
delay
,
he
could
obtain
,
was
till
Thursday
the
Third
of
November
,
the
next
Council
day
in
course
.
The
Earl
said
he
was
the
less
fond
of
the
Test
,
that
he
found
,
that
some
that
refused
it
were
still
in
favour
,
and
others
that
had
taken
it
turned
out
,
as
the
Register
,
at
which
His
Highness
only
laught
:
But
Sir
,
[
said
the
Earl
,
]
how
comes
Your
Highness
to
press
the
Test
so
hastily
?
Sure
there
are
some
things
in
it
Your
Highness
doth
not
●ver
much
like
:
Then
said
His
Highness
,
angerly
,
and
in
a
passion
:
most
true
,
that
Test
was
brought
into
the
Parliament
,
without
the
Confession
of
Faith
:
But
the
late
President
caused
put
in
the
Confession
,
which
makes
it
such
as
no
honest
Man
can
take
it
:
The
Earl
said
he
had
the
more
reason
to
advise
:
Whereby
you
may
see
,
whether
his
Highness
then
thought
,
the
Confession
was
to
be
Sworn
to
in
the
Test
,
or
not
.
After
this
the
Earl
waited
several
times
on
his
Highness
,
and
made
new
attempts
for
the
favour
of
a
delay
,
but
with
no
success
:
What
passed
in
private
,
shall
not
be
repeated
except
so
far
as
is
absolutely
necessary
to
evince
the
Earl
his
innocency
,
and
to
shew
that
in
what
he
did
he
had
no
ill
design
,
nor
did
,
in
the
least
prevaricate
,
or
give
any
offence
willingly
,
but
was
ready
to
comply
,
as
far
as
he
could
,
with
a
good
conscience
;
It
was
in
this
interval
,
that
the
Earl
spoke
with
the
Bishop
of
Edinburgh
,
and
saw
his
Vindication
of
the
Test
,
and
all
the
Explanations
I
here
send
you
,
only
the
Councils
explanation
was
not
yet
thought
on
:
And
that
all
the
Bishop
did
then
urge
the
Earl
with
,
beyond
what
is
in
his
Vindication
,
was
to
have
a
care
of
a
noble
Family
,
and
to
tell
him
,
that
the
opposing
the
exception
of
the
Kings
Sons
,
and
Brothers
,
from
taking
the
Test
,
had
fired
the
kiln
.
At
the
last
upon
Wednesday
,
the
second
of
November
,
late
,
the
Earl
waited
on
his
Highness
,
and
did
in
the
most
humble
,
and
easie
expressions
he
could
devise
,
decline
the
present
taking
of
the
Test
;
but
if
his
Highness
would
needs
have
a
present
answer
,
he
beg'd
his
favour
,
that
he
would
accept
of
his
refusing
it
in
private
,
which
was
denied
again
:
Then
,
he
said
,
if
his
Highness
would
allow
him
time
,
to
go
home
and
consider
,
he
would
either
give
satisfaction
,
or
the
time
prescribed
by
the
Act
of
Parliament
would
elapse
,
and
so
he
would
go
off
in
course
,
and
without
noise
.
But
this
also
his
Highness
absolutely
refused
:
Upon
which
the
Earl
asked
,
what
good
his
appearing
in
Council
,
to
refuse
there
,
would
do
?
His
Highness
was
pleased
to
answer
,
that
he
needed
not
appear
,
but
to
employ
some
friend
to
speak
for
him
;
and
his
Highness
himself
named
one
.
This
the
Earl
yielded
to
,
as
the
best
of
a
bad
choice
,
and
said
,
he
should
either
use
the
person
named
by
his
Highness
,
or
some
other
Relation
that
were
a
Councellor
,
and
in
Town
:
And
,
in
compliance
with
his
Highness
pleasure
,
the
next
morning
,
the
Earl
drew
a
Letter
,
for
a
Warrant
to
the
same
Person
his
Highness
had
named
,
for
declaring
his
mind
in
Council
;
wherein
he
exprest
his
constant
resolution
to
continue
a
true
Protestant
,
and
Loyal
Subject
,
which
were
the
true
ends
of
the
Test
:
But
the
Letter
concluding
on
a
delay
of
taking
the
Oath
,
and
his
Highness
having
given
some
indication
,
how
little
pleasing
that
office
was
to
him
,
neither
that
friend
,
nor
any
other
would
,
by
any
means
,
accept
of
it
.
Upon
this
the
Earl
drew
a
second
,
and
shorter
Letter
,
to
any
that
should
that
day
preside
in
Council
;
but
after
much
discourse
,
it
being
suggested
,
that
an
explanation
would
be
allowed
,
and
the
shorter
the
better
,
the
Earl
first
drew
one
,
suitable
to
his
own
thoughts
;
and
it
being
thought
too
long
,
did
instantly
shorten
it
,
and
put
it
into
his
Pocket
,
but
withal
said
he
would
not
offer
it
,
till
he
knew
his
Highness
pleasure
,
lest
his
Highness
might
take
it
ill
that
any
had
prevailed
more
with
him
,
then
himself
;
and
therefore
the
Earl
did
refuse
to
go
to
the
Council
,
or
out
of
his
Chamber
,
till
he
had
his
approbation
.
A
little
after
a
Coach
was
sent
for
the
Earl
,
and
it
was
told
him
,
in
the
Room
without
the
Council-Chamber
,
that
the
Bishop
of
Edinburgh
had
spoke
to
his
Highness
,
and
signified
to
him
,
that
the
Earl
was
willing
to
take
the
Test
,
with
an
Explanation
,
and
that
the
Bishop
said
,
it
would
be
very
kindly
accepted
.
These
were
the
express
words
,
and
then
(
and
not
till
then
)
the
Earl
went
into
the
Council
,
and
delivered
(
that
is
pronounced
)
his
Explanation
close
by
his
Highness
,
and
directly
towards
him
;
so
loud
,
and
audible
,
that
some
in
the
furthest
corner
of
the
Room
acknowledged
they
heard
it
:
Whereupon
the
Oath
was
administred
,
and
the
Earl
took
it
;
and
his
Highness
with
a
well
satisfied
Countenance
,
and
the
honour
of
a
smile
,
Commanded
him
to
take
his
place
:
And
while
he
sat
by
his
Highness
(
which
was
his
honour
to
do
that
day
)
his
Highness
spake
several
times
privately
to
him
,
and
always
very
pleasantly
.
And
the
Earl
hath
since
protested
to
his
friends
,
that
he
thinks
his
Highness
was
,
at
the
time
,
well
pleased
,
though
some
others
,
that
wisht
the
Earl
out
of
the
Council
,
appeared
surprized
,
and
in
some
confusion
.
The
first
thing
came
to
be
treated
of
in
Council
,
after
the
Earl
had
taken
his
Seat
,
was
the
Councils
Explanation
,
at
that
time
intended
,
and
resolved
to
be
allowed
to
the
Clergy
only
,
and
no
other
,
and
withal
not
to
be
printed
:
To
which
the
Earl
refused
to
Vote
,
which
was
afterwards
made
a
ground
of
Challenge
.
A
little
after
,
it
being
the
Post
Night
,
the
Earl
stept
out
,
and
went
to
his
Lodging
,
and
though
he
acknowledges
,
he
did
not
decline
to
give
some
friends
an
account
of
what
had
past
,
yet
he
was
so
far
from
spreading
Copies
of
his
Explanation
,
at
taking
the
Oath
,
that
he
flatly
refused
to
give
a
kind
,
and
discreet
friend
,
then
in
his
Chamber
,
a
Copy
of
it
,
lest
it
might
go
abroad
:
And
the
words
being
few
,
and
publickly
spoke
,
it
is
not
strange
they
might
be
,
almost
perfectly
repeated
,
as
,
it
's
known
,
the
Clerks
pretended
to
do
;
but
the
●●ings
Advocate
having
past
from
the
accusation
of
Spreading
,
this
is
only
mentioned
to
evidence
how
singly
studious
the
Earl
was
to
satisfie
his
own
Conscience
,
and
how
tender
of
giving
offence
,
for
I
can
say
truly
for
him
,
he
was
never
heard
to
disswade
any
to
take
the
Test
,
nor
to
disparage
it
,
after
it
past
in
an
Act
;
only
he
refused
to
take
it
himself
,
without
an
Explanation
,
which
to
firetch
to
a
Crime
is
beyond
all
example
.
I
confess
,
he
never
cry'd
it
up
as
super
excellent
,
or
Divine
,
a
some
have
done
that
can
alter
their
tone
,
and
decry
it
as
much
,
when
ever
there
shall
be
occasion
.
The
next
morning
the
Earl
waited
on
his
Highness
,
expecting
yesternights
countenance
,
and
indeed
nothing
less
than
what
he
met
with
;
for
beginning
to
speak
with
his
Highness
in
private
,
his
Highness
interrupted
him
,
and
said
he
was
not
pleased
with
his
Explanation
.
The
Earl
said
,
he
did
not
presume
to
give
it
till
his
Highness
allowed
him
:
His
Highness
acknowledged
,
that
the
Bishop
of
Edinburgh
had
told
him
,
that
the
Earl
intended
an
Explanation
:
But
(
says
his
Highness
)
I
thought
it
had
been
some
short
one
,
like
Earl
Queensburries
:
The
Earl
answered
that
his
Highness
heard
what
he
said
:
His
Highness
said
,
he
did
,
but
he
was
surprized
:
Then
the
Earl
said
,
he
had
said
the
same
thing
,
in
private
,
to
his
Highness
,
wherewith
he
,
at
that
time
,
appeared
satisfied
:
And
the
Earl
being
about
to
say
more
,
in
his
own
vindication
,
his
Highness
interrupting
him
said
,
well
it
is
past
with
you
,
but
it
shall
pass
so
with
no
other
,
which
words
,
the
Earl
thought
,
did
both
confirm
the
Councils
acceptance
,
and
his
explanation
,
and
sufficiently
clear
him
of
all
offence
,
if
he
had
incurred
any
.
And
whatever
hath
been
his
Highness
resolution
,
or
the
Earls
misfortune
since
,
the
Earl
is
perswaded
that
his
Highness
was
resolved
then
to
push
the
affair
no
further
;
for
though
some
had
still
the
same
animosities
,
and
prejudices
against
the
Earl
,
yet
hitherto
they
had
not
adventured
to
undertake
to
extract
,
and
forge
such
Crimes
,
out
of
his
words
,
as
afterwards
they
did
:
And
it
was
not
,
till
private
suggestions
were
made
,
that
Advocates
were
asked
(
as
they
were
)
if
these
words
could
be
stretched
to
Treason
;
and
that
(
when
the
ablest
denied
)
the
Kings
Advocate
complied
,
and
was
ordered
to
draw
the
Indictment
,
and
some
Judges
were
engaged
,
and
secured
about
it
,
as
will
appear
,
when
ever
His
Majesty
thinks
it
his
Interest
to
take
an
exact
trial
of
that
whole
affair
.
The
Earl
did
think
(
as
I
just
now
said
)
his
Highness
saying
,
it
was
past
as
to
him
,
was
enough
;
he
was
resolved
to
say
no
more
for
justifying
himself
,
but
seeing
he
is
so
hardly
pressed
,
and
his
life
,
and
honour
at
the
stake
,
it
is
hoped
his
Highness
will
not
disown
what
the
Earl
hath
hitherto
so
respectfully
concealed
,
and
is
now
no
less
necessary
to
be
spoke
out
for
his
vindication
.
And
that
is
,
that
besides
that
his
Highness
did
allow
the
Earl
to
explain
,
and
did
hear
his
explanation
in
Council
,
and
approve
it
:
The
Earl
did
twice
in
private
,
once
before
,
and
once
after
his
Oath
in
Council
,
repeat
,
to
his
Highness
,
the
same
words
,
that
the
Treason
is
now
founded
on
:
(
viz.
)
That
the
Earl
meant
not
to
bind
up
himself
,
to
wish
,
and
endeavour
,
in
a
lawful
way
,
and
in
his
station
,
any
alteration
,
he
thought
to
the
advantage
of
Church
and
State
,
not
repugnant
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
his
Loyalty
;
and
that
his
Highness
was
so
far
from
charging
them
with
Treason
,
that
he
said
,
plainly
,
both
times
,
the
Earls
scruples
were
unnecessary
,
and
that
the
Test
did
not
bind
him
up
as
he
imagined
;
adding
further
,
the
last
time
,
that
the
Earl
had
cheated
himself
,
for
notwithstanding
the
explanation
,
he
had
taken
the
Test
.
To
which
the
Earl
only
answered
,
that
then
his
Highness
should
be
satisfied
.
Now
,
after
all
this
,
that
Treason
should
be
so
earnestly
searched
for
,
and
so
groundlessly
found
,
in
those
words
,
is
it
not
strange
beyond
all
example
?
Could
it
be
Treason
for
the
Earl
to
say
,
He
will
not
bind
up
himself
,
where
his
Highness
says
so
oft
,
and
so
plainly
,
It
was
not
intended
that
he
,
or
any
man
,
should
be
bound
up
?
What
past
the
next
day
,
after
the
Earl
had
taken
the
Test
,
and
was
received
by
the
Council
,
is
also
proper
for
you
to
know
.
The
Earl
,
being
to
take
it
as
one
of
the
Commissioners
of
the
Treasury
,
it
was
commonly
thought
that
he
,
and
the
other
Commissioners
,
were
to
take
it
in
the
Exchequer
;
but
after
Ten
of
the
Clock
,
about
two
hours
after
the
Earl
had
parted
from
his
Highness
,
one
told
him
there
was
a
design
upon
him
,
to
make
him
swear
once
more
before
the
Council
:
And
accordingly
,
at
Twelve
,
there
was
an
extraordinary
Council
called
in
the
Abbey
,
and
there
it
was
found
,
That
the
Commissioners
of
Treasury
,
as
Officers
of
the
Crown
,
were
to
take
the
Test
before
the
Council
;
and
it
was
told
the
Earl
,
that
the
Exchequer
could
not
,
that
day
,
sit
without
him
.
And
to
make
the
matter
more
solemn
,
it
was
resolved
that
the
Council
should
meet
that
Afternoon
,
and
that
his
Highness
should
be
present
:
So
as
soon
as
they
were
met
,
the
Oath
was
tendered
,
and
the
Earl
offering
to
take
it
,
and
saying
only
these
words
,
as
before
,
the
Earl
of
Roxburgh
,
never
heard
to
speak
in
Council
till
then
,
stood
up
behind
his
Highness
Chair
,
and
with
Clamour
,
asked
what
was
said
:
To
whom
his
Highness
was
pleased
to
turn
and
inform
him
;
upon
which
Roxburgh
,
prepared
for
the
purpose
,
desired
,
that
what
the
Earl
of
Argyle
had
said
,
the
day
before
,
might
be
repeated
:
Which
the
Earl
,
seeing
a
design
upon
him
,
did
at
first
decline
,
till
he
was
peremptorily
put
to
it
by
his
Highness
,
and
he
being
Ingenuous
,
and
thinking
no
course
more
proper
to
prevent
mistakes
of
words
,
he
said
he
had
a
Note
of
what
he
had
said
in
his
Pocket
,
which
his
Highness
called
for
very
earnestly
,
and
Commanded
him
to
produce
;
which
be
done
,
and
the
Paper
read
,
so
secure
was
the
Earl
of
his
Innocency
,
that
he
was
willing
,
upon
the
first
motion
,
to
sign
it
:
But
the
then
new
President
of
the
Session
,
now
Chancellor
,
and
the
new
Register
,
could
not
agree
,
whether
it
was
fit
,
or
not
,
the
Treason
not
yet
appearing
,
when
read
in
Council
,
as
when
they
had
talked
of
it
in
private
;
so
the
Earl
was
removed
,
and
then
called
in
,
and
after
these
two
had
whered
,
and
adjusted
their
Inventions
,
he
was
desired
positively
to
sign
the
Paper
he
had
given
in
.
To
which
he
answered
,
he
meant
well
,
and
truly
did
see
no
ill
in
the
Paper
,
why
he
might
not
,
and
if
the
words
did
please
them
then
,
as
they
did
when
they
were
first
pronounced
,
he
would
do
it
:
But
,
if
they
found
the
least
matter
of
displeasure
in
them
,
he
would
forbear
:
Whereupon
being
again
removed
,
and
called
in
,
he
was
told
,
he
had
not
given
the
satisfaction
required
by
the
Act
of
Parliament
,
in
taking
the
Test
:
And
so
could
not
sit
in
the
Council
,
and
somewhat
more
was
added
,
as
if
the
matter
drew
deeper
,
but
the
particular
words
I
do
not
know
:
To
which
the
Earl
said
,
that
he
judged
,
all
the
Parliament
meant
was
to
exclude
Refusers
of
the
Test
from
Places
of
trust
:
And
if
he
were
judged
a
Refuser
,
he
submitted
,
but
could
conceive
no
greater
danger
in
the
matter
,
for
he
had
served
His
Majesty
faithfully
within
doors
,
and
was
resolved
to
do
so
without
doors
,
and
so
he
made
his
obeisance
,
and
went
out
.
Next
morning
,
being
Saturday
,
November
5.
The
Earl
waited
on
his
Royal
Highness
,
and
mongst
other
things
,
told
his
Highness
,
he
was
strangely
surprised
,
that
the
saying
He
could
not
bind
up
himself
in
his
station
and
in
a
lawful
way
,
&c.
as
was
contained
in
that
Paper
,
was
lookt
on
as
a
Crime
,
seeing
he
had
said
the
same
words
to
his
Highness
formerly
in
private
,
without
any
offence
,
to
which
His
Highness
gave
no
answer
,
hut
held
his
peace
which
made
the
Earl
make
bold
,
to
put
him
to
remember
his
own
words
,
and
to
ask
him
,
what
he
had
said
,
when
the
Earl
formerly
spoke
to
him
:
Then
His
Highness
was
pleased
to
say
,
he
had
forgot
what
he
had
said
:
To
which
the
Earl
answered
,
the
worse
indeed
for
me
;
But
Sir
,
here
are
the
same
words
,
I
formerly
said
,
without
offence
,
what
says
Your
Highness
now
?
What
ill
is
in
them
?
Let
me
know
and
I
will
vindicate
my self
.
And
all
his
Highness
at
this
Second
time
said
,
was
,
what
hath
been
above
remarked
,
That
they
were
unnecessary
words
,
that
the
Earl
scrupled
needlesly
,
that
he
was
not
tyed
up
by
that
Oath
,
as
he
imagined
;
And
after
a
pause
added
,
As
I
have
already
told
you
,
Well
,
you
have
cheated
your self
,
you
have
taken
the
Test
:
To
which
the
Earl
replyed
,
he
hoped
then
his
Highness
was
satisfied
,
(
as
above
)
his
Highness
then
began
to
complain
,
that
the
Earl
,
the
little
while
he
sat
in
Council
,
after
he
had
taken
the
Oath
,
had
not
gone
along
to
approve
the
Councils
explanation
:
The
Earl
said
he
had
not
heard
the
debate
:
And
therefore
,
it
was
reasonable
,
to
excuse
him
from
Voting
.
His
Highness
returned
,
a
little
warmly
,
that
the
Earl
knew
the
Case
well
enough
(
which
indeed
was
not
unlike
,
and
yet
not
at
all
strange
,
that
the
Earl
could
not
Vote
,
for
that
explanation
,
seeing
he
could
not
but
know
,
the
Parliament
did
intend
the
Confession
should
be
Sworn
:
And
that
he
himself
had
taken
it
in
that
sense
,
as
all
others
had
done
,
before
that
explanation
past
in
Council
)
but
the
Earl
replying
nothing
,
his
Highness
continued
,
That
the
Earl
,
and
others
bad
designed
to
bring
trouble
upon
an
handful
of
poor
Catholicks
,
that
would
live
peaceably
,
however
they
were
used
,
but
it
should
light
upon
others
.
A
little
after
,
His
Highness
commanded
the
Earl
not
to
go
out
of
Town
,
till
he
waited
on
him
,
which
the
Earl
said
he
should
obey
:
But
notwithstanding
thereof
,
one
of
the
Clerks
of
the
Council
was
sent
to
the
Earl
,
that
same
night
,
late
,
to
intimate
to
him
,
not
to
go
out
of
Town
,
till
the
Council
should
sit
,
upon
the
Tuesday
thereafter
.
Upon
Monday
,
the
Seventh
of
November
,
the
Earl
waited
on
His
Highness
again
,
and
told
him
,
he
was
surprised
to
get
such
a
message
from
the
Council
,
after
His
Highness
had
laid
his
own
Commands
upon
him
,
and
asked
what
the
Councils
meaning
could
be
:
His
Highness
was
pleased
to
say
,
he
knew
nothing
,
but
referred
all
to
themselves
,
at
their
meeting
.
Upon
Tuesday
,
the
Eight
of
November
,
when
the
Council
met
,
without
ever
calling
the
Earl
,
an
Order
was
sent
to
him
,
by
one
of
their
Clerks
,
to
enter
himself
Prisoner
in
the
Castle
of
Edinburgh
,
before
Twelve
of
the
Clock
the
next
day
,
with
a
warrant
to
the
Deputy
Governour
,
to
keep
him
Prisoner
,
wherein
the
word
Sure-firmance
was
struck
out
,
which
appeared
to
have
been
fairly
writ
:
This
Order
the
Earl
received
,
and
obeyed
it
,
with
great
submission
,
entering
all
alone
in
an
Hackney-Coach
:
And
when
some
of
his
Relations
,
and
Persons
of
quality
,
offered
to
go
along
with
him
,
he
refused
,
saying
,
that
if
he
were
pursued
at
the
instance
of
any
other
,
he
would
accept
of
their
civility
but
seeing
he
was
pursued
,
at
the
instance
of
His
Majesties
Advocate
,
he
would
go
,
in
the
most
humble
way
that
he
could
think
on
,
and
have
no
body
concerned
but
himself
.
But
all
this
did
not
hinder
the
Council
,
to
write
to
his
Majesty
the
Letter
hereafter
insert
,
giving
Judgment
,
before
Tryal
,
without
any
hearing
,
and
seeking
leave
to
proceed
to
a
process
,
which
they
likewise
proceeded
in
,
before
any
return
came
,
as
likewise
,
about
the
very
Date
of
this
Letter
,
they
emitted
their
explanation
of
the
Test
:
Albeit
in
their
Letter
,
they
assert
,
That
they
had
been
very
careful
not
to
suffer
any
to
take
the
Test
with
glosses
and
explanations
.
The
Earl
,
some
days
after
his
entering
Prisoner
into
the
Castle
of
Edinburgh
,
did
write
a
Letter
to
his
Royal
Highness
,
telling
him
,
that
he
had
obeyed
his
Highness
,
and
the
Councils
Order
,
in
entering
Prisoner
in
that
place
,
that
he
had
not
written
sooner
,
least
he
might
be
thought
too
impatient
of
his
punishment
,
which
appeared
to
be
the
effects
of
an
high
displeasure
,
which
,
he
hoped
,
he
no
wise
deserved
;
that
he
was
resolved
to
continue
in
all
duty
,
and
obedience
to
His
Majesty
,
and
his
Royal
Highness
,
and
never
to
fail
in
any
profession
thereof
he
had
made
;
and
begged
to
know
what
satisfaction
was
expected
,
and
where
,
and
how
,
he
might
live
with
his
Highness
favour
.
This
Letter
,
at
First
,
seemed
to
please
,
and
,
the
Earl
heard
,
it
did
,
but
the
only
answer
,
directly
returned
,
was
Summonds
charging
the
Earl
,
with
leasing
making
,
and
depraving
of
Laws
,
before
any
return
from
His
Majesty
:
And
after
a
return
came
,
another
Summonds
,
with
sound
of
Trumpet
,
containing
Perjury
and
Treason
,
added
to
the
former
crimes
:
Notwithstanding
all
which
,
fair
weather
was
made
,
and
it
was
given
out
,
and
likewise
intimated
to
the
Earl
,
by
a
particular
message
from
one
of
the
Club
,
that
no
more
was
designed
,
but
to
humble
the
Earl
,
and
to
take
his
heritable
and
other
Offices
from
him
,
and
his
Family
,
and
when
his
Highness
was
told
it
was
hard
measure
,
by
such
a
process
,
and
on
such
pretensions
,
to
threaten
Life
,
and
Fortune
;
his
Highness
said
,
Life
,
and
Fortune
?
God
forbid
.
What
happened
after
these
things
,
and
how
the
process
was
carried
on
,
follows
now
in
order
:
And
for
your
more
clear
,
and
distinct
information
,
I
have
sent
you
,
several
very
necessary
and
useful
Papers
,
with
Indexes
on
the
Margin
,
pointing
at
such
Passages
,
as
more
remarkably
concern
this
affair
The
TEST
,
Containing
the
Oath
to
be
taken
by
all
Persons
in
publick
Trust
.
I
Solemnly
Swear
,
in
the
presence
of
the
Eternal
God
,
whom
I
invoke
as
Judge
,
and
Witness
of
the
sincere
intention
of
this
my
Oath
,
That
I
own
,
and
sincerely
profess
the
true
Protestant
Religion
,
contained
in
the
Confession
of
Faith
,
Recorded
in
the
first
Parliament
of
King
James
the
VI
,
and
that
I
believe
the
same
to
be
founded
on
,
and
agreeable
to
the
written
Word
of
God
.
And
I
promise
and
swear
,
That
I
shall
adhere
thereunto
,
☞
during
all
the
days
of
my
Life
time
;
and
shall
endeavour
to
Educate
my
Children
therein
;
And
shall
never
consent
to
any
change
or
alteration
contrary
thereto
,
and
that
I
disown
and
renounce
all
such
Principles
,
Doctrins
,
or
Practices
,
whether
Popish
,
or
Fanatical
,
which
are
contrary
unto
,
and
inconsistent
with
the
said
Protestant
Religion
,
and
Confession
of
Faith
.
And
for
testification
of
my
obedience
to
my
most
gracious
Soveraign
,
Charles
the
II.
I
do
affirm
,
and
swear
by
this
my
solemn
Oath
,
that
the
Kings
Majesty
is
the
only
Supreme
Governour
of
this
Realm
,
over
all
Persons
,
and
in
all
Causes
,
as
well
Ecclesiastical
as
Civil
:
And
that
no
Foreign
Prince
,
Person
,
Pope
,
Prelate
,
State
or
Potentate
,
hath
,
or
ought
to
have
any
Jurisdiction
,
Power
,
Superiority
,
Preheminency
,
or
Authority
,
Ecclesiastical
or
Civil
,
within
this
Realm
.
And
therefore
I
do
utterly
renounce
,
and
forsake
all
Foreign
Jurisdictions
,
Powers
,
Superiorities
,
and
Authorities
:
And
do
promise
,
that
from
henceforth
I
shall
bear
Faith
,
and
true
Allegiance
to
the
Kings
Majesty
,
his
Heirs
and
lawful
Successors
;
and
to
my
power
shall
assist
and
defend
all
Rights
,
Jurisdictions
,
Prerogatives
,
Priviledges
,
Preferments
and
Authorities
belonging
to
the
Kings
Majesty
,
his
Heirs
and
lawful
Successors
.
And
I
further
affirm
and
swear
by
this
my
solemn
Oath
,
That
I
judge
it
unlawful
for
Subjects
,
upon
pretence
of
Reformation
,
or
any
other
pretence
whatsoever
,
to
enter
into
Covenants
or
Leagues
,
or
to
Gonvocate
,
Conveen
,
or
Assemble
in
any
Councils
,
Conventions
or
Assemblies
,
to
Treat
,
Consult
,
or
Determine
in
any
matter
of
State
,
Civil
or
Ecclesiastick
,
without
His
Majesties
special
Command
,
or
Express
License
had
thereto
;
or
to
take
up
Arms
against
the
King
,
or
these
Commissionate
by
him
.
And
that
I
shall
never
so
rise
in
Arms
,
or
enter
into
such
Covenants
or
Assemblies
:
And
that
there
lies
no
obligation
on
me
from
the
National
Covenant
,
or
the
Solemn
Leag●e
and
Covenant
(
commonly
so
called
)
or
any
other
manner
of
way
whatsoever
,
to
endeavour
any
Change
or
Alteration
in
the
Government
,
either
in
Church
or
State
,
as
it
is
now
established
by
the
Laws
of
this
Kingdome
.
And
I
Promise
and
Swear
,
That
I
shall
,
with
my
utmost
power
,
Defend
,
Assist
and
Maintain
His
Majesties
Jurisdiction
foresaid
against
all
deadly
.
And
I
shall
never
decline
His
Majesties
Power
and
Jurisdiction
,
as
I
shall
answer
to
God
.
And
finally
,
I
affirm
and
swear
,
That
this
my
solemn
Oath
is
given
in
the
plain
genuine
sense
,
and
meaning
of
the
words
,
without
any
equivocation
,
mental
reservation
,
or
any
manner
of
evasion
whatsoever
;
and
that
I
shall
not
accept
or
use
any
dispensation
from
any
creature
whatsoever
;
So
help
ne
God
.
The
Bishop
of
Aberdeen
,
and
the
Synods
Explanation
of
the
Test
.
WE
do
not
hereby
swear
to
all
the
particular
Assertions
and
Expressions
of
the
Confession
of
Faith
,
mentioned
in
the
Test
,
but
only
to
the
uniform
Doctrine
of
the
Reformed
Churches
contained
therein
:
II.
We
do
not
hereby
prejudge
the
Churches
Right
to
,
and
Power
of
making
any
alteration
in
the
said
Confession
,
as
to
the
ambiguity
and
obscure
expressions
thereof
,
or
of
making
a
more
unexceptionable
frame
.
III.
When
we
swear
,
That
the
King
is
Supreme
Governour
over
all
Persons
,
and
in
all
Causes
,
as
well
Ecclesiastick
as
Civil
;
and
when
we
swear
to
assert
and
defend
all
His
Majesties
Rights
and
Prerogatives
,
this
is
reserving
always
the
intrinsick
unalterable
power
of
the
Church
,
immediately
derived
from
Jesus
Christ
,
to
wit
,
the
power
of
the
Keys
consisting
in
the
preaching
of
the
Word
,
administration
of
the
Sacraments
,
ordaining
of
Pastors
,
exercise
of
Discipline
,
and
the
holding
of
such
Assemblies
as
are
necessary
for
preservation
of
Peace
and
Vnity
,
Truth
and
Purity
in
the
Church
;
and
withal
,
we
do
hereby
think
,
that
the
King
has
a
power
to
alter
the
Government
of
the
Church
at
his
pleasure
.
IV.
When
we
swear
,
That
it
is
unlawful
for
Subjects
to
meet
or
convene
,
to
treat
or
consult
,
&c.
about
matters
of
State
,
Civil
,
and
Ecclesiastick
,
this
is
excepting
meetings
for
Ordination
,
publick
Worship
and
Discipline
,
and
such
meetings
as
are
necessary
for
the
conservation
of
the
Church
,
and
true
Protestant
Religion
.
V.
When
we
swear
,
There
lies
no
obligation
on
us
,
&c.
to
endeavour
any
change
or
alteration
in
Government
,
either
in
Church
or
State
,
we
mean
by
Arms
,
or
any
seditious
way
.
VI.
When
we
swear
,
That
we
take
the
Test
in
the
plain
and
genuine
sense
of
the
words
,
&c.
we
understand
it
only
in
so
far
as
it
does
not
contradict
these
Exceptions
.
The
Explanation
of
the
Test
,
by
the
Synod
and
Clergy
of
Perth
.
BEcause
our
Consciences
require
the
publishing
and
declaring
of
that
express
meaning
we
have
in
taking
the
Test
,
that
we
be
not
mis-interpreted
to
swear
it
in
these
glosses
which
men
uncharitable
to
it
,
and
enemies
to
us
,
are
apt
to
put
upon
it
;
and
because
some
men
,
ill
affected
to
the
Government
,
who
are
daily
broachers
of
odious
and
calumnious
Slanders
against
our
Persons
and
Ministry
,
are
apt
to
deduce
inferences
and
conclusions
from
the
alledged
ambiguity
of
some
Propositions
of
the
Test
,
that
we
charitably
and
firmly
do
believe
were
never
intended
by
the
Imposers
,
nor
received
by
the
Takers
.
Therefore
to
satisfie
our
Consciences
,
and
to
save
our
Credit
from
these
unjust
imputations
,
we
expressly
declare
,
That
we
swear
the
Test
in
this
following
meaning
.
I.
By
taking
the
Test
,
we
do
not
swear
to
every
Proposition
and
Clause
contained
in
the
Confession
of
Faith
,
but
only
to
the
true
Protestant
Religion
,
founded
upon
the
Word
of
God
,
contained
in
that
Confession
,
as
it
is
opposed
to
Popery
and
Fanaticism
.
II.
By
swearing
the
Ecclesiastick
Supremacy
,
we
swear
it
as
we
have
done
formerly
,
without
any
reference
to
the
assertory
Act.
We
also
reserve
intire
unto
the
Church
,
it
s
own
intrinsick
and
unalterable
power
of
the
Keys
,
as
it
was
exercised
by
the
Apostles
,
and
the
pure
primitive
Church
,
for
the
first
three
Centuries
.
III.
By
swearing
,
That
it
is
unlawful
to
Convocate
,
convene
or
assemble
in
any
Council
,
Conventions
or
Assemblies
,
to
treat
,
consult
,
&c.
in
any
matter
of
State
,
Civil
or
Ecclesiastick
,
as
we
do
not
evacuate
our
natural
Liberty
,
whereby
we
are
in
freedom
,
innocently
without
reflection
upon
,
or
derogating
to
Authority
,
or
persons
intrusted
with
it
,
to
discourse
in
any
occasional
meeting
of
these
things
;
so
we
exclude
not
those
other
meetings
which
are
necessary
for
the
well-being
and
Discipline
of
the
Church
.
IV.
By
our
swearing
it
unlawful
to
endeavour
any
change
or
alteration
in
the
Government
,
either
of
Church
or
State
,
we
mean
,
that
it
is
unlawful
for
us
to
endeavour
the
alteration
of
the
specifick
Government
of
Monarchy
,
in
the
true
and
lineal
Descent
,
and
Episcopacy
.
V.
When
we
swear
in
the
genuine
and
literal
sense
,
&c.
we
understand
it
so
far
as
it
is
not
opposite
,
or
contradictory
to
the
foresaid
exceptions
.
They
were
allowed
to
insert
after
the
Oath
,
before
their
Subscriptions
,
these
words
,
or
to
this
purpose
:
We
under-written
do
take
this
Oath
,
according
to
the
Explanation
made
by
the
Council
,
approved
by
His
Majesties
Letter
;
and
we
declare
,
we
are
no
further
bound
by
this
Oath
.
EDINBVRGH
,
The
sederunt
of
the
Council
.
Sederunt
vigesimo
secundo
Die
Septembris
,
1681.
His
Royal
Highness
,
&c.
-
Montrose
,
-
Errol
,
-
Marshall
,
-
Marr
,
-
Glencarne
,
-
Winton
,
-
Linlithgow
,
-
Perth
,
-
Strathmore
,
-
Roxburgh
,
-
Queensberry
,
-
Airley
,
-
Kintore
,
-
Breadalbane
,
-
Lorne
,
-
Levingston
,
-
Bishop
of
Edinburgh
,
-
Elphinston
,
-
Rosse
,
-
Dalziel
,
-
Treasurer
Deputy
Praeses
,
-
Advocate
,
-
Justice
Clerk
,
-
Collin●oun
,
-
Tarbet
,
-
Haddo
,
-
Lundie
.
This
day
the
Test
was
subscribed
by
the
above-written
Privy-Councellors
,
and
by
the
Earl
of
Queensberry
,
who
coming
in
after
the
rest
had
taken
it
,
declared
that
he
took
it
with
the
Explication
following
.
The
Earl
of
Queensberries
Explanation
of
the
Test
when
he
took
it
.
HIS
Lordship
declared
,
that
by
that
part
of
the
Test
,
That
there
lies
no
obligation
—
to
endeavour
any
change
,
or
alteration
in
the
Government
,
&c.
He
did
not
understand
himself
to
be
obliged
against
Alterations
,
in
case
it
should
please
His
Majesty
to
make
alterations
of
the
Government
of
Church
or
State
.
HALYRVDEHOVSE
.
Sederunt
vigesimo
primo
Die
Octobris
,
1681.
His
Royal
Highness
,
&c.
-
Winton
,
-
Perth
,
-
Strathmore
,
-
Queensberry
,
-
Ancram
,
-
Airley
,
-
Lorne
,
-
Levingston
,
-
Bishop
of
Edinburgh
,
-
Treasurer
Deputy
Praeses
,
-
Register
,
-
Advocate
,
-
Collintoun
.
This
day
the
Bishop
of
Edinburgh
having
drawn
up
a
long
Explication
of
the
Test
,
to
satisfie
the
many
Objections
and
Scruples
moved
against
it
,
especially
by
the
conformed
Clergy
,
presented
it
to
the
Council
for
their
Lordships
Approbation
,
which
was
ordered
to
be
read
;
but
the
Paper
proving
prolix
,
and
tedious
,
his
Highness
,
after
reading
of
a
few
Leaves
,
interrupted
,
saying
very
wittily
,
and
pertinently
,
That
the
first
Chapter
of
John
with
a
Stone
will
chase
away
a
Dog
,
and
so
break
it
off
.
Yet
the
Bishop
was
afterward
allowed
to
print
it
,
if
he
pleased
.
Sederunt
quarto
Die
Novembris
,
1681.
His
Royal
Highness
,
&c.
-
Montrose
Praeses
,
-
Perth
,
-
Ancram
,
-
Levingston
,
-
President
of
Session
,
-
Advocate
,
-
Winton
,
-
Strathmore
,
-
Airley
,
-
Bishop
of
Edinburgh
,
-
Treasurer
Deputy
,
-
Lundie
.
-
Linlithgow
,
-
Roxburgh
,
-
Balcaras
,
-
Esphynstoun
,
-
Register
,
This
day
the
Eari
of
Argyle
being
about
to
take
the
Test
,
as
a
Commissioner
of
the
Treasury
,
and
having
upon
Command
produced
a
Paper
bearing
the
sense
in
which
he
took
the
Test
,
the
precedeing
day
,
and
in
which
he
would
take
the
same
,
as
a
Commissioner
of
the
Treasury
;
Upon
consideration
thereof
,
it
was
resolved
,
that
he
cannot
sit
in
Council
,
not
having
taken
the
Test
,
in
the
sense
and
meaning
of
the
Act
of
Parliament
,
and
therefore
was
removed
.
The
Earl
of
Argyle's
Explication
of
the
Test
when
he
took
it
.
I
Have
considered
the
Test
,
and
I
am
very
desirous
to
give
obedience
as
far
as
I
can
.
I
'm
confident
the
Parliament
never
intended
to
impose
contradictory
Oaths
:
Therefore
I
think
no
Man
can
explain
it
but
for
himself
.
Accordingly
I
take
it
,
as
far
as
it
is
consistent
with
it self
and
the
Protestant
Religion
.
And
I
do
declare
,
That
I
mean
not
to
bind
up
my self
in
my
station
and
in
a
lawful
way
,
to
wish
and
endeavour
any
alteration
I
think
to
the
advantage
of
Church
or
State
,
not
repugnant
to
the
Protestant
Religion
and
my
Loyalty
.
And
this
I
understand
as
a
part
of
my
Oath
.
But
the
Earl
finding
,
as
hath
been
narrated
,
this
his
Explication
though
accepted
,
and
approven
by
his
Highness
and
Council
the
day
before
,
to
be
this
day
carped
and
offended
at
,
and
advantages
thereupon
soughtand
designed
against
him
,
did
immediately
draw
up
the
following
Explanation
of
his
Explication
,
and
for
his
own
vindication
did
first
communicate
it
to
some
privately
,
and
thereafter
intended
to
have
offered
it
at
his
Trial
for
clearing
of
his
defences
.
The
Explanation
of
his
Explication
.
I
Have
delayed
hitherto
to
take
the
Oath
,
appointed
by
the
Parliament
to
be
taken
,
by
the
first
of
January
next
:
But
now
being
required
,
near
two
Months
sooner
,
to
take
it
,
this
day
peremptorily
,
or
to
refuse
.
I
have
considered
the
Test
,
and
have
seen
several
Objections
moved
against
it
,
especially
by
many
of
the
Orthodox
Clergy
,
notwithstand
whereof
,
I
have
endeavoured
to
satisfie
my self
with
a
just
Explanation
,
which
I
here
offer
,
that
I
may
both
satisfie
my
conscience
,
and
obey
Your
Highness
,
and
Your
Lordships
commands
in
taking
the
Test
;
though
the
Act
of
Parliament
do
not
simply
command
the
thing
,
but
only
under
a
Certification
which
I
could
easily
submit
to
,
if
it
were
with
Your
Highness
favour
,
and
might
be
without
offence
,
but
I
love
not
to
be
singular
,
and
I
am
very
desirous
to
give
obedience
in
this
and
every
thing
,
as
far
as
I
can
,
and
that
which
clears
me
is
,
that
I
am
confident
what
ever
any
Man
may
think
,
or
say
,
to
the
prejudice
of
this
Oath
,
the
Parliament
never
intended
to
impose
contradictory
Oaths
;
and
because
their
sense
,
(
they
being
the
framers
and
imposers
)
is
the
true
sense
,
and
that
this
Test
injoyned
is
of
no
private
interpretation
,
nor
are
the
Kings
Statutes
to
be
interpreted
but
as
they
bear
,
and
to
the
intent
they
are
made
,
Therefore
I
think
no
Man
,
that
is
,
no
private
Person
,
can
explain
it
for
another
,
to
amuse
or
trouble
him
with
(
it
may
be
)
mistaken
glosses
:
But
every
Man
,
as
he
is
to
take
it
,
so
is
to
explain
it
for
himself
,
and
to
endeavour
to
understand
it
,
(
notwithstanding
all
these
exceptions
)
in
the
Parliament
,
which
is
its
true
and
genuine
sense
,
I
take
it
therefore
notwithstanding
any
scruple
made
by
any
as
far
as
it
is
consistant
with
it self
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
which
is
wholly
in
the
Parliaments
sense
,
and
their
true
meaning
;
which
[
being
present
]
I
am
sure
,
was
owned
by
all
to
be
the
securing
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
founded
on
the
Word
of
God
,
and
contained
in
the
Confession
of
Faith
Recorded
J.
6
p.
1.
c.
4.
And
not
out
of
scruple
as
if
any
thing
in
the
Test
did
import
the
contrary
,
but
to
clear
my self
from
all
cavils
;
as
if
thereby
I
were
hand
up
further
then
the
true
meaning
of
the
Oath
.
I
do
declare
that
by
that
part
of
the
Test
,
that
there
lies
no
obligation
on
me
,
&c.
I
mean
not
to
bind
up
my self
,
in
my
station
,
and
in
a
lawful
way
,
still
disclaiming
all
unlawful
endeavours
,
to
wish
,
and
endeavour
any
alteration
I
think
,
according
to
my
conscience
,
to
the
advantage
of
Church
,
or
State
,
not
repugnant
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
my
Loyalty
;
and
by
my
Loyalty
,
I
understand
no
other
thing
then
the
words
plainly
bear
,
to
wit
the
duty
and
allegiance
of
all
Loyal
Subjects
,
and
this
explanation
I
understand
as
a
part
not
of
the
Test
or
Act
of
Parliament
,
but
as
a
qualifying
part
of
my
Oath
that
I
am
to
Swear
,
and
with
it
I
am
willing
to
take
the
Test
,
〈◊〉
Your
Royal
Highness
,
and
Your
Lordships
allow
me
,
or
otherwise
,
in
submission
to
Your
High
〈◊〉
,
and
the
Councils
pleasure
,
I
am
content
to
be
held
as
a
refuser
at
present
.
The
Councils
Letter
to
His
Majesty
,
Concerning
their
having
committed
the
Earl
of
Argyle
.
May
it
please
your
Sacred
Majesty
,
THE
last
Parliament
having
made
so
many
and
so
advantageous
Acts
,
for
securing
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Kingdom
,
and
Your
Majesties
Sacred
Person
(
whom
God
Almighty
long
preserve
)
and
having
for
the
last
,
and
as
the
best
way
for
securing
all
these
,
appointed
a
Test
to
be
taken
by
all
who
should
be
entrusted
with
the
Government
;
which
bears
expresly
,
That
the
same
should
be
taken
in
the
plain
and
genuine
sense
and
meaning
of
the
words
;
We
were
very
careful
,
not
to
suffer
any
to
take
the
said
Oath
or
Test
,
with
their
own
Glosses
or
Explications
:
But
the
Ear●
of
Argyle
having
,
after
some
delays
,
come
to
Council
,
to
take
the
said
Oath
,
as
a
Privy-Councellor
,
spoke
some
things
which
were
not
then
heard
,
nor
adverted
to
,
and
when
his
Lordship
at
his
next
offering
to
take
it
in
Council
,
as
one
of
the
Commissioners
of
Your
Majesties
Treasury
,
was
commanded
to
take
it
simply
,
he
refused
to
do
so
;
but
gave
in
a
Paper
,
shewing
the
only
sense
in
which
he
would
take
it
,
which
Paper
we
all
considered
,
as
that
which
had
in
it
gross
and
scandalous
Reflections
upon
that
excellent
Act
of
Parliament
,
making
it
to
contain
things
contradictory
and
inconstant
;
and
thereby
depraving
Your
Majesties
Laws
,
misrepresenting
Your
Parliament
,
and
teaching
Your
Subjects
to
evacuate
and
disappoint
all
Laws
and
Securities
that
can
be
enacted
for
the
preservation
of
the
Government
;
suitable
to
which
his
Lordship
declares
in
that
Paper
,
That
he
means
not
to
bind
up
himself
from
making
any
alterations
he
shall
think
fit
,
for
the
advantage
of
Church
or
State
;
and
which
Paper
he
desires
may
be
looked
upon
as
apart
of
his
Oath
,
as
if
he
were
the
Legislator
,
and
able
to
add
a
part
to
the
Act
of
Parliament
.
Upon
serious
perusal
of
which
Paper
we
found
our selves
obliged
to
send
the
said
Earl
to
the
Castle
of
Edinburgh
,
and
to
transmit
the
Paper
to
Your
Majesty
,
being
expresly
obliged
to
both
these
by
Your
Majesties
express
Laws
.
And
we
have
commanded
your
Majesties
Advocate
to
raise
a
pursuit
against
the
said
Earl
,
for
being
Author
,
and
having
given
in
the
said
Paper
:
And
for
the
further
prosecution
of
all
relating
to
this
Affair
,
we
expect
Your
Majesties
Commands
,
which
shall
be
most
humbly
and
faithfully
obeyed
by
Edinburgh
,
Nov.
8.
1681.
Your
Majesties
most
Humble
,
most
Faithful
,
and
most
Obedient
Subjects
and
Servants
Sic
Subscribitur
,
Glencairne
,
Winton
,
Linlithgow
,
Perth
,
Roxburgh
,
Ancram
,
Airlie
,
Levingstoun
,
Jo.
Edinburgen
:
Ross
,
Geo.
Gordoun
,
Ch.
Maitland
,
G.
Mekenzie
,
Ja.
Foulis
,
J.
Drumond
.
Novemb.
15.
1681.
The
Kings
Answer
to
the
Councils
Letter
.
C.
R.
MOst
dear
,
&c.
Having
in
one
of
your
Letters
directed
unto
us
,
of
the
8.
Instant
received
a
particular
account
of
the
Earl
of
Argyle's
refusing
to
take
the
Test
simply
,
and
of
your
proceedings
against
him
,
upon
the
occasion
of
his
giving
in
a
Paper
,
shewing
the
only
sense
in
which
he
will
take
it
,
which
had
in
it
gross
and
scandalous
Reflections
upon
that
excellent
late
Act
of
our
Parliament
there
,
by
which
the
said
Test
was
enjoyned
to
be
taken
;
we
have
now
thought
fit
to
let
you
know
,
that
as
we
do
hereby
approve
these
your
Proceedings
,
particularly
your
sending
the
said
Earl
to
our
Castle
of
Edinburgh
;
and
your
commanding
our
Advocate
to
raise
a
Pursuit
against
him
for
being
Author
of
,
and
having
given
in
the
said
Paper
;
so
we
do
also
authorize
you
to
do
all
things
that
may
concern
the
further
prosecution
of
all
relating
to
this
Affair
.
Nevertheless
,
it
is
our
express
Will
and
Pleasure
,
That
before
any
Sentence
shall
be
pronounced
against
him
,
at
the
Conclusion
of
the
Process
,
you
send
us
a
particular
account
of
what
he
shall
be
found
guilty
of
,
to
the
end
that
,
after
our
being
fully
informed
thereof
,
we
may
signifie
our
further
pleasure
in
this
matter
.
For
doing
whereof
,
&c.
But
as
notwithstanding
the
Councils
demanding
by
their
Letter
His
Majesties
allowance
for
prosecuting
the
Earl
,
they
before
any
return
caused
His
Majesties
Advocate
to
exhibit
an
Indictment
against
him
,
upon
the
points
of
slandering
and
depraving
,
as
hath
been
already
remarked
;
so
after
having
received
His
Majesties
answer
,
the
design
grows
,
and
they
thought
fit
to
order
a
new
Indictment
,
containing
beside
the
former
points
,
the
Crimes
of
Treason
and
Perjury
,
which
accordingly
was
exhibited
,
and
is
here
subjoyned
,
the
difference
betwixt
the
two
Indictments
being
only
in
the
particulars
above
noted
.
The
Copy
of
the
Indictment
against
the
Earl
of
Argyle
.
Archibald
Earl
of
Argyle
,
YOU
are
Indicted
and
Accused
,
That
albeit
by
the
Common
Law
of
all
well-govern'd
Nations
,
and
by
the
Municipal
Laws
and
Acts
of
Parliament
of
this
Kingdom
;
and
particularly
,
by
the
21st
,
and
by
the
43d
Act
,
Par.
2
James
1.
and
by
the
83d
Act
,
Par.
6.
James
5.
and
by
the
34th
Act
,
Par.
8.
James
6.
and
the
134th
Act
,
Par.
8.
James
6.
and
the
205th
Act
,
Par.
14.
James
6.
All
Leasing-makers
,
and
tellers
of
them
,
are
punishable
with
tinsel
of
Life
and
Goods
;
like
as
by
the
107th
Act
,
Par.
7.
James
1.
it
is
statuted
,
That
no
man
interpret
the
Kings
Statutes
otherwise
than
the
Statute
bears
,
and
to
the
intent
and
effect
that
they
were
made
for
,
and
as
the
makers
of
them
understood
,
and
who
so
does
in
the
contrary
,
to
be
punished
at
the
Kings
will
.
And
by
the
10th
Act
,
Par.
10.
James
6.
it
is
statuted
,
That
none
of
His
Majesties
Subjects
presume
or
take
upon
him
publickly
to
declare
,
or
privately
to
speak
or
write
any
purpose
of
reproach
or
slander
of
His
Majesties
Person
,
Estate
or
Government
,
or
to
deprave
his
Laws
,
or
Acts
of
Parliament
,
or
misconstrue
his
proceedings
,
whereby
any
mistaking
may
be
moved
betwixt
his
Highness
,
his
Nobility
,
and
loving
Subjects
,
in
time
coming
,
under
pain
of
death
,
certifying
them
that
does
in
the
contrary
,
they
shall
be
reputed
as
seditious
and
wicked
Instruments
,
enemies
to
his
Highness
,
and
to
the
Commonwealth
of
this
Realm
,
and
the
said
pain
of
death
shall
be
executed
against
them
with
all
rigour
,
to
the
example
of
others
:
And
by
the
second
Act
,
Ses
.
2.
Par.
1.
Char.
2.
it
is
statuted
,
That
whosoever
shall
by
Writing
,
Libelling
,
Remonstrating
,
express
,
publish
,
or
declare
any
words
or
sentences
,
to
stir
up
the
people
to
the
dislike
of
His
Majesties
Prerogative
and
Supremacy
,
in
causes
Ecclesiastick
,
or
of
the
Government
of
the
Church
by
Archbishops
and
Bishops
,
as
it
is
now
settled
by
Law
,
is
under
the
pain
of
being
declared
incapable
to
exercise
any
Office
Civil
,
Ecclesiastick
,
or
Military
,
within
this
Kingdom
,
in
any
time
coming
.
Like
as
by
the
fundamental
Laws
of
this
Nation
,
by
the
130th
Act
,
Par.
8.
James
6.
it
is
declared
,
That
none
of
His
Majesties
Subjects
presume
to
impugn
the
Dignity
or
Authority
of
the
three
Estates
,
or
to
procure
innevation
or
diminution
of
their
Power
and
Authority
,
under
the
pain
of
Treason
.
And
that
it
is
much
more
Treason
in
any
of
His
Majesties
Subjects
,
to
presume
to
alter
Laws
already
made
,
or
to
make
new
Laws
,
or
to
add
any
part
to
any
Law
by
their
own
Authority
,
that
being
to
assume
the
Legislative
Power
to
themselves
,
with
His
Majesties
highest
,
and
most
incommunicable
Prerogative
.
Yet
true
it
is
,
that
albeit
His
Sacred
Majesty
did
not
only
bestow
on
you
the
said
Archibald
Earl
of
Argyle
,
those
vast
Lands
,
Jurisdictions
and
Superiorities
,
justly
forfaulted
to
His
Majesty
by
the
Crimes
of
your
deceased
Father
,
preferring
your
Family
to
those
who
had
served
His
Majesty
against
it
,
in
the
late
Rebellion
,
but
also
pardoned
and
remitted
to
you
the
Crimes
of
Leasing-making
,
and
misconstruing
His
Majesties
and
his
Parliaments
proceedings
against
the
very
Laws
above-written
,
whereof
you
were
found
guilty
,
and
condemned
to
die
therefore
,
by
the
High
Court
of
Parliament
,
the
25th
of
August
,
1662.
and
raised
you
to
the
Title
and
Dignity
of
an
Earl
,
and
being
a
Member
of
all
His
Majesties
Judicatures
.
Notwithstanding
of
all
these
,
and
many
other
favours
,
you
the
said
Archibald
Earl
of
Argyle
,
being
put
by
the
Lords
of
His
Majesties
Privy-Council
to
take
the
Test
,
appointed
by
the
Act
of
the
last
Parliament
,
to
be
taken
by
all
persons
in
publick
Trust
,
you
,
instead
of
taking
the
said
Test
,
and
swearing
the
same
in
the
plain
genuine
sense
and
meaning
of
the
words
,
without
any
equivocation
,
mental
reservation
,
or
evasion
whatsoever
,
you
did
declare
against
,
and
defame
the
said
Act
;
and
having
,
to
the
end
you
might
corrupt
others
by
your
pernicious
sense
,
drawn
the
same
in
a
Libel
,
of
which
Libel
you
dispersed
,
and
gave
abroad
Copies
,
whereby
ill
impressions
were
given
of
the
King
and
Parliaments
proceedings
,
at
a
time
especially
when
His
Majesties
Subjects
were
expecting
what
submission
should
be
given
to
the
said
Test
;
and
being
desired
the
next
day
to
take
the
same
,
as
one
of
the
Commissioners
of
His
Majesties
Treasury
,
you
did
give
into
the
Lords
of
His
Majesties
Privy-Council
,
and
owned
twice
,
in
plain
judgment
before
them
,
the
said
defamatory
Libel
against
the
said
Test
and
Act
of
Parliament
,
declaring
,
That
you
had
considered
the
said
Test
,
and
was
desirous
to
give
obedience
as
far
as
you
could
,
whereby
you
clearly
insinuated
,
that
you
was
not
able
to
give
full
obedience
.
In
the
second
Article
of
which
Libel
you
declare
,
That
you
were
confident
the
Parliament
never
intended
to
impose
contradictory
Oaths
,
thereby
to
abuse
the
people
with
a
belief
,
that
the
Parliament
had
been
so
impious
as
really
and
actually
to
have
imposed
contradictory
Oaths
,
and
so
ridiculous
,
as
to
have
made
an
Act
of
Parliament
(
which
should
be
most
deliberate
of
all
humane
actions
)
quite
contrary
to
their
own
intentions
;
after
which
you
subsumed
,
contrary
to
the
nature
of
all
Oaths
,
and
to
the
Acts
of
Parliament
above
cited
,
that
every
man
must
explain
it
for
himself
,
and
take
it
in
his
own
sense
,
by
which
not
only
that
excellent
Law
,
and
the
Oath
therein
specified
,
which
is
intended
to
be
a
Fence
to
the
Government
,
both
of
Church
and
State
,
but
all
other
Oaths
and
Laws
shall
be
rendered
altogether
useless
to
the
Government
.
If
every
man
take
the
Oaths
imposed
by
Law
in
his
own
sense
,
then
the
Oath
imposed
is
to
no
purpose
,
for
the
Legislator
cannot
be
sure
that
the
Oath
imposed
by
him
will
bind
the
takers
according
to
the
design
and
intent
for
which
he
appointed
it
,
and
the
Legislative
Power
is
taken
from
the
Imposers
,
and
settled
in
the
taker
of
the
Oath
,
and
so
he
is
allowed
to
be
the
Legislator
,
which
is
not
only
an
open
and
violent
depraving
of
His
Majesties
Laws
and
Acts
of
Parliament
,
but
is
likewise
a
settling
of
the
Legislative
Power
on
private
Subjects
,
who
are
to
take
such
Oaths
.
In
the
third
Article
of
that
Paper
you
declare
,
That
you
take
the
Test
in
so
far
only
as
it
is
consistent
with
it self
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
;
by
which
you
maliciously
intimate
to
the
people
,
That
the
said
Oath
is
inconsistent
with
it self
,
and
with
the
Protestant
Religion
,
which
is
not
only
a
down
right
depraving
of
the
said
Act
of
Parliament
,
but
is
likewise
a
misconstruing
of
His
Majesties
and
the
Parliaments
proceedings
,
and
misrepresenting
them
to
the
people
in
the
highest
degree
,
and
in
the
tenderest
points
they
can
be
concerned
;
and
implying
,
that
the
King
and
Parliament
have
done
things
inconsistent
with
the
Protestant
Religion
,
for
securing
of
which
that
Test
was
particularly
intended
.
In
the
Fourth
Article
you
do
expresly
declare
,
that
you
mean
not
by
taking
the
said
Test
,
to
bind
up
your self
from
wishing
and
endeavouring
any
alteration
in
a
lawful
way
that
you
shall
think
fit
,
for
advancing
of
Church
and
State
;
whereby
also
it
was
designed
by
the
said
Act
of
Parliament
and
Oath
,
That
no
man
should
make
any
alteration
in
the
Government
of
Church
and
State
,
as
it
is
now
established
;
and
that
it
is
the
Duty
of
all
good
Subjects
,
in
humble
and
quiet
manner
,
to
obey
the
present
Government
.
Yet
you
not
only
declare
your self
,
but
by
your
example
you
invite
others
to
think
themselves
loosed
from
that
Obligation
,
and
that
it
is
free
for
them
to
make
any
alteration
in
either
,
as
they
shall
think
fit
,
concluding
your
whole
Paper
with
these
words
,
(
And
this
I
understand
as
a
part
of
my
Oath
)
;
which
is
a
treasonable
invasion
upon
the
Royal
Legislative
Power
,
as
if
it
were
lawful
for
you
to
make
to
your self
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
since
he
who
can
make
any
part
of
an
Act
may
make
the
whole
,
the
Power
and
Authority
in
both
being
the
same
.
Of
the
which
Crimes
above
mentioned
,
you
the
said
Archibald
Earl
of
Argyle
are
Actor
,
Art
and
Part
;
which
being
found
by
the
Assize
,
you
ought
to
be
punished
with
the
pains
of
Death
,
fort●ulture
and
escheat
of
Lands
and
Goods
,
to
the
terror
of
others
to
commit
the
like
hereafter
.
An
Abstract
of
the
several
Acts
of
Parliament
upon
which
the
Indictment
against
the
Earl
of
Argyle
was
grounded
.
Concerning
raisers
of
Rumours
betwixt
the
King
and
his
people
,
Chap.
20.1
.
Statutes
of
King
Robert
1.
IT
is
defended
and
forbidden
,
That
no
man
be
a
Conspirator
,
or
Inventer
of
Narrations
or
Rumours
,
by
the
which
occasion
of
discord
may
arise
betwixt
the
King
and
his
people
.
And
if
any
such
man
shall
be
found
,
and
attainted
thereof
,
incontinent
be
shall
be
taken
and
put
in
Prison
,
and
there
shall
be
surely
keeped
up
;
ay
,
and
while
the
King
declare
his
will
anent
him
.
Act
43.
of
Par.
2.
King
James
1.
March
11.
1424.
Leasing-makers
forfault
Life
and
Goods
.
ITem
,
It
is
ordained
by
the
King
and
whole
Parliament
,
that
all
Leasingmakers
,
and
tellers
of
them
,
which
may
engender
discord
betwixt
the
King
and
his
people
wherever
they
may
be
gotten
,
shall
be
challenged
by
them
that
power
has
,
and
ryne
L●●e
and
Goods
to
the
King
.
Act
83.
Par.
6.
James
5.
Dec.
10.
1540.
Of
Leasing-makers
.
ITem
,
Touching
the
Article
of
Leasing-makers
to
the
Kings
Grace
,
of
his
Barons
,
great
men
,
and
Leiges
,
and
for
punishment
to
be
put
to
them
therefore
,
the
Kings
Grace
,
with
advice
of
his
three
Estates
,
ratifies
and
approves
the
Acts
and
Statutes
made
thereupon
before
,
and
ordains
the
same
to
be
put
in
execution
in
all
points
;
and
also
Statutes
and
ordains
,
That
if
any
manner
of
person
makes
any
evil
Information
of
his
Highness
to
his
Barons
and
Leiges
,
that
they
shall
be
punished
in
such
manner
,
and
by
the
same
punishment
as
they
that
make
Leasings
to
his
Grace
of
his
Lords
,
Barons
,
and
Leiges
.
Act
134.
Par.
8.
James
6.
May
22.
1584.
Anent
Slanderers
of
the
King
,
his
Progenitors
,
Estate
and
Realm
.
FOrasmuch
as
it
is
understood
to
our
Soveraign
Lord
,
and
his
three
Estates
assembled
in
this
present
Parliament
,
what
great
harm
and
inconveniency
has
fallen
in
this
Realm
,
chiefly
since
the
beginning
of
the
Civil
troubles
occurred
in
the
time
of
his
Highness
minority
,
through
the
wicked
and
licentious
,
publick
and
private
speeches
,
and
untrue
calumnies
of
divers
of
his
Subjects
,
to
the
disdain
,
contempt
and
reproach
of
His
Majesty
,
his
Council
and
proceedings
,
and
to
the
dishonour
and
prejudice
of
his
Highness
,
his
Parents
,
Progenitors
and
Estate
,
stirring
up
his
Highness's
Subjects
thereby
to
misliking
,
sedition
,
unquietness
,
and
to
cast
off
their
due
obedience
to
His
Majesty
,
to
their
evident
peril
,
tinsil
and
destruction
;
his
Highness
continuing
always
in
love
and
clemency
toward
all
his
good
Subjects
,
and
most
willing
to
seek
the
safety
and
preservation
of
them
all
,
which
wilfully
,
needlessly
,
and
upon
plain
malice
,
after
his
Highness's
mercy
and
pardon
oft
times
afore
granted
,
has
procured
themselves
,
by
their
treasonable
deeds
,
to
be
cut
off
as
corrupt
Members
of
this
Commonwealth
.
Therefore
it
is
statute
and
ordained
by
our
Soveraign
Lord
,
and
his
three
Estates
in
this
present
Parliament
,
that
none
of
his
Subjects
of
whatsoever
Function
,
Degree
or
Quality
,
in
time
coming
shall
presume
,
or
take
upon
hand
,
privately
or
publickly
,
in
Sermons
,
Declanations
,
and
familiar
Conferences
,
to
utter
any
false
,
slanderous
,
or
untrue
Speeches
,
to
the
disdain
,
reproach
,
and
contempt
of
His
Majesty
,
his
Council
and
proceedings
,
or
to
the
dishonour
,
hurt
or
prejudice
of
his
Highness
,
his
Parents
and
Progenitors
,
or
to
meddle
in
the
Affairs
of
his
Highness
,
and
his
Estate
present
,
by-gone
,
and
in
time
coming
,
under
the
pains
contained
in
the
Acts
of
Parliament
anent
makers
and
tellers
of
Leasings
,
certifying
them
that
shall
be
tryed
contraveeners
thereof
,
or
that
hear
such
slanderous
Speeches
,
and
reports
not
the
same
with
diligence
,
the
said
pain
shall
be
executed
against
them
with
all
rigour
,
in
example
of
others
.
Act
205.
Par.
14
King
James
6.
June
8.
1594.
Anent
Leasing-makers
,
and
Authors
of
Slanders
.
OUR
Soveraign
Lord
,
with
advice
of
his
Estates
in
this
present
Parliament
,
ratifies
,
approves
,
and
for
his
Highness
and
Successors
,
perpetually
confirms
the
Act
made
by
his
Noble
Progenitors
,
King
James
the
First
,
of
Worthy
Memory
,
against
Leasing-makers
,
the
Act
made
by
King
James
the
Second
,
entituled
,
Against
Leasing-makers
,
and
tellers
of
them
;
the
Act
made
by
King
James
the
Fifth
,
entituled
,
Of
Leasing-makers
;
and
the
Act
made
by
his
Highness's
self
,
with
advice
of
his
Estates
in
Parliament
,
upon
the
22d
.
day
of
May
,
1584.
entituled
,
For
the
punishment
of
the
Authors
of
Slanders
,
and
untrue
Calumnies
against
the
Kings
Majesty
,
his
Council
and
proceedings
,
to
the
dishonour
and
prejudice
of
his
Highness
,
his
Parents
,
Progenitors
,
Crown
and
Estate
;
as
also
the
Act
made
in
his
Highness's
Parliament
holden
at
Linlithgow
,
upon
the
10th
of
December
,
1585.
entituled
,
Against
the
Authors
of
slanderous
Speeches
or
Writs
;
and
statutes
and
ordains
all
the
said
Acts
to
be
published
of
new
,
and
to
be
put
in
execution
in
time
coming
,
with
this
addition
,
That
whoever
hears
the
said
Leasings
,
Calumnies
or
slanderous
Speeches
or
Writs
to
be
made
,
and
apprehends
not
the
Authors
thereof
,
if
it
lies
in
his
power
,
and
reveals
not
the
same
to
his
Highness
,
or
one
of
his
Privy
Council
,
or
to
the
Sheriff
,
Steward
or
Bayliff
of
the
Shire
,
Stewards
in
Regality
or
Royalty
,
or
to
the
Provost
,
or
any
of
the
Bayliffs
within
Burgh
,
by
whom
the
same
may
come
to
the
knowledge
of
his
Highness
,
or
his
said
Privy-Council
,
where
through
the
said
Leasing
makers
,
and
Authors
of
slanderous
Speeches
may
be
called
,
tryed
and
punished
according
to
the
said
Acts
:
The
hearer
,
and
not
apprehender
,
[
if
it
lye
in
his
power
]
and
concealer
,
and
not
revealer
of
the
said
Leasing
makers
,
and
Authors
of
the
said
slanderous
Specches
or
Writs
,
shall
incur
the
like
pain
and
punishment
as
the
principal
Offender
.
Act
107.
Par.
7.
King
James
1.
March
1.
1427.
That
none
interpret
the
Kings
Statutes
wrongously
.
ITem
,
the
King
by
deliverance
of
Council
,
by
manner
of
Statute
,
forbids
,
That
no
man
interpret
his
Statutes
otherwise
than
the
Statutes
bear
,
and
to
the
intent
and
effect
that
they
were
made
for
,
and
as
the
maker
of
them
understood
;
and
who
so
does
in
the
contrary
,
shall
be
punished
at
the
Kings
will
.
Act
10.
Par.
10.
King
James
6.
Dec.
10.
1585.
Authors
of
slanderous
Speeches
or
Writs
should
be
punished
to
the
Death
.
IT
is
statuted
and
ordained
by
our
Soveraign
Lord
and
three
Estates
,
that
all
his
Highness's
Subjects
content
themselves
in
quietness
and
dutiful
obedience
to
his
Highness
and
his
Authority
,
and
that
none
of
them
presume
,
or
take
upon
hand
publickly
to
declaim
,
or
privately
to
speak
or
write
any
purpose
of
reproach
or
slander
of
His
Majesties
Person
,
Estate
,
or
Government
,
or
to
deprave
his
Laws
and
Acts
of
Parliament
,
or
misconstrue
his
proceedings
,
whereby
any
misliking
may
be
moved
betwixt
his
Highness
and
his
Nobility
,
and
loving
Subjects
in
time
coming
,
under
the
pain
of
Death
,
certifying
them
that
do
in
the
contrary
,
they
shall
be
reputed
as
seditious
and
wicked
Instruments
,
enemies
to
his
Highness
,
and
the
Commonwealth
of
this
Realm
,
and
the
said
pain
of
Death
shall
be
executed
upon
them
with
all
rigour
,
in
example
of
others
.
Act
for
preservation
of
His
Majesties
Person
,
Authority
and
Government
,
May
1662.
—
And
further
it
is
by
His
Majesty
and
Estates
of
Parliament
declared
,
statuted
and
enacted
,
That
if
any
person
or
persons
shall
by
writing
,
printing
,
praying
,
preaching
,
libelling
,
remonstrating
,
or
by
any
malicious
or
advised
speaking
,
express
,
publish
or
declare
any
words
or
sentences
,
to
stir
up
the
people
to
the
hatred
or
dislike
of
His
Majesties
Royal
Prerogative
and
Supremacy
,
in
Causes
Ecclesiastical
,
or
of
the
Government
of
the
Church
by
Archbishops
and
Bishops
,
as
it
is
now
settled
by
Law
—
That
every
such
person
or
persons
so
offending
,
and
being
legally
Convicted
thereof
,
are
hereby
declared
incapable
to
enjoy
or
exercise
any
place
or
employment
,
Civil
,
Ecclesiastick
,
or
Military
,
within
this
Church
and
Kingdom
,
and
shall
be
liable
to
such
further
pains
as
are
due
by
the
Law
in
such
Cases
.
Act
130.
Par.
8.
James
6.
May
22.
1584.
Anent
the
Authority
of
the
three
Estates
of
Parliament
.
THE
Kings
Majesty
considering
the
Honour
and
the
Authority
of
his
Supreme
Court
of
Parliament
,
continued
past
all
memory
of
man
unto
their
days
,
as
constitute
upon
the
free
Votes
of
the
three
Estates
of
this
ancient
Kingdom
,
by
whom
the
same
,
under
God
,
has
ever
been
upholden
,
Rebellious
and
Traiterous
Subjects
punished
,
the
Good
and
Faithful
preserved
and
maintained
,
and
the
Laws
and
Acts
of
Parliament
(
by
which
all
men
are
governed
)
made
and
established
.
And
finding
the
Power
,
Dignity
and
Authority
of
the
said
Court
of
Parliament
,
of
late
years
,
called
in
some
doubt
,
at
least
,
some
curiously
travelling
to
have
introduced
some
Innovation
there
anent
,
His
Majesties
firm
will
and
mind
always
being
as
it
is
yet
,
That
the
Honour
,
Authority
,
and
Dignity
of
his
said
three
Estates
shall
stand
and
continue
in
their
own
Integrity
,
according
to
the
ancient
and
laudable
custom
bygone
,
without
any
alteration
or
diminution
:
Therefore
it
is
statuted
and
ordained
,
by
our
said
Soveraign
Lord
,
and
his
said
three
Estates
in
this
present
Parliament
,
That
none
of
his
Leiges
or
Subjects
presume
,
or
take
upon
hand
to
impugn
the
Dignity
and
Authority
of
the
said
three
Estates
,
or
to
seek
or
procure
the
innovation
or
diminution
of
the
Power
and
Authority
of
the
same
three
Estates
,
or
any
of
them
in
time
coming
,
under
the
pain
of
Treason
.
The
Earl
of
Argyle
's
first
Petition
for
Advocates
,
or
Council
to
be
allowed
him
.
To
his
Royal
Highness
,
His
Majesties
High
Commissioner
,
and
to
the
Right
Honourable
the
Lords
of
His
Majesties
Privy-Council
.
The
Humble
Petition
of
Archibald
Earl
of
Argyle
.
SHEWETH
,
THat
your
Petitioner
being
Criminally
Indicted
before
the
Lords
Commissioners
of
Justitiary
,
at
the
instance
of
His
Majesties
Advocate
,
for
Crimes
of
an
high
Nature
:
And
whereas
in
this
Case
no
Advocate
will
readily
plead
for
the
Petitioner
unless
they
have
your
Royal
Highness's
,
and
Lordships
,
Special
License
and
Warrant
to
that
effect
,
which
is
usual
in
the
like
Cases
.
It
is
therefore
humbly
desired
,
that
Your
Royal
Highness
,
and
Lordships
,
would
give
special
Order
and
Warrant
to
Sir
George
Lockhart
,
his
ordinary
Advocate
,
to
consult
and
plead
for
him
in
the
foresaid
Criminal
Process
,
without
incurring
any
hazard
upon
that
account
,
and
your
Petitioner
shall
ever
pray
.
Edinburgh
,
Novemb.
22.
1681.
The
Councils
Answer
to
the
Earl
of
Argyl's
first
Petition
,
about
his
having
Advocates
allowed
him
.
HIS
Royal
Highness
,
his
Majesties
High
Commissioner
,
and
Lords
of
Privy-Council
,
do
refuse
the
desire
of
the
above-written
Bill
,
but
allows
any
Lawyers
the
Petitioners
shall
employ
,
to
consult
and
plead
for
him
in
the
Process
of
Treason
,
and
other
Crimes
,
to
be
pursued
against
him
at
the
instance
of
His
Majesties
Advocate
Extr.
By
me
,
Will
.
Paterson
.
The
Earl
of
Argyl's
second
Petition
for
Council
to
be
allowed
him
.
To
His
Royal
Highness
,
His
Majesties
High
Commissioner
,
and
to
the
Right
Honourable
the
Lords
of
His
Majesties
Privy-Council
.
The
humble
Petition
of
Archibald
Earl
of
Argyle
.
SHEWETH
,
THat
your
Petitioner
having
given
in
a
former
Petition
,
humbly
representing
,
That
he
being
Criminally
Indicted
before
the
Lords
Commissioners
of
Justitiary
,
at
the
instance
of
His
Majesties
Advocate
,
for
Crimes
of
an
high
Nature
:
And
therefore
desiring
that
Your
Royal
Highness
,
and
Lordships
,
would
give
special
Warrant
to
Sir
George
Lockbart
,
to
consult
and
plead
for
him
:
Whereupon
your
Royal
Highness
,
and
Lordships
did
allow
the
Petitioner
to
make
use
of
such
Advocates
as
he
should
think
fit
to
call
.
Accordingly
your
Petitioner
having
desired
Sir
George
Lockhart
to
consult
and
plead
for
him
,
he
hath
as
yet
refused
your
Petitioner
.
And
by
the
11.
Patliament
of
King
James
the
VI.
Cap.
38.
As
it
is
the
undeniable
priviledge
of
all
Subjects
,
accused
for
any
Crimes
,
to
have
liberty
to
provide
themselves
of
Advocates
,
to
defend
their
Lives
,
Honour
,
and
Lands
,
against
whatsoever
accusation
;
so
the
same
Priviledge
is
not
only
by
Parliament
11.
King
James
the
VI.
Cap.
90.
Farther
asserted
and
confirmed
,
but
also
it
is
declared
,
That
in
case
the
Advocates
refuse
the
Judges
are
to
compel
them
,
least
the
party
accused
should
be
prejudged
:
And
this
being
an
affair
of
great
importance
to
your
Petitioner
,
and
Sir
George
Lockhart
having
been
not
only
still
his
ordinary
Advocate
,
but
also
by
his
constant
converse
with
him
is
best
known
to
your
Petitioners
Principles
;
and
of
whose
eminent
abilities
and
fidelity
your
Petitioner
(
as
many
others
have
)
hath
had
special
proof
all
along
in
his
Concerns
,
and
hath
such
singular
confidence
in
him
that
he
is
most
necessary
to
your
Petitioner
at
this
occasion
.
May
it
therefore
please
Your
Royal
Highness
and
Lordships
to
interpose
your
Authority
,
by
giving
a
special
Order
and
Warrant
to
the
said
Sir
George
Lockhart
,
to
consult
and
and
plead
for
him
in
the
said
Criminal
Process
,
conform
to
the
tenor
of
the
said
Acts
of
Parliament
,
and
constant
known
practice
in
the
like
Cases
,
which
was
never
refused
to
any
Subject
of
the
meanest
quality
,
even
to
the
greatest
Criminals
.
And
your
Royal
Highness's
,
and
Lordships
Answer
is
humbly
craved
.
Edinburgh
,
Novemb.
24.
1681.
The
Councils
Answer
to
the
Earl
of
Argyle
's
second
Petition
.
HIS
Royal
Highness
,
His
Majesties
High
Commissioner
,
and
Lords
of
Privy
Council
,
having
considered
the
foresaid
Petition
,
do
adhere
to
their
former
Order
,
allowing
Advocates
to
appear
for
the
Petitioner
in
the
Process
foresaid
.
Extr.
By
me
,
Will
.
Paterson
.
The
Earl
of
Argyle
's
Letter
of
Attorney
,
constituting
Alexander
Dunbar
his
Procurator
,
for
requiring
Sir
George
Lockhart
to
plead
for
him
.
WE
Archibald
Earl
of
Argyle
,
do
hereby
substitute
,
constitute
and
ordain
Alexander
Dunbar
,
our
Servitor
,
to
be
our
Procurator
,
to
pass
and
require
Sir
George
Lockhart
Advicate
to
consult
,
and
plead
for
us
in
the
Criminal
Process
intended
against
us
,
at
the
instance
of
His
Majestics
Advocate
;
and
to
compear
with
us
,
before
the
Lords
Commissioners
of
Justitiary
,
upon
the
12th
of
December
next
,
conform
to
an
Act
of
Council
,
dated
the
22d
.
of
Novemb.
instant
,
allowing
any
Lawyers
that
we
should
employ
,
to
consult
and
plead
for
us
in
the
said
Process
,
and
to
another
Act
of
Council
of
the
24th
of
Novemb.
instant
,
relative
to
the
former
,
and
conform
to
the
Acts
of
Parliament
.
In
witness
whereof
,
we
have
Subscribed
these
presents
,
at
Edinburgh-Castle
,
Nov.
26.
1681.
before
these
Witnesses
,
Duncan
Camphell
Servitor
to
James
Glen
Stationer
in
Edinburgh
,
and
John
Thom
,
Merchant
in
the
said
Burgh
.
ARGYLE
.
-
Witnesses
.
-
Duncan
Camphell
,
-
John
Thom
,
Witnesses
.
An
Instrument
whereby
the
Earl
of
Argyle
required
Sir
George
Lockhart
to
appear
and
plead
for
him
.
Apud
Edenburgum
vigesimo
sexto
die
Mensis
Novembris
,
Anno
Domini
millesimosex
.
centesimo
octuagesimo
primo
,
&
Anno
Regni
Car.
2.
Regis
trigesimo
tertio
.
THE
which
day
,
in
presence
of
me
Notar
publick
,
and
Witnesses
under
subscribed
,
compeared
personally
Alexander
Dunbar
,
Servitor
to
a
Noble
Earl
,
Archibald
Earl
of
Argyle
,
as
Procurator
,
and
in
name
of
the
said
Earl
,
conform
to
a
Procuration
subscribed
by
the
said
Earl
at
the
Castle
of
Edinburgh
,
upon
the
twenty
first
day
of
November
,
1681.
making
and
constituting
the
said
Alexander
Dunbar
his
Procurator
,
to
the
effect
under-written
:
and
past
to
the
personal
presence
of
Sir
George
Lockhart
Advocate
,
in
his
own
Lodging
in
Edinburgh
,
having
and
holding
in
his
hands
an
Act
of
His
Majesties
Privy
Council
,
of
the
date
the
22d
of
November
,
1681.
instant
,
proceeding
upon
a
Petition
given
in
by
the
said
Earl
of
Argyle
,
to
the
said
Lords
,
shewing
,
That
he
being
Criminally
Indicted
before
the
Lords
Commissioners
of
Justitiary
,
at
the
instance
of
His
Majesties
Advocate
,
for
Crimes
of
an
high
Nature
,
and
whereas
in
that
Case
no
Advocates
would
readily
plead
for
the
said
Earl
,
unless
they
had
his
Royal
Highness's
,
and
their
Lordships
special
License
and
Warrant
to
that
effect
,
which
is
usual
in
the
like
Cases
:
And
by
the
said
Petition
humbly
supplicated
,
that
his
Highness
and
the
Council
,
would
give
special
Order
and
Command
to
the
said
Sir
George
Lockhart
,
the
said
Earls
ordinary
Advocate
,
to
consult
and
plead
for
him
in
the
foresaid
Criminal
Process
,
without
incurring
any
hazard
upon
that
account
.
His
Royal
Highness
,
and
Lords
of
the
said
Privy
Council
,
did
refuse
the
desire
of
the
said
Petition
,
but
allowed
any
Lawyers
the
Petitioner
should
employ
,
to
consult
and
plead
for
him
in
the
Process
of
Treason
,
and
other
Crimes
to
be
pursued
against
him
,
at
the
instance
of
His
Majesties
Advocate
.
And
also
the
said
Alexander
Dunbar
,
having
and
holding
in
his
hands
another
Act
of
the
said
Lords
of
Privy
Council
,
of
the
date
the
24th
of
the
said
month
,
relative
to
,
and
narrating
the
said
first
Act
,
and
proceeding
upon
another
supplication
given
in
by
the
said
Earl
to
the
said
Lords
,
craving
,
That
his
Royal
Highness
,
and
the
said
Lords
would
interpose
their
Authority
,
by
giving
a
positive
and
special
Order
and
Warrant
to
the
said
Sir
George
Lockhart
,
to
consult
and
plead
with
him
in
the
foresaid
Criminal
Process
,
conform
to
the
tenor
of
the
Acts
of
Parliament
mentioned
and
particularized
in
the
said
Petition
,
and
frequent
and
known
practice
in
the
like
cases
,
which
was
never
refused
to
any
Subjects
of
the
meanest
quality
.
His
Royal
Highness
,
and
Lords
of
Privy
Council
,
having
considered
the
foresaid
Petition
,
did
by
the
said
Act
adhere
to
their
former
Order
,
allowing
Advocates
to
appear
for
the
said
Earl
in
the
Process
foresaid
,
as
the
said
Acts
bear
,
and
produced
the
said
Acts
and
Procuratory
foresaid
to
the
said
Sir
George
Lockhart
,
who
took
the
same
in
his
hands
,
and
read
them
over
successive
;
and
after
reading
thereof
,
the
said
Alexander
Dunbar
Procurator
,
and
in
name
and
behalf
foresaid
,
solemnly
required
the
said
Sir
George
Lockhart
,
as
the
said
Noble
Earls
ordinary
Advocate
,
and
as
a
Lawyer
and
Advocate
,
upon
the
said
Earls
reasonable
expence
,
to
consult
and
advise
the
said
Earls
said
Process
,
at
any
time
and
place
the
said
Sir
George
should
appoint
to
meet
thereupon
,
conform
to
the
foresaid
two
Acts
of
Council
,
and
Acts
of
Parliament
therein
mentioned
,
appointing
Advocates
to
consult
in
such
matters
;
which
the
said
Sir
George
Lockhart
altogether
refused
:
Whereupon
the
said
Alexander
Dunbar
,
as
Procurator
,
and
in
Name
foresaid
,
asked
and
took
Instruments
,
one
or
more
,
in
the
hands
of
me
Notary
publick
undersubscribed
.
And
these
things
were
done
within
the
said
Sir
George
Lockhart's
Lodging
,
on
the
South
side
of
the
Street
of
Edinburgh
,
in
the
Lane-Mercat
,
within
the
Dining-room
of
the
said
Lodging
betwixt
Four
and
Five
hours
in
the
Afternoon
,
Day
,
Month
,
Year
,
Place
,
and
of
His
Majesties
Reign
,
respective
foresaid
,
before
Robert
Dicksone
,
and
John
Lesly
,
Servitors
to
John
Camphell
,
Writer
to
His
Majesties
Signet
,
and
Dowgall
Mac.
Alester
,
Messenger
in
Edinburgh
,
with
divers
others
,
called
and
required
to
the
Premisses
.
Ita
esse
Ego
Johannes
Broun
,
Notarius
publicus
,
in
Premissis
requisitus
,
Attestor
Testantibus
his
meis
signo
&
subscriptione
manualibus
solitis
&
consuetis
.
Broun
.
-
Witnesses
.
-
Robert
Dicksone
,
-
Dowgall
,
Mac.
Alester
,
-
John
Lesly
,
Decemb.
5.
1682.
The
Opinion
of
divers
Lawyers
concerning
the
Case
of
the
Earl
of
Argyle
.
WE
have
considered
the
Criminal
Letters
,
raised
at
the
instance
of
His
Majesties
Advocate
against
the
Earl
of
Argyle
,
with
the
Acts
of
Parliament
contained
and
narrated
in
the
same
Criminal
Letters
,
and
have
compared
the
same
with
a
Paper
,
or
Explication
,
which
is
libelled
to
have
been
given
in
by
the
Earl
to
the
Lords
of
His
Majesties
Privy-Council
,
and
owned
by
him
,
as
the
sense
and
explication
in
which
he
did
take
the
Oath
imposed
by
the
late
Act
of
Parliament
.
Which
Paper
is
of
this
tenor
:
I
have
considered
the
Test
,
and
am
very
desirous
to
give
chedience
as
far
as
I
can
,
&c.
And
having
likewise
considered
that
the
Earl
,
after
he
had
taken
the
Oath
,
with
the
explication
and
sense
then
put
upon
it
,
it
was
acquiesced
to
by
the
Lords
of
Privy-Council
,
and
he
allowed
to
take
his
place
,
and
to
sit
and
Vote
.
And
that
,
before
the
Earls
taking
of
the
Oath
,
there
were
several
papers
spread
abroad
,
containing
objections
,
and
alledging
inconsistencies
and
contradictions
in
the
Oath
,
and
some
thereof
were
presented
by
Synods
and
Presbyteries
of
the
Orthodox
Clergy
,
to
some
of
the
Bishops
of
the
Church
.
It
is
our
humble
Opinion
,
that
seeing
the
Earls
design
and
meaning
in
offering
the
said
Explication
was
allenarly
for
the
clearing
of
his
own
Conscience
,
and
upon
no
facrious
or
seditious
design
;
and
that
the
matter
and
import
of
the
said
paper
is
no
contradiction
of
the
Laws
and
Acts
of
Parliament
,
it
doth
not
at
all
import
any
of
the
Crimes
libelled
against
him
,
viz.
Treason
,
Leasing
making
,
depraving
of
His
Majesties
Laws
,
or
the
Crime
of
Perjury
,
but
that
the
glosses
and
inferences
put
by
the
Libel
upon
the
said
paper
are
altogether
strained
and
unwarrantable
,
and
inconsistent
with
the
Earls
true
design
,
and
the
sincerity
of
his
meaning
and
intention
,
in
making
of
the
said
Explication
.
Wednesday
the
12th
of
December
,
the
day
of
compearance
assigned
to
the
Earl
being
now
come
,
he
was
brought
by
a
guard
of
Souldiers
from
the
Castle
to
the
place
appointed
for
the
Trial
,
and
the
Justice
Court
being
met
and
fenced
,
the
Earl
,
now
Marquess
of
Queensberry
,
then
Justice-General
,
the
Lords
Nairn
,
Collingtoun
,
Forret
,
Newtoun
and
Hirkhouse
,
the
Lords
of
Justitiary
sitting
in
Judgment
,
and
the
other
formalities
also
performed
,
the
Indictment
above
set
down
Num.
24.
was
read
,
and
the
Earl
spoke
as
follows
.
The
Earl
of
Argyle's
Speech
to
the
Lord
Justice
General
,
and
the
Lords
of
the
Justitiary
,
after
he
had
been
arraigned
,
and
his
Indictment
read
.
My
Lord
Justice
General
,
&c.
I
Look
upon
it
as
the
undeniable
priviledge
of
the
meanest
Subject
to
explain
his
own
words
in
the
most
benign
sense
;
and
even
when
persons
are
under
an
ill
Character
,
the
misconstruction
of
words
in
themselves
not
ill
can
only
reach
a
presumption
or
aggravation
but
not
any
more
.
But
it
is
strange
to
alledge
,
as
well
,
as
I
hope
,
impossible
,
to
make
any
that
know
me
believe
,
that
I
could
intend
any
thing
but
what
was
honest
and
honourable
,
suitable
to
the
Principles
of
my
Religion
and
Loyalty
,
tho
I
did
not
explain
my self
at
all
.
My
Lord
,
I
pray
you
be
not
offended
that
I
take
up
a
little
of
your
time
,
to
tell
you
I
have
from
my
Youth
made
it
my
business
to
serve
His
Majesty
faithfully
,
and
have
constantly
,
to
my
power
,
appeared
in
his
Service
;
especially
in
all
times
of
difficulty
,
and
have
never
joined
,
nor
complied
with
any
Interest
or
Party
,
contrary
to
His
Majesties
Authority
,
and
have
all
along
served
him
in
his
own
way
,
without
a
frown
from
His
Majesty
these
thirty
years
.
As
soon
as
I
passed
the
Schools
and
Colledges
,
I
went
to
travel
to
France
and
Italy
,
and
was
abroad
1647
,
1648
,
and
till
the
end
of
1649.
My
first
appearance
in
the
World
,
was
to
serve
His
Majesty
as
Collonel
in
his
Foot-Guards
;
and
tho
at
that
time
all
the
Commissions
were
given
by
the
then
Parliament
,
yet
I
would
not
serve
without
a
Commission
from
His
Majesty
,
which
I
have
still
the
Honour
to
have
by
me
.
After
the
misfortune
of
Worcester
,
I
continued
in
Arms
for
His
Majesties
Service
,
when
Scotland
was
over-run
with
the
Usurpers
,
and
was
alone
with
some
of
my
Friends
in
Arms
in
the
Year
1652.
and
did
then
keep
up
some
appearance
of
opposition
to
them
:
And
General
Major
Dean
coming
to
Argyleshire
,
and
planting
several
Garrisons
,
he
no
sooner
went
away
but
we
fell
upon
the
Garrisons
he
had
left
,
and
in
one
day
took
two
of
them
,
and
cut
off
a
considerable
part
of
a
third
,
and
carried
away
in
all
about
three
hundred
Prisoners
.
And
in
the
end
of
that
year
,
I
sent
Captain
Shaw
to
His
Majesty
,
with
my
humble
Opinion
how
the
War
might
be
carried
on
who
returned
to
me
with
Instructions
and
Orders
,
which
I
have
yet
lying
by
me
.
After
which
,
I
joyned
with
those
His
Majesty
did
Commissionate
,
and
stood
out
till
the
last
,
that
the
Earl
of
Middleton
,
His
Majesties
Lieutenant
General
,
gave
me
Orders
to
Capitulate
,
which
I
did
without
any
other
Engagements
to
the
Rebels
,
but
allowing
persons
to
give
Bail
for
my
living
peaceably
,
and
did
at
my
Capitulating
relieve
several
Prisoners
by
exchange
,
whereof
my
Lord
Granard
,
out
of
the
Castle
of
Edinburgh
,
was
one
.
It
is
notarly
known
,
that
I
was
forefaulted
by
the
Usurpers
,
who
were
so
jealous
of
me
,
that
contrary
to
their
Faith
,
within
eight
months
after
my
Capitulation
,
upon
pretence
I
keep'd
Horses
above
the
value
,
they
seized
on
me
,
and
keeped
me
in
one
Prison
after
another
,
till
His
Majesties
happy
Restauration
,
and
this
only
because
I
would
not
engage
not
to
serve
His
Majesty
,
tho
there
was
no
Oath
required
.
I
do
with
all
gratitude
acknowledge
His
Majesties
goodness
,
bounty
,
and
Royal
favours
to
me
,
when
I
was
pursued
before
the
Parliament
in
the
year
1662.
His
Majesty
was
graciously
pleased
not
to
send
me
here
in
any
opprobrious
way
,
but
upon
a
bare
verbal
Parole
;
upon
which
I
came
down
Post
,
and
presented
my self
a
Fourthnight
before
the
day
.
Notwithstanding
whereof
I
was
immediately
clapt
up
in
the
Castle
,
but
having
satisfied
His
Majesty
at
that
time
,
of
my
entire
Loyalty
,
I
did
not
offer
to
plead
by
Advocates
.
And
His
Majesty
was
not
only
pleased
to
pardon
my
Life
,
and
to
restore
me
to
a
Title
and
Fortune
,
but
to
put
me
in
trust
in
his
Service
,
in
the
most
eminent
Judicatories
of
this
Kingdom
,
and
to
heap
favours
upon
me
,
far
beyond
what
ever
I
did
or
can
deserve
,
tho
I
hope
His
Majesty
hath
always
found
me
faithful
and
thankful
,
and
ready
to
bestow
all
I
have
,
or
can
have
for
his
Service
.
And
I
hope
never
hath
had
,
nor
ever
shall
have
ground
to
repent
any
favour
he
hath
done
me
.
And
if
I
were
now
really
guilty
of
the
Crimes
libelled
,
I
should
think
my self
a
great
Villain
.
The
next
occasion
I
had
to
shew
my
particular
zeal
to
His
Majesties
Service
,
was
in
Anno
1666.
when
the
Insurrection
was
made
that
was
represt
at
Pentland-Hills
.
At
the
very
first
,
the
intercourse
betwixt
this
place
and
me
was
stopt
,
so
that
I
had
neither
Intelligence
nor
Orders
from
the
Council
,
nor
from
the
General
,
but
upon
a
Letter
from
the
now
Archbishop
of
St.
Andrews
,
telling
me
there
was
a
Rebellion
like
to
be
in
the
three
Kingdoms
,
and
bidding
me
beware
of
Ireland
and
Kintyre
.
I
brought
together
about
two
thousand
men
;
I
seized
all
the
Gentlemen
in
Kintyre
that
had
not
taken
the
Declaration
,
tho
I
found
them
peaceable
.
And
I
sent
a
Gentleman
to
General
Dalziel
,
to
receive
his
Orders
,
who
came
to
him
just
as
they
were
going
to
the
Action
at
Pentland
,
and
was
with
him
in
it
,
and
I
kept
my
men
together
till
his
return
.
And
when
I
met
with
considerable
trouble
from
my
Neighbours
,
rebelliously
in
Arms
,
and
had
Commissions
both
on
publick
,
and
private
accounts
,
have
I
not
carried
dutifully
to
His
Majesty
,
and
done
what
was
commanded
with
a
just
moderation
,
which
I
can
prove
under
the
hands
of
my
enemies
,
and
by
many
infallible
demonstrations
?
Pardon
me
a
few
words
:
Did
I
not
in
this
present
Parliament
shew
my
readiness
to
serve
His
Majesty
and
the
Royal
Family
,
in
asserting
vigorously
the
lineal
legal
Succession
of
the
Crown
,
and
had
a
care
to
have
it
exprest
in
the
Commissions
of
the
Shires
and
Burghs
I
had
interest
in
?
Was
I
not
for
offering
proper
Supplies
to
His
Majesty
and
his
Successor
?
And
did
I
not
concur
to
bind
the
Landlords
for
their
Tenants
,
altho
I
was
mainly
concerned
?
And
have
I
not
always
kept
my
Tenants
in
obedience
to
His
Majesty
?
I
say
all
this
,
not
to
arrogate
any
thing
for
doing
what
was
my
Honour
and
Duty
to
His
Majesty
;
but
if
after
all
this
,
upon
no
other
ground
but
words
that
were
spoken
in
absolute
innocence
,
and
without
the
least
design
,
except
for
clearing
my
own
Conscience
,
and
that
are
not
capable
of
the
ill
sense
wrested
from
them
by
the
Libel
,
I
should
be
further
troubled
,
what
assurance
can
any
of
the
greatest
Quality
,
Trust
,
or
Innocence
,
have
that
they
are
fecure
?
Especially
considering
,
that
so
many
Scruples
have
been
started
,
as
all
know
,
not
only
by
many
of
the
Orthodox
Clergy
,
but
by
whole
Presbyteries
,
Synods
,
and
some
Bishops
,
which
were
thought
so
considerable
,
that
an
eminent
Bishop
took
the
pains
to
write
a
Treatise
,
that
was
read
over
in
Council
,
and
allowed
to
be
Printed
,
and
a
Copy
given
to
me
,
which
contains
all
the
expressions
I
am
charged
for
,
and
many
more
that
may
be
stretched
to
a
worse
sense
.
Have
I
not
shewed
my
zeal
to
all
the
ends
of
the
Test
?
How
then
can
it
be
imagined
that
I
have
any
sinister
design
in
any
thing
that
I
have
said
?
If
I
had
done
any
thing
contrary
to
it
all
the
course
of
my
life
,
which
I
hope
shall
not
be
found
,
yet
one
act
might
pretend
to
be
excused
by
a
habit
.
But
nothing
being
questioned
but
the
sense
of
words
misconsirued
to
the
greatest
height
,
and
stretched
to
imaginary
insinuations
,
quite
contrary
to
my
scope
and
design
,
and
so
far
contrary
,
not
only
to
my
sense
,
but
my
principles
,
Interest
,
and
duty
,
That
I
hope
my
Lord
Advocate
will
think
he
hath
gone
too
far
on
in
this
Process
,
and
say
plainly
what
he
knows
to
be
truth
by
his
acquaintance
with
me
,
both
in
publick
and
private
;
viz.
That
I
am
neither
Papist
nor
Fanatick
,
but
truly
loyal
in
my
principles
and
practices
.
The
hearing
of
this
Libel
would
trouble
me
beyond
most
of
the
sufferings
of
my
Life
if
my
innocence
did
not
support
me
,
and
the
hopes
of
being
vindicated
of
this
and
other
Calumnies
before
this
publick
and
Noble
Auditory
.
I
leave
my
Defences
to
these
Gentlemen
that
plead
for
me
,
they
know
my
innocence
,
and
how
ground
less
that
Libel
is
.
I
shall
only
say
,
As
my
Life
hath
most
of
it
been
spent
in
serving
and
suffering
for
his
Majesty
,
so
whatever
be
the
event
of
this
Process
,
I
resolve
,
while
I
breath
,
to
be
loyal
and
faithful
to
His
Majesty
.
And
whether
I
live
publickly
or
in
obscurity
,
my
head
,
my
heart
nor
my
hand
,
shall
never
be
wanting
where
I
can
be
useful
to
His
Majesties
Service
.
And
while
I
live
,
and
when
I
die
,
I
shall
pray
,
That
God
Almighty
would
bless
His
Majesty
with
a
long
,
happy
,
and
prosperous
Reign
;
and
that
the
lineal
legal
successours
of
the
Crown
may
continue
Monarchs
of
all
His
Majesties
Dominions
,
and
be
Defenders
of
the
True
Primitive
,
Christian
,
Apostolick
,
Catholick
,
Protestant
Religion
,
while
Sun
and
Moon
endure
.
God
save
the
King
.
The
Kings
own
Letter
to
this
Nobleman
when
he
was
Lord
Lorn
.
Collogne
,
December
20.
1654.
My
Lord
Lorn
,
I
Am
very
glad
to
hear
from
Middleton
,
what
affection
and
zeal
you
shew
to
my
Service
,
how
constantly
you
adhere
to
him
in
all
his
distresses
,
and
what
good
Service
you
have
performed
upon
the
Rebels
.
I
assure
you
,
you
shall
find
me
very
just
,
and
kind
to
you
in
rewarding
what
you
have
done
and
suffered
for
me
;
and
I
hope
you
will
have
more
Credit
and
Power
with
those
of
your
Kindred
and
Dependants
upon
your
Family
,
to
engage
them
with
you
for
me
,
than
any
body
else
can
have
to
seduce
them
against
me
;
and
I
shall
look
upon
all
those
who
shall
refuse
to
follow
you
as
unworthy
of
any
protection
hereafter
from
me
,
which
you
will
let
them
know
.
This
honest
Bearer
,
M
—
will
inform
you
of
my
Condition
and
Purposes
,
to
whom
you
will
give
Credit
;
and
he
will
tell
you
,
That
I
am
very
much
.
Your
very
affectionate
Friend
,
C.
R.
General
Middleton's
Order
to
the
Earl
of
Argyle
,
who
was
then
Lord
Lorn
,
for
capitulating
with
the
English
,
wherein
he
largely
expresseth
his
Worth
and
Loyalty
.
John
Middleton
,
Lieutenant
General
,
next
and
immediate
under
His
Majesty
,
and
Commander
in
chief
of
all
the
Forces
raised
,
and
to
be
raised
,
within
the
Kingdom
of
Scotland
.
SEeing
the
Lord
Lorn
hath
given
so
singular
proofs
of
clear
and
perfect
Loyalty
to
the
Kings
Majesty
,
and
of
pure
and
constant
affection
to
the
good
of
His
Majesties
Affairs
,
is
never
hitherto
to
have
any
ways
complyed
with
the
Enemy
,
and
to
have
been
principally
instrumental
in
the
enlivening
of
this
late
War
,
and
one
of
the
chief
and
first
movers
in
it
,
and
hath
readily
,
chearfully
,
and
gallantly
engaged
,
and
resolutely
and
constantly
continued
active
in
it
,
notwithstanding
the
many
powerful
disswasions
,
discouragements
,
and
oppositions
he
hath
met
withal
from
divers
hands
,
and
hath
in
the
carrying
on
of
the
Service
shewn
such
signal
Fidelity
,
Integrity
,
Generosity
,
Prudence
,
Courage
,
and
Condect
,
and
such
high
Vertue
,
Industry
,
and
Ability
,
as
are
suitable
to
the
Dignity
of
his
Koble
Family
,
and
the
Trust
His
Majesty
reposed
in
him
,
and
hath
not
only
stood
out
against
all
temptations
and
enticements
,
but
hath
most
nobly
crossed
and
repressed
designs
and
attempts
of
deserting
the
Service
,
and
persisted
loyally
and
firmly
in
it
to
the
very
last
,
through
excessive
toil
and
many
great
difficulties
,
misregarding
all
personal
inconveniencies
,
and
chusing
the
loss
of
Friends
,
Fortune
,
and
all
private
Concernments
,
and
to
endure
the
utmost
extremities
rather
than
to
swerve
in
the
least
from
his
Duty
;
or
taint
his
Reputation
with
the
meanest
shadow
of
disloyalty
and
dishonour
.
I
do
therefore
hereby
testifie
and
declare
,
That
I
am
perfectly
satisfied
with
his
whole
Deportments
,
in
relation
to
the
Enemy
,
and
this
late
War
;
and
do
highly
approve
them
,
as
being
not
only
above
all
I
can
express
of
their
worth
,
but
almost
beyond
all
parallel
.
And
I
do
withal
hereby
both
allow
,
and
most
earnestly
desire
,
and
wish
him
,
to
lose
no
time
in
taking
such
course
for
his
safety
and
preservation
by
Treaty
,
and
Agreement
,
or
Capitulation
,
as
he
shall
judg
most
fit
and
expedient
for
the
good
of
his
Person
,
Family
,
and
Estate
,
since
inevitable
and
invincible
necessity
hath
forced
us
to
lay
aside
this
War
.
And
I
can
now
no
other
way
express
my
respects
to
him
,
nor
contribute
my
endeavour
to
do
him
.
Honour
and
Service
.
Intestimony
whereof
I
have
signed
and
sealed
these
Presents
at
Dunveagave
,
the
last
day
of
March
,
1655.
JOHN
MIDDLETON
.
Another
Letter
from
the
Earl
of
Middleton
,
to
the
same
purpose
,
Paris
,
April
17.
1655.
My
Noble
Lord
,
I
Am
hopeful
,
that
the
Bearer
of
this
Letter
will
be
found
one
who
has
been
a
most
faithful
Servant
to
your
Lordship
and
my
kind
Friend
,
and
a
sharer
in
my
Troubles
.
Indeed
I
have
been
strengthned
by
him
to
support
and
overcome
many
difficulties
.
He
will
acquaint
you
with
what
hath
past
,
which
truly
was
strange
to
both
of
us
,
but
your
own
Re-encounters
will
lessen
them
.
My
Lord
,
I
shall
be
faithful
in
giving
you
that
Character
which
your
Worth
and
Merit
may
justly
challenge
.
I
profess
it
is
,
next
to
the
ruine
of
the
Service
,
one
of
my
chiefest
Regrets
that
I
could
not
possibly
wait
upon
you
before
my
going
from
Scotland
,
that
I
might
have
settled
a
way
of
Correspondence
with
you
,
and
that
your
Lordship
might
have
understood
me
better
than
yet
you
do
;
I
should
have
been
plain
in
every
thing
,
and
indeed
have
made
your
Lordship
my
Confessor
:
and
I
am
hopeful
the
Bearer
will
say
somewhat
for
me
,
and
I
doubt
not
but
your
Lordship
will
trust
him
.
If
it
shall
please
God
to
bring
me
safe
from
beyond
Sea
,
your
Lordship
shall
hear
from
me
by
a
sure
hand
.
Sir
Ro.
M.
will
tell
you
a
way
of
corresponding
.
So
that
I
shall
say
no
more
at
present
,
but
that
I
am
without
possibility
of
change
.
My
Noble
Lord
,
Your
Lordships
most
Faithful
,
and
most
Humble
Servant
,
JO.
MIDDLETON
.
A
Letter
from
the
Earl
of
Glencairn
,
testifying
his
esteem
for
this
Noble
Person
,
and
the
sense
he
had
of
his
loyalty
to
the
King
,
when
few
had
the
Courage
to
own
him
.
My
Lord
,
LEst
it
may
be
my
misfortune
,
in
all
these
great
Revolutions
,
to
be
misrepresented
to
your
Lordship
,
as
a
person
unworthy
of
your
favourable
Opinion
(
an
Artifice
very
frequent
in
these
times
)
I
did
take
occasion
to
call
for
a
Friend
and
Servant
of
yours
,
the
Laird
of
Spanie
,
on
whose
discretion
I
did
adventure
to
lay
forth
my
hearts
desire
,
to
obviate
in
the
bud
any
of
these
misunderstandings
.
Your
Lordships
true
worth
and
zeal
to
your
Countries
happiness
,
being
so
well
known
to
me
,
and
confirmed
by
our
late
suffering
acquaintance
.
And
now
finding
how
much
it
may
conduce
to
these
great
ends
we
all
with
that
a
perfect
Unity
may
be
amongst
all
good
and
honest-hearted
Scotchmen
,
tho
there
be
few
more
insignificant
than
my self
;
yet
my
zeal
for
those
ends
obliges
me
to
say
,
that
if
your
Lordships
health
and
affairs
could
have
permitted
you
to
have
been
at
Edenburgh
in
these
late
times
,
you
would
have
seen
a
great
inclination
and
desire
amongst
all
here
of
a
perfect
Unity
,
and
of
a
mutual
respect
to
your
Person
,
as
of
chief
eminence
and
worth
.
And
I
here
shall
set
it
under
my
Hand
,
to
witness
against
all
my
Informers
,
that
none
did
with
more
passion
,
nor
shall
with
more
continued
zeal
,
witness
themselves
to
be
true
Honourers
of
you
,
than
he
who
desires
infinitely
to
be
esteemed
,
My
Lord
,
Your
most
Humble
Servant
,
GLENCAIRN
.
What
I
cannot
well
write
I
hope
this
discreet
Gentleman
will
tell
you
in
my
Name
:
and
I
shall
only
beg
leave
to
say
,
that
I
am
your
most
Noble
Ladies
Humble
Servant
.
After
the
reading
of
which
order
and
letters
,
which
yet
the
Court
refused
to
record
,
The
Earl's
Advocate
or
Council
Sir
George
Lockhart
said
in
his
defence
as
follows
.
Sir
George
Lockhart
's
Argument
and
Plea
for
the
Earl
of
Argyle
.
SIR
George
Lockhart
for
the
Earl
of
Argyle
alledgeth
,
That
the
Libel
is
not
Revelant
,
and
whereupon
he
ought
to
be
but
to
the
knowledge
of
an
Inquest
.
For
,
It
is
alledged
in
the
general
,
That
all
Criminal
Libels
,
whereupon
any
persons
Life
,
Estate
,
and
Reputation
can
be
drawn
in
question
,
should
be
founded
upon
clear
,
positive
,
and
express
Acts
of
Parliament
,
and
the
matter
of
Fact
,
which
is
libelled
to
be
the
Contravention
of
those
Laws
,
should
be
plain
,
clear
,
and
direct
Contraventions
of
the
same
,
and
not
argued
by
way
of
Implications
and
Inferences
.
Whereas
in
this
Case
,
neither
the
Acts
of
Parliament
,
founded
upon
,
and
libelled
,
can
be
in
the
least
the
foundation
of
this
Libel
:
nor
is
the
Explication
which
is
pretended
to
be
made
by
the
Pannel
,
at
the
time
of
the
taking
of
his
Oath
(
if
considered
,
)
any
Contravention
of
those
Laws
;
which
being
premised
,
and
the
Pannel
denying
the
Libel
,
as
to
the
whole
Articles
and
Points
therein
contained
,
it
is
alledged
in
special
,
That
the
Libel
,
in
so
far
as
it
is
founded
upon
the
21st
.
Chap.
Stat.
1.
Robert
1.
and
upon
83d
.
Act
,
Par.
6.
James
5.
the
43d
.
Act
,
Par.
2.
James
1.
and
upon
the
83d
.
Act
,
Par.
10.
James
5.
and
upon
84th
.
Act
,
Par.
8.
James
6.
and
upon
the
10th
.
Act
,
Par.
10.
James
6.
and
upon
the
2d
.
Act
,
Par.
1.
Ses.
2.
of
His
Sacred
Majesty
,
and
inferring
thereupon
,
That
the
Pannel
,
by
the
pretended
Explication
given
in
by
him
to
the
Lords
of
His
Majesties
Privy-Council
,
as
the
sense
of
the
Oath
he
had
taken
,
doth
commit
the
Crime
of
Leasing-making
,
and
depraving
His
Majesties
Laws
:
The
Inference
and
subsumption
is
most
unwarrantable
and
the
Pannel
,
tho
any
such
thing
were
acknowledged
or
proved
,
can
never
be
found
guilty
of
contraveening
these
Acts
of
Parliament
.
In
respect
it
is
evident
,
upon
perusal
and
consideration
of
these
Acts
of
Parliament
,
that
they
only
concern
the
case
of
Leasing-making
tending
to
Sedition
,
and
to
beget
Discord
betwixt
His
Majesty
and
His
Subjects
,
and
the
dislike
of
His
Majesties
Government
,
and
the
reproach
of
the
same
.
And
the
said
Laws
,
and
Acts
of
Parliament
were
never
understood
or
libelled
upon
,
in
any
other
Sense
.
And
all
the
former
Acts
of
Parliament
,
which
relate
to
the
crime
of
Leasing-making
in
general
terms
,
and
under
the
qualification
foresaid
,
as
tending
to
beget
discord
betwixt
his
Majesty
and
his
Subjects
,
are
explained
and
fully
declared
,
as
to
what
is
the
true
meaning
and
import
thereof
,
by
the
134th
.
Act
,
Par.
8.
James
6.
which
relates
to
the
same
Crime
of
Leasing-making
,
and
which
is
expresly
described
in
these
terms
,
To
be
wicked
and
licentious
,
publick
and
private
Speeches
,
and
untrue
Calumnies
to
the
disdain
and
contempt
of
His
Majesties
Council
and
Proceedings
,
and
to
the
dishonour
and
prejudice
of
his
Highness
and
his
Estate
,
stirring
up
his
Highness's
Subjects
to
misliking
,
and
Sedition
,
and
unquietness
which
being
the
true
sense
and
import
of
the
Acts
of
Parliament
made
against
Leasing-makers
,
there
is
nothing
can
be
inferred
from
the
Pannel's
alledged
Explication
,
which
can
be
wrested
or
construed
to
be
a
Contravention
of
these
Laws
:
In
respect
,
First
,
It
is
known
by
the
whole
tenor
of
his
Life
,
and
graciously
acknowledged
by
His
Sacred
Majesty
,
by
a
Letter
under
His
Royal
Hand
,
that
the
Pannel
did
ever
most
zealously
,
vigorously
,
and
faithfully
promote
and
carry
on
His
Majesties
Service
and
Interest
,
even
in
the
worst
and
most
difficult
times
:
Which
is
also
acknowledged
by
a
Pass
under
the
Earl
of
Middleton's
hand
,
who
had
then
a
special
Commission
from
His
Majesty
,
for
carrying
on
His
Majesties
Service
in
this
Kingdom
,
as
Lieutenant
General
under
His
Majesty
;
and
by
a
Letter
under
the
Earl's
hand
,
of
the
date●
both
which
do
contain
high
expressions
of
the
Pannels
Loyalty
,
and
of
the
great
Services
he
had
performed
for
His
Majesties
interest
,
and
His
Majesty
,
as
being
conscious
thereof
,
and
perfectly
knowing
the
Pannels
Loyalty
,
and
his
zeal
,
and
faithfulness
for
his
Service
,
did
think
fit
to
entrust
the
Pannel
in
Offices
and
Capacities
of
the
greatest
trust
of
the
Kingdom
.
And
it
is
a
just
and
rational
presumption
,
which
all
Laws
makes
and
infers
,
That
the
words
and
expressions
of
persons
,
who
by
the
tenor
and
course
of
their
Lives
have
expressed
their
Duty
and
Loyalty
to
His
Majesties
Interest
,
are
ever
to
be
interpreted
and
understood
in
meliorem
partem
.
And
by
way
of
Implication
and
Inference
,
to
conclude
and
and
infer
crimes
from
the
same
,
which
the
user
of
such
words
and
expressions
never
mean'd
nor
designed
,
is
both
unreasonable
and
unjust
.
2.
As
the
foresaid
Acts
of
Parliament
made
against
Leasing
makers
,
and
depravers
of
His
Majesties
Laws
,
only
proceed
in
the
terms
aforesaid
,
where
the
words
and
speeches
are
plain
,
tending
to
beget
discord
between
the
King
and
his
Subjects
,
and
to
the
reproach
and
dislike
of
his
Government
,
and
when
the
same
are
spoke
and
vented
in
a
subdolous
,
pernicious
,
and
fraudulent
manner
:
So
they
never
were
,
nor
can
be
understood
to
proceed
in
the
case
of
a
person
offering
in
the
presence
of
a
publick
Judicature
(
whereof
he
had
the
honour
to
be
a
Member
)
his
sincere
and
plain
meaning
and
apprehension
of
what
he
conceived
to
be
the
true
sense
of
the
Act
of
Parliament
imposing
and
enjoyning
the
Test
:
There
being
nothing
more
opposite
to
the
Acts
of
Parliament
made
against
Leasing-making
,
and
venting
and
spreading
abroad
the
same
upon
seditious
designs
,
than
the
foresaid
plain
and
open
declaration
of
his
sense
and
apprehension
,
what
was
the
meaning
of
the
said
Act
of
Parliament
.
And
it
is
of
no
import
to
infer
any
crime
;
and
much
less
any
of
the
crimes
libelled
,
albeit
the
Pannel
had
erred
and
mistaken
in
his
apprehension
of
the
Act
of
Parliament
.
And
it
were
a
strange
extention
of
the
Act
of
Parliament
made
against
Leasing-makers
,
requiring
the
qualifications
foresaid
,
and
the
Acts
against
depraving
His
Majesties
Laws
,
to
make
the
Pannel
,
or
any
other
person
guilty
upon
the
mistakes
and
misapprehensions
of
the
sense
of
the
Laws
,
wherein
men
may
mistake
and
differ
very
much
,
and
even
eminent
Lawyers
and
Judges
.
So
that
the
Acts
of
Parliament
against
Leasing
making
,
and
depraving
His
Majesties
Laws
,
can
only
be
understood
in
the
express
terms
and
qualifications
foresaid
.
Like
as
it
neither
is
libelled
,
nor
can
be
proven
,
that
the
Pannel
,
before
he
was
called
and
required
by
the
Lords
of
His
Majesties
Privy-Council
to
take
Oath
,
did
ever
,
by
word
or
practice
,
use
any
reproachful
speeches
of
the
said
Act
of
Parliament
,
or
of
His
Majesties
Government
:
But
being
required
to
take
the
Oath
,
he
did
humbly
,
with
all
submission
,
declare
what
he
apprehended
to
be
the
sense
of
the
Act
of
the
Parliament
,
enjoyning
the
Test
,
and
in
what
sense
he
had
freedom
to
take
the
same
.
3.
The
Act
of
Parliament
enjoyning
the
Test
does
not
enjoyn
the
same
to
be
taken
by
all
persons
whatsoever
,
but
only
prescribes
it
as
a
qualification
without
which
persons
could
not
assume
or
continue
to
act
in
publick
Trust
:
Which
being
an
Oath
to
be
taken
by
so
solemn
an
invocation
of
the
Name
of
Almighty
God
,
it
is
not
only
allowable
by
the
Laws
and
customs
of
all
Nations
,
and
the
Opinion
of
all
Divines
,
and
Casuists
,
Popish
or
Protestant
,
but
also
commended
,
that
where
a
Party
has
any
scrupulosity
,
or
unclearness
in
his
conscience
,
as
to
the
matter
of
the
Oath
,
that
he
should
exhibit
and
declare
the
sense
and
meaning
in
which
he
is
willing
and
able
to
take
the
Oath
.
And
it
is
not
at
all
material
,
whether
the
scruples
of
a
mans
conscience
,
in
the
matter
of
an
Oath
,
be
in
themselves
just
or
groundless
,
it
being
a
certain
maxim
,
both
in
Law
and
Divinity
,
that
Conscientia
etiam
erronea
ligat
:
And
therefore
tho
the
Pannel
had
thought
fit
,
for
the
clearing
and
exoneration
of
his
own
conscience
,
in
a
matter
of
the
highest
concern
as
to
his
peace
and
repose
,
to
have
exprest
and
declared
the
express
sense
in
which
he
could
take
the
Oath
,
whether
the
said
sense
was
consistent
with
the
Act
of
Parliament
or
not
,
yet
it
does
not
in
the
least
import
any
matter
of
reproach
or
reflection
upon
the
justice
or
prudence
of
the
Parliament
in
imposing
the
said
Oath
:
but
alenarly
does
evince
the
weakness
and
scrupulosity
of
a
mans
conscience
,
who
neither
did
,
nor
ought
to
have
taken
the
Oath
but
with
an
explanation
that
would
have
saved
his
conscience
to
his
apprehension
.
Otherwise
he
had
grosly
sinned
before
God
,
even
tho
it
was
Conscientia
errans
.
And
this
is
allowed
and
prescribed
by
all
Protestant
Divines
,
as
indispensibly
necessary
,
and
was
never
thought
to
import
any
crime
,
and
is
also
commended
even
by
Popish
Casuists
themselves
,
who
tho
they
allow
,
in
some
cases
,
of
mental
reservations
and
equivocations
,
yet
the
express
declaration
of
the
sense
of
the
party
is
allowed
and
commended
,
as
much
more
ingenious
:
and
tutius
Remedium
Conscientiae
ne
illaqueeter
,
as
appears
by
Bellarmine
de
Juramento
,
and
_____
upon
the
same
Title
de
Interpretatione
Juramenti
;
and
Lessius
,
that
famous
Casuist
,
de
Justitia
&
Jure
,
Dubitatione
8
,
9.
utrum
si
quis
salvo
animo
aliquid
Juramento
promittat
obligetur
,
&
quale
peccatum
hoc
sit
.
And
which
is
the
general
opinion
of
all
Casuists
,
and
all
Divines
,
as
may
appear
by
Amesius
,
in
his
Treatise
de
Conscientia
,
Sanderson
de
Juramento
,
Praelectione
secunda
.
And
such
an
express
Declaration
of
the
sense
and
meaning
of
any
party
,
when
required
to
take
an
Oath
,
for
no
other
end
but
for
the
clearing
and
exoneration
of
his
own
Conscience
,
was
never
in
the
opinion
of
any
Lawyer
,
or
any
Divine
,
construed
to
be
the
Crime
of
Leasing-making
,
or
of
defamatory
Libels
,
or
depraving
of
publick
Laws
,
or
reproaching
or
misconstruing
of
the
Government
:
but
on
the
contrary
,
by
the
universal
suffrage
of
all
Protestant
Divines
,
there
is
expresly
required
,
in
Cases
of
a
scrupulous
Conscience
,
an
abhorrence
and
detestation
of
all
reserved
senses
,
and
of
all
Amphibologies
and
Equivocations
,
which
are
in
themselves
unlawful
and
reprobate
,
upon
that
unanswerable
Reason
,
that
Juramentum
being
the
highest
Act
of
Devotion
and
Religion
,
in
eo
requiritur
maxima
simplicitas
;
and
that
a
party
is
obliged
,
who
has
any
scruples
of
Conscience
,
publickly
and
openly
to
clear
and
declare
the
same
.
4.
Albeit
it
is
not
controverted
,
but
that
a
Legislator
,
imposing
an
Oath
,
or
any
publick
Authority
,
before
whom
the
Oath
is
taken
,
may
,
after
hearing
of
the
Sense
and
Explication
which
a
person
is
willing
to
put
upon
it
,
either
reject
or
accept
of
the
same
,
if
it
be
conceived
not
to
be
consistent
with
the
genuine
sense
of
the
Oath
:
Yet
tho
it
were
rejected
,
it
was
never
heard
of
,
or
pretended
,
that
the
offering
of
a
sense
does
import
a
Crime
,
but
that
notwithstanding
thereof
,
Habetur
pro
Recusante
,
and
as
if
he
had
not
taken
the
Oath
,
and
to
be
liable
to
the
certification
of
Law
,
as
if
he
had
been
a
Refuser
.
5.
The
Pannel
having
publickly
,
and
openly
declared
the
sense
in
which
he
was
free
to
take
the
Oath
,
it
is
offered
to
be
proved
that
he
was
allowed
,
and
did
accordingly
proceed
to
the
taking
of
the
Oath
,
and
did
thereafter
take
his
place
,
and
sit
and
Vote
,
during
that
Sederunt
of
Privy
Council
.
So
as
the
pretended
Sense
and
Explication
,
which
he
did
then
emit
and
give
,
can
import
no
Crime
against
him
.
6.
It
is
also
offered
to
be
proved
,
that
before
the
Pannel
was
required
to
take
the
Oath
,
or
did
appear
before
his
Royal
Highness
,
and
Lords
of
Privy-Council
,
to
take
the
same
,
there
were
a
great
many
Papers
spread
abroad
from
persons
and
Ministers
of
the
Orthodox
Clergy
;
and
as
the
Pannel
is
informed
,
some
thereof
presented
to
the
Bishops
of
the
Church
,
in
the
name
of
Synods
and
Presbyteries
,
which
did
,
in
downright
terms
,
charge
the
Test
and
Oath
with
alledged
contradictions
and
inconsistencies
.
And
for
satisfaction
whereof
some
of
the
Learned
and
Reverend
Bishops
of
the
Church
did
write
a
learned
and
satisfying
Answer
,
called
A
Vindication
of
the
Test
,
for
clearing
the
Scruples
,
Difficulties
and
Mistakes
that
were
objected
against
it
.
And
which
Vindication
and
Answer
was
exhibited
,
and
read
before
the
Lords
of
His
Majesties
Privy
Council
,
and
allowed
to
be
printed
,
and
from
which
the
Pannel
argues
.
1.
That
it
neither
is
,
nor
can
be
pretended
in
this
Libel
,
that
the
alledged
Explication
,
wherein
he
did
take
the
Oath
,
does
propose
the
scruples
of
his
Conscience
in
these
terms
,
which
were
proposed
by
the
Authors
of
these
Objections
,
which
do
flatly
and
positively
assert
,
that
the
Oath
and
Test
do
contain
matters
of
inconsistency
and
contradiction
,
whereas
all
that
is
pretended
in
this
Libel
,
with
the
most
absolute
violence
can
be
put
upon
the
words
,
is
arguing
Implications
and
Inferences
,
which
neither
the
words
are
capable
to
bear
,
nor
the
sincerity
of
the
Earls
intention
and
design
,
nor
the
course
of
his
by-past
life
can
possibly
admit
of
.
And
yet
none
of
the
persons
who
were
the
Authors
of
such
papers
were
ever
judged
or
reputed
Criminal
or
Guilty
,
and
to
be
prosecuted
for
the
odious
and
infamous
Crimes
libelled
,
of
Treason
,
Leasing-making
,
Perjury
,
and
the
like
.
2.
The
Pannel
does
also
argue
from
the
said
matter
of
Fact
,
that
the
alledged
Explication
libelled
,
can
neither
in
his
intention
and
design
,
nor
in
the
words
,
infer
or
import
any
Crime
against
him
,
because
,
before
his
being
required
,
or
appearing
to
take
the
Oath
,
there
were
spread
abroad
such
Scruples
and
Objections
,
by
some
of
the
Orthodox
Clergy
and
others
,
so
that
the
Earl
can
never
in
any
sense
be
construed
in
his
Explication
wherein
he
took
the
Oath
,
to
have
done
it
animo
infamandi
,
and
to
declaim
against
the
Government
,
for
the
Scruples
and
Objections
that
were
spread
abroad
by
others
,
were
a
fair
and
rational
occasion
why
the
Earl
in
any
sense
or
explication
which
he
offered
might
have
said
,
that
he
was
confident
the
Parliament
never
intended
to
impose
contradictory
Oaths
;
and
this
is
so
far
from
importing
the
insinuation
and
inferen●
made
by
the
Libel
,
that
thereby
the
Parliament
were
so
impious
as
to
impose
contradictory
Oaths
,
as
on
the
contrary
,
considering
the
circumstances
fore-mentioned
,
that
there
were
papers
spread
abroad
,
insinuating
,
That
there
were
inconsistencies
and
contradictions
contained
therein
,
the
said
expression
was
an
high
Vindication
of
the
Honour
and
Justice
of
the
Parliament
,
against
the
Calumnies
and
Mis-representations
which
were
cast
upon
it
,
and
was
also
a
just
Rise
for
the
Pannel
,
for
the
clearing
and
exonoration
of
his
own
Conscience
,
in
the
various
senses
and
apprehensions
which
he
found
were
going
abroad
as
to
the
said
Test
,
humbly
to
offer
his
sense
,
in
which
he
was
clear
and
satisfied
to
take
the
Oath
.
7.
To
the
Libel
,
in
so
far
as
it
is
founded
upon
the
Act
of
Parliament
,
viz.
Act
130.
Par.
8.
James
6.
declaring
,
That
none
should
presume
to
impugn
the
Dignity
or
Authority
of
the
three
Estates
of
Parliament
,
or
procure
any
Invasion
or
diminution
thereof
,
under
the
pain
of
Treason
;
as
also
in
so
far
as
it
is
pretended
in
the
Libel
,
That
the
Pannel
by
offering
the
sense
and
explication
libelled
,
has
assumed
the
Legislative
power
,
which
is
incommunicable
,
and
has
made
a
Law
,
or
a
part
of
a
Law
.
It
is
answered
,
The
Libel
is
most
groundless
and
irrelevant
,
and
against
which
the
Act
of
Parliament
is
opponed
,
which
is
so
plain
and
evident
upon
the
reading
thereof
,
that
it
neither
is
,
nor
can
be
subject
to
the
least
cavillation
:
And
the
plain
meaning
whereof
is
nothing
else
but
to
impugn
the
Authority
of
Parliaments
,
as
if
the
King
and
Parliament
had
not
a
Legislative
Power
,
or
were
not
the
highest
Representative
of
the
Kingdom
;
or
that
any
of
the
three
Estates
were
not
essentially
requisite
to
constitute
the
Parliament
.
And
besides
,
there
is
nothing
more
certain
,
than
that
the
occasion
of
the
said
Act
its
being
made
was
in
relation
to
the
Bishops
and
Clergy
;
and
there
is
nothing
in
the
pretended
Explanation
,
that
can
be
wrested
to
import
the
least
Contravention
of
the
said
Act
,
or
to
be
an
impugning
of
the
three
Estates
of
Parliament
,
or
a
seeking
any
innovation
therein
.
And
it
is
admired
,
with
what
shadow
of
Reason
it
can
be
pretended
,
that
the
Pannel
has
assumed
a
Legislative
power
,
or
made
a
part
of
a
Law
,
seeing
all
that
is
contained
in
the
alledged
Explication
libelled
,
is
only
a
Declaration
of
the
Earls
sense
in
which
he
was
satisfied
to
take
the
Oath
,
and
so
respected
none
but
himself
,
and
for
the
clearing
of
his
own
Conscience
,
which
justly
indeed
the
Word
of
God
calls
a
Law
to
himself
,
without
any
incroaching
upon
the
Legislative
power
.
And
where
was
it
ever
debated
,
but
that
a
man
in
the
taking
of
an
Oath
,
if
as
to
his
apprehensions
he
thought
any
thing
in
it
deserved
to
be
cleared
,
might
declare
the
same
,
or
that
his
exhibiting
,
at
the
time
of
the
taking
of
the
Oath
,
his
sense
and
explication
wherein
he
did
take
it
,
was
ever
reputed
or
pretended
to
be
the
assuming
of
a
Legislative
power
,
it
being
the
universal
practice
of
all
Nations
to
allow
this
liberty
;
and
which
sense
may
be
either
rejected
or
accepted
,
as
the
Legislator
shall
think
fit
,
importing
no
more
but
a
parties
private
sense
,
for
the
exoneration
of
his
own
Conscience
?
And
as
to
that
Member
of
the
Libel
founded
upon
Act
19.
Par.
3.
Queen
Mary
,
it
contains
nothing
but
a
Declaration
of
the
pain
of
Perjury
,
and
there
is
nothing
in
the
Explication
libelled
,
which
can
in
the
least
be
inferred
as
a
Contravention
of
the
said
Act
,
in
respect
if
it
should
be
proved
,
That
the
Pannel
,
at
the
time
of
the
taking
of
the
Oath
,
did
take
it
in
the
words
of
the
said
Explication
,
as
his
sense
of
the
Oath
,
it
is
clear
that
the
sense
being
declared
at
the
time
of
taking
the
Oath
,
and
allowed
as
the
sense
wherein
it
was
taken
,
the
Pannel
can
only
be
understood
to
have
taken
it
in
that
sense
.
And
although
publick
Authority
may
consider
whether
the
sense
given
by
the
Pannel
does
satisfie
the
Law
or
not
,
yet
that
can
import
no
more
though
it
was
found
not
to
satisfie
,
but
to
hold
the
Pannel
as
a
Refuser
of
the
Oath
;
but
it
is
absolutely
impossible
to
infer
the
Crimes
of
perjury
upon
it
,
being
as
is
pretended
by
the
Libel
,
the
●annel
did
only
take
it
with
the
Declaration
of
the
Sense
and
Explication
Libelled
.
8.
As
the
Explication
libelled
does
not
at
all
import
all
,
or
any
of
the
Crimes
contained
in
the
said
Libel
,
so
by
the
common
principles
of
all
Law
,
where
a
person
does
emit
words
for
the
clearing
and
exoneration
of
his
own
Conscience
,
altho
there
were
any
ambiguity
,
or
unclearness
,
or
involvedness
,
in
the
tenor
or
import
of
the
expressions
or
words
,
yet
they
are
ever
to
be
interpreted
,
Interpretatione
benigna
&
favorabili
,
according
to
the
general
Principles
of
Law
and
Reason
.
And
it
never
was
,
nor
can
be
refused
to
any
person
to
interpret
,
and
put
a
congruous
sense
upon
his
own
words
,
especially
the
Pannel
being
a
person
of
eminent
Quality
,
and
who
hath
given
great
demonstration
,
and
undeniable
evidences
of
his
fixt
and
unalterable
Loyalty
to
His
Majesties
Interest
and
Service
,
and
,
at
the
time
of
emitting
the
said
Explication
,
was
invested
and
intrusted
in
publick
Capacities
.
And
it
is
a
just
and
rational
interpretation
and
caution
which
Sanderson
,
that
judicious
and
eminent
Casuist
,
gives
,
Praelect.
2.
That
dicta
&
facta
principum
,
parentum
,
rectorum
,
are
ever
to
be
looked
upon
as
benignae
Interpretationis
,
and
that
Dubia
sunt
interpretanda
in
meliorem
partem
.
And
there
is
nothing
in
the
Explication
libelled
,
which
,
without
detortion
and
violence
,
and
in
the
true
sense
and
design
of
the
Pannel
,
is
not
capable
of
this
benign
Interpretation
and
construction
,
especially
respect
being
had
to
the
Circumstances
wherein
it
was
emitted
and
given
,
after
a
great
many
Objections
,
Scruples
,
and
alledged
Inconsistencies
,
were
owned
,
vented
and
spread
abroad
,
which
was
a
rise
to
the
Earl
for
using
the
expressions
contained
in
the
pretended
Declaration
libelled
.
10.
These
words
whereby
it
is
pretended
the
Pannel
declares
,
he
was
ready
to
give
obedience
as
far
as
he
could
,
first
,
do
not
in
the
least
import
,
That
the
Parliament
had
imposed
any
Oath
which
was
in
it self
unlawful
,
but
only
the
Pannels
scrupulosity
and
unclearness
in
matter
of
Conscience
.
And
it
is
hoped
it
cannot
be
a
Crime
,
because
all
men
cannot
go
the
same
length
.
And
if
any
such
thing
were
argued
,
it
might
be
argued
ten
times
more
strongly
from
a
simple
refusing
of
the
Oath
,
as
if
any
thing
were
enjoyned
which
were
so
hard
that
it
is
not
possible
to
comply
with
it
:
And
yet
such
implications
are
most
irrational
and
inconsequential
,
and
neither
in
the
case
of
a
simple
and
absolute
refusing
of
the
Oath
,
nor
in
the
Case
of
an
Explication
of
the
parties
sense
,
wherein
he
is
willing
to
take
the
Oath
,
is
there
any
impeachment
of
the
Justice
,
and
prudence
of
the
Legislator
,
who
imposeth
this
Oath
,
but
singly
a
declaration
of
the
scrupulosity
and
weakness
of
the
party
,
why
he
cannot
take
the
Oath
in
other
terms
;
and
such
Explications
have
been
allowed
by
the
Laws
and
Customs
of
all
Nations
,
and
are
advised
by
all
Divines
,
of
whatsoever
principles
,
for
the
solace
and
security
of
a
Mans
Conscience
.
2.
As
to
that
point
of
the
Explication
libelled
,
That
I
am
confident
the
Parliament
never
intended
to
impose
contradictory
Oaths
;
it
respects
the
former
answer
,
which
,
considering
the
plain
and
downright
Objections
that
were
spread
abroad
,
and
made
against
the
Oath
,
as
containing
inconsistencies
and
contradictions
,
was
an
high
Vindication
of
the
Justice
and
prudence
of
the
Parliament
.
3.
As
to
these
words
,
And
therefore
I
think
no
body
can
explain
it
but
for
himself
.
The
plain
and
clear
meaning
is
nothing
else
,
but
that
the
Oath
being
imposed
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
it
was
of
no
private
interpretation
;
and
that
therefore
every
man
who
was
to
take
it
,
behooved
to
take
it
in
that
sense
which
he
apprehended
to
be
the
genuine
sense
of
the
Parliament
:
And
it
is
impossible
,
without
impugning
common
sense
,
that
any
man
could
take
it
in
any
other
fence
,
it
being
as
impossible
to
see
with
anothers
mans
eyes
as
to
see
with
his
private
Reason
.
And
a
mans
own
private
sense
,
and
apprehension
of
the
genuine
sense
,
was
the
only
proper
way
wherein
any
man
could
rationally
take
the
Oath
.
And
as
to
these
words
,
That
he
takes
it
as
far
as
it
is
consistent
with
it self
and
the
Protestant
Religion
.
The
Pannel
neither
intended
nor
exprest
more
,
but
that
he
did
take
it
as
a
true
Protestant
,
and
he
hopes
all
men
have
taken
it
as
such
.
And
as
to
that
Clause
,
wherein
the
Pannel
is
made
to
declare
,
That
he
does
not
bind
up
himself
in
his
Station
,
in
a
lawful
way
,
to
wish
and
endeavour
any
alteration
he
thinks
to
the
advantage
of
Church
or
State
,
not
repugnant
to
the
Protestant
Religion
and
his
Loyalty
.
It
is
answered
,
There
is
nothing
in
this
expression
that
can
import
the
least
Crime
,
or
give
the
least
umbrage
for
any
mistake
,
For
,
1.
It
is
most
certain
,
it
is
impossible
to
elicite
any
such
thing
from
the
Oath
,
but
that
it
was
the
intention
of
the
Parliament
,
That
persons
,
notwithstanding
of
the
Oath
,
might
concur
in
their
stations
,
and
in
a
lawful
way
,
in
any
Law
to
the
advantage
of
Church
and
State
.
And
no
rational
man
ever
did
,
or
can
take
the
Oath
in
other
terms
,
that
being
contrary
to
his
Allegiance
and
Duty
to
His
Sacred
Majesty
and
Prince
.
2.
There
is
nothing
in
the
said
expression
which
does
touch
in
the
least
point
at
any
alteration
in
the
Fundamentals
of
Government
,
either
in
Church
or
State
,
but
on
the
contrary
,
by
the
plain
and
clear
words
and
meaning
,
rather
for
its
perpetuity
,
stability
and
security
.
The
expression
being
cautioned
to
the
utmost
scrupulosity
,
as
that
it
was
to
be
done
in
a
lawful
manner
;
that
it
was
to
be
to
the
advantage
of
Church
or
State
;
that
it
was
to
be
consistent
with
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
with
his
Loyalty
,
which
was
no
other
but
the
Duty
and
Loyalty
of
all
faithful
Subjects
;
and
which
he
has
signally
and
eminently
expressed
upon
all
occasions
.
So
that
how
such
an
expression
can
be
drawn
to
import
all
or
any
of
the
Crimes
libelled
,
passeth
all
Natural
Understanding
.
And
as
to
the
last
words
,
And
this
I
understand
as
a
part
of
my
Oath
,
which
is
libelled
to
be
a
treasonable
Invasion
,
and
assuming
of
the
Legislative
power
.
It
is
answered
,
it
is
most
unwarrantable
;
and
a
parties
declaring
the
sense
and
meaning
in
which
he
was
free
to
take
an
Oath
,
does
not
at
all
respect
or
invade
the
Legislative
power
,
of
which
the
Pannel
never
entertained
a
thought
,
but
has
an
absolute
abhorrence
and
detestation
of
such
practices
.
But
the
plain
and
clear
meaning
is
,
That
the
sense
and
explication
was
a
part
of
his
Oath
,
and
not
of
the
Law
imposing
the
Oath
,
these
being
as
distant
as
the
two
Poles
;
and
which
sense
was
taken
off
the
Earls
hands
,
and
he
accordingly
was
allowed
to
take
his
place
at
the
Council-Board
,
and
therefore
repeats
the
former
general
Defences
.
And
to
convince
the
Lords
of
Justitiary
,
that
there
is
nothing
in
the
pretended
explication
libelled
which
can
be
drawn
to
import
any
Crime
,
even
of
the
lowest
size
and
degree
,
and
that
there
is
no
expression
therein
contained
that
can
be
detorted
or
wrested
to
import
the
same
,
is
evident
from
the
learned
Vindication
published
and
spread
abroad
by
an
eminent
Bishop
,
and
which
was
read
in
the
face
of
the
Privy
Council
,
and
does
contain
expressions
of
the
same
nature
,
and
to
the
same
import
contained
in
the
pretended
Explication
,
libelled
as
the
ground
of
this
Indictment
libelled
against
the
Pannel
.
And
it
is
positively
offered
to
be
proven
,
That
these
terms
were
given
in
,
and
read
,
and
allowed
to
be
printed
,
and
(
without
taking
notice
of
the
whole
tenor
of
the
said
Vindication
,
which
the
Lords
of
Justitiary
are
humbly
desired
to
peruse
,
and
consider
,
and
compare
the
same
with
the
Explication
libelled
)
the
same
acknowledgeth
,
that
scruples
had
been
raised
and
spread
abroad
against
the
Oath
;
and
also
acknowledgeth
,
that
there
were
expressions
therein
that
were
dark
and
obscure
;
and
likewise
takes
notice
,
that
the
Confession
ratified
Par.
1.
James
6.
to
which
the
Oath
relates
,
was
hastily
made
,
and
takes
notice
of
that
Authority
that
made
it
,
and
acknowledges
in
plain
terms
,
that
the
Oath
does
not
hinder
any
regular
endeavour
to
regulate
or
better
the
Establisht
Government
,
but
only
prohibits
irregular
endeavours
and
attempts
to
invert
the
substance
or
body
of
the
Government
;
and
does
likewise
explain
the
Act
of
Parliament
anent
His
Majesties
Supremacy
,
that
it
does
not
reach
the
alteration
of
the
external
Government
of
the
Church
.
And
the
Pannel
and
his
Proctors
are
far
from
insinuating
in
the
least
,
that
there
is
any
thing
in
the
said
Vindication
but
what
is
consistent
with
the
exemplary
Loyalty
,
Piety
and
Learning
of
the
Writer
of
the
same
.
And
tho
others
perhaps
may
differ
in
their
private
opinion
,
as
to
this
interpetation
of
the
Act
of
Parliament
anent
the
Kings
Supremacy
,
yet
it
were
most
absurd
and
irrational
to
pretend
that
whether
the
mistake
were
upon
the
interpretation
of
the
Writer
,
or
the
sense
of
others
,
as
to
that
point
,
that
such
mistakes
or
misapprehensions
,
upon
either
hand
,
should
import
or
infer
against
them
the
Crimes
of
Leasing
making
,
or
depraving
His
Majesties
Laws
:
For
if
such
Foundations
were
laid
,
Judges
and
Lawyers
had
a
dangerous
employment
,
there
being
nothing
more
ordinary
than
to
fall
into
differences
and
mistakes
of
the
sense
and
meaning
of
the
Laws
and
Acts
of
Parliament
.
But
such
Crimes
cannot
be
inferred
,
but
with
and
under
the
qualifications
above
mentioned
,
of
malicious
and
perverse
designs
,
joyned
with
licentious
,
wicked
and
reproachful
speeches
spread
abroad
,
to
move
Sedition
and
dislike
of
the
Government
.
And
the
said
Laws
were
never
otherwise
interpreted
,
nor
extended
in
any
case
.
And
therefore
the
Explication
libelled
,
neither
as
taken
complexly
,
nor
in
the
several
expressions
thereof
,
nor
in
the
design
of
the
ingiver
of
the
same
,
can
in
Law
import
against
him
all
or
any
of
the
Crimes
libelled
.
In
like
manner
the
Pannel
conjoyns
with
the
grounds
above-mentioned
the
Proclamation
issued
forth
by
His
Majesties
privy
Council
,
which
acknowledges
and
proceeds
upon
a
Narrative
,
that
scruples
and
jealousies
were
raised
and
spread
abroad
against
the
Act
of
Parliament
enjoyning
the
Test
.
For
clearing
and
satisfaction
whereof
the
said
Proclamation
was
issued
forth
,
and
is
since
approved
by
His
Sacred
Majesty
.
The
Kings
Advocates
Argument
and
Plea
against
the
Earl
of
Argyle
.
HIS
Majesties
Advocate
,
for
the
foundation
of
his
Debate
,
does
represent
,
That
His
Majesty
,
to
secure
the
Government
from
the
Rebellious
Principles
of
the
last
Age
,
and
the
unjust
Pretexts
made
use
of
in
this
,
from
Popery
,
and
other
Jealousies
;
as
also
to
secure
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Crown
,
called
a
Parliament
;
and
that
the
great
security
resolved
on
by
the
Parliament
was
this
excellent
Test
,
in
which
,
that
the
old
jugling
Principles
of
the
Covenant
might
not
be
renewed
,
wherein
they
still
swore
to
serve
the
King
in
their
own
way
,
the
Parliament
did
positively
ordain
,
That
this
Oath
should
be
taken
in
the
plain
genuine
meaning
of
the
words
,
without
any
evasion
whatsoever
.
Notwithstanding
whereof
,
the
Earl
of
Argyle
,
by
this
Paper
,
does
invent
a
new
way
,
whereby
no
man
is
at
all
bound
to
it
.
For
how
can
any
person
be
bound
,
if
every
man
will
only
obey
it
as
far
as
he
can
,
and
as
far
as
he
conceives
it
consistent
with
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
with
it self
,
and
reserve
to
himself
,
notwithstanding
thereof
,
to
make
any
alteration
that
he
thinks
consistent
with
his
Loyalty
?
And
therefore
His
Majesties
Advocate
desires
to
know
,
to
what
the
Earl
of
Argyle
,
or
any
man
else
,
can
be
bound
by
this
Test
?
what
the
Magistrate
can
expect
,
or
what
way
he
can
punish
his
Perjury
?
For
if
he
be
bound
no
farther
than
he
himself
can
obey
,
or
so
far
as
this
Oath
is
consistent
with
the
Protestant
Religion
or
it self
,
quomodo
constat
,
to
whom
or
what
is
he
bound
?
And
who
can
determine
that
?
Or
against
what
alteration
is
the
Government
secured
,
since
he
is
Judg
of
his
own
alteration
?
So
that
that
Oath
,
that
was
to
be
taken
without
any
evasion
,
is
evaded
in
every
single
word
or
Letter
;
and
the
Government
as
insecure
as
before
the
Act
was
made
,
because
the
taker
is
no
farther
bound
than
he
pleases
.
From
which
it
cannot
be
denied
,
but
his
Interpretation
destroys
not
only
this
Act
,
but
all
Government
,
since
it
takes
away
the
security
of
all
Government
,
and
makes
every
mans
Conscience
,
under
which
Name
there
goes
ordinarily
in
this
Age
Humour
and
Interest
,
to
be
the
rule
of
the
takers
obedience
.
Nor
can
it
be
conceived
to
what
purpose
Laws
but
especially
Oaths
,
needed
to
be
made
,
if
this
were
allowed
;
or
how
this
cannot
fall
under
the
197th
.
Act
,
Par.
7.
James
6.
whereby
it
is
statuted
,
That
no
man
interpret
the
Statutes
otherwise
than
the
maker
understood
.
For
what
can
be
more
contrary
to
the
taking
of
them
in
the
makers
sense
,
than
that
every
man
should
obey
as
far
as
they
can
,
and
be
allowed
to
take
them
in
a
general
sense
,
so
far
as
they
are
consistent
with
themselves
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
without
condescending
wherein
they
do
not
agree
with
the
Protestant
Religion
?
and
that
they
are
not
bound
not
to
make
any
alteration
which
they
think
good
for
the
States
?
For
all
these
make
the
rule
of
obedience
in
the
taker
,
whereas
the
positive
Law
makes
it
to
be
in
the
maker
.
Or
how
could
they
be
punished
for
Perjury
after
this
Oath
?
For
when
he
were
quarrelled
for
making
alterations
against
this
Oath
;
and
so
to
be
perjured
,
he
might
easily
answer
,
That
he
took
this
Oath
only
in
so
far
as
it
was
consistent
with
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
with
a
Salvo
,
that
he
might
make
any
alteration
that
he
thought
consistent
with
his
Loyalty
.
And
as
to
these
Points
,
upon
which
he
were
to
be
quarrelled
,
he
might
say
,
he
did
not
think
them
to
be
inconsistent
with
his
Loyalty
,
think
we
what
we
pleased
,
and
so
needed
not
to
be
perjured
,
except
he
pleased
to
decide
against
himself
,
for
in
these
Generals
he
reserves
to
himself
to
be
still
Judge
.
And
this
were
indeed
a
fine
security
for
any
Government
.
And
by
the
same
rule
that
it
looses
this
Oath
,
it
shews
a
way
of
loosing
all
Oaths
and
Obedience
,
and
consequently
strikes
at
the
root
of
all
Laws
,
as
well
as
this
;
whereas
to
shun
all
this
,
not
only
this
excellent
Statute
107.
has
secured
all
the
rest
,
but
this
is
common
Reason
:
And
in
the
opinion
of
all
Divines
,
as
well
as
Lawyers
in
all
Nations
,
Verba
juramenti
intelliguntur
secundum
mentem
&
intentionem
ejus
,
cui
fit
juramentum
.
Which
is
set
down
as
the
grand
position
,
by
Sanderson
(
whom
they
cite
)
pag.
137.
and
is
sounded
upon
that
Mother-Law
,
Leg.
10.
Cui
interrogatus
f.f.
de
interrogationibus
in
Jure
faciendis
;
and
without
which
no
man
can
have
sense
of
Government
in
his
head
,
or
practise
it
in
any
Nation
.
Whereas
on
the
other
hand
there
is
no
danger
to
any
tender
Conscience
,
since
there
was
no
force
upon
the
Earl
to
take
the
Oath
,
but
he
took
it
for
his
own
advantage
,
and
might
have
abstained
.
2.
It
is
inferred
from
the
above-written
matter
of
Fact
,
That
the
Earl
is
clearly
guilty
of
contravention
of
the
10.
Act
,
Parl.
10
James
VI.
whereby
the
Leiges
are
commanded
not
to
write
any
purpose
of
Reproach
of
His
Majesties
Government
,
or
misconstrue
his
proceedings
,
whereby
any
misliking
may
be
raised
betwixt
his
Highness
,
his
Nobility
,
or
his
people
.
And
who
can
read
this
paper
,
without
seeing
the
King
and
Parliament
reproached
openly
in
it
?
For
who
can
hear
,
that
the
Oath
is
only
taken
as
far
as
it
is
consistent
with
it self
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
but
must
necessarily
conclude
,
that
in
several
things
it
is
inconsistent
with
it self
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
?
For
if
it
were
not
inconsistent
with
it self
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
why
this
Clause
at
all
but
it
might
have
been
simply
taken
?
For
the
only
reason
of
hindering
it
to
be
taken
simply
,
was
because
of
the
inconsistency
:
ergo
,
there
behooved
necessarily
to
be
an
inconsistency
.
And
if
there
be
any
inconsistency
with
the
Protestant
Religion
,
or
any
contradiction
in
the
Oath
it self
,
can
there
be
any
thing
a
greater
reproach
on
the
Parliament
,
or
a
greater
ground
of
mislike
to
the
people
?
And
whereas
it
is
pretended
,
That
all
Laws
and
Subsumptions
should
be
clear
,
and
these
are
only
inferences
.
It
is
answered
,
That
there
are
some
things
which
the
Law
can
only
forbid
in
general
;
and
there
are
many
inferences
which
are
as
strong
and
natural
,
and
reproach
as
soon
,
or
sooner
,
than
the
plainest
defamations
in
the
world
do
,
for
what
is
openly
said
of
reproach
to
the
King
,
does
not
wound
him
so
much
as
many
seditious
insinuations
have
done
in
this
Age
and
the
last
:
So
that
whatever
was
the
Earls
design
(
albeit
it
is
always
conceived
to
be
unkind
to
the
Act
,
against
which
himself
debated
in
Parliament
)
yet
certainly
the
Law
in
such
cases
is
only
to
consider
what
effect
this
may
have
amongst
the
people
;
and
therefore
the
Acts
of
Parliament
,
that
were
to
guard
against
the
misconstruing
of
His
Majesties
Government
,
do
not
only
speak
of
what
was
designed
,
but
where
a
disliking
may
be
caused
,
and
so
judgeth
ab
effectu
:
And
,
consequentially
to
the
same
emergent
reason
,
it
makes
all
things
tending
to
the
raising
of
dislike
,
to
be
punishable
by
the
Act
60.
Parl.
6.
Q.
Mary
;
and
the
9.
Act
,
Parl.
20.
James
VI.
So
that
the
Law
designed
to
deter
all
men
by
these
indefinite
and
comprehensive
expressions
:
And
both
in
this
and
all
the
Laws
of
Leasing-making
,
the
Judges
are
to
consider
what
falls
under
these
general
and
comprehensive
words
.
Nor
could
the
Law
be
more
special
here
,
since
the
makers
of
Reproach
and
Slander
are
so
various
that
they
could
not
be
bound
up
,
or
exprest
in
any
Law
:
But
as
it
evidently
appears
,
that
no
man
can
hear
the
words
exprest
,
if
he
believe
this
paper
,
but
he
must
think
the
Parliament
has
made
a
very
ridiculous
Oath
,
inconsistent
with
it self
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
words
allowing
no
other
sense
,
and
having
that
natural
tendency
;
even
as
if
a
man
would
say
,
I
love
such
a
man
only
in
so
far
as
he
is
an
honest
man
,
he
behooved
certainly
to
conclude
,
that
the
man
was
not
every
way
honest
:
So
if
your
Lordships
will
take
measures
by
other
Parliaments
,
or
your
Predecessors
,
ye
will
clearly
see
,
That
they
thought
less
than
this
a
defaming
of
the
Government
,
and
misconstruing
His
Majesties
proceedings
.
For
in
Balmerino's
Case
,
the
Justices
find
an
humble
Supplication
made
to
the
King
himself
to
fall
under
these
Acts
now
cited
.
Albeit
as
that
was
a
Supplication
,
so
it
contained
the
greatest
expressions
of
Loyalty
,
and
offers
of
Life
and
Fortune
that
could
be
exprest
,
yet
because
it
insinuates
darkly
,
That
the
King
in
the
precedeing
Parliament
had
not
favoured
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
they
were
sorry
he
should
have
taken
Notes
with
his
own
hands
of
what
they
said
,
which
seems
to
be
most
innocent
,
yet
he
was
found
guilty
upon
those
same
very
Acts
;
And
the
Parliament
1661.
found
his
Lordship
himself
guilty
of
Leasing-making
,
tho
he
had
only
written
a
Letter
to
a
private
Friend
,
which
requires
no
great
care
nor
observation
,
(
but
this
paper
which
was
to
be
a
part
of
his
own
Oath
does
)
because
after
he
had
spoken
of
the
Parliament
in
the
first
part
of
this
Letter
,
he
thereafter
added
,
That
the
King
would
know
their
Tricks
;
which
words
might
be
much
more
applicable
to
the
private
persons
therein
designed
,
than
that
the
words
now
insisted
on
can
be
capable
of
any
such
Interpretation
.
And
if
either
Interpretations
,
upon
pretext
of
exonering
of
Conscience
,
or
otherwise
,
be
allowed
,
a
man
may
easily
defame
as
much
as
he
pleases
.
And
have
we
not
seen
the
King
most
defamed
by
Covenants
entered
into
upon
pretence
to
make
him
great
and
glorious
,
by
Remonstrances
made
to
take
away
his
Brother
and
best
Friend
,
upon
pretence
of
preserving
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
his
Sacred
person
?
And
did
not
all
who
rebelled
against
him
in
the
last
Age
declare
,
That
they
thought
themselves
bound
in
duty
to
obey
him
,
but
still
as
far
as
that
could
consist
with
their
respect
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Laws
and
Liberties
,
which
made
all
the
rest
ineffectual
?
And
whereas
it
is
pretended
.
That
by
these
words
,
I
take
the
same
in
as
far
as
it
is
consistent
with
it self
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
nothing
more
is
meant
,
but
that
he
takes
it
as
a
true
Protestant
:
His
Majesties
Advocate
appeals
to
your
Lordships
,
and
all
the
Hearers
,
if
upon
hearing
this
expression
they
should
take
it
in
this
sense
,
and
not
rather
think
that
there
is
an
inconsistency
.
For
if
that
were
possible
to
be
the
sense
,
what
need
he
say
at
all
,
As
far
as
it
is
consistent
with
it self
?
Nor
had
the
other
part
,
As
far
as
it
is
consistent
with
the
Protestant
Religion
,
been
necessary
,
for
it
is
either
consistent
with
the
Protestant
Religion
,
or
otherwise
they
were
Enemies
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
that
made
it
.
Nor
are
any
Lawyers
or
others
in
danger
,
by
pleading
or
writing
,
for
these
are
very
different
from
,
and
may
be
very
easily
pleaded
without
defaming
a
Law
,
and
an
Oath
,
when
they
go
to
take
it
.
But
if
any
Lawyer
should
say
,
in
pleading
or
writing
,
That
the
Test
was
inconsistent
,
or
,
which
is
all
one
,
that
it
were
not
to
be
taken
by
any
man
,
but
so
far
as
it
was
consistent
with
it self
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
no
doubt
this
would
be
a
crime
even
in
pleading
,
tho
pleading
has
a
greater
allowance
than
deliberate
swearing
has
.
And
as
there
is
nothing
wherein
there
is
not
some
inconveniency
,
so
the
inconveniency
of
defaming
the
Government
is
much
greater
than
that
of
any
private
mans
hazard
,
who
needs
not
err
except
he
please
.
Whereas
it
is
pretended
,
That
before
the
Earl
gave
in
this
Explication
,
there
were
other
Explications
spread
abroad
,
and
Answers
read
to
them
in
Council
,
and
that
the
Council
it self
gave
an
Explication
.
It
is
answered
,
That
if
this
paper
be
Leasing-making
,
or
misconstruing
His
Majesties
proceedings
,
and
Treasonable
,
as
is
contended
,
then
a
thousand
of
the
like
offences
cannot
excuse
it
.
And
when
the
King
accused
Noblemen
,
Ministers
,
and
others
,
in
the
year
1661.
for
going
on
in
the
Rebellions
of
that
Age
,
first
with
the
Covenanters
,
and
then
with
the
Usurpers
,
it
was
found
no
Defence
,
That
the
Nation
was
over-grown
with
those
Crimes
,
and
that
they
were
thought
to
be
duties
in
those
days
.
Yea
,
this
were
to
invite
men
to
offend
in
multitudes
.
And
albeit
sometimes
these
who
follow
the
examples
of
multitudes
,
may
thereby
pretend
this
as
an
excuse
to
many
,
yet
this
was
never
a
formal
defence
against
Guilt
,
nor
was
ever
the
chief
of
the
Offenders
favourable
on
that
Head
.
And
it
is
to
be
presumed
,
That
the
Earl
of
Argyle
would
rather
be
followed
by
others
,
than
that
he
would
follow
any
example
.
But
His
Majesties
Advocate
does
absolutely
decline
to
debate
a
point
that
may
defame
a
constant
and
standing
Act
of
Parliament
,
by
leaving
upon
record
a
memory
of
its
being
opposed
.
Nor
were
this
Relevant
,
except
it
could
be
said
,
the
Council
had
allowed
such
Explications
which
reflected
upon
the
King
and
the
Government
:
For
the
writing
an
answer
is
no
allowance
,
but
a
condemning
:
Nor
can
the
Council
allow
any
more
than
they
can
remit
:
And
tho
it
may
justly
be
denied
that
the
Council
heard
even
the
Earls
own
Explanation
,
yet
the
hearing
or
allowing
him
to
sit
is
no
Relevant
Plea
,
because
they
might
very
justly
have
taken
a
time
to
consider
how
far
it
was
fit
to
accuse
upon
that
Head
.
And
it
is
both
just
and
fit
for
the
Council
to
take
time
,
and
by
express
Act
of
Parliament
,
the
negligence
of
the
King
,
Officers
does
not
bind
them
.
For
if
this
were
allowed
,
Leading
men
in
the
Council
might
commit
what
Crimes
they
pleased
in
the
Council
,
which
certainly
the
King
may
quarrel
many
years
after
.
And
tho
all
the
Council
had
allowed
him
that
day
,
any
one
Officer
of
State
might
have
quarrelled
it
the
next
day
.
As
to
the
Opinion
of
Bellarmine
,
Sanderson
,
and
others
,
it
is
ever
contended
,
that
the
principles
of
the
Covenant
agree
very
well
with
those
of
the
Jesuites
,
and
both
do
still
allow
Equivocations
and
Evasions
.
But
no
solid
,
Orthodox
Divine
ever
allowed
,
That
a
man
who
was
to
swear
without
any
Evasion
,
should
swear
so
as
he
is
bound
to
nothing
,
as
it
is
contended
the
Earl
is
not
,
for
the
Reasons
represented
.
And
as
they
still
recommend
,
That
when
men
are
not
clear
they
might
abstain
,
as
the
Earl
might
have
done
in
this
case
,
so
they
still
conclude
,
That
men
should
tell
in
clear
terms
what
the
sense
is
by
which
they
are
to
be
bound
to
the
State
:
Whereas
the
Earl
here
tells
only
in
the
general
,
and
in
most
ambigious
terms
,
That
he
takes
it
as
far
as
he
can
obey
,
and
as
far
as
it
is
consistent
with
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
that
he
takes
it
in
his
own
sense
,
and
that
he
is
not
bound
by
it
from
making
alterations
,
but
as
far
as
he
thinks
it
for
the
advantage
of
Church
or
State
;
which
sense
is
a
thousand
times
more
doubtful
than
the
Test
,
and
is
in
effect
nothing
but
what
the
taker
pleases
himself
.
As
to
the
Treason
founded
on
,
His
Majesties
Advocate
founds
it
first
upon
the
Fundamental
and
Common
Laws
of
this
and
all
Nations
,
whereby
it
is
Treason
for
any
man
to
make
any
alteration
he
shall
think
for
the
advantage
of
Church
or
State
,
which
he
hopes
is
a
principle
cannot
be
denied
in
the
general
.
And
whereas
it
is
pretended
,
That
this
cannot
be
understood
of
mean
alterations
,
and
of
alterations
to
be
made
in
a
lawful
way
:
It
is
answered
,
That
as
the
thing
it self
is
Treason
,
so
this
Treason
is
not
taken
off
by
any
of
these
qualifications
,
because
he
declares
,
he
will
wish
and
endeavour
any
alteration
he
thinks
fit
;
and
any
alteration
comprehends
all
alterations
that
he
thinks
fit
:
Nam
propositio
indefinita
aequipollet
universali
.
And
the
word
any
is
general
in
its
own
nature
,
and
is
in
plain
terms
a
reserving
to
himself
to
make
alterations
,
both
great
and
small
.
And
the
restriction
is
not
,
all
alterations
that
the
King
shall
think
fit
,
or
are
consistent
with
the
Laws
and
Acts
of
Parliament
;
but
he
is
still
to
be
Judge
of
this
,
and
his
Loyalty
is
to
be
the
Standard
.
Nor
did
the
Covenanters
in
the
last
Age
,
nor
do
these
who
are
daily
executed
,
decline
that
they
are
bound
to
obey
the
King
,
simply
,
but
only
that
they
are
bound
to
obey
him
no
otherwise
than
as
far
as
his
Commands
are
consistent
with
the
Law
of
God
,
of
Nature
,
and
of
this
Kingdom
,
and
with
the
Covenant
:
And
their
Treason
lies
in
this
.
And
when
it
is
asked
them
,
Who
shall
be
judge
in
this
,
they
still
make
themselves
Judges
.
And
the
reason
of
all
Treason
being
,
that
the
Government
is
not
secure
,
it
is
desired
to
be
known
,
what
way
the
Government
can
be
secured
after
this
paper
,
since
the
Earl
is
still
Judge
how
far
he
is
obliged
,
and
what
is
his
Loyalty
.
And
if
this
had
been
sufficient
,
the
Covenant
had
been
a
very
excellent
paper
,
for
they
are
there
bound
to
endeavour
,
in
their
several
stations
,
to
defend
the
Kings
person
;
but
when
the
King
challenged
them
,
how
they
came
to
make
War
against
him
,
their
great
Refuge
was
,
That
they
were
themselves
still
Judges
as
to
that
.
And
for
illustrating
this
power
,
the
Lords
of
Justitiary
are
desired
to
consider
,
Quid
Juris
,
if
the
Earl
,
or
any
man
else
,
should
have
reserved
to
himself
,
in
this
Oath
,
a
liberty
to
rise
in
Arms
,
or
to
oppose
the
lineal
Succession
,
tho
he
had
added
,
In
a
lawful
manner
;
for
the
thing
being
in
it self
unlawful
,
this
is
but
sham
,
and
Protestatio
contraria
facto
.
And
if
these
be
unlawful
,
notwithstanding
of
such
additions
,
so
much
more
must
this
general
reservation
,
of
making
any
alterations
,
likewise
be
unlawful
,
notwithstanding
of
these
additions
.
For
he
that
reserves
the
general
power
of
making
any
alteration
,
does
,
a
fortiori
,
reserve
power
to
make
any
alteration
tho
never
so
fundamental
.
For
all
particulars
are
included
in
the
General
;
and
whatever
may
be
said
against
the
particulars
,
may
much
more
strongly
be
said
against
the
general
.
2.
The
130.
Act
,
Par.
8.
James
VI
,
is
expressly
founded
on
because
nothing
can
be
a
greater
diminution
of
the
power
of
the
Parliament
,
than
to
introduce
a
way
or
means
whereby
all
their
Acts
and
Oaths
shall
be
made
insignificant
and
ineffectual
,
as
this
paper
does
make
them
,
for
the
Reasons
represented
.
Nor
are
any
of
the
Estates
of
Parliament
secure
at
this
rate
,
but
that
they
who
reserved
a
general
power
to
make
all
alterations
,
may
,
under
that
●eneral
,
come
to
alter
any
of
them
.
3.
What
can
be
a
greater
impugning
of
the
Dignity
and
Authority
of
Parliaments
,
than
to
say
,
That
the
Parliament
has
made
Acts
for
the
security
of
the
Kingdom
,
which
are
in
themselves
ridiculous
,
inconsistent
with
themselves
and
the
Protestant
Religion
?
And
as
to
what
is
answered
against
invading
the
Kings
Prerogative
,
and
the
Legislative
power
in
Parliaments
,
in
adding
a
part
to
an
Oath
or
Act
,
is
not
relevantly
inferred
,
since
the
sense
of
these
words
,
And
this
I
understand
as
a
part
of
my
Oath
,
is
not
to
be
understood
as
if
any
thing
were
to
be
added
to
the
Law
,
but
●●ly
to
the
Oath
,
and
to
be
an
interpretation
of
the
Oath
.
It
is
replied
,
That
after
this
,
no
man
needs
to
add
a
Caution
to
the
Oath
in
Parliament
.
But
when
he
comes
to
take
the
Oath
,
do
the
Parliament
what
they
please
,
he
will
add
his
own
part
.
Nor
can
this
part
be
looked
upon
as
a
sense
,
for
if
this
were
the
sense
before
this
paper
,
he
needed
not
understand
it
as
a
part
of
it
,
for
it
wanted
not
that
part
.
And
in
general
,
as
every
man
may
add
his
own
part
,
so
the
King
can
be
secure
of
no
part
.
But
your
Lordships
of
Justitiary
are
desired
to
consider
,
how
dangerous
it
would
be
in
this
Kingdom
,
and
how
ill
it
would
sound
in
any
other
Kingdom
,
That
men
should
be
allowed
to
reserve
to
themselves
liberty
to
make
any
alteration
they
thought
fit
in
Church
or
State
,
as
to
the
legality
of
which
,
they
were
themselves
to
be
Judges
;
and
how
far
,
from
degree
to
degree
,
this
at
last
may
come
to
absolute
Anarchy
,
and
how
scandalous
a
thing
,
as
well
as
unsecure
,
this
new
way
may
look
in
an
Age
wherein
we
are
too
much
tracing
the
steps
of
our
rebellious
Progenitors
in
the
last
,
whose
great
defection
and
error
was
,
That
they
thought
themselves
,
and
not
the
King
,
the
Authors
of
Reformation
in
Church
and
State
.
And
no
man
ever
was
barred
by
that
,
that
the
way
he
was
upon
was
not
a
lawful
way
;
for
if
it
be
allowed
to
every
man
to
take
his
own
way
,
every
man
will
think
his
own
way
to
be
the
lawful
way
.
As
to
the
Perjury
,
it
is
founded
on
this
,
First
,
That
Perjury
may
be
committed
,
not
only
by
breaking
an
Oath
,
but
even
in
the
swearing
of
it
,
viz.
To
swear
it
with
such
Evasions
as
make
the
Oath
ineffectual
;
for
which
Sanderson
is
cited
,
pag.
138.
Alterum
Perjurii
genus
est
novo
aliquo
excogitato
Commento
Juramenti
vim
declinare
,
aut
eludere
,
&
Jurans
tenetur
sub
p●na
Perjurii
implere
Secundum
Intentionem
deferentis
;
both
which
are
here
.
For
the
Earl
being
bound
by
the
very
Oath
,
to
swear
in
the
genuine
meaning
,
without
any
evasion
,
he
has
sworn
so
as
he
has
evaded
every
word
,
there
being
not
one
word
to
which
it
can
be
said
particularly
he
is
bound
,
as
is
said
.
And
it
is
undeniable
,
that
he
has
not
sworn
in
the
sense
of
the
makers
of
the
Law
,
but
in
his
own
sense
,
which
is
Perjury
,
as
is
said
.
And
consequentially
,
whatever
sense
may
be
allowed
in
ambiguous
Cases
,
yet
there
can
be
none
where
the
Paper
clearly
bears
Generals
:
And
where
he
declares
,
That
he
takes
it
in
his
own
sense
,
His
Majesties
Advocate
declares
,
he
will
not
burden
himself
,
that
Copies
were
disperst
,
tho
it
is
certain
,
since
the
very
Paper
it self
by
the
giving
in
is
chargeable
with
all
that
is
above
charged
upon
it
.
Sir
John
Dalrymple's
Defence
and
Plea
for
the
Earl
of
Argyle
,
by
way
of
Reply
upon
the
King's
Advocate
.
SIR
John
Dalrymple
replies
for
the
Pannel
,
That
since
the
solid
grounds
of
Law
adduced
in
the
Defences
have
received
no
particular
Answers
,
in
relation
to
the
common
consent
of
all
Casuists
,
viz.
That
a
party
who
takes
an
Oath
is
bound
in
Conscience
to
clear
and
propose
the
terms
and
sense
in
which
he
does
understand
the
Oath
;
Nor
in
relation
to
the
several
Grounds
adduced
concerning
the
legal
and
rational
Interpretation
of
dubious
Clauses
.
And
since
these
have
received
no
Answers
,
the
Grounds
are
not
to
be
repeated
:
but
the
Proctors
for
the
Pannel
do
farther
insist
on
these
Defences
.
1.
It
is
not
alledged
,
That
any
Explanation
was
given
in
by
the
Pannel
to
any
person
,
or
any
Copy
spread
,
before
the
Pannel
did
take
the
Test
in
Council
:
So
that
it
cannot
be
pretended
,
That
the
many
Scruples
that
have
been
moved
concerning
the
Test
,
did
arise
from
the
Pannel's
Explication
:
But
on
the
contrary
,
all
the
Objections
that
are
answered
,
and
obviated
in
the
Pannel's
Explication
,
were
not
only
privately
muttered
,
or
were
the
thoughts
of
single
or
illiterate
persons
,
but
they
were
the
difficulties
proposed
by
Synods
and
Presbyteries
,
long
before
the
Pannel
came
from
home
,
or
was
required
to
take
the
Test
:
So
that
the
general
terms
of
the
Acts
of
Parliament
founded
upon
in
the
Libel
are
not
applicable
to
this
Case
:
For
as
these
Laws
,
in
relation
to
Leasing-makers
,
are
only
relative
to
atrocious
wilful
Insinuations
,
or
misconstructions
of
His
Majesties
Person
or
Government
,
or
the
open
depraving
of
his
Laws
,
so
the
restrictive
Cause
,
whereby
sedition
or
misconstructions
may
be
moved
,
raised
,
or
engendered
betwixt
His
Majesty
and
his
Liedges
,
cannot
be
applied
to
this
Case
,
where
all
these
Apprehensions
and
Scruples
were
on
foot
,
and
agitated
long
before
the
Pannel's
Explanation
.
As
it
cannot
be
pretended
,
That
any
new
dust
was
raised
by
the
Pannel's
Explanation
,
so
it
is
positively
offered
to
be
proved
,
That
there
is
not
one
word
contained
in
this
Explanation
,
but
that
either
these
individual
words
,
or
much
worse
,
had
been
publickly
proposed
,
and
verbatim
read
in
Council
,
without
the
least
discouragement
,
or
the
least
objection
made
by
any
Member
of
the
Council
.
And
where
a
Writing
,
ex
proposito
read
in
so
high
a
Court
,
was
universally
agreed
upon
,
without
the
alteration
of
a
Syllable
,
how
can
it
be
pretended
,
That
any
person
thereafter
using
the
said
individual
terms
in
any
Explanation
,
and
far
easier
terms
,
that
they
shall
incur
the
high
and
infamous
Crimes
libelled
?
And
the
question
is
not
here
,
Whether
the
Council
was
a
proper
Judicature
to
have
proposed
,
or
imposed
a
sense
,
or
allowed
any
Explanation
of
the
Test
to
be
published
;
but
that
it
is
impossible
that
a
sense
they
allowed
,
or
being
publickly
read
before
them
,
and
which
the
Kings
Advocate
did
not
controul
,
that
this
should
import
Treason
,
or
any
Crime
:
And
tho
the
Pannels
Advocate
will
not
pursue
or
follow
the
Reply
that
has
been
made
to
this
point
,
yet
certainly
no
man
of
sober
sense
will
think
that
it
is
fit
to
insinuate
that
so
high
a
Judicature
might
have
authorised
or
acquiesced
in
such
Explanations
as
the
Liedges
thereafter
should
be
entrapped
to
have
used
.
If
the
Pannel
had
officiously
or
ulteroneously
offered
a
sense
or
Explanation
of
His
Majesties
Laws
,
which
the
Laws
themselves
could
not
have
born
,
it
might
justly
have
been
alledged
,
that
he
was
extra
ordinem
,
and
medling
in
a
matter
he
was
not
concerned
in
,
but
where
the
Act
of
Council
did
enjoyn
,
and
he
was
required
and
cited
to
that
effect
,
It
could
neither
be
constructed
as
ostentation
,
or
to
move
or
encourage
Scruples
or
Resistance
,
but
it
was
absolutely
necessary
,
either
for
to
have
refused
the
Test
,
or
else
to
have
declared
what
he
thought
to
be
the
true
and
genuine
meaning
of
it
.
And
there
being
so
many
objections
publickly
moved
and
known
,
his
Explanation
was
nothing
else
but
to
clear
,
That
he
did
not
look
upon
these
Scruples
and
Objections
moved
by
others
as
well
sounded
and
rational
in
themselves
;
and
therefore
he
was
able
to
take
the
Test
in
that
sense
the
Council
had
heard
or
allowed
.
And
it
is
not
controverted
,
that
the
sense
of
the
Legislator
is
the
genuine
sense
both
of
Laws
and
Oaths
:
And
if
a
person
were
only
interpreting
the
meaning
of
either
a
Law
or
an
Oath
imposed
,
he
should
deprave
and
misconstruct
the
Law
and
Oath
,
if
he
rendred
it
wittingly
and
willingly
in
terms
inconsistent
with
the
meaning
of
the
imposer
:
But
there
is
a
great
difference
betwixt
taking
of
Oaths
,
and
interpreting
Oaths
;
For
when
a
man
comes
to
take
an
Oath
,
except
his
particular
sense
did
agree
with
the
genuine
meaning
of
the
imposer
,
he
cannot
take
that
Oath
,
tho
he
may
very
well
interpret
and
declare
what
is
the
sense
of
the
Legislator
,
which
he
may
know
,
and
yet
perhaps
not
be
able
to
take
the
Oath
.
And
therefore
when
there
is
any
doubtfulness
in
an
Oath
,
and
a
party
is
bound
to
take
it
,
if
then
he
gives
in
an
Explication
of
the
sense
which
in
his
private
judgment
doth
apprehend
to
be
the
genuine
meaning
,
if
that
private
sense
be
disconform
to
the
Legislators
sense
in
the
Oath
,
then
the
Imposer
of
the
Oath
,
or
he
that
has
power
to
offer
it
to
the
party
,
if
he
consider
the
parties
sense
disconform
,
he
ought
to
reject
the
Oath
,
as
not
fulfilling
the
intent
of
the
Law
imposing
it
.
But
it
is
impossible
to
state
that
as
a
Crime
,
That
a
party
should
neither
believe
what
is
proposed
in
the
Oath
,
nor
be
able
to
take
it
;
And
he
can
run
no
farther
hazard
,
but
the
penalty
imposed
upon
the
Refuser
.
And
therefore
in
all
Oaths
there
must
be
a
concourse
both
of
the
sense
imposed
by
Authority
,
and
of
the
private
Sense
,
Judgment
or
Conscience
of
the
party
.
And
therefore
if
a
party
should
take
an
Oath
in
the
Sense
proposed
by
Authority
contrary
to
his
own
sense
,
he
were
perjured
:
whereby
it
is
evident
that
the
sense
of
Authority
is
not
sufficient
,
without
the
acquiescence
and
consent
of
the
private
person
.
And
therefore
it
is
very
strange
,
why
that
part
of
the
Pannel's
Explanation
should
be
challenged
,
that
he
takes
it
in
his
own
Sense
,
the
posterior
words
making
it
as
plain
as
the
light
,
that
that
sense
of
his
own
is
not
what
he
●pleases
to
make
of
the
Oath
,
for
it
bears
expresly
,
that
no
body
can
explain
it
but
for
himself
,
and
reconcile
it
as
it
is
genuine
,
and
agrees
in
its
own
sense
:
So
that
there
must
be
a
Reconciliation
bewixt
his
own
sense
and
the
genuine
sense
,
which
upon
all
hands
is
acknowledged
to
be
the
Sense
of
Authority
.
And
if
the
Pannel
had
been
of
these
lax
and
debaucht
Principles
,
that
he
might
have
evaded
the
meaning
and
energy
of
the
Oath
,
by
imposing
upon
it
what
sense
he
pleased
,
certainly
he
would
have
contented
himself
in
the
general
refuge
of
Equivocation
,
or
Mental
Reservation
,
and
he
would
never
have
exposed
his
sense
to
the
world
,
in
which
he
took
this
Oath
,
whereby
he
became
absolutely
fixed
and
determined
to
the
Oath
,
in
that
particular
sense
,
and
so
had
no
latitude
of
shuffling
off
the
Energy
or
Obligation
of
the
Oath
.
And
it
is
likewise
acknowledged
,
That
the
Cases
alledged
in
the
Reply
are
true
,
viz.
That
the
person
is
guilty
of
Perjury
,
si
aliquo
novo
Commento
he
would
elude
his
Oath
,
or
who
doth
not
fulfil
the
Oath
in
the
sense
of
the
Imposer
.
But
that
does
not
concern
this
Case
:
For
in
the
foresaid
Citation
,
a
person
,
after
he
has
taken
an
Oath
,
finding
out
some
new
conceit
to
elude
it
he
is
perjured
:
but
in
this
Case
the
Pannel
did
at
,
and
before
his
taking
the
Test
,
declare
the
t●●●s
in
which
he
understood
it
;
So
that
this
was
not
novo
aliquo
commento
to
elude
it
.
And
the
other
Case
,
where
a
party
takes
it
in
the
sense
of
Authority
,
but
has
some
subterfuge
,
or
concealed
Explanation
,
it
is
acknowledged
to
be
Perjury
.
But
in
this
Case
there
was
no
concealed
Explanation
,
but
it
was
publickly
exprest
,
and
an
Explanation
given
,
which
the
Pannel
designed
,
and
understood
as
the
meaning
of
Authority
,
and
had
ground
to
believe
he
was
not
mistaken
,
since
upon
that
Explanation
he
was
received
and
allowed
to
sit
and
vote
in
Council
.
And
as
to
that
part
of
the
Reply
,
that
explains
the
Treason
,
there
can
be
no
Treason
in
the
Pannel's
Case
,
because
the
express
Act
of
Parliament
founded
upon
doth
relate
only
to
the
Constitution
of
the
Parliament
:
And
I
am
sure
His
Majesties
Advocate
cannot
subsume
in
the●e
terms
:
And
therefore
in
the
Reply
he
recurs
to
the
general
Grounds
of
the
Law
,
That
the
usurping
of
His
Majesties
Authority
,
in
making
a
part
of
the
Law
;
and
to
make
alterations
in
general
,
and
without
the
King
,
are
high
and
treasonable
words
or
designs
,
and
such
as
the
party
pleases
,
and
such
designs
as
have
been
practised
the
late
times
.
And
that
even
the
adjection
of
fair
and
safe
words
,
as
in
the
Covenant
,
does
not
secure
from
treasonable
Designs
;
and
that
it
was
so
found
in
Balmerino's
Case
,
tho
it
bear
a
fair
Narrative
of
an
humble
Supplication
.
It
is
replied
,
That
the
usurpation
of
making
of
Laws
is
undoubtedly
treasonable
;
but
no
such
thing
can
be
pretended
or
subsumed
in
this
Case
:
For
albeit
the
Pannel
declares
his
Explanation
to
be
a
part
of
his
Oath
,
yet
he
never
meaned
to
impose
it
as
even
a
part
of
the
Law
,
or
that
his
Explanation
should
be
a
thing
distinct
,
or
a
separate
part
of
his
Oath
.
For
this
Explanation
being
but
exegetick
of
the
several
parts
of
the
Oath
,
it
is
no
distinct
thing
from
the
Oath
,
but
declared
to
be
a
part
of
the
Oath
de
natura
rei
.
And
it
was
never
pretended
,
That
he
that
alledged
any
thing
to
be
de
natura
rei
,
did
say
,
That
that
was
distinct
and
separate
,
which
were
a
contradiction
.
And
therefore
the
Argument
is
retorted
,
the
Pannel
having
declared
,
this
Explanation
was
,
de
natura
rei
,
implied
in
the
Oath
,
he
necessarily
made
this
Explanation
no
addition
or
extention
of
the
Oath
.
So
that
for
all
this
Explanation
,
the
Oath
is
neither
broader
nor
longer
than
it
was
.
And
as
to
these
words
,
I
do
not
mean
to
bind
up
my self
in
my
station
,
and
in
a
lawful
way
,
to
wish
and
endeavour
any
alteration
I
think
to
the
advantage
of
Church
or
State
,
not
repugnant
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
my
Loyalty
.
It
is
a
strange
thing
how
this
Clause
can
be
drawn
in
question
,
as
treasonable
,
when
it
may
with
better
Reason
be
alledged
,
That
there
is
not
good
Subject
but
is
bound
to
say
it
.
And
albeit
the
words
to
endeavour
in
my
station
,
be
words
contained
in
the
Covenant
,
yet
that
is
no
Reason
,
why
two
words
in
the
Covenant
may
not
be
made
use
of
in
another
very
good
and
loyal
sense
.
And
there
is
no
man
that
shall
have
the
honour
either
to
be
entrusted
by
His
Majesty
in
his
Council
,
or
any
other
Judicature
,
or
to
be
a
Member
of
Parliament
,
but
he
is
bound
by
his
Loyalty
to
say
the
same
thing
.
And
there
was
never
a
Clause
more
cautiously
exprest
,
for
the
words
run
,
to
endeavour
any
alteration
I
shall
think
to
the
advantage
of
Church
and
State
.
And
tho
that
was
sufficient
,
yet
the
Clause
is
so
cautiously
conceived
,
that
it
contains
another
Restriction
,
not
repugnant
to
Religion
and
his
Loyalty
.
So
that
except
it
could
be
alledged
,
That
a
man
by
lawful
means
,
to
the
advantage
of
Church
and
State
,
consistent
with
his
Religion
and
Loyalty
,
could
make
treasonable
alterations
,
and
invasions
upon
the
Government
and
Monarchy
,
which
are
the
highest
Contradictions
imaginable
,
there
can
be
nothing
against
the
Pannel
.
And
albeit
,
the
Clause
,
any
alterations
,
might
,
without
the
Restrictions
and
Qualifications
foresaid
,
be
generally
extended
,
yet
the
preceeding
words
of
lawful
way
,
and
the
rational
Interpretation
of
the
emission
of
words
especially
before
a
solemn
Judicatory
leaves
no
place
or
shadow
to
doubt
,
that
these
alterations
were
no
fundamental
or
treasonable
alterations
,
but
such
as
the
frailty
of
humane
Affairs
and
Constitutions
,
and
vicissitude
of
things
and
circumstances
do
constantly
require
in
the
most
exact
Constitutions
under
Heaven
.
And
the
clause
does
not
so
much
as
import
,
that
there
is
a
present
necessity
of
alteration
,
but
it
was
a
necessary
and
rational
prospect
,
That
albeit
at
present
all
things
under
Heaven
had
been
done
to
secure
the
Religion
and
Government
,
yet
there
might
occur
Cases
that
would
require
new
helps
,
alterations
,
and
remedies
.
And
it
is
not
pretended
in
this
Case
for
the
Pannel
,
That
he
desires
to
alleviate
,
or
take
off
words
truly
treasonable
,
or
having
an
ill
design
,
by
the
mixing
of
fair
and
safe
,
dutiful
and
submissive
Expressions
,
which
indeed
are
Protestations
contrariae
facto
.
For
there
is
nothing
in
his
Explanation
,
that
either
in
his
design
,
or
in
the
words
themselves
,
being
rationally
and
naturally
interpreted
,
can
infer
the
Crimes
libelled
,
or
any
of
them
.
And
the
Pannel's
known
Principles
,
and
known
Practices
do
not
only
clear
that
Loyalty
that
he
has
profest
before
the
Lords
of
Justitiary
,
and
instructed
by
unquestionable
Docuements
,
but
they
put
him
far
from
the
suspicion
of
these
damnable
Principles
related
in
the
Reply
,
Of
which
the
whole
tract
of
his
Life
hath
been
an
intire
evidence
of
his
abhorrency
and
detestation
.
And
in
the
last
place
,
It
is
thought
strange
,
why
that
should
be
represented
as
an
affront
or
disgrace
to
the
Government
,
That
the
Parliament
imposed
a
Test
which
the
Pannel
is
not
able
to
take
simply
.
And
it
is
not
pretended
,
That
he
hath
defamed
,
written
or
spoken
against
the
Test
it self
,
or
for
the
inconvenience
of
it
;
but
only
that
he
hath
not
been
able
to
see
the
good
ground
upon
which
it
may
be
simply
taken
.
And
this
were
to
condemn
him
for
want
of
sight
or
sense
,
when
the
Law
hath
punished
no
man
for
not
taking
the
Test
,
but
only
turned
him
out
of
the
Government
.
And
it
is
as
strange
an
Inference
,
That
because
the
Pannel
declares
,
He
believes
the
Parliament
meaned
no
Contradiction
and
would
take
the
Test
,
in
as
far
as
it
is
consistent
,
that
therefore
he
said
,
the
Parliament
imposed
Contradictions
:
Which
is
so
far
from
a
rational
Induction
,
that
the
Contradiction
of
these
Subsumptions
,
in
all
congruity
of
Language
and
Sense
,
is
necessarily
true
.
And
therefore
the
last
part
of
that
Clause
,
in
so
far
as
it
is
consistent
,
is
a
Consequence
inferred
upon
the
former
:
viz.
I
believe
the
Parliament
designed
to
impose
no
Contradictions
:
ergo
,
I
take
the
Test
as
consistent
,
and
in
so
far
as
it
must
be
consistent
,
if
the
Parliament
did
not
impose
Contradictions
,
as
certainly
they
have
not
;
and
to
convince
the
world
,
that
in
this
sense
this
Explanation
is
receivable
,
it
was
proposed
in
Council
,
and
allowed
,
and
therefore
without
the
highest
reflection
,
it
cannot
now
be
quarrelled
.
Sir
George
Lockhart
's
second
Plea
for
the
Earl
of
Argyle
,
by
way
of
Reply
upon
the
King's
Advocate
.
SIR
George
Lockhart
Duplies
,
That
the
Defender
repeats
and
oppones
his
former
Desences
,
which
are
no
ways
eluded
,
nor
satisfied
by
the
Reply
made
by
His
Majesties
Advocate
.
And
altho
it
be
easie
for
the
Kings
Advocate
,
out
of
his
zeal
,
to
pretend
and
argue
Crimes
of
the
highest
Nature
upon
Inferences
and
Consequences
neither
consistent
with
the
Pannel's
designs
nor
with
his
words
and
expressions
,
yet
there
cannot
be
a
more
dangerous
foundation
laid
,
for
the
security
and
interest
of
the
Government
,
and
the
security
and
protection
of
the
Subjects
,
than
that
Crimes
should
be
inferred
but
from
clear
,
evident
,
and
express
Laws
,
and
plain
palpable
Contravention
of
these
Laws
,
it
being
both
against
the
Laws
of
God
and
Man
,
that
a
Man
should
be
made
an
Offender
for
a
word
,
and
especially
for
expressions
which
according
to
Sense
and
Reason
,
and
considering
the
time
and
place
where
they
were
spoken
by
the
Pannel
.
viz.
as
a
Member
of
His
Majesties
Privy-Council
,
and
in
presence
of
his
Royal
Highness
,
and
the
Members
of
Council
,
and
when
required
to
take
the
Test
,
were
safe
and
Innocent
:
and
it
were
against
all
Law
and
Reason
,
to
suppose
that
the
Pannel
either
did
,
or
designed
to
do
any
thing
which
may
,
or
did
import
the
Crimes
libelled
against
him
.
And
whereas
it
is
pretended
,
That
the
Oath
required
and
imposed
by
Act
of
Parliament
was
for
the
security
of
the
Government
;
and
that
the
Pannel
by
his
Explanation
does
evade
the
Oath
,
by
taking
it
only
so
far
as
it
is
consistent
with
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
his
own
Loyalty
,
whereof
he
was
Judge
.
It
is
answered
,
That
the
pretence
is
most
unwarrantable
,
and
the
security
of
His
Majesties
Government
is
not
at
all
endangered
(
as
God
forbid
it
should
,
)
tho
the
Pannel
,
and
a
Thousand
more
had
simply
refused
the
Test
,
or
had
taken
it
in
a
sense
which
does
not
satisfie
the
Law
;
it
being
competent
to
publick
Authority
to
consider
,
whether
the
Pannels
Oath
,
in
the
terms
of
the
Explication
wherein
he
did
take
it
,
does
satisfie
the
Act
of
Palriament
or
not
;
And
if
not
,
there
can
be
no
rational
consequence
inferred
thereupon
,
but
that
he
is
holden
as
a
Refuser
of
the
Oath
,
and
liable
to
the
Certification
of
the
Act
of
Parliament
,
of
not
assuming
and
continuing
in
any
publick
Trust
:
And
no
more
was
intended
or
designed
by
the
Act
of
Parliament
it self
,
than
strictly
to
make
the
Oath
in
the
true
and
genuine
sense
and
meaning
of
the
Parliament
,
an
indispensible
qualification
of
persons
admitted
to
publick
Trust
.
So
that
it
is
not
at
all
material
to
dispute
,
whether
the
Pannel's
Explication
can
be
looked
upon
as
a
full
satisfaction
of
the
Act
,
which
whether
it
should
or
not
,
it
can
import
no
Crime
against
him
,
it
not
being
consistent
with
Sense
and
Reason
,
that
a
person
who
absolutely
refuseth
the
Test
,
upon
the
scrupulosity
of
his
Conscience
,
albeit
he
be
not
capable
of
publick
Trust
,
should
be
,
notwithstanding
,
looked
upon
as
guilty
of
no
Crime
:
and
yet
another
who
was
willing
to
go
to
a
greater
length
,
albeit
he
did
demur
and
scruple
as
to
the
full
length
,
that
he
should
be
reputed
criminal
and
guilty
of
a
Crime
.
2.
The
Pannel
repeats
and
conjoyns
with
this
the
grounds
above
mentioned
,
contained
in
his
Defences
,
viz.
That
neither
the
Crimes
libelled
,
nor
any
other
Crime
,
were
ever
pretended
or
made
use
of
against
any
others
,
who
did
spread
abroad
Objections
of
an
high
nature
which
yet
were
so
favourably
looked
upon
,
as
to
be
construed
only
to
proceed
from
scrupulosity
of
Conscience
,
as
also
the
satisfaction
endeavoured
is
in
such
terms
,
and
by
such
condescensions
,
as
do
take
in
,
and
justifie
the
whole
terms
of
the
Explication
libelled
.
It
is
of
great
moment
,
and
whereof
the
Lords
of
Justitiary
are
desired
to
take
special
notice
,
both
for
clearing
the
absolute
innocence
of
the
Pannel's
meaning
and
intention
,
and
to
take
off
all
possible
misconstruction
that
can
be
wrested
or
detorted
from
the
tenor
and
expressions
of
the
libelled
Explication
.
That
the
Pannel
was
put
to
,
and
required
to
take
the
Oath
,
before
the
Lords
of
His
Majesties
Privy-Council
did
pass
and
publish
their
Proclamation
explaining
the
Oath
,
and
declaring
the
genuine
sense
and
meaning
thereof
,
namely
,
That
it
did
not
tye
to
the
whole
Articles
of
the
Confession
of
Faith
,
ratified
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
James
6.
and
which
,
as
to
several
Articles
thereof
,
had
occasioned
the
scruples
,
and
difficulties
,
and
alledged
inconsistency
and
contradiction
betwixt
the
last
part
of
the
Oath
and
the
said
Confession
,
and
betwixt
some
of
these
Articles
,
and
the
Currant
of
the
Protestant
Doctrine
,
received
and
contained
in
the
Syntagma
of
the
Protestant
Confessions
.
And
therefore
if
the
Pannel
at
that
time
did
think
fit
,
for
the
clearing
and
exoneration
of
his
own
Conscience
,
to
use
the
expressions
in
the
Explication
libelled
,
and
yet
with
so
much
duty
and
confidence
of
the
Parliaments
Justice
,
as
to
their
meaning
and
intention
,
That
the
Parliament
never
intended
to
impose
contradictory
Oaths
;
and
that
he
did
take
it
so
far
as
it
was
consistent
with
it self
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
not
knowing
then
,
whether
the
whole
Confession
was
to
be
reputed
a
part
of
the
Oath
,
and
doubting
there-anent
;
and
which
the
Lords
of
His
Majesties
Privy-Council
and
his
Sacred
Majesty
by
his
approbation
since
,
have
thought
a
difficulty
of
so
great
moment
as
it
was
fit
to
clear
the
same
by
a
publick
Proclamation
;
How
now
is
it
possible
,
that
any
Judicatory
under
Heaven
,
which
proceeds
upon
the
solid
grounds
of
Law
and
Reason
,
and
who
(
it
cannot
be
doubted
)
will
have
a
just
regard
to
the
intrinsick
Principles
of
Justice
,
and
to
all
mens
security
;
that
they
can
now
believe
all
,
or
any
of
the
Crimes
libelled
,
should
be
in
the
least
inferred
from
all
,
or
any
of
the
expressions
contained
in
the
said
Explication
?
But
that
on
the
contrary
it
was
a
warrantable
allowance
,
and
Christian
practice
,
condemned
by
the
Law
and
Custom
of
no
Nation
,
That
having
scruples
in
the
matter
of
an
Oath
which
should
be
taken
in
Truth
,
Judgment
and
Righteousness
,
and
upon
full
deliberation
,
and
with
a
full
assurance
and
sincerity
of
mind
,
That
he
did
plainly
,
openly
,
and
clearly
declare
the
sense
in
which
he
was
willing
to
take
it
;
and
if
Authority
did
allow
it
as
the
genuine
sense
of
the
Oath
,
the
Pannel
to
be
holden
as
a
Taker
of
the
Oath
:
And
if
upon
farther
consideration
,
Authority
think
not
,
that
habetur
pro
Recusante
,
and
a
Refuser
of
the
Oath
,
but
no
ways
to
be
looked
upon
as
a
criminal
or
guilty
person
.
And
the
Pannel
repeats
and
conjoyns
with
this
point
of
the
Reply
,
that
point
in
his
Defence
,
whereby
he
positively
offers
to
prove
,
1.
That
his
Explication
,
and
the
sense
wherein
he
took
the
Oath
,
was
heard
,
and
publickly
given
and
received
in
Council
,
and
the
Pannel
thereafter
allowed
to
take
his
place
,
and
sit
and
vote
in
that
Sederunt
.
2.
The
Pannel
also
offers
positively
to
prove
,
That
the
tenor
and
terms
of
his
Sense
and
Explication
wherein
he
did
take
the
Oath
,
is
contained
in
that
Solid
,
Learned
,
and
Pious
Vindication
,
written
by
the
Bishop
of
Edenburgh
,
in
answer
to
the
Objections
and
alledged
inconsistencies
and
contradictions
in
the
Oath
,
and
which
Vindication
was
publickly
read
in
Council
;
and
so
far
approved
,
that
it
was
allowed
to
be
printed
and
published
,
and
was
accordingly
dispersed
and
spread
abroad
.
And
it
is
not
of
the
least
import
,
that
the
Proclamation
of
the
Lords
of
Privy-Council
,
altho
it
does
oft
allow
the
same
to
be
taken
by
the
Clergy
,
yet
at
the
same
time
they
expresly
declare
the
genuine
sense
and
meaning
of
the
Parliament
not
to
comprehend
the
whole
Articles
of
the
Confession
,
which
was
not
cleared
before
the
Pannel's
taking
his
Oath
.
And
whereas
it
is
pretended
,
That
the
Acts
of
Parliament
libelled
upon
,
against
Leasing-makers
,
depravers
of
His
Majesties
Laws
,
do
obtain
and
take
place
,
where-ever
there
are
any
words
or
expressions
that
have
a
tendency
in
themselves
,
or
by
a
natural
consequence
,
and
rational
inferences
,
to
reflect
upon
the
Government
,
or
misconstrue
His
Majesties
Proceedings
;
and
that
the
Explication
libelled
is
such
,
and
that
it
was
found
so
in
the
Case
of
Balmerino
,
albeit
it
was
drawn
up
by
way
of
humble
Petition
and
Address
to
His
Majesty
,
and
with
great
Protestations
and
Expressions
of
Loyalty
.
It
is
answered
,
The
Acts
of
Parliament
libelled
upon
are
oponed
,
and
the
43d
.
Act
,
Par.
8.
James
6.
and
the
other
Acts
,
making
the
depraving
of
His
Majesties
Laws
to
be
Crimes
,
do
expresly
require
,
that
Speeches
so
judged
be
perverse
&
licentious
Speeches
ex
natura
sua
probrosa
and
reproachful
,
and
spoke
animo
defamandi
,
and
which
could
not
receive
any
other
rational
Construction
,
which
cannot
in
the
least
be
applied
to
,
or
subsumed
upon
the
words
,
or
Explication
given
in
by
the
Pannel
.
And
Law
and
Reason
never
infers
or
presumes
a
Crime
,
where
the
thing
is
capable
of
a
fair
and
rational
Construction
,
and
where
it
was
done
palam
and
publickly
,
and
in
presence
of
His
Majesties
High
Commissioner
,
and
Lords
of
His
Majesties
Privy-Council
,
whereof
the
Pannel
had
the
honour
to
be
a
Member
:
Persons
committing
and
designing
to
commit
Crimes
,
making
use
of
Times
,
and
Places
,
and
Companies
of
another
nature
,
on
whom
their
suggestions
and
insinuations
may
prevail
.
But
it
is
a
violence
to
the
common
Reason
of
mankind
,
to
pretend
,
that
a
person
of
the
Pannel's
Quality
,
having
the
honour
to
serve
His
Majesty
in
most
eminent
Capacities
,
and
devoted
to
His
Majesties
Interest
and
Service
,
beyond
the
strictest
ties
of
Duty
and
Allegiance
,
by
the
transcendent
Favours
he
had
received
,
that
the
Pannel
in
those
Circumstances
,
and
in
presence
of
his
Royal
Highness
and
Lords
of
Privy
Council
,
should
design
to
declame
,
and
defacto
,
declame
against
,
and
defame
His
Majesties
Government
:
To
suppose
this
is
absolutely
contradictory
to
the
common
Principles
and
Practices
of
Law
,
and
common
Topicks
of
Reason
.
And
as
to
Balmerino's
Case
,
it
is
answered
,
That
the
Lords
of
Justitiary
are
humbly
desired
to
call
for
,
and
peruse
the
said
Petition
,
and
Books
of
Adjournal
,
which
was
certainly
a
defamatory
Libel
of
His
Majesties
Father
,
of
blessed
Memory
,
and
of
the
States
of
Parliament
in
the
highest
degree
,
being
expresly
,
that
there
was
nothing
designed
but
an
innovation
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
subversion
and
over-turning
the
Liberties
and
Priviledges
of
the
Parliament
,
and
the
Constitutions
of
the
Articles
,
and
other
things
of
that
kind
,
which
made
certainly
of
it self
a
most
villanous
and
execrable
Libel
,
containing
the
highest
Crimes
of
Treason
and
Perduellion
,
and
was
not
capable
of
any
good
sense
or
interpretation
,
but
was
absolutely
pernicious
and
destructive
:
So
that
it
is
in
vain
to
pretend
,
that
the
said
Libel
did
contain
Prefaces
and
Protestations
of
Loyalty
,
which
no
Law
regards
,
even
in
simplici
injuria
&
maledicto
,
tho
committed
by
a
private
person
,
cum
praefatione
salvo
honore
,
or
the
like
,
and
which
were
certainly
ridiculous
to
sustain
in
a
Libel
concerning
Crimesof
Treason
.
And
whereas
it
is
pretended
,
That
tho
others
were
guilty
of
these
Crimes
,
it
does
not
excuse
the
Earl
:
that
the
Lords
of
Privy-Council
cannot
remit
Crimes
;
and
the
neligence
of
the
Kings
Officers
cannot
prejudg
his
Interest
.
It
is
answered
,
The
Pannel
is
very
confident
,
that
neither
the
Lords
of
His
Majesties
Privy
Council
,
consisting
of
persons
of
eminent
Loyalty
and
Judgment
,
nor
His
Majesties
Officers
,
were
capable
of
any
such
escape
as
is
pretended
:
and
if
the
tenor
of
the
Pannel's
Explication
did
in
the
least
import
the
high
and
infamous
Crimes
libelled
,
as
beyond
all
peradventure
it
does
not
,
it
were
strange
,
how
the
same
being
contained
in
the
aforesaid
Vindication
,
and
the
whole
Clauses
thereof
justified
,
that
this
should
have
been
looked
on
as
no
Crime
,
and
allowed
to
be
published
.
And
the
Pannel
neither
does
,
nor
needs
to
make
farther
use
thereof
,
but
to
convince
all
dis-interested
persons
,
that
his
Explication
can
import
no
Crime
.
And
whereas
it
is
pretended
,
That
the
Crime
of
Treason
is
inferred
from
the
fundamental
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
from
that
Clause
of
the
Pannel's
Explication
,
whereby
he
declares
,
he
is
not
bound
up
by
any
thing
in
this
Oath
not
to
endeavour
any
alteration
in
a
lawful
way
:
which
being
an
indefinite
proposition
is
equipollent
to
an
universal
,
and
is
upon
the
matter
coincident
with
a
Clause
which
was
rebellious
in
its
consequences
contained
in
the
Solemn
League
and
Covenant
.
It
is
answered
,
That
it
is
strange
,
how
such
a
plain
and
innocent
Clause
,
whereby
,
beyond
all
question
,
he
does
express
no
more
than
was
naturally
imported
the
Crime
of
Treason
,
which
no
Lawyer
ever
allowed
except
where
it
was
founded
upon
express
Law
&
Luce
Meridiana
Clarior
:
And
indeed
if
such
stretches
and
inferences
can
make
men
guilty
of
Treason
no
man
can
be
secure
.
And
the
words
in
the
Pannel's
Declaration
are
plain
and
clear
(
yet
non
sunt
cavillanda
)
and
import
no
more
,
but
that
,
in
his
station
,
and
in
a
lawful
way
,
and
consistent
with
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
his
Loyalty
,
he
might
endeavour
any
alteration
to
the
advantage
of
Church
and
State
.
And
was
there
ever
any
loyal
or
rational
Subject
,
that
does
,
or
can
doubt
,
that
this
is
the
natural
import
of
the
Oath
?
And
indeed
it
were
a
strange
Oath
,
if
it
were
capable
of
another
sense
,
and
being
designed
for
the
security
of
the
Government
,
should
bind
up
mens
hands
to
concur
for
its
advantage
.
And
how
was
it
possible
,
that
the
Pannel
,
or
any
other
in
the
capacity
of
a
Privy-Councellor
,
or
a
Member
of
the
Parliament
,
would
have
satisfied
his
Duty
and
Allegiance
in
other
terms
?
And
whereas
it
is
pretended
that
there
was
the
like
case
in
the
pretended
League
and
Covenant
,
it
is
answered
,
The
Assertion
is
evidently
a
Mistake
;
and
tho
it
were
,
the
Argument
is
altogether
inconsequential
:
For
that
League
and
Covenant
was
treasonable
in
it self
,
as
being
a
Combination
entred
into
without
His
Majesties
Authority
,
and
was
treasonable
in
the
glosses
that
were
put
upon
it
,
and
was
imposed
by
absolute
violence
on
the
Subjects
of
this
Kingdom
.
And
how
can
the
Pannel
be
in
the
least
supposed
to
have
had
any
respect
to
the
said
League
and
Covenant
,
when
he
had
so
often
taken
the
Declaration
,
disowning
and
renouncing
it
,
as
an
unlawful
and
sinful
Oath
,
and
concurred
in
the
many
excellent
Laws
and
Acts
of
Parliament
made
by
His
Majesty
,
condemning
the
same
as
seditious
and
treasonable
?
And
whereas
it
is
pretended
.
That
the
Pannel
is
guilty
of
Perjury
,
having
taken
the
Oath
in
another
sense
than
was
consistent
with
the
genuine
sense
of
the
Parliament
,
and
that
by
the
Authority
cited
he
doth
commento
eludere
Juramentum
,
which
ought
always
to
,
be
taken
in
the
sense
of
him
that
imposeth
the
Oath
:
It
is
answered
,
The
Pretence
is
most
groundless
,
and
Perjury
never
was
,
nor
can
be
inferred
,
but
by
the
commission
,
or
omission
of
something
directly
contrary
to
the
Oath
.
And
altho
it
is
true
,
That
where
an
Oath
is
taken
,
without
any
Declaration
of
the
express
sense
of
the
persons
who
take
it
,
it
obliges
sub
poena
Perjurii
,
in
the
sense
,
not
of
the
taker
,
but
of
the
imposer
of
the
Oath
,
because
expressing
no
Sense
,
Law
and
Reason
presumes
there
is
a
full
acquiescence
in
the
sense
and
meaning
of
the
imposer
of
the
Oath
:
and
then
if
an
Oath
be
not
so
taken
,
he
that
takes
it
is
guilty
of
Perjury
.
Yet
there
was
never
Lawyer
nor
Divine
,
Popish
or
Protestant
,
but
agree
in
this
,
That
whatever
be
the
tenor
of
the
Oath
,
if
before
the
taking
thereof
,
the
party
in
express
terms
does
publickly
and
openly
declare
the
sense
in
which
he
takes
it
,
it
is
impossible
it
can
infer
the
Crime
of
Perjury
against
him
in
any
other
sense
,
this
not
being
Commentum
excogitatum
,
after
the
taking
of
the
Oath
.
And
if
this
were
not
so
,
how
is
it
possible
in
Sense
and
Reason
,
that
ever
any
Explication
or
Sense
could
solve
the
Scruples
of
a
mans
Conscience
?
For
it
might
be
always
pretended
,
That
notwithstanding
of
the
express
sense
wherein
he
took
it
,
he
should
be
guilty
of
Perjury
from
another
sense
.
And
that
this
is
the
irrefragable
opinion
of
all
Divines
,
of
whatever
peswasion
,
is
not
only
clear
from
the
Authority
above-mentioned
,
even
those
who
allow
of
reserved
senses
,
but
more
especially
by
the
universal
suffrage
of
all
Protestant
Divines
,
who
tho
they
do
abominate
all
thoughts
of
Subterfuges
or
Evasions
,
after
taking
of
the
Oath
,
yet
they
do
always
allow
and
advise
for
the
safety
and
security
of
a
doubting
and
scrupulous
Conscience
,
that
they
should
express
and
declare
,
before
the
taking
of
the
Oath
,
the
true
sense
and
meaning
wherein
they
have
freedom
to
take
it
;
and
for
which
Sandersone
de
Juramento
is
cited
,
Prelct
.
6.
Sect.
10.
pag.
75.
where
his
words
are
,
Sane
ut
inter
Jurandum
omnia
recte
fiant
,
expedit
ut
de
verborum
sensu
inter
omnes
partes
quarum
interest
liquido
constet
,
quod
veteribus
dictum
,
liquido
Jurare
.
And
an
Oath
being
one
of
the
highest
Acts
of
Devotion
,
containing
Cultum
Latriae
,
there
is
nothing
more
consonant
to
the
Nature
of
all
Oaths
,
and
to
that
Candor
,
Ingenuity
,
and
Chrstian
simplicity
,
which
all
Law
and
Religion
requires
in
such
cases
.
The
Kings
Advocate
's
Third
Plea
against
the
Earl
of
Argyle
.
HIS
Majesties
Advocate
conceives
he
has
nothing
to
answer
as
to
depraving
,
Leasing-making
,
and
mis-interpreting
,
&c.
save
that
this
Oath
was
only
designed
to
exclude
Recusants
;
and
consequently
,
the
Pannel
may
thereby
be
debarred
from
his
Offices
,
but
not
made
guilty
of
a
Crime
.
To
which
he
Triplies
,
1.
If
ever
the
Earl
had
simply
refused
,
that
had
been
true
,
but
that
did
not
at
all
excuse
from
defaming
the
Law
,
for
a
defamer
is
not
punished
for
refusing
,
but
for
defaming
.
2.
It
he
had
simply
refused
,
the
Government
had
been
in
no
more
hazard
,
but
if
men
will
both
retain
their
places
,
and
yet
take
the
same
in
such
words
as
secure
not
the
Government
,
it
were
strange
to
think
,
that
the
design
of
the
Law
being
to
secure
against
mens
possessing
who
will
not
obey
,
that
yet
it
should
allow
them
possession
who
do
not
obey
.
Nor
is
the
refuser
here
in
a
better
case
than
the
Earl
,
and
others
,
who
offered
to
obey
,
because
it
is
the
defaming
the
Law
,
as
ridiculous
,
and
inconsistent
with
that
Protestant
Religion
:
and
Leasing-making
betwixt
the
King
,
the
Nobility
,
and
the
people
,
the
misconstruing
,
and
misrepresenting
,
as
hath
been
formerly
urged
,
that
puts
the
Earl
in
a
worse
condition
.
And
all
those
arguments
might
be
as
well
urged
for
any
who
had
uncontrovertedly
contravened
these
Acts
,
as
for
the
Pannel
.
Whereas
it
is
pretended
,
That
the
King
emitted
a
Proclamation
to
satisfie
Dissenters
;
it
is
answered
,
That
the
Proclamation
was
designed
for
none
who
had
been
Members
of
Parliament
,
and
so
should
have
known
the
sense
;
but
it
was
designed
for
meer
ignorants
,
not
for
such
as
had
defamed
the
Law
,
which
is
still
here
charged
upon
the
Pannel
.
As
to
the
Article
of
Treason
,
it
is
conceived
,
That
it
is
unanswerably
founded
upon
the
Common
Law
,
discharging
all
men
to
make
alteration
of
the
Government
;
as
to
which
there
needs
no
express
Statute
,
that
being
the
very
essence
of
Government
,
and
needing
no
Laws
.
Like
as
it
falls
positively
under
all
the
Laws
that
discharge
the
assuming
the
Royal
or
Legislative
power
,
for
to
alter
the
Government
,
is
inseparably
united
to
the
Crown
.
Like
as
the
Subsumption
is
as
clear
,
the
express
words
not
bearing
,
That
the
Earl
reserves
to
himself
a
power
to
propose
to
His
Majesty
any
alterations
,
or
to
concur
to
serve
His
Majesty
in
making
alterations
;
but
owning
in
most
general
and
arbitrary
terms
,
to
wish
and
endeavour
any
alteration
he
should
think
fit
for
the
advantage
of
Church
or
State
,
and
not
determining
any
thing
that
could
bind
him
otherwise
than
according
to
his
own
pleasure
,
for
the
word
(
lawful
)
is
still
subjected
to
himself
,
and
has
subjoyned
to
it
,
as
he
should
think
fit
,
which
governs
the
whole
proposition
;
and
in
that
sense
,
and
as
the
words
are
here
set
down
,
the
greatest
Rebel
in
Scotland
will
subscribe
that
Explanation
,
for
there
is
no
man
but
will
restrict
himself
to
a
lawful
obedience
,
provided
he
be
Judge
of
the
lawfulness
.
And
seeing
all
Oaths
proposed
for
the
security
of
Government
,
require
a
certain
depending
upon
the
Legislator
,
and
not
upon
the
Taker
,
it
is
impossible
that
that
end
could
be
attained
by
any
qualification
,
how
special
soever
,
which
is
made
to
depend
absolutely
upon
the
Taker
,
and
not
upon
the
Legislator
.
And
we
have
often
seen
,
how
little
security
there
is
in
those
specious
words
,
the
very
Covenant
it self
having
not
only
the
very
words
above-repeated
,
but
attesting
all
the
world
to
be
witnesses
to
their
Loyalty
and
Sincerity
.
And
as
to
the
former
instances
,
viz.
Rising
in
Arms
,
or
opposing
the
lawful
Successor
,
there
is
no
Covenanter
in
Scotland
,
but
will
say
,
he
will
do
neither
,
but
in
a
lawful
way
,
and
in
his
station
,
and
in
a
way
consistent
with
his
Loyalty
,
for
a
man
were
mad
to
say
otherwise
;
but
yet
when
they
come
to
explain
this
,
they
will
only
do
it
as
they
think
fit
,
and
will
be
Judges
themselves
,
and
then
will
tell
us
,
That
defensive
Arms
are
lawful
,
and
that
no
Popish
Successor
should
succeed
,
nor
no
Successor
unless
he
subscribe
the
Covenant
.
And
whereas
it
is
pretended
,
That
no
clause
in
the
Test
does
exclude
a
man
from
making
alterations
,
it
is
answered
,
That
the
alterations
which
the
Test
allows
are
none
at
all
but
in
subordination
to
Authority
.
And
as
to
the
two
points
above
mentioned
,
it
excludes
all
alterations
as
to
these
points
.
And
as
to
the
making
fundamental
alterations
,
this
reservation
allows
to
make
any
alteration
,
and
consequently
fundamental
alterations
;
to
preclude
which
Libertinism
,
this
excellent
Law
was
invented
.
Whereas
it
is
pretended
,
That
the
Pannel
designs
not
to
add
any
thing
as
a
part
of
the
Law
,
but
as
a
part
of
his
Oath
,
it
is
duplied
,
Since
the
Oath
is
a
part
of
the
Law
,
whoever
adds
to
the
Oath
,
adds
to
the
Law
.
Whereas
it
is
pretended
,
That
the
Crime
of
Perjury
cannot
be
inferred
here
,
because
all
Divines
allow
,
That
the
Taker
of
an
Oath
is
still
allowed
to
declare
in
what
sense
he
takes
the
Oath
;
and
that
this
is
clear
from
Sanderson
,
p.
175.
It
is
triplied
,
That
where
there
are
two
dubious
senses
,
Lawyers
and
Divines
allow
.
That
the
taker
should
clear
himself
,
which
of
the
two
he
should
take
;
which
is
very
just
,
because
to
which
soever
of
the
two
he
determines
himself
,
the
Legislator
in
that
case
is
sure
of
him
.
But
here
it
is
not
pretended
,
That
there
are
two
senses
;
nor
does
the
Pannel
declare
in
which
of
the
two
he
takes
it
,
or
in
what
clear
sence
at
all
he
takes
it
,
which
is
indeed
liquido
Jurare
.
But
here
the
Pannel
neither
condescends
,
what
particular
clause
of
the
Test
is
unclear
;
nor
after
he
has
condescended
upon
the
Articles
,
does
he
condescend
upon
the
sense
,
but
in
general
mysterious
words
,
where
he
can
neither
be
followed
,
or
found
out
,
he
only
takes
it
in
so
far
as
it
is
consistent
with
it self
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
reserving
the
squaring
all
by
his
own
Loyalty
,
as
he
did
in
the
beginning
declare
,
That
he
took
it
in
his
own
sense
,
by
which
general
sense
,
neither
is
the
Government
secure
of
any
thing
it
does
enjoyn
,
nor
could
he
be
punished
if
he
transgressed
.
Nor
can
it
be
doubted
,
but
Perjury
may
be
inferred
by
any
equivocal
or
evading
sense
,
inter
Jurandum
,
as
well
as
by
breaking
an
oath
afterwards
;
which
is
very
clear
from
Sanderson
,
p.
138.
The
words
whereof
are
alterum
perjurii
genus
est
inter
Jurandum
detorquere
verba
;
and
which
is
farther
clear
by
the
28.
page
,
but
above
all
,
from
the
principles
of
Reason
,
and
the
necessity
of
Commerce
and
Government
:
For
if
men
may
adhibit
such
glosses
,
even
whilst
they
swear
,
as
may
make
the
Oath
useless
,
what
way
will
either
Government
or
Commerce
be
maintained
?
And
he
deceives
as
much
that
deceives
in
swearing
salvis
verbis
,
as
he
who
after
he
has
sworn
,
does
break
the
Oath
.
Nay
,
and
more
too
,
because
the
breaking
may
come
from
forgetfulness
,
or
other
accidents
,
but
the
evading
by
general
Clauses
,
which
bind
no
man
,
does
from
the
first
instance
originally
make
all
Oaths
useless
and
dangerous
,
and
that
this
interpretation
eludes
the
Oath
absolutely
,
is
very
clear
from
what
hath
been
formerly
debated
.
For
it
may
be
argued
,
That
the
Earl
broke
the
Oath
in
so
far
,
as
the
first
day
he
swears
the
Oath
,
which
bears
to
be
without
any
evasion
(
and
must
be
so
,
notwithstanding
of
whatever
he
could
say
:
)
And
the
next
day
he
gives
in
this
evasion
,
which
is
a
down-right
violation
of
that
Oath
,
and
inconsistent
with
it
.
Nor
was
this
Oath
forced
,
but
voluntarily
emitted
,
to
keep
his
own
places
.
And
it
was
the
greater
Crime
that
it
was
done
in
the
Council
,
because
that
was
to
make
it
the
more
publick
,
and
consequently
,
the
more
to
misrepresent
the
Government
.
After
this
debate
,
which
,
according
to
the
custom
of
the
Court
,
was
verbatim
dictate
by
the
Advocates
of
either
side
,
and
written
by
the
Clerk
,
and
so
took
up
much
time
;
and
the
Court
having
sate
,
at
least
twelve
hours
,
without
intermission
,
it
adjourned
till
the
next
day
,
being
Tuesday
the
13th
.
of
December
,
at
Two
of
the
Clock
in
the
Afternoon
:
And
then
the
Earl
being
again
brought
to
the
Bar
,
the
following
Interloquutour
(
that
is
Judgment
and
Sentence
)
of
the
Lords
of
Justitiary
,
on
the
foregoing
debate
,
was
read
,
and
pronounced
in
open
Court
.
Edinburgh
,
December
12.
1681.
The
Interloquutour
of
the
Lords
of
Justitiary
.
THE
Lords
,
Justice
General
,
and
Commissioners
of
the
Justitiary
,
having
considered
the
Libel
and
Debate
,
they
sustain
the
defence
proponed
for
the
Earl
of
Argyle
,
the
Pannel
,
in
relation
to
the
perjury
Libelled
,
viz.
That
he
emitted
this
Explanation
at
,
or
before
his
taking
the
Test
,
first
before
his
Royal
Highness
,
His
Majesties
High
Commissioner
,
and
the
Lords
of
His
Majesties
Privy
Council
,
relevant
,
to
elude
that
Article
of
the
Libel
.
The
Lords
sustain
the
Libel
,
as
being
founded
upon
the
Common
Law
,
and
Explication
Libelled
,
and
upon
Act
130.
Parl.
8.
James
VI.
to
infer
the
pain
of
Treason
.
They
likewise
sustain
the
Libel
,
as
founded
upon
the
10.
Act
Parl.
10.
James
VI.
to
infer
the
pain
of
Death
;
and
likewise
sustain
that
part
of
the
Libel
anent
Leasing
making
,
and
Leasing-telling
,
to
infer
the
particular
pains
mentioned
in
the
several
Acts
Libelled
.
And
repel
the
whole
other
defences
,
duplies
,
and
quadruplies
,
and
remits
the
Libel
,
with
the
defences
anent
the
Perjury
,
to
the
knowledge
of
an
Assize
.
Thereafter
the
Assize
,
that
is
the
Jury
,
being
constitute
and
sworn
,
viz.
List
of
the
Assizers
.
-
Marquiss
Montross
,
-
E.
Middleton
,
-
E.
Airlie
,
-
E.
Perth
,
P.
Cr.
-
E.
Dalhousie
,
-
E.
Roxburgh
,
P.
C.
-
E.
Dumfries
,
-
E.
Linlithgow
,
P.
Cr.
-
Lord
Lindoors
,
-
Lord
Sinclare
,
-
Lord
Bruntisland
,
-
Laird
of
Gosfoord
,
-
Laird
of
Claverhouse
,
-
Laird
of
Balnamoon
-
Laird
of
Park
Gordon
.
HIS
Majesties
Advocate
adduced
four
Witnesses
,
to
prove
the
points
of
the
Indictment
,
remitted
to
the
knowledge
of
the
Assize
,
viz.
John
Drummond
of
Lundie
,
then
Governour
of
the
Castle
of
Edinburgh
,
now
Treasurer
Deputy
:
Sir
William
Paterson
,
and
Mr.
Patrick
Menzies
,
Clerks
of
the
Privy
Council
;
and
H.
Stevenson
their
under
Clerk
.
Who
deponed
,
That
on
the
4th
.
of
November
,
the
Earl
did
give
in
an
unsubscribed
Explanation
of
the
Test
,
which
he
refused
to
sign
:
One
of
the
Witnesses
also
adding
,
That
he
heard
him
make
the
same
Explanation
,
the
day
before
,
in
Council
,
and
that
it
was
there
accepted
.
Then
His
Majesties
Advocate
asked
,
if
the
Earl
would
make
use
of
his
Exculpation
for
eliding
the
Perjury
Libelled
,
to
wit
,
That
he
had
emitted
the
same
Explanation
,
before
taking
the
Test
,
in
presence
of
his
Royal
Highness
and
the
Council
.
To
which
the
Earl
answered
,
That
seeing
they
had
sustain'd
the
Libel
,
as
to
the
alledged
Treason
,
he
would
not
trouble
them
about
the
Perjury
;
especially
the
matter
of
Fact
,
referred
by
the
Interloquutour
to
his
probation
,
being
of
it self
so
clear
and
notour
.
Fut
the
truth
is
,
the
Interloquutour
pronounced
was
so
amazing
,
that
both
the
Earl
and
his
Advocates
,
were
struck
with
deep
silence
,
for
they
plainly
perceived
that
,
after
such
a
Judgment
in
the
case
,
all
further
endeavours
would
be
in
vain
,
it
being
now
manifest
,
that
seeing
the
Earls
innocence
had
so
little
availed
,
as
that
his
plain
and
honest
words
,
purely
uttered
for
the
necessary
satisfaction
of
his
own
conscience
,
and
clearing
of
his
Loyalty
,
had
been
construed
,
and
detorted
,
to
infer
Leasing-making
,
Depraving
,
and
Treason
:
the
Tongues
of
men
and
Angels
(
as
some
of
his
Advocates
also
said
)
could
not
do
any
good
,
and
therefore
neither
did
the
Earl
,
nor
they
object
any
thing
,
either
against
the
Assizers
or
Witnesses
,
though
liable
to
obvious
,
and
unanswerable
exceptions
:
Nor
did
the
Earls
Advocates
say
any
thing
to
the
Assize
,
as
the
custom
is
,
and
as
in
this
case
they
might
well
have
done
to
take
off
the
force
of
the
Evidence
,
and
to
demonstrate
that
the
Depositions
,
instead
of
proving
the
Indictment
,
did
rather
prove
the
Earls
defences
.
But
,
as
I
have
said
,
they
now
plainly
saw
that
all
this
had
been
unnecessary
work
,
and
,
in
effect
,
were
of
opinion
,
that
after
so
black
,
and
dreadful
a
sence
,
put
upon
what
the
Earl
had
spoke
and
done
,
in
such
fair
,
and
favourable
circumstances
,
there
could
be
nothing
said
,
before
such
a
Court
,
which
might
not
expose
themselves
to
the
like
hazard
,
and
more
easily
be
made
liable
to
the
same
mis-construction
.
But
,
upon
this
silence
,
the
Advocate
,
taking
Instruments
,
protests
(
whether
in
form
only
,
or
from
a
real
fear
,
let
others
judge
)
for
an
Assize
of
Error
,
in
case
the
Assizers
should
Assoil
or
acquit
:
Whereupon
the
Assize
removing
was
inclosed
,
and
,
after
some
time
,
returned
their
Verdict
,
which
was
read
in
open
Court
of
this
tenour
.
The
Verdict
of
the
Assize
.
THE
Assize
having
Elected
,
and
Chosen
the
Marquess
of
Montrose
to
be
their
Chancellor
,
they
all
in
one
voice
find
the
Earl
of
Argyle
guilty
,
and
culpable
of
the
Crimes
of
Treason
,
Leasing-making
,
and
Leasing-telling
.
And
find
,
by
plurality
of
Votes
,
the
said
Earl
innocent
,
and
not
guilty
of
Perjury
.
And
then
the
Court
again
adjourned
:
And
the
Privy-Council
wrote
the
following
Letter
to
His
Majesty
.
Halyrud-House
,
December
14.
1681.
The
Councils
Letter
to
the
King
,
desiring
leave
to
pronounce
Sentence
against
the
Earl
of
Argyle
.
May
it
please
Your
Sacred
Majesty
,
IN
Obedience
to
Your
Majesty's
Letter
,
dated
the
15th
of
November
last
,
we
ordered
Your
Majesty's
Advocate
to
insist
in
that
Process
,
raised
at
your
Instance
,
against
the
Earl
of
Argyle
:
And
having
allowed
him
a
long
time
for
his
appearance
,
and
any
Advocates
he
pleased
to
employ
,
and
Letters
of
Exculpation
,
for
his
Defence
;
He
,
after
full
Debate
,
and
clear
Probation
,
was
found
guilty
of
Treason
,
Leasing-making
betwixt
Your
Majesty
,
Your
Parliament
,
and
Your
People
,
and
the
reproaching
of
Your
Laws
,
and
Acts
of
Parliament
.
But
because
of
Your
Majesty's
Letter
,
ordaining
us
to
send
Your
Majesty
a
particular
account
of
what
he
should
be
found
guilty
of
,
before
the
pronouncing
of
any
Sentence
against
him
,
we
thought
it
our
duty
to
send
Your
Majesty
this
account
of
our
,
and
Your
Justices
proceedings
therein
;
And
to
signifie
to
Your
Majesty
,
with
all
Submission
,
That
it
is
usual
,
and
most
fit
for
Your
Majesty's
Service
,
and
the
Advantage
of
the
Crown
,
that
a
Sentence
be
pronounced
,
upon
the
Verdict
of
the
Assize
,
without
which
the
Process
will
be
still
imperfect
.
After
which
,
Your
Majesty
may
,
as
you
in
Your
Royal
Prudenee
and
Clemency
shall
think
fit
,
Ordain
all
farther
execution
to
be
sisted
,
during
Your
Majesty's
pleasure
:
Which
shall
be
dutifully
obeyed
by
,
Your
MAJESTY's
Most
Humble
,
Most
Faithful
,
and
most
Obedient
Subjects
and
Servants
,
Sic
Subscribitur
,
-
Alex.
St.
And.
-
Athol
,
-
Douglas
,
-
Montrose
,
-
Glencairn
,
-
Wintoun
,
-
Linlithgow
,
-
Perth
,
-
Roxburgh
,
-
Dumfries
,
-
Strathmore
,
-
Airlie
,
-
Ancram
,
-
Livingstoun
,
-
Jo.
Edinburgens
,
-
Elphingstoun
,
-
Dalziell
,
-
Geo.
Gordon
,
-
Ch.
Maitland
,
-
Geo.
Mckenzie
,
-
G.
Mckenzie
,
-
Ramsay
,
-
J.
Drummond
.
THE
Earl
,
as
well
as
the
Lords
of
Privy
Council
,
waited
some
days
for
the
Answer
of
this
Letter
:
But
the
Earl
making
his
escape
a
day
or
two
before
it
came
,
I
shall
take
occasion
to
entertain
you
,
in
the
mean
time
,
with
an
account
of
some
thoughts
that
the
Earl
had
set
down
in
Writing
,
in
order
to
some
discourse
he
intended
to
have
made
to
the
Lords
of
Justiciary
,
before
their
pronouncing
Sentence
.
And
then
I
shall
subjoyn
the
Motives
and
Arguments
,
which
(
as
he
hath
since
informed
some
of
his
Friends
)
did
induce
him
to
make
his
escape
:
Which
,
with
what
I
have
said
before
,
will
give
you
a
full
account
of
all
matters
,
till
His
Majesty's
return
came
,
and
the
Sentence
past
.
And
first
,
he
takes
notice
,
That
on
Monday
the
Twelfth
of
December
,
the
day
of
his
Arraignment
,
the
Court
adjourned
,
before
he
was
aware
:
And
it
being
then
late
,
about
nine
of
the
Clock
,
and
after
a
sederunt
of
twelve
hours
,
He
did
not
imagine
,
they
would
have
proceeded
further
that
night
;
but
only
heard
afterwards
that
they
sat
it
out
till
two
or
three
after
midnight
:
And
was
surprized
the
next
morning
,
to
understand
,
that
without
calling
him
again
,
or
asking
at
him
,
or
hearing
,
or
considering
his
own
sense
of
his
own
words
,
they
had
not
only
found
the
Libel
relevant
,
but
repelled
his
defences
,
and
with
one
breath
rejected
all
his
most
material
reasons
of
Exculpation
,
root
and
branch
.
This
seemed
hard
,
though
the
words
had
been
worse
,
and
no
way
capable
of
a
favourable
construction
(
which
none
,
no
not
the
Judges
themselves
,
can
be
so
void
of
sense
,
as
to
think
really
they
were
not
)
and
this
was
so
far
beyond
all
imagination
,
that
,
neither
the
Earl
,
nor
his
Advocates
did
ever
dream
it
could
fall
out
,
though
all
was
not
said
might
have
been
said
;
nor
what
was
said
,
so
fully
enforced
as
the
Earl's
Advocates
could
easily
have
done
,
if
the
case
had
not
been
thought
so
very
clear
,
and
the
Earl
his
innocence
so
obvious
and
apparent
,
and
they
unwilling
unnecessarily
to
irritate
many
concerned
.
This
great
haste
,
and
strange
proceeding
,
did
so
surprise
and
astonish
him
(
as
I
have
said
)
that
it
caused
him
,
the
next
day
when
the
Sentence
was
read
,
to
keep
deep
silence
,
and
suffer
the
Interloquutor
to
be
pronounced
,
the
Assizers
chosen
,
and
sworn
,
and
the
Witnesses
received
,
and
examined
,
without
once
offering
to
say
,
or
object
any
thing
,
or
so
much
as
inquiring
,
at
either
Assizers
,
or
Witnesses
,
whether
they
had
not
been
tampered
with
,
and
practised
by
promises
,
and
threatnings
;
or
whether
some
of
them
had
not
previously
,
and
publickly
declared
themselves
in
the
Case
,
and
others
of
them
had
not
partially
advised
,
and
solicited
against
him
;
Which
,
as
they
are
just
,
and
competent
Exceptions
,
so
he
was
able
to
have
proven
them
,
against
most
of
them
,
instantly
,
and
fully
.
And
indeed
,
as
to
such
of
the
Assizers
as
were
Councellors
,
(
whom
,
for
your
better
information
,
I
have
marked
in
the
List
of
Assuzers
thus
,
P.
Cr.
and
had
first
ordered
his
Imprisonment
,
next
,
signed
the
Letter
to
His
Majesty
,
and
then
ordered
the
Process
,
and
therein
manifestly
fore-stalled
their
own
judgment
(
had
they
done
no
more
)
it
was
a
wonder
,
beyond
parallel
,
That
,
neither
their
own
Honour
,
nor
the
common
decency
of
Justice
,
nor
even
His
Majesty's
Advocate
's
Interest
,
did
prevent
their
being
impannelled
on
that
Assize
.
But
the
truth
is
,
the
Earl
did
so
far
neglect
and
abandon
himself
,
and
give
way
to
the
Court
,
that
he
did
not
so
much
as
open
his
mouth
,
to
clear
himself
of
the
Perjury
laid
to
his
charge
,
which
yet
God
Almighty
was
pleased
to
do
,
by
the
plurality
of
voices
of
the
same
Assize
,
who
it
appears
plainly
did
bear
him
little
kindness
:
For
whereas
Assizers
do
usually
return
their
Verdict
,
Proven
,
or
not
Proven
,
rather
than
Guilty
or
not
Guilty
,
and
ought
alwise
to
do
so
,
where
the
relevancy
is
in
dubio
,
and
especially
in
a
case
of
this
nature
,
in
which
the
alledged
Treason
is
no
overt
act
,
and
indeed
no
act
,
nor
so
much
as
a
real
ground
of
offence
;
but
plainly
such
a
subtil
,
chimerical
,
and
non-sensical
consequence
,
that
the
finding
it
doth
quite
surpass
the
comprehension
of
all
unbyassed
men
;
It
might
have
been
expected
that
persons
of
their
quality
would
have
chosen
the
more
moderate
form
of
proven
or
not
proven
,
and
not
involved
themselves
unnecessarily
upon
Oath
in
adjudging
the
relevancy
of
a
guilt
,
which
so
few
are
able
to
imagine
,
and
none
will
ever
make
out
;
yet
you
see
in
their
Verdict
,
that
all
in
one
voice
they
did
find
the
Earl
Guilty
,
in
the
most
positive
and
strong
form
;
adding
,
for
superabundance
,
culpable
,
forsooth
,
the
better
to
demonstrate
their
good
will
.
Nor
is
it
unworthy
of
remark
,
that
when
such
of
the
Assizers
as
were
present
at
the
Council
declared
the
Earl
Innocent
of
the
Perjury
(
which
His
Majesty's
Advocate
did
only
pretend
to
infer
from
the
Earls
alledged
silence
,
or
not
speaking
loud
enough
,
the
first
day
,
when
he
signed
the
Test
)
because
they
heard
him
,
at
the
same
time
,
pronounce
his
explanation
:
Yet
some
other
Assizers
that
were
no
Councellors
,
and
knew
nothing
of
the
matter
of
fact
,
but
by
hear-say
,
without
all
regard
to
the
witnessing
of
these
Counsellors
,
their
fellow
Assizers
,
voted
him
Guilty
:
And
so
took
it
formally
on
their
Consciences
,
that
he
had
said
nothing
in
the
Council
,
at
his
taking
the
Test
;
albeit
all
the
Council
knew
the
contrary
:
(
by
which
they
are
clearly
perjured
)
.
Nay
,
such
was
the
earnestness
of
some
(
who
thought
it
scazce
possible
to
carry
the
Treason
upon
words
so
safe
and
innocent
)
to
have
the
Earl
found
guilty
of
Perjury
,
that
it
was
particularly
recommended
to
His
Majesty's
Advocate
to
get
him
made
guilty
of
that
point
,
to
render
him
for
ever
uncapable
of
publick
employment
.
And
the
Clerk
of
the
Assize
was
so
concerned
in
it
,
that
he
twice
misreckoned
the
Votes
,
before
he
would
yield
that
the
Earl
was
assoiled
,
or
acquit
of
the
Perjury
.
And
this
,
among
other
things
,
may
serve
to
clear
,
how
that
whole
matter
was
influenced
and
managed
:
For
,
as
the
Earl
cannot
be
charged
with
Perjury
the
second
day
,
because
he
swore
none
at
all
;
so
as
little
the
first
day
,
seeing
whether
he
took
the
Test
with
an
Explanation
(
as
certainly
he
did
)
or
simply
without
saying
any
thing
,
It
is
equally
apparent
,
there
was
no
Perjury
in
the
case
:
But
it
appears
,
their
Assizers
were
of
the
Opinion
,
that
the
Indictment
or
Libel
alone
(
as
it
was
indeed
the
only
evidence
)
was
a
sufficient
proof
of
the
Earl
his
being
guilty
of
Perjury
.
And
indeed
for
any
other
Rule
or
Reason
that
occurs
,
They
might
as
well
have
found
him
guilty
of
the
Perjury
as
of
the
Treason
:
But
the
Assizers
that
were
Councellors
being
under
a
particular
check
,
apprehending
they
might
be
found
perjured
themselves
,
if
they
had
not
acknowledged
the
hearing
of
the
words
,
that
all
others
present
could
have
attested
to
have
been
audibly
spoken
,
and
some
of
themselves
have
confessed
to
have
heard
,
before
they
knew
the
tenor
of
the
Libel
;
And
,
the
great
Crime
of
Treason
being
sufficient
to
do
the
Job
,
it
is
like
they
judged
it
advisable
to
give
this
insignificant
absolution
from
Perjury
,
That
their
Virdict
of
Treason
might
have
the
greater
colour
,
and
shew
of
candor
,
and
sincerity
.
However
it
seems
to
be
without
measure
hard
to
be
prosecute
with
such
a
deadly
Dilemma
of
either
Treason
or
Perjury
;
for
you
see
,
in
their
account
,
if
the
Earl
swear
with
an
Explanation
,
his
Life
is
knockt
down
by
Treason
;
and
if
without
an
Explanation
,
his
Honour
,
which
is
dearer
to
him
than
his
Life
,
is
run
thorow
with
Perjury
.
But
,
to
compleat
a
fancy
beyond
Bedlam
,
The
Advocate
urges
,
and
several
Assizers
agree
,
at
the
same
time
,
to
condemn
the
Earl
as
perjured
,
for
not
explaining
;
and
for
Treason
,
for
explaining
:
Quis
talia
fando
?
In
the
next
place
,
the
Earl's
Papers
contain
some
thoughts
,
and
endeavours
,
to
remove
certain
mistakes
,
which
,
he
had
good
ground
to
believe
,
did
so
much
prompt
,
and
precipitate
the
Judges
to
pronounce
so
important
a
Sentence
against
him
,
upon
so
weak
and
sandy
foundations
,
and
which
were
indeed
either
meer
fancies
,
or
so
frivolous
,
that
though
they
were
true
,
they
could
never
excuse
them
before
men
,
far
less
exoner
them
before
God
Almighty
.
Where
,
laying
down
a
true
ground
,
that
nunquam
concluditur
in
criminalibus
,
&c.
and
withal
representing
,
how
his
Advocates
were
questioned
,
in
so
extraordinary
a
manner
,
for
signing
their
Opinion
(
which
you
have
above
Num.
32.
Where
you
may
see
how
fair
,
just
,
and
safe
it
was
)
that
now
they
dare
no
more
plead
for
him
;
He
says
,
He
cannot
be
denied
to
plead
for
himself
,
as
he
best
may
.
The
first
ground
of
mistake
then
that
he
was
to
represent
,
was
,
that
he
knew
it
had
been
told
them
,
it
was
very
much
His
Majesty's
Interest
,
and
necessary
for
the
support
of
the
Government
,
to
devest
,
and
render
him
uncapable
of
publick
Trust
:
Which
words
had
been
oft
said
,
and
said
to
himself
,
to
persuade
him
that
there
was
no
further
rigour
intended
:
But
as
he
is
very
confident
our
gracious
King
will
never
,
upon
any
such
pretence
,
allow
any
innocent
Person
to
be
condemned
,
far
less
to
be
destroyed
,
in
a
picque
or
frolick
,
where
his
Majesty
can
reap
no
advantage
;
So
he
is
persuaded
,
His
Majesty
hath
no
design
to
render
him
miserable
,
far
less
to
cut
him
off
,
without
a
cause
.
And
therefore
concludes
,
it
is
only
his
misfortune
,
in
his
present
circumstances
,
never
having
access
to
,
nor
being
heard
by
his
Majesty
,
nor
the
Case
perfectly
understood
by
him
,
that
hath
made
His
Majesty
give
so
much
as
way
to
a
Process
to
be
raised
or
led
,
far
less
to
a
Sentence
to
be
pronounced
against
him
.
But
in
effect
,
as
this
Affair
hath
been
managed
all
alongs
,
and
so
many
engaged
,
in
so
extraordinary
ways
,
to
act
,
and
write
against
him
,
first
and
last
,
nothing
should
appear
strange
or
surprising
:
However
,
as
their
own
Consciences
,
and
God
Almighty
,
knows
how
they
have
been
brought
to
meddle
,
and
act
,
as
they
have
done
;
So
,
one
day
or
other
,
the
World
may
likewise
know
it
.
A
second
ground
of
mistake
,
which
,
he
says
,
may
impose
upon
them
,
is
a
confidence
of
His
Majesty's
Pardon
intended
for
him
,
a
pretence
only
given
out
to
render
the
Condemnation
more
easie
;
yet
indeed
least
wished
for
by
those
who
were
readiest
to
spread
the
report
,
and
whereof
the
Earl
had
indeed
more
confidence
than
any
that
talked
of
it
,
if
His
Majesty
were
left
to
himself
,
and
had
the
Case
fully
and
truly
represented
to
him
:
but
as
His
Majesty
needs
not
this
false
occasion
to
make
his
clemency
appear
,
which
is
so
well
known
over
all
his
Dominions
,
by
far
more
true
and
genuine
discoveries
;
so
it
were
the
heighth
of
injustice
in
their
Lordships
of
the
Justiciary
to
proceed
to
sentence
against
him
,
upon
such
Apprehensions
,
in
case
in
their
hearts
they
believe
him
innocent
(
as
he
certainly
knows
they
do
)
besides
,
they
cannot
but
see
their
acting
,
upon
so
unjust
a
ground
,
will
not
only
stain
their
names
,
and
memories
,
but
instead
of
alleviating
,
rather
aggravate
their
guilt
,
both
in
their
own
Consciences
when
they
reflect
on
it
in
cold
blood
,
and
in
the
sight
of
God
Almighty
:
And
if
His
Majesty
,
on
importunity
and
a
third
Application
,
should
give
way
to
execution
,
as
he
hath
already
given
way
,
first
to
the
Process
,
and
then
to
the
Sentence
;
or
if
(
as
some
may
design
)
Execution
shall
be
adventured
on
,
without
the
formality
of
a
new
Order
(
as
the
Process
was
at
first
commenced
,
before
His
Majesty's
return
,
and
so
is
not
impossible
)
would
not
their
Lordships
be
as
guilty
of
his
blood
,
as
if
they
had
cut
his
Throat
?
And
in
effect
,
these
are
the
grounds
and
Excuses
pretended
at
this
day
,
in
private
,
by
such
of
his
Judges
,
for
their
procedour
,
who
are
not
yet
come
to
have
the
confidence
,
at
all
Occasions
,
to
own
directly
what
they
have
done
.
A
third
reason
why
his
Exculpation
was
not
allowed
,
he
says
,
might
be
,
because
the
sustaing
of
it
might
have
brought
other
Explanations
above-board
,
and
discover
both
these
who
had
made
,
and
those
who
had
accepted
them
,
and
perhaps
not
have
left
their
own
Bench
untouched
.
But
as
this
Artifice
will
not
keep
up
the
Secret
;
And
as
this
way
of
shifting
is
neither
just
nor
equal
;
so
to
all
interested
it
is
the
meanest
of
Security
;
For
his
Majesty's
Advocate
hath
already
told
us
,
that
His
Majesty's
Officers
can
never
wrong
him
:
And
although
the
Lords
and
He
shauld
conceal
what
others
had
done
,
it
might
make
themselves
more
guilty
,
but
not
prove
any
Exoneration
to
those
concerned
,
without
a
down-right
Remission
:
Whereas
it
is
manifest
,
That
if
their
Lordships
had
admitted
the
Earl's
Exculpation
,
upon
the
sure
and
evident
grounds
therein
contained
,
it
would
not
only
have
answered
the
Justice
of
his
Case
,
but
vindicated
all
concerned
.
And
lastly
,
he
was
to
tell
them
,
that
possibly
they
might
be
inclined
to
go
on
,
because
they
were
already
so
far
engaged
,
as
they
knew
not
how
to
retreat
with
their
honour
:
but
,
as
there
can
be
no
true
honour
where
there
is
manifest
wrong
,
and
injustice
;
so
,
in
the
frail
and
fallible
condition
of
humane
things
,
there
can
be
no
delusion
more
dangerous
and
pernicious
than
this
,
that
unum
scelus
est
alio
scelere
tegendum
.
And
here
the
Earl
thought
to
lay
before
them
,
very
plainly
and
pertinently
,
some
remarkable
and
excellent
Rules
,
whereby
L.
Chief
Justice
Hales
,
a
renowned
Judge
of
our
Neighbour-Nation
,
tells
,
he
did
govern
himself
in
all
Criminal
Cases
;
which
(
adds
the
Earl
)
if
they
took
a
due
impression
,
would
certainly
give
them
peace
,
and
joy
,
when
all
the
vain
Considerations
that
now
amuse
,
will
avail
them
nothing
.
The
Rules
are
these
.
I.
Not
to
be
rigid
in
matters
purely
conscientious
,
where
all
the
harm
is
diversity
of
Judgment
.
II.
That
Popular
,
or
Court-applause
,
or
distaste
,
have
no
influence
on
any
thing
is
to
be
done
,
in
point
of
distribution
of
Justice
.
III.
In
a
criminal
Case
,
if
it
be
a
measuring
cast
,
then
to
incline
to
mercy
and
acquittal
.
IV.
In
criminal
things
,
that
consist
only
of
words
,
where
no
harm
ensues
,
moderation
is
then
no
injustice
.
V.
To
abhor
all
private
Solicitations
,
of
what
kind
soever
,
and
by
whomsoever
.
VI.
In
matters
depending
,
not
to
be
solicitous
what
men
will
say
or
think
,
so
long
as
the
rule
of
Justice
is
exactly
kept
.
VII
.
And
lastly
,
Never
to
ingage
themselves
in
the
beginning
of
a
Cause
,
but
reserve
themselves
unprejudged
,
till
the
whole
business
be
heard
.
Then
the
Earl
goes
on
,
and
makes
notes
,
for
Additional
Defences
,
reducible
to
these
Heads
.
I.
The
absolute
innocence
af
his
Explication
,
in
its
true
and
genuine
meaning
,
from
all
crime
or
offence
,
far
more
from
the
horrible
Crimes
libelled
.
II.
The
impertinency
and
absurdity
of
His
Majesty's
Advocate
's
Arguings
,
for
inferring
the
Crimes
libelled
,
from
the
Earl's
words
.
III.
The
reasonableness
of
the
Exculpation
.
IV.
The
Earl's
Answers
to
the
Advocate
's
groundless
Pretences
for
aggravating
of
his
Case
.
As
to
the
first
,
The
Earl
waving
what
hath
been
said
from
common
Reason
,
and
Humanity
it self
,
and
from
the
whole
tenour
and
circumstances
of
his
Life
,
comes
close
to
the
point
by
offering
that
just
and
genuine
Explanation
of
his
Explication
which
you
have
above
,
Num.
21.
I
have
delayed
hitherto
to
take
the
Oath
appointed
by
the
Parliament
to
be
taken
,
betwixt
and
the
first
of
January
next
:
But
now
being
required
,
near
two
months
sooner
,
to
take
it
,
this
day
peremptorily
,
or
to
refuse
:
I
have
considered
the
Test
,
and
have
seen
several
Objections
moved
against
it
,
especially
by
many
of
the
Orthodox
Clergy
,
notwithstanding
whereof
,
I
have
endeavoured
to
satisfy
my self
with
a
just
Explication
,
which
I
here
offer
,
that
I
may
both
satisfy
my
Conscience
,
and
obey
Your
Highness
,
and
your
Lordships
Commands
in
taking
the
Test
,
though
the
Act
of
Parliament
do
not
simply
command
the
thing
,
but
only
under
a
certification
,
which
I
could
easily
submit
to
,
if
it
were
with
Your
Highness's
favour
,
and
might
be
without
offence
:
But
I
love
not
to
be
singular
;
and
I
am
very
desirous
to
give
obedience
in
this
,
and
every
thing
,
as
far
as
I
can
;
and
that
which
clears
me
,
is
,
that
I
am
confident
,
whatever
any
man
may
think
or
say
to
the
prejudice
of
this
Oath
,
the
Parliament
never
intended
to
impose
contradictory
Oaths
;
and
because
their
sense
(
they
being
the
Framers
and
Imposers
)
is
the
true
sense
,
and
this
Test
,
enjoined
,
is
of
no
private
interpretation
,
nor
are
the
King's
Statutes
to
be
interpreted
,
but
as
they
bear
,
and
to
the
intent
they
are
made
;
therefore
I
think
no
man
,
that
is
,
no
private
Person
,
can
explain
it
for
another
,
to
amuse
or
trouble
him
with
(
it
may
be
)
mistaken
glosses
:
But
every
man
,
as
he
is
to
take
it
,
so
is
to
explain
it
for
himself
,
and
to
endeavour
to
understand
it
,
notwithstanding
all
these
Exceptions
in
the
Parliament's
,
which
is
its
true
and
genuine
sense
;
I
take
it
therefore
,
notwithstanding
any
scruple
made
by
any
,
as
far
as
it
is
consistent
with
it self
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
which
is
wholly
in
the
Parliament's
sense
,
and
their
true
meaning
;
Which
(
being
present
)
I
am
sure
,
was
owned
by
all
to
be
the
securing
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
founded
on
the
Word
of
God
,
and
contained
in
the
Confession
of
Faith
recorded
,
J.
6.
p.
1.
c.
4.
And
not
out
of
Scruple
,
as
if
any
thing
in
the
Test
did
import
the
contrair
.
But
to
clear
my self
from
Cavils
,
as
if
thereby
I
were
bound
up
further
than
the
true
meaning
of
the
Oath
;
I
do
declare
,
That
by
that
part
of
the
Test
,
that
there
lies
lies
no
obligation
on
me
,
&c.
I
mean
not
to
bind
up
my self
in
my
station
,
and
in
a
lawful
way
;
still
disclaiming
all
unlawful
endeavours
,
To
wish
,
and
endeavour
any
alteration
,
I
think
,
According
to
my
Conscience
,
to
the
advantage
of
Church
,
or
State
,
not
repugnant
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
my
Loyalty
:
And
by
my
Loyalty
I
understand
no
other
thing
than
the
words
plainly
bear
,
to
wit
,
the
duty
and
allegiance
of
all
Loyal
Subjects
;
and
this
Explanation
I
understand
as
a
part
,
not
of
the
Test
,
or
Act
of
Parliament
,
but
as
a
qualifying
part
of
my
Oath
that
I
am
to
swear
;
and
with
it
I
am
willing
to
take
the
Test
,
if
your
Royal
Highness
and
your
Lordships
allow
me
.
Or
otherwise
,
in
submission
to
your
Highness
and
the
Councils
pleasure
,
I
am
content
to
be
held
as
a
Refuser
,
at
present
.
Which
Explanation
doth
manifestly
appear
to
be
so
just
,
and
true
,
without
violence
or
straining
;
so
clear
and
full
,
without
the
least
impertinency
;
so
notore
and
obvious
to
common
sense
,
without
any
Commentary
;
so
loyal
,
and
honest
,
without
ambiguity
;
and
lastly
,
so
far
from
all
,
or
any
of
the
Crimes
libelled
,
that
it
most
evidently
evinceth
,
that
the
words
thereby
explained
are
altogether
innocent
:
And
therefore
it
were
lost
time
to
use
any
Arguments
to
enforce
it
.
Yet
seeing
this
is
no
trial
of
wit
,
but
to
find
out
common
sense
;
let
us
examine
the
Advocate
's
fantastical
Paraphrase
,
upon
which
he
bottoms
all
the
alledged
Crimes
,
and
see
whether
it
agrees
,
in
one
jot
,
with
the
true
and
right
meaning
of
the
Earl's
words
;
and
(
as
you
may
gather
from
the
Indictment
)
it
is
plainly
thus
.
I
have
considered
the
Test
;
which
ought
not
to
be
done
,
and
am
very
desirous
to
give
obedience
,
as
far
as
I
can
,
but
am
not
willing
to
give
full
obedience
:
I
am
confident
the
Parliament
never
intended
to
impose
contradictory
Oaths
;
that
is
,
I
am
confident
they
did
intend
to
impose
contradictory
Oaths
;
and
therefore
I
think
no
man
can
explain
it
but
for
himself
;
that
is
to
say
,
every
man
may
take
it
in
any
sense
he
pleases
to
devise
,
and
thereby
render
this
Law
,
and
also
all
other
Laws
,
tho
not
at
all
concerned
in
this
Affair
,
useless
;
and
so
make
himself
a
Legislator
,
and
usurp
the
Supreme
Authority
:
And
I
take
it
,
in
so
far
as
it
is
consistent
with
it self
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
whereby
I
suppose
that
it
is
not
at
all
consistent
with
either
;
nor
was
ever
intended
by
the
Parliament
it
should
be
consistent
:
And
I
declare
,
that
by
taking
this
Test
,
I
mean
not
to
bind
up
my self
in
my
station
,
and
in
a
lawful
way
,
to
wish
,
or
endeavour
any
alteration
,
I
think
,
to
the
advantage
of
Church
,
or
State
,
not
repugnant
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
my
Loyalty
:
Whereby
I
declare
my self
,
and
all
others
,
free
from
all
obligation
to
the
Government
,
either
of
Church
,
or
State
,
as
by
Law
established
,
and
from
the
duty
and
Loyalty
of
good
Subjects
;
Resolving
of
my self
to
alter
all
the
Fundamentals
,
both
of
Law
,
and
Religion
,
as
I
shall
think
fit
:
And
this
I
understand
as
a
part
of
my
Oath
:
that
is
as
a
part
of
the
Act
of
Parliament
,
by
which
I
take
upon
me
,
and
usurp
the
Royal
Legislative
Power
.
Which
sense
and
Explanation
,
as
it
consists
of
the
Advocate
's
own
words
,
and
was
indeed
,
every
word
,
necessar
to
infer
these
horrible
Crimes
contained
in
the
Indictment
;
so
,
to
speak
with
all
the
modesty
that
truth
will
allow
,
I
am
sure
,
it
is
so
violent
,
false
,
and
absurd
,
that
the
greatest
difficulty
must
be
to
believe
that
any
such
thing
was
alledged
,
far
more
received
,
and
sustained
in
judgment
,
by
Men
professing
only
reason
,
far
less
Religion
.
But
thirdly
,
If
neither
the
Earl's
true
,
genuine
,
and
honest
sense
,
nor
this
violent
,
corrupt
,
and
false
sense
,
will
satisfy
;
let
us
try
what
transprosing
the
Earl's
Explanation
will
do
,
and
see
how
the
just
contrary
will
look
.
—
And
it
must
be
thus
.
I
Have
considered
the
Test
,
nor
am
I
at
all
desirous
to
give
obedience
,
so
far
as
I
can
;
I
am
confident
the
Parliament
intended
to
impose
contradictory
Oaths
;
And
therefore
I
think
,
every
man
can
explain
it
for
others
,
as
well
as
for
himself
,
and
take
it
,
without
reconciling
it
,
either
to
it self
,
or
his
own
sense
of
it
:
And
I
do
take
it
,
tho
it
be
inconsistent
with
it self
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
:
And
I
declare
,
that
I
mean
thereby
to
bind
up
my self
never
(
either
in
my
station
,
or
in
any
lawful
way
whatsoever
)
to
wish
,
or
endeavour
,
in
the
least
,
any
alteration
,
tho
to
the
advantage
of
Church
,
or
State
,
and
tho
never
so
suitable
,
and
no
way
repugnant
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
my
Loyalty
:
And
,
tho
this
be
the
express
quality
of
my
Swearing
,
yet
I
understand
it
to
be
no
part
of
my
Oath
.
Now
whether
this
contradictory
Conversion
be
not
Treason
,
or
highly
Criminal
,
at
best
,
I
leave
all
the
World
to
judge
;
and
to
make
both
sides
of
a
contradiction
,
that
is
,
both
the
Affirmative
and
Negative
of
the
same
Proposition
,
Treason
,
is
beyound
ordinary
Logick
.
Escobar
finds
two
contrary
ways
may
both
be
probable
and
safe
ways
to
go
to
Heaven
;
but
neither
he
,
nor
the
Devil
himself
,
have
hitherto
adventured
to
declare
two
contradictory
Propositions
,
both
damnable
,
and
either
of
them
a
just
cause
to
take
away
mens
Lives
,
Honours
,
and
Fortunes
.
But
where
the
Disease
is
in
the
Will
,
it
is
lost
labour
to
apply
Remedies
to
the
Understanding
;
and
must
not
this
be
indeed
,
either
the
oddest
Treason
,
or
strangest
Discovery
that
ever
was
heard
of
?
The
Bishop
of
Edinburgh
sees
it
not
,
witness
his
Vindication
,
saying
the
same
,
and
more
;
nor
many
of
the
Orthodox
Clergy
,
witness
their
Explanations
;
nor
his
Royal
Highness
,
in
private
;
nor
at
first
in
Council
,
nor
all
the
Councellors
,
when
together
at
the
Council-board
;
nor
the
President
of
the
Council
,
nor
the
then
President
of
the
Session
(
now
Chancellor
)
though
he
rose
from
his
Seat
,
to
be
sure
to
hear
;
nor
any
of
the
most
learned
Lawyers
,
witness
their
signed
Opinion
;
nor
the
most
learned
of
the
Judges
on
the
Bench
;
nor
the
generality
of
the
knowing
Persons
,
either
in
Scotland
,
or
England
:
wonderful
Treason
one
day
seen
by
none
,
another
day
seen
by
so
many
!
A
Stander-by
hearing
the
Trial
,
and
the
Sentence
,
said
,
He
believed
the
Earl's
words
were
by
Popish
Magick
transubstantiate
,
for
he
saw
them
the
same
as
before
;
Another
answered
,
that
he
verily
thought
it
was
so
;
for
he
was
confident
,
none
could
see
Treason
in
the
words
,
that
would
not
,
when
ever
it
was
a
proper
time
,
readily
also
profess
his
belief
of
Transubstantiation
;
but
he
believed
many
that
professed
both
,
believed
neither
.
The
second
Head
of
the
Earl's
Additional
Defence
,
contains
the
impertinencies
and
absurdities
of
the
Advocate
's
Arguings
.
And
here
you
must
not
expect
any
solid
debate
;
For
as
there
is
no
disputing
with
those
that
deny
Principles
,
so
as
little
with
those
who
heap
up
phantastical
and
inconsequential
Inferences
,
without
all
shadow
of
reason
.
If
a
Stone
be
thrown
,
though
it
may
do
hurt
,
yet
having
some
weight
,
it
may
be
thrown
back
with
equal
,
or
more
force
:
But
if
a
man
trig
up
a
feather
,
and
fling
it
,
it
is
in
vain
to
throw
it
back
;
and
the
more
strength
,
the
less
success
:
It
shall
therefore
serve
,
by
a
cursory
Discourse
,
to
expose
his
Arguments
,
which
are
in
effect
easier
answered
than
understood
;
and
,
without
any
serious
arguing
,
which
they
cannot
bear
,
rather
leave
him
to
be
wise
in
his
own
eyes
,
than
by
too
much
empty
talk
hazard
to
be
like
him
.
He
alledges
first
,
That
the
Earl
,
instead
of
taking
the
Test
in
its
plain
and
genuine
meaning
,
as
he
ought
,
doth
declare
against
,
and
defame
the
Act
that
enjoined
it
,
which
is
certainly
a
great
Crime
:
But
now
,
Inasmuch
,
says
the
Advocate
,
as
he
tells
us
,
That
he
had
considered
the
Test
:
Which
I
have
indeed
heard
say
was
his
greatest
Crime
;
and
that
he
ought
to
have
taken
it
with
a
profound
and
devout
ignorance
,
as
some
of
our
most
inventive
Politicians
boasted
they
had
done
.
But
the
Earl
says
that
he
was
desirous
to
give
obedience
,
as
far
as
he
could
;
whereby
,
says
the
Advocate
,
he
insinuates
that
he
was
not
able
to
give
full
obedience
.
This
is
not
the
meaning
;
but
what
if
it
were
,
and
that
indeed
he
could
not
?
Have
not
thousands
given
no
obedience
,
yet
even
in
Law
are
guiltless
?
And
ought
not
that
to
please
his
Highness
,
and
the
Council
,
that
is
accepted
of
God
Almighty
,
and
is
all
any
Mortal
can
perform
?
But
the
Earl
,
says
the
Advocate
,
goes
on
,
That
he
was
confident
the
Parliament
never
intended
to
impose
contradictory
Oaths
;
whereby
,
says
the
Advocate
,
he
abuses
the
People
with
a
belief
that
the
Parliament
did
intend
to
impose
such
.
Wonderful
reasoning
!
All
men
know
that
Parliaments
neither
are
,
nor
pretend
to
be
infallible
:
And
in
our
present
Case
,
hundreds
of
Loyal
Subjects
complain
of
Contradictions
and
Inconsistencies
,
some
way
or
other
,
crept
into
this
Oath
;
And
even
the
Council
have
yielded
so
far
to
their
Exceptions
,
as
to
make
an
alteration
upon
it
,
for
satisfying
those
scruples
,
far
beyond
any
thing
the
Earl
said
;
and
such
an
alteration
,
as
,
I
believe
,
few
dreamed
of
;
and
I
am
certain
,
none
durst
have
attempted
,
without
their
express
command
and
authority
:
and
yet
,
in
the
midst
of
all
this
,
the
Earl's
charitable
and
honest
Opinion
,
in
behalf
of
the
Parliaments
good
Intentions
,
must
be
perverted
to
a
direct
slander
.
But
the
Earl
says
,
That
every
man
must
explain
it
for
himself
;
and
so
,
no
doubt
,
he
must
,
if
the
Test
be
either
in
it self
,
or
in
his
apprehension
,
ambiguous
;
otherwise
how
can
he
swear
in
Judgment
?
But
this
the
Advocate
will
have
to
be
a
man
's
own
sense
,
and
thereupon
runs
out
,
That
hereby
this
Law
and
Oath
,
and
all
Laws
and
Oaths
are
rendred
useless
,
and
to
no
purpose
:
And
further
,
the
Legislative
Power
is
taken
from
the
Imposer
,
and
setled
in
the
Taker
of
the
Oath
,
which
certainly
is
a
most
treasonable
presumption
.
But
first
,
although
there
be
no
reason
to
strain
,
or
mistake
the
Expression
,
yet
the
Earl
did
not
say
,
That
every
man
must
take
the
Test
in
his
own
sense
.
II.
The
Council
hath
now
explained
the
Test
for
the
Clergy
:
Might
not
then
the
Earl
,
before
their
Explanation
was
devised
,
say
,
by
the
Councils
allowance
,
which
he
had
,
That
he
might
explain
it
for
himself
?
For
if
an
ambiguous
Proposition
(
the
Test
for
example
)
may
be
reconciled
to
it self
two
different
ways
;
must
not
the
Taker
reconcile
it
,
as
in
his
own
sense
he
thinks
it
doth
best
agree
with
the
genuine
meaning
of
the
words
themselves
,
and
with
the
sense
he
conceives
was
intended
by
the
Parliament
that
formed
it
,
especially
before
the
Parliament
emit
their
own
Explanation
?
And
is
it
not
juster
to
do
it
so
,
than
in
any
other
man's
sense
,
which
he
thinks
agrees
less
with
the
words
,
albeit
they
may
be
thought
by
others
to
be
reconcileable
another
way
?
III.
All
this
looks
like
designed
Mistakes
and
Traps
;
for
should
any
man
swear
,
unless
he
understand
?
And
where
an
Oath
is
granted
to
be
ambiguous
,
can
any
man
understand
,
unless
,
in
want
of
the
Imposers
help
,
he
explain
it
for
himself
.
IV.
Was
ever
a
Man's
explaining
an
Oath
for
himself
,
before
taking
it
,
far
less
his
bare
saying
that
he
must
explain
it
,
before
he
take
it
,
alledged
to
be
,
The
overturning
of
all
Laws
and
Oaths
,
and
the
usurping
of
the
Legislative
power
,
and
making
of
new
Laws
?
Certainly
to
offer
to
answer
such
things
,
were
to
disparage
common
Reason
.
And
lastly
,
this
is
strange
Doctrine
from
the
Advocate
,
who
himself
,
in
Council
,
did
allow
,
not
only
the
Earl
his
Explanation
,
but
that
Explanation
to
the
Clergy
,
contrary
,
as
appears
by
their
Scruples
,
to
what
they
that
took
it
thought
either
the
Parliaments
design
,
or
the
plain
words
of
the
Test
could
bear
,
and
certainly
different
from
the
sense
many
had
already
taken
it
in
,
and
wherein
others
were
commanded
to
take
it
.
And
whatever
the
Advocate
may
cavil
to
insnare
the
Earl
,
sure
he
will
not
allow
that
by
his
explaining
this
Oath
he
himself
hath
taken
on
him
the
Legislative
power
of
the
Parliament
,
far
less
,
though
he
should
acknowledg
it
,
will
any
believe
that
he
hath
,
or
could
thereby
make
all
Laws
or
Oaths
useless
?
By
this
you
see
what
strange
stuff
he
pleads
,
which
deserves
no
answer
.
But
,
says
the
Advocate
,
the
Earl
affirms
,
He
takes
the
Test
,
only
as
far
as
it
consists
with
it self
,
and
with
the
Protestant
Religion
;
by
which
he
most
maliciously
insinuates
,
that
it
is
inconsistent
with
both
.
But
,
first
,
this
only
is
not
the
Earl's
,
but
the
Advocates
addition
.
Secondly
,
I
would
soberly
ask
the
Advocate
,
or
any
Man
,
Whether
the
Test
,
as
it
includes
the
Confession
in
general
,
and
consequently
all
contained
in
it
,
was
not
either
really
,
or
at
least
might
not
have
been
apprehended
to
be
inconsistent
with
it self
?
Else
what
was
the
use
or
sense
of
the
Councils
explanation
,
wherein
it
is
declared
,
That
men
do
not
swear
to
every
proposition
of
the
Confession
,
but
only
to
the
Protestant
Religion
therein
contained
?
And
if
it
was
either
inconsistent
,
or
apprehended
to
be
so
,
how
could
the
Earl
,
or
any
honest
Man
swear
it
in
other
terms
,
with
a
safe
Conscience
?
But
Thirdly
,
If
Parliaments
be
fallible
,
and
this
Oath
,
as
being
ambiguous
,
needed
the
Councils
explanation
to
clear
it
from
inconsistencies
,
must
the
Earl's
words
,
when
he
was
to
swear
,
That
he
took
it
in
so
far
as
it
was
consistent
,
be
in
this
Case
understood
as
spoken
maliciously
,
and
with
a
criminal
intent
,
when
all
Sense
,
Reason
,
and
Religion
,
made
this
caution
his
duty
?
And
if
it
be
so
criminal
for
one
going
to
swear
,
to
suppose
a
possibility
of
inconsistencies
in
it
,
Is
it
not
manifestly
more
criminal
in
others
,
plainly
to
confess
and
grant
that
there
are
inconsistencies
in
it
,
after
they
have
swallowed
it
in
gross
,
without
any
explanation
whatsoever
?
But
,
says
the
Advocate
,
The
Earl
hath
invented
a
new
way
,
whereby
no
Man
is
at
all
bound
to
the
Test
;
For
how
can
any
Man
be
bound
,
if
he
will
obey
only
as
far
as
he
can
?
And
yet
it
will
be
hard
,
even
for
the
Advocate
,
tho
he
sometimes
attempts
,
indeed
,
more
than
he
and
all
the
World
with
him
can
do
.
To
tell
how
a
Man
can
obey
farther
:
And
I
am
sure
,
that
in
a
matter
of
this
kind
,
viz.
The
free
tender
of
an
Oath
,
all
discreet
men
will
judge
the
Earl's
offer
both
frank
and
obliging
.
Then
he
asks
,
To
what
the
Earl
is
bound
;
if
he
be
bound
no
further
than
he
himself
can
obey
?
Manifest
confusion
!
and
never
either
spoke
by
the
Earl
,
nor
at
all
pertinent
to
his
case
;
besides
he
freely
acknowledges
,
that
all
men
are
bound
to
more
than
they
can
do
;
or
so
far
as
the
Test
is
consistent
with
it self
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
(
a
strange
doubting
or
!
yet
,
I
dare
say
,
imports
as
much
as
His
Majesty
expects
of
any
,
and
more
than
the
Advocate
will
ever
perform
)
But
,
says
the
Advocate
,
who
can
determine
to
what
the
Earl
is
bound
?
Which
says
plainly
,
That
either
the
Test
agrees
with
it self
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
in
nothing
,
or
that
the
Protestant
Religion
is
nothing
,
both
which
the
Earl
thinks
far
from
truth
.
But
the
Advocate
's
reasoning
reflects
far
more
on
the
Councils
Explanation
,
where
it
is
plainly
said
,
That
the
Confession
is
not
sworn
to
in
the
Test
,
but
only
the
Protestant
Religion
contained
in
the
Confession
;
so
that
the
Protestant
Religion
indefinitely
is
that
which
is
said
to
be
sworn
to
.
Now
,
pray
,
is
it
not
much
worse
for
a
Man
to
say
,
That
by
taking
the
Test
he
swears
only
to
the
Confession
as
it
contains
or
agrees
with
the
Protestant
Religion
(
which
is
in
effect
to
set
the
Protestant
Religion
at
variance
with
its
own
Confession
,
and
so
to
reproach
and
ranverse
the
standard
,
and
make
void
the
very
security
that
the
Parliament
intended
)
than
to
say
,
That
he
swears
the
Test
as
it
agrees
with
it self
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
which
imports
no
such
insinuation
?
But
from
these
pleasant
Principles
,
he
jumps
into
this
Fantastick
Conclusion
,
That
therefore
it
cannot
be
denied
but
the
Earl's
interpretation
destroys
,
not
only
this
Act
,
but
all
Government
,
and
makes
every
Man's
Conscience
or
Humour
the
Rule
of
his
obedience
.
But
first
,
as
to
the
whole
of
his
arguing
,
the
Earl
neither
invents
,
says
;
nor
does
any
thing
,
except
that
he
offered
his
Explanation
to
the
Council
,
which
they
likewise
accepted
.
Secondly
,
What
mad
inferences
are
these
!
You
say
,
you
will
explain
this
Oath
for
your self
,
therefore
you
overturn
all
Government
,
and
what
not
!
Whereas
it
is
manifest
,
on
the
other
hand
,
That
if
the
Earl
apprehending
,
as
he
had
reason
,
the
Oath
to
be
ambiguous
,
and
in
some
things
inconsistent
,
had
taken
it
without
explaining
it
for
himself
,
or
respect
to
its
inconsistency
,
it
might
have
been
most
rationally
concluded
,
that
in
so
doing
he
was
both
impious
and
perjured
.
Thirdly
,
It
is
false
,
that
the
Earl
doth
make
his
Conscience
any
other
way
the
rule
of
his
obedience
,
than
as
all
honest
men
ought
to
do
:
That
is
,
as
they
say
,
To
be
Regula
regulata
,
in
conformity
to
the
undoubted
Regula
regulans
,
the
eternal
rules
of
truth
and
righteousness
,
as
is
manifest
by
his
plain
words
.
As
for
what
the
Advocate
insinuates
of
Humour
instead
of
Conscience
,
it
is
very
well
known
to
be
the
Ordinary
reproach
,
whereby
men
that
have
no
Conscience
endeavour
to
defame
it
in
others
.
But
the
Advocate
is
again
at
it
,
and
having
run
himself
out
of
all
consequences
,
he
insists
and
inculcates
,
that
the
Earl
had
sworn
nothing
.
But
it
is
plain
,
that
to
swear
nothing
,
is
none
of
the
crimes
libelled
.
Secondly
,
The
Earl
swears
positively
to
the
Test
as
it
is
consistent
with
it self
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
which
certainly
is
something
;
unless
the
Advocate
prove
,
as
he
insinuates
,
that
there
is
nothing
in
the
Test
consistent
with
either
.
And
3dly
,
If
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Earl
his
reference
to
it
,
be
nothing
,
then
is
not
only
the
Council
sadly
reproached
,
who
,
in
their
Explanation
,
declare
this
to
be
the
only
thing
sworn
to
,
in
the
first
part
of
the
Test
,
but
our
Religion
quite
subverted
,
as
far
as
this
Test
can
do
it
.
But
next
for
the
Treason
,
the
Advocate
says
,
That
the
Earl
expresly
declares
,
he
means
not
by
the
Test
to
bind
up
himself
,
from
wishing
,
or
endeavouring
,
in
his
station
,
and
in
a
lawful
way
,
any
alteration
he
shall
think
for
the
advantage
of
Church
or
State
;
whereby
,
says
he
,
the
Earl
declares
himself
,
and
others
,
loosed
from
any
obligation
to
the
Government
,
and
from
the
duty
of
all
good
Subjects
,
and
that
they
may
make
what
alterations
they
please
.
A
direct
contrariety
,
instead
of
a
just
consequence
;
as
if
to
be
tied
to
Law
,
Religion
,
and
Loyalty
,
were
to
be
loosed
from
all
three
;
Can
there
be
a
flatter
and
more
ridiculous
contradiction
?
Next
,
the
Advocate
pretends
to
found
upon
the
fundamental
Laws
of
this
,
and
all
Nations
,
Whereby
it
is
Treason
for
any
Man
to
make
any
alterations
he
thinks
fit
for
the
advantage
of
Church
or
State
.
But
first
,
The
Earl
is
not
,
nor
cannot
be
accused
of
so
much
as
wishing
,
much
less
endeavouring
or
making
any
alteration
,
either
in
Church
or
State
,
only
he
reserves
to
himself
the
same
freedom
,
for
wishing
,
which
he
had
before
his
Oath
,
and
that
all
that
have
taken
it
do
in
effect
say
they
still
retain
.
2dly
,
For
a
man
to
endeavour
,
in
his
station
,
and
in
a
lawful
way
,
such
alterations
in
Church
or
State
,
as
he
conceives
to
their
advantage
,
not
repugnant
to
Religion
and
Loyalty
,
is
so
far
from
being
Treason
,
that
it
is
the
duty
of
every
Subject
,
and
the
sworn
Duty
of
all
His
Majesty's
Councellors
,
and
of
all
Members
of
Parliament
:
But
the
Advocate
by
fancying
,
and
misapplying
Laws
of
Nations
,
wresting
Acts
of
Parliaments
,
adding
,
taking
away
,
chopping
and
changing
words
,
thinks
to
conclude
what
he
pleases
.
And
thus
he
proceeds
,
That
the
Treason
of
making
Alterations
,
is
not
taken
off
by
such
qualifications
,
of
making
them
in
a
lawful
way
,
in
ones
station
,
to
the
advantage
of
Church
or
State
,
and
not
repugnant
to
Religion
or
Loyalty
.
But
how
then
?
Here
is
a
strange
matter
!
Hundreds
of
Alterations
have
been
made
within
these
few
years
,
in
our
Government
,
and
in
very
material
Points
;
and
the
King
's
best
Subjects
,
and
greatest
Favourites
have
both
endeavoured
,
and
effectuate
them
:
And
yet
,
because
the
things
were
done
according
to
the
Earl's
qualifications
,
instead
of
being
accounted
Treason
,
they
have
been
highly
commended
and
rewarded
.
The
Treasury
hath
been
sometimes
in
the
hands
of
a
Treasurer
,
sometimes
put
into
a
Commission
,
backward
and
forward
:
And
the
Senators
of
the
College
of
Justice
(
the
right
of
whose
places
was
thought
to
be
founded
on
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
giving
His
Majesty
the
prerogative
only
of
presenting
)
are
now
commissioned
by
a
Patent
under
the
great
Seal
,
both
which
are
considerable
alterations
in
the
Government
,
which
some
have
opposed
,
others
have
wished
and
endeavoured
,
and
yet
without
all
fear
of
Treason
on
either
hand
;
only
because
they
acted
according
to
these
qualifications
,
in
a
lawful
way
,
and
not
repugnant
to
Religion
and
Loyalty
.
But
that
which
the
Advocate
wilfully
mistakes
(
for
it
is
impossible
he
could
do
it
ignorantly
)
is
,
that
he
will
have
the
endeavouring
of
alterations
in
general
,
not
to
be
of
it self
a
thing
indifferent
,
and
only
determinable
to
be
good
or
evil
by
its
qualifications
(
as
all
men
see
it
plainly
to
be
)
but
to
be
,
forsooth
,
in
this
very
generality
intrinsically
evil
;
a
Notion
never
to
be
admitted
on
Earth
,
in
the
frail
and
fallible
condition
of
humane
Affairs
.
And
then
he
would
establish
this
wise
Position
by
an
example
he
adduces
,
That
rising
in
Arms
against
the
King
(
for
so
sure
he
means
,
it
being
otherwise
certain
that
rising
in
Arms
in
general
is
also
a
thing
indifferent
,
and
plainly
determinable
to
be
either
good
or
evil
,
as
done
with
or
against
the
King's
Authority
)
is
Treason
,
and
says
,
If
the
Earl
had
reserved
to
himself
a
liberty
to
rise
in
Arms
against
the
King
,
tho
he
had
added
in
a
lawful
manner
,
yet
it
would
not
have
availed
,
because
,
(
and
he
says
well
)
This
being
in
it self
unlawful
,
the
qualification
had
been
but
shams
and
contrariae
facto
.
But
why
then
doth
not
his
own
reason
convince
him
where
the
difference
lies
?
viz.
That
rising
in
Arms
against
the
King
,
is
in
it self
unlawful
;
whereas
endeavouring
alterations
is
only
lawful
,
or
unlawful
,
as
it
is
qualified
;
and
,
if
qualified
in
the
Earl's
Terms
,
can
never
be
unlawful
.
But
,
says
the
Advocate
,
The
Earl
declares
himself
free
to
make
all
alterations
,
and
so
he
would
make
Men
believe
that
the
Earl
is
for
making
All
or
Any
,
without
any
reserve
;
whereas
the
Earl's
words
are
most
express
,
that
he
is
,
Neither
for
making
all
or
any
,
but
only
for
wishing
and
endeavouring
for
such
as
are
good
and
lawful
,
and
in
a
lawful
way
;
which
no
Man
can
disown
,
without
denying
common
reason
;
nor
no
sworn
Councellor
disclaim
,
without
manifest
Perjury
.
But
the
Advocate
's
last
conceit
is
,
That
the
Earl's
restriction
is
not
as
the
King
shall
think
fit
,
or
as
is
consistent
with
the
Law
,
but
that
himself
is
still
to
be
judge
of
this
,
and
his
Loyalty
to
be
the
standard
.
But
first
,
The
Earl's
restriction
is
expresly
according
to
Loyalty
,
which
in
good
sense
is
the
same
with
according
to
Law
,
and
the
very
thing
that
the
King
is
ever
supposed
to
think
.
Secondly
,
As
neither
the
Advocate
,
nor
any
other
hitherto
,
have
had
reason
to
distinguish
the
exercise
and
actings
of
the
Earl●s
Loyalty
,
from
those
of
His
Majesty's
best
Subjects
;
so
Is
it
not
a
marvellous
thing
,
that
the
Advocate
should
profess
to
think
(
for
in
reality
he
cannot
think
it
)
the
Earl's
words
,
His
Loyalty
,
which
all
men
see
to
be
the
same
with
his
Duty
and
Fidelity
,
or
what
else
can
bind
him
to
his
Prince
,
capable
of
any
quibble
,
far
more
to
be
a
ground
of
so
horrid
an
accusation
?
And
whereas
the
Advocate
says
,
The
Earl
is
still
to
be
judge
of
this
;
It
is
but
an
insipid
calumny
,
it
being
as
plain
as
any
thing
can
be
,
That
the
Earl
doth
nowise
design
His
thinking
to
be
the
rule
of
Right
and
Wrong
;
but
only
mentions
it
as
the
necessary
application
of
these
excellent
and
unerring
Rules
of
Religion
,
Law
and
Reason
;
to
which
he
plainly
refers
,
and
subjects
both
his
thinking
and
himself
,
to
be
judged
accordingly
.
By
which
it
is
evident
,
that
the
Earl's
restriction
is
rather
better
,
and
more
dutiful
than
that
which
the
Advocate
seems
to
desiderate
:
And
,
if
the
Earl's
restrictions
had
not
been
full
enough
,
it
was
the
Advocate
's
part
,
before
administrating
the
Oath
,
to
have
craved
what
more
he
thought
necessary
,
which
the
Earl
,
in
the
Case
,
would
not
have
refused
.
But
it
is
believed
,
the
Advocate
can
yet
hardly
propose
restrictions
more
full
and
suitable
to
Duty
than
the
fore-mentioned
of
Religion
,
Law
and
Reason
,
which
the
Earl
did
of
himself
profer
.
As
for
what
His
Majesty's
Advocate
adds
,
That
under
such
professions
and
reserves
,
the
late
Rebellions
and
disorders
have
all
been
c●rried
on
and
fomented
,
It
is
but
a
meer
vapour
;
for
no
Rebellion
ever
was
,
or
can
be
,
without
a
breach
of
one
or
other
of
the
Earl's
qualifications
;
which
doth
sufficiently
vindicate
that
part
of
the
Earl's
Explanation
.
The
Advocate
insists
much
,
that
Any
is
equivalent
to
All
;
and
that
All
comprehends
Every
particular
under
it
;
which
he
would
have
to
be
the
deadly
Poyson
in
the
Earl's
words
:
And
yet
the
Earl
may
defy
him
and
all
his
detracters
,
to
find
out
a
Case
of
the
least
undutifulness
,
much
less
of
Rebellion
,
that
a
Man
can
be
guilty
of
,
while
he
keeps
within
the
excellent
Rules
and
Limitations
wherewith
his
words
are
cautioned
.
I
could
tell
you
further
,
that
so
imaginary
,
or
rather
extravagant
,
and
ridiculous
is
this
pretended
Treason
,
that
there
is
not
a
person
in
Scotland
,
either
of
those
who
have
refused
,
or
who
by
the
Act
,
are
not
called
to
take
the
Test
,
that
may
not
upon
the
same
ground
and
words
be
impeach't
,
viz.
That
they
are
not
bound
(
and
so
without
doubt
both
may
and
do
say
it
)
by
the
Test
,
in
their
station
,
&c.
to
wish
and
endeavour
any
alteration
,
&c.
Nay
,
I
desire
the
Advocate
to
produce
the
Man
,
among
those
that
have
taken
the
Test
,
that
will
affirm
,
that
by
taking
it
he
hath
bound
up
himself
never
to
wish
or
endeavour
any
alteration
,
&c.
according
to
the
Earl's
qualifications
,
and
I
shall
name
Hundreds
(
to
whom
his
Highness
,
as
you
have
heard
,
may
be
added
)
that
will
say
they
are
not
bound
up
.
So
that
by
this
conclusion
,
if
it
were
yielded
,
all
Scotland
are
equally
guilty
of
Treason
,
the
Advocate
himself
,
to
say
nothing
of
His
Royal
Highness
,
not
excepted
:
Or
if
he
still
think
he
is
,
I
wish
he
would
testify
under
his
hand
to
the
World
,
that
,
by
his
Oath
he
is
bound
up
never
to
wish
,
nor
endeavour
any
alteration
he
thinks
to
the
advantage
of
Church
or
State
,
in
a
lawful
way
,
nor
in
his
station
,
though
neither
repugnant
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
nor
his
Loyalty
.
And
if
this
he
do
,
he
does
as
a
Man
,
if
not
of
Sense
,
at
least
of
Honour
;
but
if
not
,
I
leave
a
blank
for
his
Epithets
.
But
that
you
may
see
that
this
whole
affair
is
a
deep
Mystery
,
pray
,
notice
what
is
objected
against
the
last
part
of
the
Explanation
:
This
I
understand
as
a
part
of
my
Oath
.
Which
,
says
the
Advocate
,
is
a
Treasonable
invasion
upon
the
Royal
Legislative
power
,
as
if
the
Earl
could
make
to
himself
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
since
he
who
can
make
any
part
of
an
Act
,
may
make
the
whole
.
And
then
say
I
,
farewell
all
Takers
of
the
Test
with
an
Explanation
,
whether
the
Orthodox
Clergy
,
or
Earl
Queensberry
(
tho
himself
Justice
General
)
who
were
allowed
by
the
Council
so
to
do
;
seeing
that
whether
they
hold
their
Explanation
for
a
part
of
their
Oath
or
not
,
yet
others
may
;
and
in
effect
all
men
of
sense
do
understand
it
so
:
And
thus
,
in
the
Advocate
's
Opinion
,
they
have
Treasonably
invaded
the
Legislative
Power
,
and
made
an
Act
of
Parliament
to
themselves
:
Neither
,
in
that
Case
,
can
the
Councils
allowance
excuse
them
,
seeing
not
only
the
Earl
had
it
,
as
well
as
they
;
but
even
the
Council
it self
cannot
make
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
either
for
themselves
,
or
others
.
But
,
Sir
,
I
protest
,
I
am
both
ashamed
and
wearied
of
this
trifling
;
and
therefore
to
shut
up
this
Head
,
I
shall
only
give
a
few
remarks
:
First
,
you
may
see
,
by
the
Acts
of
Parliament
upon
which
the
Advocate
founds
his
Indictment
,
That
as
to
Leasing-making
and
depraving
Laws
,
all
of
them
run
in
these
plain
and
sensible
terms
;
The
inventing
of
Narrations
,
the
making
and
telling
of
Lies
,
the
●ttering
of
wicked
and
untrue
Calumnies
,
to
the
slander
of
King
and
Government
,
the
depraving
of
his
Laws
,
and
misconstruing
his
Proceedings
,
to
the
engendering
of
discord
,
moving
and
raising
of
batred
and
dislike
betwixt
the
King
and
his
People
.
And
,
as
to
Treason
,
in
these
yet
more
positive
terms
;
That
none
impugn
the
dignity
and
authority
of
the
Three
Estates
,
or
seek
,
or
procure
the
innovation
,
or
diminution
thereof
.
Which
are
things
so
palpable
,
and
easily
discerned
,
and
withal
so
infinitely
remote
both
from
the
Earl's
words
and
intentions
,
or
any
tollerable
construction
can
be
put
on
either
,
that
I
confess
,
I
never
read
this
Indictment
,
but
I
was
made
to
wonder
that
its
forger
and
maker
was
not
in
looking
on
it
,
deterred
by
the
just
apprehensions
he
might
have
,
not
only
to
be
sometime
accused
as
a
manifest
depraver
of
all
Law
,
but
to
be
for
ever
accounted
a
gross
and
most
disingenuous
perverter
of
common
sense
.
The
Earl's
words
are
sober
,
respectful
,
and
dutifully
spoken
,
for
the
exoneration
of
his
own
Conscience
,
without
the
least
insinuation
of
either
reflection
or
slander
,
much
less
the
impugning
of
the
Authority
of
Parliament
,
as
the
Earl
may
appeal
,
not
only
to
His
Majesty's
true
and
Royal
sense
,
but
to
the
most
scrupulous
and
nice
affecters
of
the
exactest
discerning
;
besides
that
they
were
first
formally
tendered
in
Council
,
for
their
approbation
,
and
by
them
directly
allowed
:
How
then
can
any
Man
think
,
that
they
could
be
charged
with
the
greatest
and
vilest
of
crimes
,
Leasing-making
,
Depraving
,
Perjury
,
and
Treason
?
But
the
Advocate
tells
us
,
That
there
are
some
things
which
the
Law
commonly
forbids
in
general
,
and
that
some
inferences
are
as
natural
and
strong
,
and
reproach
as
soon
or
sooner
than
the
plainest
defamations
.
But
what
of
all
this
?
Must
therefore
such
generals
be
left
to
the
phantastick
application
of
every
wild
imagination
,
to
the
confounding
of
the
use
of
Speech
,
and
subverting
of
humane
Society
,
and
not
rather
be
still
submitted
to
the
judgment
of
common
sense
,
for
their
true
and
right
understanding
,
and
the
deducing
thence
these
strong
and
natural
inferences
talk'd
of
?
Of
which
good
sense
,
if
the
Advocate
do
but
allow
a
grain
weight
,
it
is
evident
that
the
inferences
he
here
Libels
against
the
Earl
,
must
infallibly
be
cast
,
and
by
all
rational
unbiassed
men
be
found
strange
,
unnatural
,
and
monstrous
.
For
,
Sir
,
Secondly
,
pray
observe
these
rational
and
sound
Maxims
he
founds
his
Inferences
on
,
and
they
are
manifestly
these
:
First
,
That
he
who
says
he
will
only
obey
as
far
as
be
can
,
invents
a
new
way
whereby
no
man
is
at
all
bound
to
obey
.
2dly
,
That
he
who
in
the
midst
of
Hundreds
of
exceptions
and
contradictions
,
objected
against
an
Oath
injoyned
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
and
still
unanswered
,
says
,
That
he
is
confident
the
Parliament
never
intended
to
impose
contradictory
Oaths
,
reproaches
the
Parliament
.
3dly
,
That
he
that
says
he
must
explain
an
ambiguous
Oath
for
himself
,
before
he
take
it
,
renders
all
Laws
and
Oaths
useless
,
and
makes
himself
the
Legislator
.
4thly
,
That
he
that
says
that
he
takes
this
Oath
,
as
far
as
it
is
consistent
with
it self
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
swears
nothing
.
5thly
,
That
he
that
declares
himself
not
tied
up
by
the
Test
from
endeavouring
,
in
a
lawful
way
,
such
alterations
as
he
thinks
to
the
advantage
of
Church
and
State
,
consistent
with
Religion
and
Loyalty
,
declares
himself
,
and
all
others
,
loosed
from
the
Government
,
and
all
duty
to
it
,
and
free
to
make
any
,
and
all
alterations
that
be
pleases
.
And
6thly
,
That
he
that
takes
the
Test
with
an
explanation
,
and
holds
it
to
be
a
part
of
his
Oath
,
invades
the
Legislative
Power
,
and
makes
Acts
of
Parliament
.
Upon
which
rare
and
excellent
Propositions
,
I
dare
say
,
The
Earl
is
content
,
according
to
the
best
Judgment
that
you
and
all
unbiassed
Men
can
make
,
either
of
their
Truth
,
or
of
my
ingenuity
in
excerping
them
,
to
be
adjudged
Guilty
or
not
Guilty
,
without
the
least
fear
or
apprehension
of
the
issue
.
And
in
the
third
and
last
place
,
I
shall
only
intreat
you
to
try
how
the
Advocate
's
reasoning
will
proceed
in
other
Cases
,
and
what
brave
work
may
be
wrought
by
so
useful
a
Tool
.
Suppose
then
a
Man
refuse
the
Test
simply
,
or
falls
into
any
other
kind
of
Non-conformity
,
either
Civil
or
Ecclesiastick
,
or
pays
not
the
King's
Custom
,
or
other
dues
;
or
lastly
,
understands
an
Act
otherwise
than
the
Advocate
thinks
he
should
,
Is
not
his
Indictment
already
formed
,
and
his
Process
as
good
as
made
?
viz.
That
he
regards
not
the
Law
;
That
he
thinks
it
is
unjustly
or
foolishly
Enacted
;
That
he
will
only
obey
as
far
as
he
can
,
and
as
he
pleases
,
and
thereby
renders
all
Laws
useless
,
and
so
reproaches
the
King
and
Parliament
,
and
impugns
their
Authority
and
assumes
to
himself
the
Legislative
Power
,
and
therefore
is
guilty
of
Leasing-making
,
Depraving
His
Majesty's
Laws
,
and
of
Treason
;
of
which
crimes
above-mentioned
,
or
one
or
other
of
them
,
he
is
Actor
,
Art
,
and
Part
:
Which
being
found
by
an
Assize
,
he
ought
to
be
punished
with
the
pains
of
Death
,
Forfaulture
and
Escheat
of
Lands
and
Goods
,
to
the
terror
of
others
to
do
or
commit
the
like
hereafter
.
And
,
if
there
be
found
a
convenient
Judge
,
the
poor
Man
is
undoubtedly
lost
.
But
,
Sir
,
having
drawn
this
Parallel
,
rather
to
retrieve
the
Earl's
Case
,
than
to
make
it
a
precedent
,
which
,
I
hope
,
it
shall
never
be
,
and
chusing
rather
to
leave
the
Advocate
than
follow
him
in
his
follies
,
I
forbear
to
urge
it
further
.
These
things
considered
,
must
it
not
appear
strange
,
beyond
expression
,
how
the
Earl's
Explanation
,
such
as
it
is
,
did
fall
under
such
enormous
and
grievous
misconstructions
:
For
,
setting
aside
the
Councils
allowance
and
approbation
,
(
which
comes
to
be
considered
under
the
next
Head
)
suppose
the
Earl
,
or
any
other
person
called
before
the
Council
,
and
there
required
to
take
the
Test
,
had
,
in
all
due
humility
,
said
,
either
that
he
could
not
at
all
take
it
,
or
,
at
least
not
without
an
Explanation
;
because
the
Test
did
contain
such
things
,
as
,
not
noly
he
,
but
many
other
,
and
those
the
best
of
the
Loyal
and
Orthodox
Clergy
,
did
apprehend
to
be
Contradictions
,
and
Inconsistencies
:
And
thereupon
had
proponed
one
or
two
such
as
the
Papers
above
set
down
do
plainly
enough
hold
out
,
and
the
Bishop
in
his
Explanation
rather
evades
than
answers
;
would
it
not
be
hard
,
beyond
all
the
measures
of
Equity
,
and
Charity
,
to
look
upon
this
as
a
designed
Reflection
,
far
more
a
malicious
and
wicked
Slander
,
and
the
blackest
Treason
?
We
see
the
Act
of
Parliament
doth
not
absolutely
injoin
the
taking
of
the
Test
,
but
only
proposeth
it
to
such
as
are
intrusted
in
the
Government
,
with
the
ordinary
certification
,
either
of
losing
,
or
holding
their
Trusts
,
at
their
option
.
We
know
also
,
that
in
Cases
of
this
nature
,
it
is
far
more
suitable
both
to
our
Christian
Liberty
,
and
the
respect
we
owe
to
a
Christian
Magistrate
,
to
give
a
reason
of
our
conscientious
non-compliance
,
with
meekness
,
and
fear
,
than
by
a
mute
compearance
,
to
fall
under
the
censure
of
a
stubborn
obstinacy
.
And
Iustly
,
It
is
certain
,
and
may
safely
be
affirmed
,
without
the
least
reproach
,
that
Parliaments
are
not
infallible
;
as
witness
the
frequent
changes
,
and
abrogations
of
their
own
Acts
,
and
their
altering
of
Oaths
imposed
by
themselves
;
and
even
of
this
Oath
,
after
it
was
presented
,
which
the
Earl
was
not
for
altering
,
so
much
as
it
was
done
,
as
I
told
you
before
:
How
then
can
it
be
,
that
the
Earl
appearing
before
a
Christian
Council
,
and
there
declaring
in
terms
,
at
the
worst
a
little
obscure
,
because
too
tender
,
and
modest
,
his
Scruples
at
an
Oath
presented
to
him
,
either
to
be
freely
taken
,
or
refused
,
should
fall
under
any
Censure
?
If
the
Earl
had
,
in
this
occasion
,
said
,
he
could
not
take
the
Test
,
unless
liberty
were
given
him
first
to
explain
himself
,
as
to
some
Contradictions
,
and
Inconsistencies
,
which
he
conceived
to
be
in
it
,
tho
he
had
said
far
more
than
is
contained
in
his
contraverted
Explanation
,
yet
he
had
said
nothing
but
what
Christian
Liberty
hath
often
freely
allowed
;
and
Christian
Charity
would
readily
construe
for
an
honest
expression
of
a
commendable
tenderness
,
without
any
imputation
of
reproach
against
either
King
or
Parliament
How
much
more
then
is
his
part
clear
and
innocent
,
when
,
albeit
so
many
thought
the
Contradictions
to
be
undeniable
,
yet
such
was
his
well-tempered
respect
,
both
to
God
,
and
Man
,
to
his
own
Conscience
,
and
His
Majesty's
Authority
,
that
before
,
and
not
after
,
the
taking
of
this
Oath
,
to
clear
himself
(
in
the
midst
of
the
many
Exceptions
and
Scruples
raised
)
of
all
ambiguitles
in
swearing
,
he
first
applies
himself
,
for
a
satisfying
Explanation
,
to
the
Parliament
,
the
prime
Imposers
,
their
true
intentions
and
genuine
meaning
,
and
then
gathering
it
very
rationally
,
from
the
Oath
's
consistency
with
it self
,
and
with
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
Parliament's
aim
and
scope
,
and
so
asserting
the
King
and
Parliament's
truth
,
and
honour
,
he
places
the
relief
and
quiet
of
his
own
Conscience
in
his
taking
the
Test
with
this
Explanation
,
and
in
declaring
its
congruity
with
his
Oath
,
and
duty
of
Allegiance
.
The
third
Head
of
the
Earl's
additional
Defences
,
is
the
further
clearing
and
improving
of
his
grounds
of
Exculpation
,
above
adduced
,
and
repelled
:
Which
were
,
first
,
that
before
the
Earl
did
offer
his
Explanation
to
the
Council
,
a
great
many
Papers
were
spread
abroad
by
some
of
the
Orthodox
Clergy
,
charging
the
Test
with
Contradictions
and
Inconsistencies
.
2dly
,
That
there
was
a
Paper
penned
by
a
Reverend
Bishop
,
and
presented
and
read
in
Council
,
and
by
them
allowed
to
be
printed
,
which
did
contain
the
same
,
and
far
more
important
things
than
any
can
be
found
in
the
Earl's
Explanation
:
And
consequently
,
far
more
obnoxious
to
all
His
Majesty's
Advocate
's
Accusations
.
3dly
,
That
the
Explanation
upon
which
he
was
indicted
was
publickly
by
himself
declared
in
Council
,
and
by
the
Council
allowed
;
so
that
the
Oath
was
administrat
to
him
,
and
he
received
to
sit
in
Council
,
and
vote
,
by
his
Highness
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Members
,
with
,
and
under
this
express
qualification
.
But
,
to
all
urged
for
the
Earl's
Exculpation
,
the
Advocate
makes
one
short
Answer
,
viz.
That
if
the
Earl's
Paper
did
infer
the
Crimes
charged
on
it
,
a
thousand
the
like
offences
cannot
excuse
it
:
And
His
Majesty
is
free
to
pursue
the
Offenders
,
when
,
and
in
what
order
,
he
thinks
fit
:
which
Answer
doth
indeed
leave
the
Council
,
and
all
concerned
,
in
His
Majesty's
mercy
:
But
that
it
doth
no
way
satisfy
the
Earl's
Plea
,
is
manifest
:
For
,
the
first
ground
of
Exculpation
,
viz.
That
before
the
Earl
did
offer
his
Explanation
,
a
great
many
Papers
,
writ
by
the
Orthodox
Clergy
,
and
others
,
were
abroad
,
charging
the
Test
with
Contradictions
,
&c.
was
not
alledged
by
the
Earl
merely
to
justify
his
Explanation
by
the
multitude
of
the
like
Papers
,
and
so
to
provide
for
an
escape
in
the
croud
:
But
,
the
Earl
having
most
rationally
pleaded
,
that
his
Explanation
was
given
in
by
him
,
after
these
many
Scruples
and
Objections
raised
by
others
were
abroad
,
it
was
a
good
Plea
,
from
a
most
pregnant
circumstance
,
clearing
both
the
design
,
and
sense
of
his
words
,
from
the
foul
aspersions
of
reproaching
,
and
depraving
,
thrown
upon
them
:
Seeing
the
words
spoken
by
him
under
the
motive
of
such
a
circumstance
,
by
all
fair
rules
of
interpretation
,
instead
of
being
judged
misconstruing
and
depraving
,
could
only
be
understood
as
a
seasonable
asserting
of
the
Integrity
of
the
Parliament's
Intentions
,
and
the
uprightness
of
the
Earl's
Conscience
:
Which
Argument
being
in
reason
unanswerable
,
it
necessarly
follows
,
that
the
Advocate
's
return
to
the
first
ground
was
neither
sufficient
,
nor
pertinent
,
and
that
therefore
the
Exculpation
was
unjustly
repelled
.
But
next
,
The
second
ground
of
Exculpation
is
so
far
from
being
answered
by
the
Advocate
,
that
it
does
not
appear
it
was
so
much
as
understood
;
For
,
the
Earl's
Argument
being
,
That
words
allowed
and
approven
by
the
Council
,
can
never
fall
under
the
Accusation
,
either
of
Leasing-making
,
or
slandering
His
Majesty's
Proceedings
,
or
depraving
Laws
,
and
Acts
of
Parliament
,
as
is
evident
in
it self
,
and
granted
by
the
Advocate
,
where
he
says
that
an
Explanation
,
tho
reflecting
on
the
King
and
Government
(
which
the
Earl's
was
not
)
yet
,
if
allowed
by
the
Council
,
is
to
be
sustained
.
But
so
it
is
,
that
the
Council
hath
allowed
the
words
contained
in
this
Explanation
contraverted
,
both
in
themselves
,
and
also
in
their
equivalent
,
and
far
more
important
Expressions
:
As
for
instance
,
not
only
by
accepting
the
Earl's
Explanation
(
as
shall
be
cleared
in
the
next
place
)
but
by
giving
warrand
for
the
publication
of
the
Bishop
of
Edinburgh
his
Vindication
;
wherein
,
first
,
for
obviating
the
contradictions
objected
from
the
Confession
of
Faith
,
he
positively
asserts
,
that
by
the
Test
men
do
not
swear
to
own
every
Article
of
that
Confession
;
and
yet
the
Test
binds
expresly
to
believe
that
Confession
to
be
founded
on
,
and
agreeable
to
the
Word
of
God
,
and
never
to
consent
to
any
alteration
contrary
thereto
,
or
inconsistent
therewith
:
So
that
he
gives
both
the
Test
and
the
Parliament
the
Lye
.
And
then
,
for
removing
another
Scruple
,
he
tells
us
,
That
by
the
Test
men
are
not
bound
up
from
regular
endeavours
to
rectify
or
better
the
Established
Government
,
both
of
Church
and
State
,
which
is
clearly
the
same
thing
,
(
but
not
so
well
cautioned
)
with
that
which
in
the
Earl's
Case
is
made
a
ground
of
Treason
:
From
which
it
unquestionably
follows
,
that
the
Earl's
words
,
having
been
allowed
,
and
approved
by
the
Council
,
could
never
,
in
Law
,
or
Reason
,
be
thereafter
made
a
ground
of
accusation
,
by
any
,
much
less
by
themselves
.
Now
I
desire
to
know
where
the
Advocate
,
in
all
his
Plea
,
doth
so
much
as
notice
,
far
less
answer
,
this
Defence
;
or
what
his
telling
us
,
A
thousand
Offences
of
the
like
nature
doth
not
excuse
one
,
either
doth
,
or
can
signify
?
seeing
this
Argument
for
the
Earl
,
instead
of
pleading
excuses
,
doth
justify
the
matter
,
and
for
ever
purge
all
shadow
of
offence
,
or
ground
of
quarrel
,
which
will
be
yet
more
apparent
,
when
you
shall
add
to
this
the
third
ground
of
the
Earl's
Exculpation
,
viz.
That
the
Explanation
,
whereupon
the
Earl
was
indicted
,
was
publickly
by
himself
declared
in
Council
,
and
by
the
Council
allowed
and
accepted
:
Insomuch
,
as
,
after
he
had
given
his
Explanation
as
the
sense
wherein
he
was
free
to
swear
the
Test
,
the
Oath
was
thereupon
administrat
to
him
,
and
he
received
to
sit
,
and
vote
as
a
Councellor
.
Whereby
it
is
evident
,
That
,
by
this
allowance
,
and
acceptance
,
the
Earl's
Explanation
became
the
Councils
,
as
much
as
if
,
after
the
Earl's
pronouncing
the
words
,
they
had
verbatim
repeated
them
,
and
told
him
,
they
were
satisfied
he
should
swear
the
Test
in
these
terms
:
And
whether
this
ought
not
to
be
a
sufficient
exoneration
to
the
Earl
,
let
all
men
judge
.
The
Advocate
makes
a
noise
,
That
in
the
case
of
an
Oath
required
,
the
Taker
ought
to
swear
it
in
the
sense
of
the
Imposer
,
(
which
none
doubts
)
and
then
runs
out
,
That
the
Earl
in
place
of
taking
it
in
the
Imposers
sense
,
did
unwarrantably
intend
a
sense
of
his
own
,
to
the
eluding
and
frustrating
of
the
obligation
of
this
,
and
all
other
Oaths
.
But
all
this
is
nothing
to
the
purpose
;
for
waving
that
in
the
Earl's
Case
it
is
most
impertinent
to
talk
of
his
obtruding
of
a
sense
,
to
the
eluding
,
and
frustrating
of
the
obligation
of
his
Oath
,
seeing
his
Oath
was
not
then
given
,
or
at
all
in
being
,
it
is
expresly
alledged
by
the
Earl
,
and
notour
,
that
the
Explanation
tendered
by
him
,
when
called
to
take
the
Test
,
was
accepted
by
the
Council
,
and
the
Oath
thereupon
administrated
,
and
so
the
Earl
freely
joins
issue
with
the
Advocate
,
and
acknowledging
that
the
Taker
of
the
Oath
ought
to
swear
in
the
sense
of
the
Imposer
,
subsumes
in
terminis
,
that
he
himself
did
swear
so
,
and
not
otherwise
,
inasmuch
as
he
did
swear
in
a
sense
accepted
by
the
Council
,
before
he
gave
his
Oath
,
as
is
evident
.
1.
By
their
commanding
him
to
sit
after
he
had
sworn
;
and
2.
In
that
neither
the
Advocate
,
nor
any
other
,
had
ever
the
confidence
to
quarrel
his
sitting
,
as
a
breach
of
the
Law
,
which
no
doubt
they
had
done
,
if
not
convinced
that
by
taking
the
Oath
he
had
satisfied
the
Act
of
Parliament
;
which
things
,
in
true
dealing
,
and
the
construction
of
all
honest
men
,
are
the
same
as
if
the
Oath
had
been
required
of
him
by
the
Council
,
in
the
very
sense
and
words
of
this
Explanation
.
Neither
is
it
material
whether
the
Explanation
,
offered
by
the
Earl
,
doth
deserve
(
as
certainly
it
doth
not
)
these
many
ill
names
,
which
the
Advocate
would
fix
upon
it
;
because
,
though
it
had
been
much
worse
than
it
is
,
yet
being
offered
to
the
Council
,
and
submitted
to
their
judgment
,
and
they
having
accepted
of
it
,
the
thing
became
quasi
res
judicata
,
and
cannot
be
retracted
,
without
subverting
the
surest
Rules
,
both
of
Truth
,
and
Government
.
The
Advocate
indeed
tells
us
,
1.
That
the
Council
heard
not
the
Earl's
Explanation
:
But
I
have
already
told
you
,
they
did
hear
it
,
and
the
Earl
is
still
ready
to
prove
it
:
And
suppose
some
say
they
did
not
hear
it
distinctly
.
(
As
what
thing
spoke
in
Council
is
distinctly
heard
and
considered
by
all
?
)
Yet
it
being
certain
that
they
did
all
approve
it
,
it
is
sufficient
to
the
Earl
:
And
it
is
only
their
concern
,
whether
in
approving
what
they
did
not
hear
,
they
observed
their
Oath
De
fideli
,
&c.
or
not
.
His
Highness
,
who
the
Earl
was
most
concerned
should
hear
,
did
certainly
hear
,
as
himself
afterwards
acknowledged
.
2.
The
Advocate
says
,
That
the
hearing
and
allowing
the
Earl
to
sit
,
is
no
relevant
Plea
;
yea
further
,
though
all
the
Council
had
allowed
him
that
day
,
yet
any
of
his
Majesty's
Officers
might
have
quarrelled
him
the
next
day
.
But
first
,
I
would
gladly
know
,
upon
what
head
?
For
if
upon
obtruding
a
sense
of
his
own
,
it
is
undeniable
that
whatever
the
sense
was
,
the
obtruding
of
it
was
purged
by
the
Council's
acceptation
,
and
it
became
theirs
,
and
was
no
more
his
.
But
if
the
Advocate
doth
think
,
that
even
the
matter
of
the
Explanation
,
though
allowed
and
accepted
,
may
still
be
quarrelled
:
Then
;
1.
I
hope
,
he
will
consider
in
what
terms
he
doth
it
;
for
if
he
charge
it
after
it
becomes
the
Councils
(
as
in
truth
he
hath
done
already
)
with
the
same
liberty
wherewith
he
treats
it
as
the
Earl's
,
he
runs
fair
to
make
himself
the
arrantest
Defamer
and
Slanderer
of
the
King
and
Council
,
that
ever
yet
attempted
it
.
But
2dly
,
It
merits
a
worse
name
than
I
am
free
to
give
it
,
to
say
,
That
an
Explanation
allowed
by
the
Council
,
in
the
administrating
of
an
Oath
proper
to
be
administrat
by
them
,
doth
not
secure
the
Taker
as
to
that
sense
,
both
in
Law
and
Conscience
:
Seeing
in
effect
this
quite
takes
away
the
best
grounds
of
assurance
among
men
,
and
turns
their
greatest
security
to
their
greatest
snare
.
And
3dly
,
If
this
be
sound
Doctrine
,
it
is
worth
the
enquiring
,
what
security
the
Clergy
,
to
whom
the
Council
,
as
you
have
heard
,
did
indulge
an
Explanation
,
have
thereby
obtained
:
For
as
to
such
Laicks
as
did
only
at
their
own
hand
take
hold
of
,
and
snatch
at
this
Indulgence
,
not
provided
for
them
by
the
Councils
Act
,
it
is
clear
their
doom
is
dight
.
It
is
not
here
debated
how
far
that
Explication
of
the
Council's
may
satisfy
,
and
quiet
Conscience
,
let
such
concerned
see
to
it
.
Some
please
themselves
with
a
general
notion
,
That
if
the
sense
given
by
the
Administrator
be
sound
,
then
it
is
also
safe
whether
it
be
agreeable
to
the
plain
and
genuine
meaning
of
the
Oath
or
not
;
nay
,
whether
it
be
agreeable
to
the
sense
of
the
first
Imposers
,
or
not
:
But
others
,
who
consider
more
tenderly
what
it
is
to
swear
in
Truth
,
and
in
Judgment
,
think
it
rather
a
prophanation
,
and
a
sinful
preferring
of
the
Credit
of
Men
to
the
glory
of
the
Almighty
,
to
offer
to
smooth
an
Oath
by
a
disagreeable
interpretation
,
when
in
effect
the
Oath
it self
ought
to
be
changed
:
But
the
thing
in
question
is
about
the
security
of
life
and
fortune
;
for
seeing
the
Council's
Explanation
is
,
at
least
,
to
say
no
worse
,
liable
enough
to
the
Calumnies
of
an
inventive
malice
,
and
the
Advocate
telleth
us
,
Though
all
the
Ceuncil
had
allowed
a
man
to
swear
with
an
Explanation
,
yet
any
of
His
Majesty's
Officers
may
,
the
next
day
,
quarrel
him
;
it
is
evident
that
this
allowance
can
afford
him
no
security
.
It
is
true
,
the
Advocate
may
alledge
,
and
possibly
find
a
difference
betwixt
the
Council's
emitting
,
and
their
accepting
of
an
Explanation
.
But
as
in
truth
there
is
none
,
more
than
betwixt
a
Mandat
and
a
Ratihabition
;
so
I
am
confident
,
if
ever
the
thing
come
to
be
questioned
,
this
Pretence
will
evanish
,
and
come
to
nothing
.
It
is
likewise
to
be
remembred
,
That
when
the
Earl
,
the
next
day
after
he
took
the
Test
,
was
questioned
for
the
Explanation
he
had
made
,
and
required
to
exhibit
a
Copy
(
which
was
afterwards
made
the
ground
of
his
Indictment
)
so
soon
as
he
observed
that
some
began
to
carp
,
he
refused
to
sign
it
,
demanded
it
back
,
and
would
have
destroyed
it
,
as
you
have
heard
,
which
were
all
clear
Acts
of
disowning
,
and
retracting
,
for
eviting
offence
,
and
of
themselves
sufficient
to
have
prevented
any
further
enquiry
;
there
being
nothing
more
just
and
human
,
than
that
words
,
though
at
the
first
hearing
,
offensive
;
yet
if
instantly
retracted
,
when
questioned
,
should
be
past
:
But
this
,
as
well
as
other
things
,
must
in
the
Earl's
Case
be
singular
;
and
whether
he
plead
the
Councils
allowing
,
or
his
own
disowning
(
as
in
effect
he
doth
both
)
it
is
equally
to
no
purpose
,
the
thing
determined
must
be
accomplished
.
You
heard
before
,
how
that
a
Reverend
Bishop
,
and
many
of
the
Orthodox
Clergy
,
did
take
a
far
greater
liberty
of
Explanation
than
the
Earl
pretended
to
:
you
see
also
that
first
the
Council
allows
his
words
,
whereupon
he
rests
:
And
when
he
finds
that
they
begin
to
challenge
,
he
is
willing
to
disown
:
And
withal
,
it
is
undeniable
,
and
acknowledged
by
the
Council
themselves
,
that
the
Test
,
as
it
stands
in
the
Act
of
Parliament
,
is
ambiguous
,
and
needs
to
be
explained
:
And
the
Earl
may
confidently
aver
,
that
of
all
the
Explanations
that
have
been
offered
(
even
the
Councils
not
excepted
)
his
is
the
most
safe
,
sound
,
and
least
disagreeable
to
the
Parliament's
true
sense
and
meaning
.
And
yet
,
when
all
others
escape
,
he
alone
must
be
seised
;
and
for
a
thing
so
openly
innocent
,
clearly
justifiable
,
and
undeniably
allowed
,
found
guilty
of
the
worst
of
Crimes
,
even
Leasing-making
,
Leasing-telling
,
Depraving
of
Laws
,
and
Treason
;
but
all
these
things
God
Almighty
sees
,
and
to
him
the
Judgment
yet
belongs
And
thus
I
leave
this
Discouse
shutting
it
up
with
the
Case
of
Archbishop
Cranmer
,
plainly
parallel
to
the
Earl's
,
to
shew
how
much
he
was
more
favourably
dealt
with
by
the
King
,
and
Government
,
in
those
days
,
than
the
Earl
now
is
,
though
he
live
under
a
much
more
merciful
and
just
Prince
,
than
that
worthy
Prelate
did
;
for
Cranmer
being
called
and
promoted
by
Henry
VIII
.
of
England
to
be
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
and
finding
an
Oath
was
to
be
offered
to
him
,
which
,
in
his
apprehension
,
would
bind
him
up
from
what
he
accounted
his
duty
,
he
altogether
declined
the
Dignity
and
Preferment
,
unless
he
were
allowed
to
take
the
Oath
with
such
an
Explanation
as
he
himself
proposed
,
for
salving
of
his
Conscience
;
and
tho
this
Oath
was
no
other
than
the
Statute
,
and
solemn
Oath
,
that
all
his
Predecessors
in
that
See
,
and
all
the
mitered
Clergy
in
England
,
had
sworn
,
yet
he
was
admitted
to
take
it
,
as
you
see
in
Fuller's
Church
Hist.
of
Britain
,
lib.
5.
p.
185
,
and
186.
with
this
formal
Prorestation
.
In
nomine
Domini
,
Amen
.
Coram
vobis
,
&c.
Non
est
,
aut
erit
meae
voluntatis
,
aut
intentionis
,
per
hujusmodi
juramentum
vel
juramenta
,
qualitercunque
verba
in
ipsis
posita
sonare
videbuntur
me
obligare
ad
aliquid
,
ratione
eorundum
,
posthac
dicendum
,
faciendum
,
aut
attentandum
.
quod
erit
,
aut
esse
videbitur
,
contra
Legem
Dei
,
vel
contra
illustrissimum
Regem
nostrum
Angliae
,
Legesve
,
aut
Praerogativas
Ejusdem
:
Et
quod
non
intendo
,
per
hujusmodi
juramentum
,
vel
juramenta
,
quovis
modo
me
obligare
,
qui
minus
libere
loqui
,
consulere
,
aut
consentire
valeam
,
in
omnibus
,
&
singulis
Reformationem
Religionis
Christianae
,
Gubernationem
Ecclesiae
Anglicanae
,
&
Praerogativam
Coronae
ejusdem
Reipublicae
,
vel
commoditatem
earundem
,
quoquo
modo
concernentibus
;
&
ea
ubique
exequi
,
&
reformare
,
quae
mihi
in
Ecclesia
Anglicana
reformanda
videbuntur
:
Et
secundum
hanc
interpretationem
,
&
intellectum
hunc
,
&
non
aliter
,
nequa
alia
modo
,
dictum
juramentum
me
praestiturum
protestor
,
&
profiteor
.
That
is
to
say
.
In
the
name
of
God
,
Amen
.
Before
you
,
&c.
It
neither
is
,
nor
shall
be
,
my
will
or
meaning
,
by
this
kind
of
Oath
,
or
Oaths
,
and
however
the
words
of
themselves
shall
seem
to
sound
or
signify
,
to
bind
up
my self
,
by
vertue
hereof
,
to
say
,
do
,
or
endeavour
any
thing
,
which
shall
really
be
,
or
appear
to
be
,
against
the
Law
of
God
,
or
against
our
most
Illustrious
King
of
England
,
or
against
his
Laws
and
Prerogatives
:
And
that
I
mean
not
,
by
this
my
Oath
,
or
Oaths
,
any
ways
to
bind
up
my self
from
speaking
,
consulting
,
and
consenting
freely
,
in
all
,
and
every
thing
in
any
sort
concerning
the
Reformation
of
the
Christian
Religion
,
the
Government
of
the
Church
of
England
,
and
the
Prerogative
of
the
Crown
of
the
Commonwealth
thereof
,
or
their
advantage
;
and
from
executing
,
and
reforming
such
things
as
I
shall
think
need
to
be
reformed
in
the
Church
of
England
:
And
according
to
this
Explanation
,
and
sense
,
and
not
otherwise
,
nor
in
any
other
manner
,
do
I
protest
,
and
profess
,
that
I
am
to
take
,
and
perform
this
Oath
.
Nor
did
that
excellent
Person
,
says
Mr.
Fuller
,
smother
this
privately
in
a
corner
,
but
publickly
interposed
it
three
several
times
;
once
in
the
Charter-house
,
before
authentick
Witnesses
;
again
upon
his
bended
knees
,
before
the
high
Altar
,
in
view
and
hearing
of
many
People
,
and
Bishops
beholding
him
,
when
he
was
consecrated
;
and
the
third
time
,
when
he
received
the
Pall
,
in
the
same
place
.
Now
would
it
not
be
very
strange
if
the
like
liberty
should
not
be
allowed
to
the
Earl
,
under
His
Majesty
,
in
reference
to
the
Test
,
which
Henry
the
VIIIth
,
a
Prince
that
stood
as
much
on
his
Prerogative
as
ever
any
,
did
vouchsafe
to
this
Thomas
Cranmer
,
who
,
as
another
Historian
observes
,
acted
fairly
,
and
above-board
:
But
there
wanted
then
the
high
and
excellent
Designs
of
the
great
Ministers
,
the
rare
fidelity
of
Councellors
,
sound
Religion
and
tender
piety
of
Bishops
,
solid
Law
and
Learning
of
Advocates
,
incorruptible
Integrity
of
Judges
,
and
upright
honesty
of
Assizers
,
that
now
we
have
,
to
get
Archbishop
Cranmer
accused
,
and
condemned
,
for
Leasing-making
,
depraving
Laws
,
Perjury
,
and
Treason
,
to
which
Accusation
his
Explanation
was
certainly
no
less
obnoxious
than
the
Earl's
.
But
I
hasten
to
the
fourth
,
and
last
Head
of
the
Earl's
Additional
Defences
,
viz.
The
removing
certain
groundless
Pretences
,
alledged
by
the
Advocate
,
for
aggravating
the
Earl's
Offence
:
As
1.
That
the
Earl
,
being
a
Peer
,
and
Member
of
Parliament
,
should
have
known
the
sense
of
the
Parliament
,
and
that
neither
the
Scruples
of
the
Clergy
,
nor
the
Council's
Proclamation
,
designed
for
meer
Ignorants
,
could
any
way
excuse
the
Earl
for
offering
such
an
Explanation
.
But
,
first
,
the
Advocate
might
have
remembred
,
that
in
another
Passage
he
taxes
the
Earl
as
having
debated
in
Parliament
against
the
Test
,
whereby
it
is
easie
to
gather
,
that
the
Earl
having
been
in
the
matter
of
the
Test
a
dissenter
,
this
quality
doth
rather
justify
than
aggravate
the
Earl's
Scrupling
.
2dly
,
If
the
Proclamation
was
designed
for
the
meer
Ignorants
of
the
Clergy
,
as
the
Advocate
calls
them
,
who
knew
nothing
of
what
had
past
in
Parliament
,
an
Explanation
was
far
more
necessary
for
the
Earl
,
who
knows
so
little
of
what
the
Advocate
alledges
to
have
past
in
Parliament
,
viz.
That
the
Confession
of
Faith
was
not
to
be
sworn
to
as
a
part
of
the
Test
,
that
of
necessity
(
as
I
think
)
he
must
know
the
contrary
;
Inasmuch
as
,
first
,
this
is
obvious
from
the
express
tenor
of
the
Test
,
which
binds
to
own
,
and
profess
the
true
Protestant
Religion
,
contained
in
the
Confession
of
Faith
,
and
to
believe
the
same
to
be
agreeable
to
the
Word
of
God
;
as
also
to
adhere
thereto
,
and
never
to
consent
to
any
change
contrary
to
,
or
inconsistent
with
the
said
Protestant
Religion
,
and
Confession
of
Faith
:
Which
to
common
sense
appears
as
plain
,
and
evident
,
as
can
be
contrived
,
or
desired
.
But
2dly
,
It
is
very
well
known
,
that
it
was
expresly
endeavoured
,
and
carried
in
Parliament
,
that
the
Confession
of
Faith
should
be
a
part
of
the
Test
and
Oath
:
For
the
Confession
of
Faith
being
designed
to
be
sworn
to
,
by
an
Act
,
for
securing
the
Protestant
Religion
(
which
you
have
heard
was
prepared
in
the
Articles
,
but
afterwards
thrown
out
)
when
this
Act
for
the
Test
was
brought
into
the
Parliament
,
some
days
after
,
by
the
Bishop
of
Edinburgh
,
and
others
,
the
Confession
was
designedly
left
out
of
it
:
But
it
being
again
debated
that
the
bare
naming
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
without
condescending
on
a
Standard
for
it
,
was
not
sufficient
,
the
Confession
of
Faith
was
of
new
added
:
And
,
after
the
affirmative
Clause
for
owning
it
,
and
adhering
to
it
was
insert
,
upon
a
new
motion
,
the
negative
,
never
to
consent
to
any
alteration
,
contrary
to
,
or
inconsistent
with
the
said
Protestant
Religion
,
and
Confession
of
Faith
,
was
also
subjoined
:
But
not
without
a
new
debate
and
opposition
made
against
the
words
,
And
Confession
of
Faith
,
by
the
Bishop
of
Edinburgh
,
until
at
length
he
also
yielded
;
All
which
,
it
is
hoped
,
was
done
for
some
purpose
:
And
if
,
at
that
time
,
any
had
doubted
of
the
thing
,
he
had
certainly
been
judged
most
ridiculous
:
For
it
was
by
that
addition
concluded
by
all
,
That
the
Confession
was
to
be
sworn
.
And
further
,
it
appears
plainly
,
by
the
Bishop
of
Edinburgh
his
Vindication
,
that
,
when
he
wrote
it
,
he
believed
the
Confession
was
to
be
sworn
to
,
for
he
takes
pains
to
justify
it
(
though
calumniously
enough
)
alledging
,
That
it
was
hastily
compiled
,
in
the
short
space
of
four
days
,
by
some
Barons
and
Ministers
,
in
the
infancy
of
our
Reformation
.
Where
,
by
the
by
,
you
see
that
he
makes
no
reckoning
of
what
the
Act
of
Parliament
,
to
which
the
Test
refers
,
expresly
bears
,
viz.
That
that
second
Ratification
1567.
which
we
only
have
recorded
,
was
no
less
then
seven
years
after
this
Confession
was
first
exhibited
,
and
approven
Anno
1560.
But
moreover
,
he
tells
us
,
That
the
Doctors
of
Aberdeen
,
who
refused
the
Covenant
,
were
yet
willing
not
only
to
subscribe
,
but
to
swear
this
Confession
of
Faith
.
Which
again
,
to
answer
the
Bishops
Critick
of
Four
days
,
was
more
than
70.
years
after
it
was
universally
received
.
It
's
true
,
that
,
when
the
Bishop
finds
himself
straitned
how
to
answer
Objections
,
he
is
forced
to
make
use
of
the
new
Gloss
(
I
shall
not
call
it
of
Orleans
)
whereby
the
Protestant
Religion
is
made
to
be
sworn
to
only
as
far
as
every
Man
pleases
to
interpret
,
and
as
far
as
may
be
consistent
with
any
new
principles
of
State
.
But
the
Parliament
certainly
(
I
do
not
speak
Ironically
)
did
intend
by
this
Test
,
to
swear
and
assert
the
True
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
said
Confession
of
Faith
,
whatever
may
be
now
pretended
.
The
Earl
could
not
also
but
very
well
remember
what
his
Highness
had
said
to
himself
,
about
the
inserting
of
the
Confession
;
and
no
doubt
,
the
Advocate
,
if
ingenuous
,
knows
all
this
:
For
the
thing
was
at
that
time
matter
of
common
talk
,
and
indeed
,
till
Papers
objecting
contradictions
,
and
inconsistencies
betwixt
the
Confession
and
the
rest
of
the
Test
,
began
to
be
so
numerous
(
which
was
about
the
end
of
October
)
that
there
was
no
possibility
left
to
answer
them
,
but
by
alledging
,
That
in
the
Test
men
do
not
swear
to
every
article
and
proposition
of
the
Confession
,
but
only
to
the
Protestant
Religion
therein
contained
,
this
point
was
never
doubted
.
And
whether
this
answer
be
true
,
and
a
solid
Vindication
,
consonant
to
the
words
of
the
Test
,
or
a
circulating
evasion
enervating
all
its
force
,
let
others
judge
.
But
the
Advocate
says
,
When
it
was
moved
in
Parliament
to
read
the
Confession
,
it
was
waved
:
Most
true
;
and
the
reason
given
by
the
Bishops
for
it
was
,
That
it
was
notour
,
they
knew
it
,
and
it
was
already
insert
in
the
Acts
of
Parliament
:
And
,
the
truth
was
,
the
reading
of
it
would
have
spent
more
time
than
was
allowed
on
examining
the
whole
Test
.
It
was
lik●
wise
late
,
after
a
long
Sederunt
,
and
it
was
resolved
to
have
the
Act
passed
that
night
,
and
so
it
went
on
:
But
it
was
likewise
moved
to
read
the
Covenant
,
seeing
it
was
to
be
disclaimed
,
and
this
was
flatly
refused
.
And
will
the
Advocate
thence
infer
,
That
by
the
Test
the
Covenant
is
not
abjured
,
albeit
it
be
most
certain
,
that
many
in
the
Parliament
,
at
that
time
,
had
never
read
the
one
or
the
other
?
But
to
follow
the
Advocate
's
excursions
,
and
answer
them
more
particularly
:
The
motion
for
reading
the
Confession
being
made
on
this
very
occasion
,
Because
it
was
to
be
insert
in
the
Test
and
sworn
to
,
concludes
enough
against
him
:
For
no
body
can
be
so
effronted
as
to
say
,
it
was
used
in
Parliament
as
an
argument
not
to
read
it
,
because
it
was
not
to
be
sworn
to
,
but
(
though
it
cost
a
debate
)
it
was
plainly
agreed
to
be
sworn
to
,
and
therefore
insert
.
2dly
,
Can
any
man
doubt
,
the
Confession
was
to
be
sworn
to
,
when
it
is
notour
that
severals
who
were
members
of
Parliament
,
and
,
by
reason
of
offices
they
enjoyed
,
were
called
to
swear
the
Test
,
pretending
,
with
reason
,
tenderness
of
an
Oath
,
did
,
before
swearing
,
make
a
fashion
at
least
of
reading
and
studying
the
Confession
,
to
satisfy
themselves
how
far
they
might
swear
it
.
And
that
this
was
done
by
an
Hundred
,
I
can
attest
themselves
.
Lastly
,
It
is
certain
that
,
when
,
in
the
end
of
October
,
the
Bishop
of
Edenburgh
did
quarrel
Sir
George
Lockhart
,
for
causing
the
Confession
to
be
insert
in
the
Test
,
and
he
answered
that
without
it
a
Turk
might
sign
the
Test
,
it
was
not
then
pretended
by
the
Bishop
that
the
Confession
was
not
to
be
sworn
to
,
and
therefore
he
at
that
time
had
no
reply
.
But
this
is
a
debate
,
I
confess
,
not
altogether
necessary
for
my
present
task
,
only
thereby
you
may
see
ground
enough
for
the
Earl
to
believe
the
Confession
was
sworn
to
:
And
all
that
did
swear
,
before
the
Councils
Explanation
,
having
sworn
in
that
sense
,
and
,
for
ought
I
know
,
all
(
except
the
Clergy
)
being
by
the
Councils
Act
still
bound
to
do
so
,
It
was
not
strange
the
Earl
might
be
of
this
Opinion
.
And
seeing
that
many
of
the
Contradictions
were
alledged
to
arise
hence
,
and
the
Earl
being
a
Dissenter
,
it
was
yet
less
strange
that
the
Earl
did
scruple
;
nor
is
it
unreasonable
that
his
modest
Explanation
should
have
a
most
benign
acceptance
.
This
second
pretence
of
aggravation
is
,
That
His
Majesty
did
not
only
bestow
on
the
Earl
his
Lands
and
Jurisdictions
,
fallen
into
His
Majesty's
hands
by
the
forfaulture
of
his
Father
,
but
also
pardon
him
the
crimes
of
Leasing-making
and
Misconstruing
,
whereof
he
was
found
guilty
by
the
Parliament
1662.
And
raised
him
to
the
title
and
dignity
of
an
Earl
,
and
to
be
a
member
of
all
His
Majesty's
Judicatories
.
All
which
the
Earl
,
as
he
hath
ever
,
doth
still
most
thankfully
acknowledg
.
But
seeing
the
Advocate
hath
no
warrand
to
upbraid
him
with
His
Majesty's
favours
,
and
that
these
things
are
now
remembred
with
a
manifest
design
to
raise
dust
,
and
blind
strangers
,
and
to
add
a
very
ill
thing
,
Ingratitude
,
to
the
heap
of
groundless
calumnies
cast
upon
him
,
I
must
crave
leave
to
answer
a
little
more
particularly
,
and
refute
this
new
Tout
(
as
the
Scots
Proverb
is
)
in
an
old
Horn.
This
old
Leasing
making
is
then
now
brought
in
seriously
after
it
hath
been
treated
in
ridicule
for
Eighteen
years
,
by
the
very
Actors
who
did
never
pretend
to
defend
it
in
cold
blood
:
And
,
were
it
not
to
digress
too
much
,
I
could
name
the
persons
,
and
make
them
(
if
capable
)
think
shame
of
their
falshood
and
prevarications
in
that
point
,
and
of
their
abusing
His
Majesty
,
and
prostrating
Justice
,
but
I
forbear
.
The
Advocate
,
in
his
Book
of
Pleadings
,
makes
this
a
Stretch
,
and
says
,
His
Majesty
rescinded
it
.
And
His
Majesty
himself
hath
several
times
exprest
his
sense
of
the
stretches
made
by
some
against
the
Earl
,
at
that
time
.
It
is
well
known
the
Family
of
Argyle
is
both
Ancient
and
Honourable
,
and
hath
been
Loyal
and
Serviceable
to
the
Crown
for
several
Hundreds
of
years
;
but
they
must
now
be
destroyed
,
for
having
done
,
and
being
able
,
as
they
say
,
to
do
too
much
,
which
others
neither
can
nor
will
do
.
Neither
is
the
Advocate
ignorant
that
the
only
failing
that
Family
hath
been
charged
with
in
all
that
long
tract
of
time
,
was
a
compliance
of
the
late
Marquess
of
Argyle
,
the
Earl's
Father
,
in
the
time
of
the
late
Usurpation
,
by
sitting
in
the
then
Parliament
of
England
,
some
years
after
all
the
standing
Forces
of
the
Kingdom
were
broken
,
His
Majesty
beyond
Sea
,
the
whole
Countrey
over-run
,
the
Usurpers
universally
acknowledged
,
and
neither
probability
of
resistance
,
nor
possibility
of
shelter
left
to
any
that
were
most
willing
to
serve
His
Majesty
,
as
the
Advocate
himself
hath
published
in
his
Printed
Pleadings
,
in
which
he
likewise
lays
out
the
special
and
extraordinary
Circumstances
whereby
the
Marquess
was
necessitate
to
do
what
he
did
.
And
the
compliance
charged
on
him
was
so
epidemick
,
that
all
others
were
pardoned
for
the
same
,
except
he
alone
,
though
none
had
such
favourable
Arguments
to
plead
,
and
though
he
pleaded
the
same
Indemnity
that
saved
others
.
And
seeing
he
submitted
,
and
delivered
up
himself
,
and
lost
his
Life
,
and
seeing
,
at
the
same
time
of
the
Compliance
that
he
suffered
for
,
the
Earl
his
Son
was
actually
serving
and
suffering
for
His
Majesty
,
as
you
find
in
the
former
part
of
this
Letter
,
the
Earl's
Restitution
was
no
less
than
He
and
his
Family
might
well
expect
of
His
Majesty's
Goodness
and
Justice
.
It
is
true
,
The
Earl
was
again
accused
and
condemned
(
which
may
appear
indeed
strange
to
such
as
know
not
all
particulars
)
upon
the
same
old
?
Acts
of
Leasing-making
,
and
with
as
little
ground
(
if
possible
)
as
now
,
and
was
Pardoned
by
His
Majesty
,
for
which
he
hath
often
,
and
doth
always
acknowledg
,
that
he
owes
to
His
Majesty
both
his
Life
and
Fortune
:
But
upon
this
occasion
,
and
being
baited
as
he
is
,
he
hopes
His
Majesty
will
not
take
it
ill
that
he
say
,
That
His
Majesty's
Mercy
was
in
this
case
determined
by
Justice
:
And
for
proof
that
His
Majesty
did
then
know
him
to
be
innocent
,
Did
not
His
Majesty
then
say
.
It
was
impossible
to
take
a
Man's
Life
upon
so
small
an
account
?
Though
nevertheless
it
had
been
done
,
if
His
Majesty
had
not
interposed
and
pardoned
him
.
Did
not
the
Chancellor
Clarendon
(
who
was
Patron
to
the
most
considerable
of
the
Earl's
pursuers
)
hearing
of
his
Condemnation
,
Bless
God
,
he
lived
not
in
a
Countrey
where
there
were
such
Laws
?
(
He
should
have
said
such
Judges
)
And
I
believe
many
more
will
say
the
same
now
.
Did
it
not
plainly
appear
,
at
that
time
,
that
his
principal
pursuers
were
very
bitter
,
malicious
,
and
unjust
to
him
?
For
the
Earl
had
not
only
served
His
Majesty
in
that
troublesome
and
hazardous
appearance
in
the
Hills
,
but
he
had
been
particularly
useful
to
Earl
Middletoun
,
then
His
Majesty's
Lieutenant
General
,
and
had
stood
by
him
,
when
these
deserted
him
,
whom
notwithstanding
he
took
afterwards
by
the
hand
,
when
he
was
His
Majesty's
Commissioner
in
the
year
1661.
and
then
designed
new
Interests
and
new
Alliances
,
whereof
some
did
hold
,
and
some
never
held
.
And
then
indeed
it
was
,
that
he
and
others
thought
it
proper
for
them
to
destroy
the
Family
of
Argyle
,
to
make
their
own
Fortunes
;
But
it
pleased
God
and
His
Majesty
to
dispose
otherwise
:
Then
it
was
that
the
Earl
was
so
hotly
pursued
for
his
Life
;
having
at
that
time
no
Fortune
,
all
being
in
His
Majesty's
hands
:
Then
was
the
accusation
of
Treason
likewise
urged
by
the
same
persons
,
and
must
have
carried
,
but
it
was
not
found
necessary
,
Leasing-making
being
sufficient
to
take
his
Life
;
and
,
as
it
falls
out
,
when
any
Game
is
started
,
and
the
Hounds
in
chase
,
all
the
little
Curs
run
alongs
:
So
the
Earl
wanted
not
then
many
pursuers
that
are
now
scarce
to
be
heard
of
.
And
further
,
some
of
the
parties
themselves
confessed
the
particulars
to
the
Earl
afterwards
,
who
yet
now
return
to
act
their
former
parts
,
and
that
they
had
then
laid
down
a
resolution
to
intrap
him
,
per
fas
,
aut
nefas
;
but
notwithstanding
all
this
ill
humour
and
violence
,
all
the
ground
they
could
get
for
a
quarrel
,
in
two
years
time
,
was
one
single
Letter
,
among
many
they
intercepted
,
the
occasion
and
import
whereof
was
as
follows
:
About
a
Twelvemonth
after
the
death
of
the
late
Marquess
of
Argyle
,
The
Earl
his
Son
being
,
by
the
loss
of
his
Estate
,
and
burden
of
his
Debts
,
brought
into
straits
,
a
Friend
from
Edenburgh
wrote
to
him
,
then
at
London
,
to
do
what
he
could
for
himself
at
Court
,
and
the
sooner
the
better
;
for
he
needed
neither
expect
Favour
nor
Justice
from
some
in
Scotland
;
and
,
if
matters
were
delayed
,
his
Father
's
whole
Estate
would
be
begg'd
away
in
parcels
.
His
Friend
likewise
complained
,
that
the
Earl
did
not
write
to
inform
his
Friends
in
Scotland
;
and
on
this
he
insisted
several
post-days
,
which
,
at
last
,
drew
an
answer
from
the
Earl
,
that
he
had
been
to
wait
upon
His
Majesty
,
and
had
found
him
both
just
and
kind
to
him
,
and
doubted
not
the
effects
of
his
Royal
favour
;
that
he
was
sensible
of
his
loss
by
delay
,
yet
must
proceed
discreetly
,
and
not
press
to
give
His
Majesty
trouble
,
but
must
take
His
Majesty's
method
,
and
wait
his
time
;
That
he
judged
,
much
of
what
his
Friend
told
him
was
true
,
but
he
must
have
patience
:
It
was
his
misfortune
that
some
took
pains
to
make
His
Majesty
believe
,
that
the
Parliament
was
his
Enemy
,
and
the
Parliament
to
believe
the
King
was
his
Enemy
;
and
by
such
informations
he
was
like
to
be
a
sufferer
,
but
he
hoped
in
God
all
should
be
well
.
This
blast
must
blow
out
,
and
will
blow
over
:
The
King
will
see
their
tricks
.
And
upon
this
Letter
,
specially
those
last
words
,
the
Earl
was
accused
of
Leasing-making
betwixt
King
and
Parliament
,
and
that
he
expected
changes
;
and
so
had
a
great
deal
of
the
same
stuff
laid
to
his
charge
,
as
now
you
have
heard
:
And
if
the
now
Register
will
produce
the
Eal's
principal
Letter
,
and
the
Paper
the
Earl
gave
in
to
the
Parliament
,
these
two
would
clear
all
,
the
Case
then
,
and
now
,
as
you
may
see
,
Mutatis
Mutandis
,
being
much
the
same
,
and
some
of
the
same
Tools
used
.
But
to
go
on
,
The
Earl's
words
in
that
Letter
being
clear
and
plain
,
viz.
That
he
complained
of
others
that
reported
Lies
to
the
King
and
Parliament
,
but
did
himself
report
none
to
either
;
He
acknowledged
the
Letter
,
which
could
never
have
been
proven
to
be
his
;
and
as
soon
as
he
heard
that
it
was
intercepted
,
did
render
himself
to
His
Majesty
before
he
was
called
for
:
But
,
which
very
much
troubled
him
,
had
not
access
.
Yet
His
Majesty
was
so
gracious
,
that
instead
of
sending
him
Prisoner
to
Scotland
with
a
Guard
(
as
was
much
pressed
)
he
allowed
him
to
go
down
on
a
Verbal
Bail
:
And
His
Majesty
was
pleased
to
say
,
That
he
saw
nothing
in
the
Earl's
Letter
against
His
Majesty
or
the
Parliament
;
but
believed
the
Earl
did
design
to
reflect
on
the
Earl
of
Middleton
.
The
Earl
came
to
Edinburgh
,
a
fourthnight
before
the
day
appointed
by
His
Majesty
,
and
thought
to
have
had
the
liberty
of
the
City
,
till
that
day
should
come
;
but
was
sent
to
the
Castle
the
next
day
after
his
arrival
:
Upon
which
he
advertised
His
Majesty
of
his
condition
,
who
would
hardly
believe
they
would
take
his
Life
,
till
it
was
told
plainly
it
was
designed
,
and
if
he
died
it
lay
at
His
Majesty's
door
;
upon
which
His
Majesty
was
graciously
pleased
to
send
immediately
an
Order
to
the
Earl
of
Middleton
,
not
to
proceed
to
Execution
against
him
:
Yet
the
Sentence
of
Death
was
pronounced
,
and
the
Day
of
Execution
remitted
by
the
Parliament
to
the
Earl
of
Middleton
:
Which
he
accepted
of
,
albeit
he
had
no
particular
instruction
for
it
from
His
Majesty
,
which
,
before
a
year
went
about
,
Earl
Middleton
found
could
not
be
justified
by
him
,
and
some
of
the
Earl's
chief
accusers
were
declared
by
His
Majesty
to
be
themselves
Leasing-makers
;
And
then
the
Earl
,
by
His
Majesty's
favour
and
goodness
,
was
restored
to
a
part
of
his
Predecessors
Estate
and
Titles
,
which
he
took
as
thankfully
,
as
if
a
new
Estate
,
and
new
and
greater
Honours
had
been
conferred
upon
him
.
And
though
His
Majesty
was
pleased
,
at
the
granting
of
these
Titles
,
to
say
,
He
could
help
them
when
he
pleased
;
yet
His
Majesty
knows
,
that
the
Earl
never
troubled
him
about
any
such
matter
,
nor
solicited
him
now
these
Eighteen
years
,
for
any
Title
,
Office
,
or
Imployment
,
(
though
he
confesses
he
had
of
all
sorts
)
nor
hath
he
been
burthensom
to
His
Majesty's
Exchequer
(
500
l.
yearly
for
four
or
five
years
that
the
Earl
served
in
the
Treasury
,
being
all
that
ever
he
touched
of
his
Majesty's
Money
)
albeit
few
attended
more
,
and
none
so
much
that
lived
at
his
distance
.
He
was
also
twice
at
London
,
to
kiss
His
Majesty's
hand
,
but
still
on
his
own
Charges
:
Which
things
are
not
said
to
lessen
His
Majesty's
bounty
and
goodness
,
whereof
the
Earl
still
retains
all
just
,
tender
,
and
dutiful
impressions
;
but
to
answer
the
Advocate
,
and
to
teach
others
to
hold
their
peace
,
that
cannot
say
so
much
.
His
Life
is
known
to
have
been
True
,
Honest
,
and
of
a
piece
,
and
all
alongs
he
hath
walked
with
that
straightness
,
that
he
can
compare
his
Integrity
with
all
that
now
attacque
him
.
By
all
which
it
is
apparent
,
That
what
the
Advocate
here
pretends
for
an
aggravation
,
may
w●ll
be
accounted
a
Second
part
of
the
Earl's
Persecutions
;
but
cannot
,
in
the
least
,
impair
either
his
Innocence
,
or
his
Honour
.
Seeing
therefore
the
ground
of
the
Earl's
present
accusation
,
with
all
he
either
designed
,
said
,
o●
did
,
in
this
matter
,
was
only
that
,
when
called
,
nay
required
to
take
the
Test
,
and
after
leave
first
obtained
from
his
Highness
and
Council
,
he
did
in
their
presence
,
before
the
giving
of
his
Oath
,
declare
,
and
propose
to
them
the
sense
wherein
he
was
willing
to
take
it
;
That
this
his
sense
neither
contains
,
nor
insinuates
,
the
least
slander
,
reproach
,
or
reflection
,
either
upon
the
King
,
the
Parliament
,
or
any
Person
whatsomeever
;
but
,
on
the
contrair
,
is
in
effect
tenfold
more
agreeable
to
the
words
of
the
Test
,
and
meaning
of
the
Parliament
that
framed
it
,
than
the
Explanation
emitted
by
the
Council
;
and
was
also
most
certainly
,
the
first
day
,
by
them
accepted
;
and
,
when
the
next
day
challenged
,
by
him
offered
to
be
retracted
,
and
refused
to
be
signed
:
That
the
whole
Indictment
,
and
more
especially
that
part
of
it
about
the
Treason
,
is
a
meer
Rapsody
of
the
most
irrational
,
absurd
,
and
pernicious
consequences
,
that
ever
the
Sun
beheld
,
not
only
forcing
the
Common
rules
of
Speech
,
Charity
,
and
Humanity
,
but
ranversing
all
the
Topicks
of
Law
,
Reason
,
and
Religion
,
and
threatning
no
less
,
in
the
Earl's
person
,
than
the
ruine
of
every
Man's
Fortune
,
Life
,
and
Honour
;
That
the
Earl's
Defences
,
and
grounds
of
Exculpation
,
were
most
pregnant
,
and
unanswerable
,
and
either
in
themselves
notour
,
or
offered
to
be
instantly
verified
.
And
lastly
,
That
the
aggravations
pretended
against
him
do
either
directly
make
for
him
,
or
most
evidently
discover
the
restless
malice
of
some
of
his
implacable
enemies
:
Shall
our
Gracious
King
,
who
not
only
clearly
understands
Right
,
and
hates
Oppression
,
but
also
,
to
all
his
other
excellent
qualities
,
hath
by
his
Gentleness
and
Clemency
,
even
towards
his
Enemies
,
added
that
great
Character
of
Goodness
,
upon
vain
and
false
insinuations
,
and
unreasonable
and
violent
stretches
,
not
only
take
away
the
Life
of
an
innocent
person
,
but
of
one
who
himself
,
and
his
Family
(
be
it
said
without
disparagement
)
have
,
for
a
longer
time
,
and
more
faithfully
,
and
signally
served
His
Majesty
and
the
Crown
,
than
any
person
,
or
Family
of
his
degree
and
quality
,
of
all
his
Persecutors
can
pretend
to
?
Shall
his
numerous
Family
,
hopeful
Children
,
his
Friends
and
Creditors
,
all
be
destroyed
?
Shall
both
former
Services
be
forgot
,
Innocence
oppressed
,
and
all
Rules
of
Justice
,
and
Laws
of
society
and
humanity
for
his
sake
overturned
?
Shall
not
only
the
Earl
be
cut
off
,
and
his
noble
and
ancient
Family
extinguished
,
but
his
Blood
and
Memory
tainted
with
as
black
and
horrible
a
stain
,
as
if
he
had
conspired
with
Jacques
Clement
,
Ravillack
,
The
Gun-powder
Miscreants
,
The
Bloody
Irish
Rebels
,
and
all
the
other
most
wicked
and
hainous
Traytors
of
that
Gang
?
And
all
this
for
a
meer
imaginary
Crime
,
whereof
it
is
most
certain
,
that
no
Man
living
hath
,
or
can
have
,
the
least
real
conviction
,
and
upon
such
frivolous
allegations
as
all
men
see
to
be
,
at
the
top
,
meer
Moon-shine
;
and
at
the
bottom
,
Villany
unmixed
.
After
clearing
these
things
,
the
Earl
,
it
seems
,
intended
to
have
addressed
himself
to
His
Majesty's
Advocate
in
particular
,
and
to
have
told
him
,
that
he
had
begun
very
timeously
in
Parliament
to
fall
first
on
his
heritable
jurisdictions
,
and
then
upon
his
Estate
,
and
that
now
he
was
fallen
upon
his
Life
and
Honour
,
whereby
it
was
easie
to
divine
that
more
was
intended
,
from
the
beginning
,
than
the
simple
taking
away
of
his
Offices
:
seeing
that
some
of
them
,
on
his
refusing
the
Test
,
were
taken
away
by
the
Certification
of
the
Act
of
Parliament
,
and
that
those
that
were
heritable
he
offered
,
in
Parliament
,
to
present
and
surrender
to
His
Majesty
on
his
knee
,
if
His
Majesty
,
after
hearing
him
,
should
think
it
fit
;
only
he
was
not
willing
to
have
them
torn
from
him
,
as
hath
been
said
;
and
if
that
were
all
were
designed
,
as
was
at
first
given
out
,
the
Advocate
need
not
have
set
him
on
high
,
as
Naboth
,
and
accuse
him
as
a
Blasphemer
of
God
and
the
King
.
Then
turning
his
Speech
to
the
Lords
of
Justitiary
,
he
thought
to
have
desired
that
they
would
yet
seriously
consider
his
words
,
in
their
true
sense
and
circumstances
,
his
own
Explanation
of
his
Explication
,
and
especially
the
foregoing
matter
of
Fact
to
have
been
laid
before
them
,
with
his
Defences
,
and
grounds
of
Exculpation
;
as
also
to
have
told
them
,
That
they
could
not
but
observe
how
that
he
was
singled
out
amongst
Thousands
,
(
against
whom
much
more
then
all
he
is
charged
with
could
be
alledged
)
and
that
they
must
of
necessity
acknowledg
(
if
they
would
speak
out
their
own
Conscience
)
that
what
he
had
said
was
spoke
in
pure
innocence
,
and
duty
,
and
only
for
the
exoneration
of
himself
,
as
a
Christian
,
and
one
honoured
to
be
of
His
Majesty's
Privy
Council
(
where
he
was
bound
,
by
his
Oath
,
to
speak
truth
freely
)
and
not
to
throw
the
smallest
reproach
on
either
person
or
thing
.
Adding
,
That
he
was
loath
to
say
any
thing
that
looks
like
a
reflection
upon
His
Majesty's
Privy
Council
;
but
if
the
Council
can
wrong
one
of
their
own
number
,
he
thought
he
might
demand
,
If
he
had
not
met
with
hard
measure
?
For
first
he
was
pressed
,
and
persuaded
to
come
to
the
Council
;
then
they
receive
his
Explanation
,
and
take
his
Oath
,
then
they
complain
of
him
to
His
Majesty
,
where
he
had
no
access
to
be
heard
;
and
by
their
Letter
,
under
their
hands
,
affirm
,
That
they
had
been
careful
not
to
suffer
any
to
take
the
Test
with
their
own
Explanations
,
albeit
they
had
allowed
a
thing
very
like
it
,
first
to
Earl
Queensberry
,
then
to
the
Clergy
:
And
the
President
,
now
Chancellour
,
had
permitted
several
Members
of
the
College
of
Justice
to
premise
,
when
they
swear
the
Test
,
some
one
sense
,
and
some
another
,
and
some
nonsense
,
as
one
saying
he
took
it
,
in
sano
sensu
;
another
making
a
Speech
that
no
Man
understood
;
a
third
,
all
the
time
of
the
reading
,
repeating
,
Lord
have
mercy
upon
me
miserable
sinner
:
Nay
,
even
an
Advocate
,
after
being
debarred
a
few
days
,
because
albeit
no
Clerk
,
yet
he
would
not
take
it
without
the
benefit
of
his
Clergy
,
viz.
the
Councils
Explanation
,
was
yet
thereafter
admitted
without
the
Warrant
of
the
Councils
Act
:
but
all
this
in
the
Case
of
so
many
other
was
right
and
good
.
Further
the
Council
expresly
declare
the
Earl
to
be
Guilty
,
before
he
had
ever
said
one
word
in
his
own
defence
.
Thereafter
some
of
them
become
his
Assizers
,
and
others
of
them
witness
against
him
;
and
after
all
,
they
do
of
new
concern
themselves
,
by
a
Second
Letter
to
His
Majesty
(
wherein
they
assert
,
That
after
full
debate
,
and
clear
probation
,
he
was
found
guilty
of
Treason
,
&c.
)
to
have
a
sentence
past
against
him
,
and
that
of
so
high
a
nature
,
and
so
dreadful
a
consequence
,
as
suffers
no
person
to
be
unconcerned
,
far
less
their
Lordships
his
Judges
,
who
upon
grounds
equally
just
,
and
,
which
is
more
,
already
predetermined
by
themselves
,
may
soon
meet
with
the
same
measure
,
not
only
as
Concealers
of
Treason
,
but
upon
the
least
pretended
disobedience
,
or
non-compliance
with
any
Act
of
Parliament
:
and
,
after
all
,
must
infallably
render
an
account
to
God
Almighty
.
He
bids
them
therefore
lay
their
hands
to
their
bearts
,
and
whatever
they
shall
judge
,
he
is
assured
that
God
knows
,
and
he
hopes
all
unblassed
men
in
the
World
will
,
or
may
know
,
he
is
neither
guilty
of
Treason
,
nor
any
of
the
Crimes
libelled
.
He
says
he
is
glad
how
many
out-do
him
in
asserting
the
true
Protestant
Religion
,
and
their
Loyalty
to
His
Majesty
;
only
,
he
hadds
,
If
he
could
justify
himself
to
God
,
as
he
can
to
His
Majesty
,
he
is
sure
he
might
account
himself
the
happiest
man
alive
.
But
yet
,
seeing
he
hath
a
better
hope
in
the
mercy
of
God
through
Jesus
Christ
,
he
thereupon
rests
,
whether
he
finds
Justice
here
on
Earth
,
or
not
.
He
says
,
he
will
add
nothing
to
move
them
either
to
tenderness
or
pity
;
he
knows
that
not
to
be
the
place
,
and
pretends
to
neither
from
them
;
He
pleads
his
Innocence
,
and
craves
Justice
,
leaving
it
to
their
Lordships
to
consider
not
so
much
his
particular
Case
,
as
what
a
Preparative
it
may
be
made
,
and
what
may
be
its
Consequences
:
And
if
all
he
hath
said
,
do
neither
convince
,
nor
persuade
them
to
alter
their
judgment
,
yet
he
desires
them
to
consider
,
whether
the
Case
do
not
,
at
least
,
deserve
to
be
more
fully
represented
,
and
left
to
His
Majecty's
wisdom
and
justice
,
seeing
that
if
once
the
matter
pass
upon
record
for
Treason
,
it
is
undoubted
,
that
hundreds
of
the
best
,
and
who
think
themselves
most
innocent
,
may
,
by
the
same
methods
,
fall
under
the
like
Condemnation
,
whenever
the
King's
Advocate
shall
be
thereto
prompted
.
And
thus
you
have
a
part
of
what
the
Earl
intended
to
have
said
,
before
pronouncing
Sentence
,
if
he
had
not
made
his
Escape
before
the
day
:
Yet
some
things
I
perceive
by
his
Notes
are
still
in
his
own
breast
,
as
only
proper
to
be
said
to
His
Majesty
.
I
find
several
Quotations
out
of
the
Advocate
's
printed
Books
,
that
,
it
seems
,
he
was
to
make
some
use
of
;
but
,
seeing
it
would
have
been
too
great
an
interruption
to
have
applied
them
to
the
places
designed
,
I
have
subjoined
them
together
,
leaving
them
to
the
Advocate
's
own
,
and
all
mens
consideration
.
It
was
by
some
remarked
,
That
when
the
Lords
of
Justitiary
,
after
the
ending
of
the
first
days
debate
,
resolved
that
same
night
to
give
judgment
upon
it
,
they
sent
for
the
Lord
Nairn
,
one
of
their
number
,
an
old
and
infirm
man
,
who
being
also
a
Lord
of
the
Session
,
is
so
decayed
through
age
,
that
he
hath
not
for
a
considerable
time
,
been
allowed
to
take
his
turn
,
in
the
Outer-house
(
as
they
call
it
)
where
they
judge
lesser
Causes
alone
:
But
notwithstanding
both
his
age
,
and
infirmity
,
and
that
he
was
gone
to
bed
,
he
was
raised
,
and
brought
to
the
Court
,
to
consider
a
Debate
,
a
great
deal
whereof
he
had
not
heard
,
in
full
Court
;
and
withal
,
as
is
informed
,
while
the
Clerk
was
reading
some
of
it
,
fell
of
new
asleep
.
It
was
also
remarked
,
that
the
Lords
of
Justitiary
being
,
in
all
,
five
,
viz.
the
Lord
Nairn
above-mentioned
,
with
the
Lords
,
Collintoun
,
Newtoun
,
Hirkhouse
,
and
Forret
,
the
Libel
was
found
relevant
only
by
the
odds
of
three
to
two
,
viz.
the
Lord
Nairn
aforesaid
,
the
Lord
Newtoun
,
since
made
President
of
the
Session
,
and
the
Lord
Forret
,
both
well
enough
known
,
against
the
Lord
Collintoun
,
a
very
ingenious
Gentleman
,
and
a
true
old
Cavalier
,
and
the
Lord
Hirkhouse
,
a
learned
and
upright
Judge
:
As
for
the
Lord
Justice
General
,
who
was
also
present
,
and
presided
,
his
vote
,
according
to
the
constitution
of
the
Court
,
was
not
asked
.
But
to
return
to
my
Narrative
,
the
Earl
,
as
I
have
already
told
you
,
did
not
think
fit
,
for
reasons
that
you
shall
hear
,
to
stay
till
His
Majesty's
return
came
to
the
Council's
last
Letter
,
but
,
taking
his
opportunity
,
made
his
escape
out
of
the
Castle
of
Edinburgh
,
upon
Tuesday
the
Twentieth
of
December
,
about
eight
at
night
,
and
,
in
a
day
or
two
after
,
came
His
Majesty's
Answer
here
subjoined
.
The
King's
Answer
to
the
Council's
Letter
.
December
18.
1681.
C.
R.
MOST
dearly
,
&c.
having
this
day
received
your
Letter
of
the
14th
instant
,
giving
an
account
,
that
our
Advocate
having
been
ordered
by
you
to
insist
in
that
Process
raised
at
our
instance
against
the
Earl
of
Argyle
,
he
was
,
after
full
debate
,
and
clear
probation
,
found
guilty
of
Treason
,
and
Leasing-making
betwixt
us
,
our
Parliament
,
and
our
People
;
and
the
reproaching
our
Laws
and
Acts
of
Parliament
:
We
have
now
thought
fit
,
notwithstanding
of
what
was
ordered
by
us
in
our
Letter
to
you
of
the
15th
of
November
last
,
hereby
to
authorize
you
to
grant
a
Warrand
to
our
Justice
General
,
and
the
remanent
Judges
of
our
Justice
Court
,
for
proceeding
to
pronounce
a
Sentence
,
upon
the
Verdict
of
the
Jury
,
against
the
said
Earl
;
nevertheless
it
is
our
express
pleasure
,
and
we
do
hereby
require
you
,
to
take
care
,
that
all
execution
of
the
Sentence
be
stopped
,
until
we
shall
think
fit
to
declare
our
further
pleasure
in
this
Affair
:
For
doing
whereof
,
&c.
Which
Answer
being
read
in
Council
on
the
Thursday
,
and
the
Court
of
Justiciary
,
according
to
its
last
Adjournment
,
as
shall
be
told
you
,
being
to
meet
upon
the
Friday
,
after
a
little
hesitation
in
Council
whether
the
Court
of
Justiciary
could
proceed
to
the
Sentence
of
Forfaulture
against
the
Earl
,
he
being
absent
,
it
was
resolved
in
the
affirmative
;
And
what
were
the
grounds
urged
,
either
of
hesitation
or
resolution
,
I
cannot
precisely
say
,
there
being
nothing
on
record
that
I
can
learn
.
But
that
you
may
have
a
full
,
and
satisfying
account
,
I
shall
briefly
tell
you
what
was
ordinarily
discoursed
,
a
part
whereof
I
also
find
in
a
Petition
given
in
by
the
Countess
of
Argyle
to
the
Lords
of
Justitiary
,
before
pronouncing
sentence
,
but
without
any
answer
or
effect
.
It
was
then
commonly
said
,
that
by
the
old
Law
,
and
Custom
,
the
Court
of
Justitiary
could
no
more
in
the
case
of
Treason
,
than
of
any
other
Crime
,
proceed
further
against
a
Person
not
compearing
,
and
absent
,
than
to
declare
him
Out-Law
,
and
Fugitive
:
And
that
,
albeit
it
be
singular
,
in
the
case
of
Treason
that
the
Trial
may
go
on
,
even
to
a
final
Sentence
,
though
the
Party
be
absent
,
yet
such
Trials
were
only
proper
to
,
and
always
reserved
for
Parliaments
:
And
that
so
it
had
been
constantly
observed
until
after
the
Rebellion
in
the
Year
1666
:
But
there
being
several
Persons
notourly
engaged
in
that
Rebellion
,
who
had
escaped
,
and
thereby
withdrawn
themselves
from
Justice
,
it
was
thought
,
that
the
want
of
a
Parliament
,
for
the
time
,
ought
not
to
afford
them
any
immunity
;
and
therefore
it
was
resolved
by
the
Council
,
with
advice
of
the
Lords
of
Session
,
that
the
Court
of
Justitiary
should
summon
,
and
proceed
to
trial
,
and
sentence
,
against
these
Absents
,
whether
they
compeared
or
not
,
and
so
it
was
done
:
Only
because
the
thing
was
new
,
and
indeed
an
innovation
of
the
old
Custom
,
to
make
all
sure
,
in
the
first
Parliament
held
thereafter
,
in
the
Year
1669.
it
was
thought
fit
to
confirm
these
Proceedings
of
the
Justitiary
,
in
that
point
,
and
also
to
make
a
perpetual
Statute
,
that
,
in
case
of
open
Rebellion
,
and
Rising
in
Arms
against
the
King
,
and
Government
,
the
Treason
,
in
all
time
coming
,
might
by
an
Order
from
His
Majesty's
Council
be
tried
,
and
the
Actors
proceeded
against
by
the
Lords
of
Justitiary
,
even
to
final
sentence
,
whether
the
Traytors
compeared
,
or
not
.
This
being
then
the
present
Law
,
and
custom
,
it
is
apparent
in
the
first
place
,
that
the
Earl's
Case
,
not
being
that
of
an
open
Rebellion
,
and
Rising
in
Arms
,
is
not
at
all
comprehended
in
the
Act
of
Parliament
;
So
that
it
is
without
question
,
that
,
if
in
the
beginning
he
had
not
entered
himself
Prisoner
,
but
absented
himself
,
the
Lords
of
Justiciary
could
not
have
gone
further
,
than
,
upon
a
citation
,
to
have
declared
him
Fugitive
.
But
others
said
,
that
the
Earl
having
both
entered
himself
Prisoner
,
and
compeared
,
and
after
debate
having
been
found
guilty
,
before
he
made
his
escape
,
the
case
was
much
altered
.
And
whether
the
Court
could
,
notwithstanding
of
the
Earl's
intervening
escape
,
yet
go
on
to
sentence
,
was
still
debatable
:
for
it
was
alledged
for
the
affirmative
,
that
seeing
the
Earl
had
twice
compeared
,
and
that
,
after
debate
,
the
Court
had
given
judgment
,
and
the
Assize
returned
their
Verdict
,
so
that
had
nothing
remained
but
the
pronouncing
of
Sentence
;
it
was
absurd
to
think
that
it
should
be
in
the
power
of
the
Party
,
thus
accused
,
and
found
guilty
,
by
his
escape
to
frustrate
Justice
,
and
withdraw
himself
from
the
punishment
he
deserved
.
But
on
the
other
hand
it
was
pleaded
for
the
Earl
;
That
first
,
It
was
a
fundamental
Rule
,
That
until
once
the
Cause
were
concluded
,
no
Sentence
could
be
pronounced
:
Next
that
,
it
was
a
sure
Maxim
in
Law
,
that
in
Criminal
Actions
there
neither
is
,
or
can
be
any
other
conclusion
of
the
cause
than
the
Parties
presence
and
silence
;
So
that
,
after
all
that
had
past
,
the
Earl
had
still
freedom
to
add
what
he
thought
fit
,
in
his
own
defence
,
before
pronouncing
sentence
,
and
therefore
the
Lords
of
Justiciary
could
no
more
proceed
to
sentence
against
him
,
being
escaped
,
than
if
he
had
been
absent
from
the
beginning
,
the
Cause
being
in
both
cases
equally
not
concluded
,
and
the
principle
of
Law
uniformly
the
same
,
viz.
That
in
Criminals
(
except
in
cases
excepted
)
no
final
sentence
can
be
given
in
absence
:
For
,
as
the
Law
,
in
case
of
absence
from
the
beginning
,
doth
hold
that
just
temper
,
as
neither
to
suffer
the
Contumacious
to
go
altogether
unpunished
,
nor
,
on
the
other
hand
,
finally
to
condemn
a
party
unheard
.
And
therefore
doth
only
declare
him
Fugitive
,
and
there
stops
:
So
in
the
case
of
an
Escape
,
before
Sentence
,
where
it
cannot
be
said
the
Party
was
fully
heard
,
and
the
Cause
concluded
,
the
Law
doth
not
distinguish
,
nor
can
the
parity
of
Reason
be
refused
.
Admitting
then
that
the
Cause
was
so
far
advanced
,
against
the
Earl
,
that
he
was
found
guilty
:
Yet
1.
This
is
but
a
declaring
of
what
the
Law
doth
as
plainly
presume
against
the
Party
absent
from
the
beginning
,
and
consequently
,
of
it self
can
operate
no
further
.
2dly
,
The
finding
of
a
Party
guilty
is
no
conclusion
of
the
Cause
.
And
3dly
,
As
it
was
never
seen
,
nor
heard
,
that
a
Party
was
condemned
in
absence
,
(
except
in
excepted
Cases
)
whereof
the
Earl's
is
none
;
so
he
having
escaped
,
and
the
Cause
remaining
thereby
unconcluded
,
the
general
rule
did
still
hold
,
and
no
sentence
could
be
given
against
him
.
It
was
also
remembred
,
that
the
Dyets
and
days
of
the
Justice
Court
are
peremptour
;
and
that
in
that
case
,
even
in
Civil
,
far
more
in
Criminal
Courts
and
Causes
,
a
Citation
to
hear
Sentence
is
constantly
required
:
which
induced
some
to
think
,
that
at
least
the
Earl
should
have
been
lawfully
cited
to
hear
Sentence
,
before
it
could
be
pronounced
.
But
it
is
like
this
course
,
as
confessing
a
difficulty
,
and
occasioning
too
long
a
delay
,
was
therefore
not
made
use
of
.
However
,
upon
the
whole
,
it
was
the
general
Opinion
,
That
seeing
the
denouncing
the
Earl
Fugitive
would
have
wrought
much
more
in
Law
,
than
all
that
was
commonly
said
,
at
first
,
to
be
designed
against
him
:
And
that
his
Case
did
appear
every
way
so
favourable
,
that
impartial
men
still
wondered
how
it
came
to
be
at
all
questioned
;
It
had
been
better
to
have
sisted
the
Process
,
with
his
Escape
,
and
taken
the
ordinary
course
of
Law
,
without
making
any
more
stretches
.
But
as
I
have
told
you
,
when
the
Friday
came
,
the
Lords
of
Justiciary
,
without
any
respect
,
or
answer
given
to
the
Petition
above-mentioned
,
given
in
by
the
Countess
of
Argyle
to
the
Court
for
a
stop
,
pronounced
Sentence
,
first
in
the
Court
,
and
then
caused
publish
the
same
,
with
all
solemnity
,
at
the
Mercat-Cross
at
Edinburgh
.
FOrasmuch
as
it
is
found
by
an
Assize
,
That
Archibald
,
Earl
of
Argyle
,
is
guilty
and
culpable
of
the
Crimes
of
Treason
,
Leasing-making
,
and
Leasing-telling
,
for
which
he
was
detained
within
the
Castle
of
Edinburgh
,
out
of
which
he
has
now
since
the
said
Verdict
made
his
Escape
:
Therefore
the
Lords
Commissioners
of
Justiciary
decern
and
adjudge
the
said
Archibald
,
Earl
of
Argyle
,
to
be
execute
to
the
death
,
demained
as
a
Traytor
,
and
to
underly
the
pains
of
Treason
,
and
other
punishments
appointed
by
the
Laws
of
this
Kingdom
,
when
he
shall
be
apprehended
,
at
such
a
time
,
and
place
,
and
in
such
manner
as
his
Majesty
in
his
Royal
pleasure
shall
think
fit
to
declare
and
appoint
:
And
his
Name
,
Memory
,
and
Honours
,
to
be
extinct
:
And
his
Arms
to
be
riven
forth
,
and
delete
out
of
the
Books
of
Arms
,
swa
that
his
Posterity
may
never
have
place
,
nor
be
able
hereafter
to
bruick
or
joyse
any
Honour
,
Offices
,
Titles
,
or
Dignities
,
within
this
Realm
in
time
coming
;
and
to
have
forfaulted
,
amitted
,
and
tint
,
all
and
sundry
his
Lands
,
Tenements
,
annual-rents
,
Offices
,
Titles
,
Dignities
,
Tacks
,
Steedings
,
Rowmes
,
Possessions
,
Goods
,
and
Geere
whatsumever
pertaining
to
him
,
to
our
Sovereign
Lord
,
to
remain
perpetually
with
his
Highness
in
property
.
Which
was
pronounced
for
Doom
—
23
Dec.
1681.
After
the
reading
(
and
publshing
)
whereof
,
The
Earl's
Coat
of
Arms
,
by
order
of
the
Court
,
was
also
torn
,
and
ranversed
,
both
in
the
Court
,
and
at
the
Mercat-Cross
.
Albeit
some
thought
that
this
was
rather
a
part
of
the
Execution
,
which
His
Majesty's
Letter
discharges
,
than
a
necessary
Solemnity
,
in
the
Publication
:
and
the
Advocate
himself
says
,
p.
61.
of
his
printed
Criminals
,
That
it
should
only
be
practised
in
the
Crime
of
Perduellion
,
but
not
in
other
Treasons
.
The
Reasons
and
Motives
of
the
Earl's
Escape
,
with
the
Conclusion
of
the
whole
Narrative
.
THE
Earl's
Escape
was
at
first
a
great
surprise
,
both
to
his
Friends
and
Unfriends
:
for
,
as
it
is
known
that
his
Process
,
in
the
beginning
,
did
appear
,
to
the
less
concerned
,
more
like
a
piece
of
pageantry
,
than
any
reality
;
and
even
by
the
more
concerned
was
accounted
but
a
politick
Design
,
to
take
away
his
Offices
,
and
lessen
his
Power
and
Interest
:
So
neither
did
any
of
his
Friends
fear
any
greater
hazard
,
nor
did
most
of
his
Unfriends
imagine
them
to
be
more
apprehensive
.
Whereby
it
fell
out
,
that
upon
report
of
his
Escape
,
many
,
and
some
of
his
Well-wishers
,
thought
he
had
too
lightly
abandoned
a
fair
Estate
,
and
the
probable
expectation
he
might
have
had
of
His
Majesty's
favour
:
As
also
some
,
that
were
judged
his
greatest
Adversaries
,
did
appear
very
angry
,
as
if
the
Earl
had
taken
that
course
,
on
purpose
to
load
them
with
the
odium
of
a
design
against
his
life
.
And
truly
,
I
am
apt
to
think
,
it
was
not
only
hard
and
uneasie
for
others
to
believe
,
that
a
Person
of
the
Earl's
quality
,
and
character
,
should
,
upon
so
slender
a
pretence
,
be
destroyed
,
both
as
to
life
,
and
fortune
,
but
also
that
he
himself
was
slow
enough
to
receive
the
impressions
necessary
to
ripen
his
Resolution
;
and
that
if
a
few
Accidents
,
as
he
says
himself
,
happening
a
little
before
his
escape
,
had
not
as
it
were
opened
his
eyes
,
and
brought
back
,
and
presented
to
him
several
things
past
,
in
a
new
light
,
and
so
made
all
to
operate
to
his
final
determination
,
he
had
stayed
it
out
to
the
last
.
Which
that
you
may
the
better
understand
,
you
may
here
consider
the
several
Particulars
,
that
,
together
with
what
he
himself
hath
since
told
some
Friends
,
apparently
occurred
to
him
in
these
his
second
thoughts
,
in
their
following
order
.
And
first
you
have
heard
,
in
the
beginning
of
this
Narrative
,
what
was
the
first
occasion
of
the
Earl
his
declining
in
his
Highness's
favour
:
You
may
also
remember
,
that
his
Majesty's
Advocate
takes
notice
,
that
he
debated
against
the
Act
enjoining
the
Test
,
in
the
Parliament
:
And
,
as
I
have
told
you
,
he
was
indeed
the
Person
that
spoke
against
excepting
the
King's
Brothers
,
and
Sons
,
from
the
Oath
then
intended
for
securing
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Subjects
Loyalty
,
not
thinking
it
fit
to
complement
with
a
Privilege
where
all
possible
caution
appears
rather
to
be
necessary
:
And
this
a
Reverend
Bishop
told
the
Earl
afterwards
had
downright
fired
the
kiln
.
What
thereafter
happened
in
Parliament
,
and
how
the
Earl
was
always
ready
to
have
laid
all
his
Offices
at
his
Majesty's
feet
:
And
how
he
was
content
,
in
Council
,
to
be
held
a
Refuser
of
the
Test
,
and
thereby
incur
an
intire
deprivation
of
all
publick
Trust
,
is
above
fully
declared
;
and
only
here
remembred
,
to
shew
what
Reason
the
Earl
had
,
from
his
first
coming
to
Edinburgh
,
in
the
end
of
October
,
to
think
that
something
else
was
intended
against
him
than
the
simple
devesting
him
of
his
Employments
and
Jurisdictions
.
And
yet
such
was
his
assurance
of
his
Innocence
,
that
when
ordered
by
the
Council
to
enter
his
Person
in
Prison
under
the
pain
of
Treason
,
he
entered
freely
,
in
an
Hackney
Coach
,
without
either
hesitation
or
noise
,
as
you
have
heard
.
2dly
,
The
same
day
of
the
Earl's
Commitment
,
the
Council
met
,
and
wrote
(
as
I
have
told
you
)
their
Letter
to
his
Majesty
,
above
set
down
,
Num.
22.
Wherein
they
expresly
charge
him
with
Reproaching
,
and
depraving
;
but
yet
neither
with
Perjury
nor
Treason
;
and
a
few
days
after
,
the
Earl
wrote
a
Letter
to
his
Highness
;
wherein
he
did
endeavour
to
remove
his
Offence
,
in
terms
that
,
it
was
said
,
at
first
had
given
satisfaction
:
But
yet
the
only
return
the
Earl
had
,
was
a
Criminal
Summons
containing
an
Indictment
,
and
that
before
any
Answer
was
come
from
His
Majesty
.
And
then
,
so
soon
as
his
Majesty's
Answer
came
,
there
was
a
new
Summons
sent
him
,
with
a
new
Indictment
,
adding
the
Crimes
of
Treason
and
Perjury
to
those
of
Reproaching
and
Depraving
,
which
were
in
the
first
Libel
,
as
you
have
heard
above
;
whereby
you
may
perceive
,
how
early
the
Design
against
the
Earl
began
to
grow
,
and
how
easily
it
took
encrease
,
from
the
least
encouragement
.
3dly
,
When
the
Earl
petitioned
the
Council
for
Advocates
to
plead
for
him
:
Albeit
he
petitioned
twice
,
and
upon
clear
Acts
of
Parliament
,
yet
he
had
no
better
Answer
than
what
you
have
above
set
down
.
And
when
the
Earl's
Petition
,
naming
Sir
George
Lockhart
as
his
ordinary
Advocate
,
was
read
in
Council
,
his
Highness
openly
threatned
,
that
in
case
Sir
George
should
undertake
for
the
Earl
,
he
should
never
more
plead
for
the
King
,
nor
him
.
But
the
Earl
taking
Instruments
upon
Sir
George
his
refusal
,
and
giving
out
,
that
he
would
not
answer
a
word
at
the
Bar
,
seeing
the
benefit
of
Lawyers
,
according
to
Law
,
was
denied
him
;
Sir
George
,
and
other
Lawyers
,
were
allowed
to
assist
him
,
but
still
with
a
grudge
.
Likewise
afterwards
,
they
were
questioned
and
convened
before
the
Council
,
for
having
,
at
the
Earl's
desire
,
signed
their
positive
Opinion
of
the
Case
.
At
which
time
it
was
also
said
in
Council
by
his
Highness
,
That
their
fault
was
greater
than
the
Earl's
:
However
,
we
see
that
as
he
was
the
occasion
of
the
anger
,
so
he
hath
only
found
the
smart
of
it
.
4thly
,
The
whole
Process
,
with
the
Judgment
of
the
Lords
of
Justitiary
,
and
Verdict
of
the
Assize
,
whereby
the
Earl
was
found
guilty
,
as
you
have
seen
(
notwithstanding
of
what
hath
so
plainly
appeared
,
and
was
so
strongly
pleaded
in
his
behalf
)
of
Leasing-making
,
Depraving
,
and
Treason
,
Is
of
it self
a
clear
demonstration
,
that
either
the
highest
punishment
was
intended
for
so
high
a
guilt
;
or
that
,
at
least
,
it
was
no
small
humiliation
that
some
designed
for
him
:
It
being
equally
against
reason
,
and
prudence
,
setting
aside
the
Interest
of
Justice
,
to
strain
things
of
this
nature
beyond
the
ends
truly
purposed
,
and
which
,
in
effect
,
are
only
the
more
to
be
suspected
,
the
more
they
are
concealed
.
5thly
,
The
Process
being
carried
on
to
the
Verdict
of
the
Assize
,
and
the
Council
being
tied
up
by
His
Majesty's
Letter
,
before
pronouncing
Sentence
,
to
send
a
particular
account
to
His
Majesty
of
what
the
Earl
should
be
found
guilty
of
,
for
His
Majesty's
full
information
:
The
Council
doth
indeed
dispatch
away
a
new
Letter
immediately
,
for
His
Majesty's
leave
to
proceed
;
but
instead
of
that
particular
account
required
by
His
Majesty
,
for
his
full
information
,
all
the
information
was
ever
heard
of
to
be
sent
by
the
Council
,
was
what
is
contained
in
the
body
of
the
Letter
,
wherein
they
,
briefly
,
but
positively
,
affirm
,
That
after
full
debate
,
and
clear
probation
,
he
was
found
guilty
of
Treason
.
Which
,
all
men
must
say
,
was
far
better
contrived
to
prompt
his
Majesty
to
a
speedy
allowance
,
than
to
give
him
that
particular
information
of
the
case
which
His
Majesty's
Letter
expresly
requires
,
and
the
Earl
expected
should
have
been
performed
.
But
further
,
the
Council
was
commanded
to
sign
this
Letter
,
not
simply
in
the
ordinary
form
,
but
by
a
special
Command
laid
on
every
Member
,
and
the
Clerk
appointed
to
go
about
and
get
their
Subscriptions
,
telling
them
they
were
Commanded
;
and
complaining
to
the
Duke
when
any
scrupled
to
do
it
.
The
strictness
of
which
Orders
is
apparent
enough
from
the
very
Subscriptions
,
where
you
may
not
only
read
the
names
of
Bishops
subscribing
in
causa
sanguinis
,
but
some
of
the
Earl's
Friends
and
Relations
who
wanted
Courage
to
refuse
;
And
,
in
effect
,
how
many
of
all
the
Members
did
it
willingly
,
is
hard
to
say
,
seeing
generally
they
excuse
the
deed
in
private
.
6thly
,
About
a
week
or
two
before
the
Trial
,
the
Earl
had
notice
,
that
at
a
close
Juncto
,
where
were
Persons
of
the
greatest
eminency
,
it
was
remembred
by
one
present
,
how
that
Anno
1663.
The
Earl
had
been
pardoned
by
His
Majesty
,
after
he
had
been
found
guilty
by
the
Earl
of
Middleton
and
that
Parliament
.
And
that
then
it
was
looked
on
as
an
Error
in
the
Earl
of
Middletoun
,
that
he
had
not
proceeded
to
Execution
,
albeit
His
Majesty
had
given
command
to
the
contrary
,
because
(
as
it
was
said
)
it
would
have
been
but
the
same
thing
to
him
.
But
now
,
adds
this
kind
Remembrancer
,
The
case
is
much
more
easie
:
Now
his
Royal
Highness
is
on
the
Throne
:
It
might
have
cost
Earl
Middletoun
a
frown
,
but
now
it
can
signify
nothing
,
but
will
rather
be
commended
in
his
Royal
Highness
,
as
acting
freely
like
himself
.
The
stop
of
the
sentence
looks
like
a
distrust
;
but
this
will
vindicate
all
,
and
secure
all
.
And
as
the
first
part
of
the
Story
the
Earl
remembred
well
he
had
heard
it
from
the
same
Person
,
An.
1664.
and
had
reported
it
to
the
Duke
of
Lauderdale
a
little
after
;
so
the
second
part
being
of
a
very
well
known
dialect
,
could
not
but
give
the
Earl
the
deeper
impressions
.
It
was
further
told
the
Earl
,
at
the
same
time
when
the
Councils
Letter
to
obtain
His
Majesty's
assent
to
the
pronouncing
Sentence
,
and
leaving
all
to
discretion
,
was
sent
,
that
it
was
thought
fit
that
nothing
should
appear
but
fair
weather
till
the
very
close
.
Yet
was
the
Earl
so
confident
of
his
own
Innocence
,
and
His
Majesty's
Justice
,
that
he
did
not
doubt
but
His
Majesty
,
seeing
the
Process
,
would
at
least
put
a
stop
to
the
Sentence
.
But
after
the
Councils
Letter
was
gone
,
in
such
terms
as
you
have
seen
,
to
seek
Liberty
from
His
Majesty
to
proceed
to
Sentence
(
without
either
double
,
or
abbreviate
of
the
Process
sent
with
it
)
and
no
doubt
smooth
insinuations
made
with
it
,
that
all
designed
was
to
humble
the
Earl
,
or
clip
his
wings
:
And
that
this
Letter
was
hasted
away
by
a
fleeing
Pacquet
,
to
prevent
the
Earl's
Application
,
which
it
could
not
but
do
;
and
so
could
not
but
have
weight
,
and
prevail
with
His
Majesty
,
(
to
whom
the
Earl's
Petition
,
as
coming
too
late
,
was
indeed
never
presented
)
Then
,
and
not
till
then
,
the
Earl
began
to
have
new
thoughts
.
7thly
,
The
Earl's
Trial
having
been
upon
Monday
and
Tuesday
,
the
12th
and
13th
of
December
;
upon
the
14th
,
the
Councils
Letter
was
dispatched
;
and
upon
the
15th
,
the
Earl
intreated
,
by
a
friend
,
for
liberty
to
speak
to
his
Royal
Highness
;
whose
Answer
was
,
That
it
was
not
ordinary
to
speak
to
criminals
,
except
with
Rogues
on
some
Plot
,
where
discoveries
might
be
expected
:
Yet
his
Highness
said
,
he
would
advise
upon
it
.
But
,
upon
Friday
the
16th
,
he
did
refuse
it
.
Yet
the
Earl
did
renew
his
suit
,
and
urged
,
That
he
had
sent
a
Petition
to
His
Majesty
,
which
was
the
first
he
had
sent
upon
that
occasion
,
and
that
,
before
the
return
should
come
,
he
was
desirous
to
have
his
Highness
Answer
,
that
he
might
owe
some
part
of
the
favour
he
expected
,
to
his
Highness
.
But
on
Monday
morning
,
the
19th
,
the
Earl
was
told
,
he
was
not
like
to
have
any
access
;
and
in
the
afternoon
,
he
heard
that
the
return
of
the
Councils
Express
was
looked
for
,
on
Thursday
the
22d
.
being
the
Council
day
.
And
further
,
That
the
Justice
Court
(
which
according
to
its
custom
had
sat
the
same
Monday
,
and
,
in
course
,
should
have
adjourned
till
Monday
the
26th
of
December
,
or
,
because
of
Christmass
,
to
the
first
Monday
of
January
)
was
,
for
the
Earl's
sake
,
adjourned
till
Friday
the
23d
.
to
the
end
,
that
immediately
upon
the
King's
return
,
they
might
pronounce
Sentence
.
He
was
moreover
informed
,
that
his
Royal
Highness
was
heard
say
,
That
if
the
Express
returned
not
timously
,
he
would
take
upon
himself
what
was
to
be
done
.
Which
being
general
,
and
dark
,
was
the
more
to
be
suspected
.
All
this
,
the
Earl
told
,
made
him
the
same
Monday
late
,
cast
in
his
thoughts
whether
it
were
not
fit
for
him
to
attempt
an
escape
;
but
his
doubtings
were
so
many
he
could
resolve
nothing
,
that
night
,
except
to
put
off
till
Wednesday
.
Yet
on
Tuesday
morning
he
began
to
think
,
if
he
did
at
all
design
to
escape
,
he
had
best
do
it
that
same
evening
.
However
he
was
,
even
then
,
not
fully
resolved
,
nor
had
he
as
yet
spoke
one
word
of
it
to
any
mortal
.
But
about
Ten
of
the
Clock
this
Tuesday
,
his
Highness
absolute
refusal
to
suffer
the
Earl
to
see
him
,
until
His
Majesty's
Return
came
,
was
confirmed
:
And
about
Noon
the
Earl
heard
that
some
Troops
,
and
a
Regiment
of
Foot
were
come
to
Town
;
and
that
the
next
day
he
was
to
be
brought
down
from
the
Castle
to
the
Common
Jail
(
from
which
Criminals
are
ordinarily
carried
to
Execution
)
and
then
he
resolved
to
make
his
escape
that
very
Night
,
and
yet
did
not
conclude
it
throughly
till
five
of
the
Clock
in
the
Evening
:
At
which
time
he
gave
directions
about
it
,
not
thinking
to
essay
it
,
till
near
Ten
:
But
at
Seven
,
one
coming
up
from
the
City
,
and
telling
him
that
new
Orders
were
privately
given
for
further
securing
of
him
;
That
the
Castle
Guards
were
doubled
,
and
none
suffered
to
go
out
without
showing
their
faces
,
and
that
some
Ladies
had
been
already
put
to
do
it
,
and
therefore
disswading
him
to
attempt
any
escape
,
because
it
was
impossible
:
The
Earl
said
,
No
,
then
it
is
full
time
.
And
so
he
made
haste
,
and
within
half
an
hour
after
,
by
God's
blessing
,
got
safe
out
,
questioned
pretty
warmly
by
the
first
Centry
,
but
not
at
all
by
the
Main-guard
;
and
then
,
after
the
great
Gate
was
opened
,
and
the
lower
Guard
drawn
out
double
,
to
make
a
Lane
for
his
Company
,
one
of
the
Guard
who
opened
the
Gate
,
took
him
by
the
Arm
,
and
viewed
him
;
but
it
pleased
God
he
was
not
discerned
.
When
he
was
out
,
he
was
not
fully
resolved
whither
to
go
.
Home
he
had
judged
safest
;
but
he
thought
it
might
breed
Mistakes
and
Trouble
that
he
designed
not
:
So
he
resolved
to
go
for
England
,
and
to
take
the
Road
,
That
by
Post
he
might
be
His
Majesty's
first
informer
of
his
escape
.
But
being
disappointed
of
Horses
that
he
expected
,
he
found
that
the
notice
of
his
escape
was
got
before
him
;
and
soon
after
,
as
he
came
the
length
of
Newcastle
,
heard
that
His
Majesty
had
given
way
to
pronounce
Sentence
against
him
,
according
as
he
had
apprehended
from
the
circumstances
and
other
grounds
I
have
told
you
;
which
made
him
judge
,
it
would
be
an
undiscreet
presumption
,
in
that
state
,
to
offer
himself
to
his
Majesty
,
while
he
knew
none
durst
address
him
,
and
so
he
rather
chused
to
shift
in
the
wide
World
,
till
His
Majesty
might
be
at
some
greater
freedom
both
to
understand
his
Case
,
and
apply
suitable
Remedies
.
His
Majesty's
clear
and
excellent
understanding
,
and
gracious
and
benign
disposition
,
do
fully
assure
him
,
that
His
Majesty
doth
not
,
in
His
thoughts
,
charge
him
with
the
least
Disloyalty
,
and
that
he
hath
no
Complacence
in
his
ruine
.
But
if
His
Majesty
do
,
at
present
,
lye
under
the
pressure
of
some
unlucky
influences
,
not
so
easie
to
his
Royal
inclinations
,
the
Earl
,
it
seems
,
thinks
it
reasonable
to
wait
patiently
for
a
better
opportunity
.
It
may
indeed
appear
strange
,
that
Innocence
and
Honour
oppressed
in
his
Person
,
almost
beyond
a
parallel
,
should
not
,
ere
now
,
have
constrained
him
to
some
publick
Vindication
;
especially
when
to
the
horrid
Sentence
given
against
him
,
his
Adversaries
have
further
prevailed
to
cause
His
Majesty
dispose
,
not
only
of
his
Heritable
Offices
and
Jurisdictions
(
the
pretended
eye-sore
)
;
but
also
upon
his
whole
Estate
and
Fortune
,
with
as
little
consideration
of
the
Earl's
personal
Interest
,
as
if
he
had
fallen
for
the
blackest
Treason
,
and
most
atrocious
Perduellion
.
But
,
besides
that
some
things
are
of
themselves
so
absurdly
wicked
,
that
all
palliating
pretences
do
only
render
them
the
more
hateful
;
and
the
very
simple
hearing
doth
strike
with
an
horrour
,
not
to
be
heightned
by
any
representation
:
Next
that
the
Earl
,
being
so
astonishingly
overtaken
for
words
,
as
fairly
and
honestly
uttered
as
he
could
possibly
devise
,
doth
,
with
reason
,
apprehend
that
there
is
nothing
he
can
say
in
this
matter
,
though
with
the
serenest
mind
,
and
in
the
greatest
truth
and
fobriety
,
that
may
not
be
construed
to
flow
from
a
design
to
lay
blame
where
hitherto
he
hath
been
tender
to
give
any
ground
of
offence
.
I
say
(
besides
these
things
)
he
is
withal
(
I
know
)
most
firmly
persuaded
,
That
,
if
ever
he
shall
have
the
happiness
to
be
once
heard
by
His
Majesty
,
and
in
his
presence
allowed
to
explain
a
few
Particulars
,
in
Duty
here
omitted
,
His
Majesty's
Justice
and
Goodness
will
quickly
dispel
all
the
Clouds
that
now
hang
over
him
,
and
restore
him
to
that
favour
wherein
he
hath
sometime
reckoned
himself
very
happy
,
and
which
he
will
ever
be
most
ready
to
acknowledg
.
And
therefore
all
that
in
the
mean
time
he
judged
necessary
,
or
would
give
way
to
,
was
that
for
preserving
the
remembrance
of
so
odd
a
Transaction
,
until
a
more
seasonable
juncture
,
some
Memorials
should
be
drawn
,
and
deposited
in
sure
keeping
;
which
being
grown
under
my
hand
unto
this
Narrative
,
I
thought
I
could
not
better
observe
his
Order
,
than
by
transmitting
it
to
your
faithful
custody
.
I
have
carefully
therein
observed
the
Truth
,
in
point
of
fact
,
avouching
nothing
but
upon
the
best
and
clearest
evidence
can
possibly
be
expected
;
nor
have
I
,
as
to
the
manner
,
licenced
or
indulged
my self
in
any
severity
of
expression
,
which
,
I
thought
,
could
be
justly
,
in
such
a
case
,
omitted
,
without
betraying
the
Cause
.
Yet
if
you
now
,
or
any
other
hereafter
,
shall
judge
,
that
I
do
sometime
exceed
,
let
it
not
be
imputed
to
him
;
for
as
he
did
indeed
charge
me
to
guard
against
any
more
warm
or
vehement
expression
,
than
the
merit
and
exigence
of
the
subject
do
indispensibly
require
;
so
I
am
assured
that
he
silently
and
patiently
waits
on
the
Lord
,
committing
his
way
to
him
,
and
trusting
in
him
,
that
he
may
bring
it
to
pass
;
and
that
He
shall
bring
forth
his
righteousness
as
the
light
,
and
his
judgment
as
the
noon-day
.
POSTSCRIPT
.
SIR
,
HAving
in
this
Narrative
sometimes
adduced
,
as
you
have
seen
,
the
Advocate
's
own
Authority
,
ad
hominem
,
I
shall
here
,
as
I
promised
,
subjoin
such
passages
out
of
his
Printed
Book
,
as
,
though
they
deserved
not
a
place
above
,
may
yet
make
a
pertinent
Postscript
.
And
,
omitting
what
in
that
Book
,
called
,
The
Laws
and
Customs
of
Scotland
in
Matters
Criminal
,
he
frequently
repeats
,
from
the
known
grounds
of
Law
,
of
the
nature
of
Crimes
,
and
the
design
of
Criminal
Laws
;
viz.
That
as
there
can
be
no
Crime
without
a
fraudulent
purpose
,
either
apparent
or
proven
;
So
it
was
the
design
of
Lawgivers
,
only
to
punish
such
Acts
as
are
designedly
malicious
.
I
desire
you
only
to
consider
the
particulars
following
:
And
,
1.
Pag.
11.
l.
7.
of
his
Book
of
Criminals
,
having
made
the
question
,
Whether
what
tends
to
a
Crime
,
not
perfected
,
doth
fall
under
the
Statue
,
or
Law
,
by
which
that
Crime
to
which
it
approaches
is
punished
:
He
instances
in
the
Crime
of
Misconstruing
His
Majesty's
Government
,
and
Proceedings
,
or
depraving
his
Laws
,
which
,
as
he
says
,
is
punishable
by
death
,
Ja.
6.
Par.
10.
Act
10.
And
then
further
moves
,
Whether
Papers
,
as
tending
to
misconstrue
His
Majesty's
Proceedings
,
and
Government
,
or
bearing
insinuations
which
may
raise
in
the
people
jealousy
against
the
Government
,
be
punished
by
that
Law
?
Which
being
one
of
the
great
Crimes
pretended
and
libelled
against
the
Earl
,
I
shall
here
(
omitting
his
Reasons
in
the
affirmative
,
which
have
not
the
least
ground
in
the
Earl's
Case
,
as
you
have
heard
)
represent
to
you
,
how
exactly
he
himself
,
and
others
,
have
acted
for
the
Earl's
overthrow
,
all
these
dangerous
and
pernicious
things
,
from
which
he
argues
in
the
Negative
.
His
words
then
are
these
:
And
that
such
insinuations
and
tendencies
are
not
punished
criminally
,
He
says
,
1.
It
is
the
interest
of
mankind
to
know
expresly
what
they
are
to
obey
,
especially
where
such
great
Certifications
are
annexed
,
as
in
Crimes
.
2.
The
Law
,
having
taken
under
its
consideration
this
guilt
,
has
punished
the
actual
misconstruing
,
or
depraving
;
but
has
not
declared
such
insinuations
or
tendencies
punishable
:
Et
in
statutis
casus
omissus
habetur
pro
omisso
.
3.
This
would
infallibly
tend
to
render
all
Judges
Arbitrary
;
for
tendencies
and
insinuations
are
in
effect
the
product
of
conjecture
,
and
Papers
may
seem
innocent
,
or
criminal
,
according
to
the
zeal
,
or
humour
,
as
well
as
malice
of
Judges
;
Men
being
naturally
prone
to
differ
in
such
consequential
inferences
,
and
too
apt
to
make
constructions
in
such
,
according
to
the
favour
or
malice
they
bear
to
the
Person
or
Cause
:
Are
not
some
men
apt
to
construct
that
to
tend
to
their
dishonour
,
which
was
designed
for
their
honour
?
and
to
think
every
thing
an
innovation
of
Law
or
Privilege
,
which
checks
their
inclination
and
design
?
Whereas
some
Judges
are
so
violent
in
their
Loyalty
,
as
to
imagine
the
meanest
mistakes
do
tend
to
an
opposition
against
Authority
;
and
thus
Zeal
,
Jealousie
,
Malice
,
or
Interest
,
would
become
Judges
.
4.
Men
are
so
silly
,
or
may
be
in
such
haste
,
or
so
confounded
,
(
and
the
best
are
subject
to
such
mistakes
)
as
that
no
Man
could
know
when
he
were
innocent
;
simplicity
might
oft
times
become
a
Crime
,
and
the
fear
of
offending
might
occasion
offence
,
and
how
uncomfortably
would
the
people
live
,
if
they
knew
not
how
to
be
innocent
.
2dly
,
P.
47.
l.
9.
Of
the
same
Book
,
he
says
,
That
the
eighth
point
of
Treason
is
to
impugn
the
Dignity
and
Authority
of
the
three
Estates
;
or
to
seek
,
and
procure
the
innovation
and
diminution
of
their
Power
and
Authority
,
Act
103.
Ja.
6.
p.
6.
Now
this
being
another
of
the
Crimes
charged
upon
the
Earl
,
hear
how
the
Advocate
there
understands
it
.
But
this
(
he
adds
immediately
)
is
to
be
understood
of
a
(
N.
B.
)
direct
impugning
of
their
Authority
;
as
if
it
were
contended
,
that
Parliaments
were
not
necessary
,
or
that
one
of
the
three
Estates
might
be
turned
out
.
Which
how
vastly
different
from
his
indirect
,
forced
,
and
horrible
inferences
,
in
the
Earl's
Case
,
is
plain
and
obvious
.
3dly
,
Ibid.
p.
58
l.
2.
After
having
said
,
That
,
according
to
former
Laws
,
no
sort
of
Treason
was
to
be
pursued
in
absence
before
the
Justices
;
and
urging
it
to
be
reasonable
,
he
adds
,
'
Nor
is
it
imaginable
,
but
if
it
had
been
safe
,
it
had
been
granted
formerly
.
And
l.
31.
he
says
,
The
Justices
are
never
allowed
,
even
by
the
late
Act
of
Parliament
,
to
proceed
to
sentence
against
absents
,
but
such
as
are
pursued
for
Rising
in
Arms
against
the
King
.
The
true
reason
whereof
,
he
tells
us
,
is
that
the
Law
is
not
so
inhumane
as
to
punish
equally
presumed
and
real
guilt
:
And
that
it
hath
been
often
found
,
that
men
have
absented
themselves
,
rather
out
of
fear
of
a
prevailing
Faction
,
or
corrupt
Witnesses
,
&c.
than
out
of
consciousness
of
guilt
:
Reasons
which
albeit
neither
true
nor
just
,
(
seeing
that
the
Law
punishes
nothing
,
even
in
case
of
absence
,
but
either
manifest
contumacy
,
or
Crimes
fully
proven
:
And
that
the
only
reason
why
it
allows
no
other
Crime
save
Perduellion
to
be
proceeded
against
in
absence
,
is
because
it
judges
no
other
Crime
tanti
)
yet
you
see
how
this
whole
passage
quadrats
with
the
Earl's
Case
;
who
being
neither
pursued
for
Perduellion
,
nor
present
at
giving
Sentence
,
was
yet
sentenced
in
absence
,
as
a
most
desperate
Traytor
.
4thly
,
Ibid.
p.
60.
l.
24.
Speaking
of
the
Solemnities
used
in
Parliament
,
at
the
pronouncing
Sentences
for
Treason
,
viz.
That
the
Pannel
receives
his
Sentence
kneeling
;
and
that
after
the
doom
of
Forfaulture
pronounced
against
him
,
the
Lyon
,
and
his
Brethren
the
Heraulds
in
their
Formalities
,
come
and
tear
his
Coat
of
Arms
at
the
Throne
;
and
thereafter
hang
up
his
Escutchion
ranversed
upon
the
Mercat-Cross
:
He
adds
,
But
this
,
I
think
,
should
only
hold
in
the
Crime
of
Perduellion
;
and
then
goes
on
to
add
,
That
the
Children
of
the
Delinquent
are
declared
incapable
to
bruik
any
Office
or
Estate
,
is
another
Speciality
introduced
in
the
punishment
of
Perduellion
only
.
And
yet
both
these
terrible
Solemnities
were
practised
against
the
Earl
,
even
by
a
Court
of
Justitiary
,
and
not
in
Parliament
;
albeit
he
was
not
accused
of
Perduellion
,
nor
be
indeed
more
guilty
of
any
Crime
than
all
the
World
sees
.
5thly
,
Ibid.
page
303.
ult.
He
says
,
That
verbal
injuries
are
these
that
are
committed
by
unwarrantable
expressions
,
as
to
call
a
Man
a
Cheat
,
a
Woman
Whore
:
But
because
expressions
may
vary
,
according
to
the
intention
of
the
speaker
;
therefore
except
the
words
can
allow
of
no
good
sense
,
as
Whore
or
Thief
,
or
that
there
be
strong
presumptions
against
the
speaker
,
the
injuriandi
animus
,
or
design
of
injuring
,
as
well
as
the
injuring
words
,
must
be
proven
;
and
the
speaker
will
be
allowed
to
purge
his
guilt
by
declaring
his
intention
;
and
his
declaration
,
without
an
Oath
,
will
be
sufficient
.
2dly
,
The
pursuer
should
libel
the
design
,
and
prove
it
,
except
the
words
clearly
infer
it
.
3dly
,
The
pursuer
is
presently
to
resent
the
injury
,
and
if
,
at
first
,
the
words
be
taken
for
no
injury
,
they
cannot
afterward
become
such
.
Which
things
,
being
applied
to
the
Earl's
words
,
do
evidently
say
,
That
unless
his
words
could
allow
of
no
good
sense
,
or
that
there
were
strong
presumptions
against
him
,
or
that
he
could
not
purge
his
guilt
,
by
declaring
his
intention
,
or
that
his
words
did
clearly
infer
the
guilt
,
there
could
be
no
Crime
of
Slandering
,
Reproaching
or
Depraving
,
charged
against
him
,
except
the
injuriandi
animus
,
as
well
as
the
words
,
had
been
both
libelled
,
and
proven
.
But
so
it
is
that
his
words
do
manifestly
allow
of
a
good
sense
,
that
there
is
not
the
least
presumption
of
injury
can
be
alledged
against
him
;
That
he
did
most
plainly
purge
himself
of
all
suspition
of
guilt
,
by
declaring
his
sound
and
upright
intention
;
and
that
his
words
do
not
infer
,
either
clearly
,
or
unclearly
,
the
smallest
measure
of
guilt
;
and
withal
neither
was
the
injuriandi
animus
at
all
proven
:
But
on
the
contrary
,
the
words
at
first
were
taken
for
no
injury
;
so
that
they
could
not
afterward
become
such
,
as
is
above
fully
cleared
:
Ergo
,
Even
the
Advocate
being
Judge
,
the
Earl
is
no
Slanderer
.
6thly
,
If
it
were
necessary
,
I
could
further
tell
you
several
things
that
he
alledges
to
be
sufficient
for
purging
a
Man
of
any
criminal
intention
:
As
,
where
he
says
,
Ibid.
p.
563.
l.
2.
That
,
in
matters
of
fact
,
persons
,
even
judicious
,
following
the
Faith
of
such
as
understand
,
are
to
be
excused
.
And
l.
30.
That
,
if
it
appear
by
the
meanness
of
the
crime
(
he
should
say
the
smallness
of
the
deed
:
And
what
can
be
less
than
the
uttering
of
a
few
words
in
the
manner
that
the
Earl
spoke
them
?
)
that
there
was
no
design
of
transgression
;
And
that
the
committer
designed
not
,
for
so
small
a
matter
to
commit
a
crime
(
much
less
such
horrid
ones
as
Depraving
and
Treason
)
.
In
that
case
,
the
meanness
of
the
transgression
(
or
deed
)
ought
to
defend
against
the
relevancy
,
&c.
But
to
give
you
one
instance
for
all
,
how
much
the
Advocate
may
,
one
day
or
other
,
be
obliged
to
plead
the
innocence
of
his
intentions
,
to
free
himself
of
words
downright
in
themselves
slanderous
and
depraving
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
much
better
nor
he
understands
it
,
and
in
fresh
and
constant
observance
.
Ibid.
p.
139.
towards
the
middle
,
speaking
of
the
151
Act
,
Ja.
6.
P.
12.
Whereby
it
is
Statute
:
That
seeing
divers
exceptions
and
objections
rises
upon
criminal
Libels
,
and
parties
are
frustrate
of
Justice
by
the
alledged
irrelevancy
thereof
.
That
in
time
coming
all
Criminal
Libels
shall
contain
,
that
the
persons
complained
on
are
Art
and
Part
of
the
Crimes
Libelled
;
which
shall
be
relevant
to
accuse
them
thereof
:
swa
that
no
exception
,
or
objection
take
away
that
part
of
the
Libel
in
time
coming
.
He
says
,
That
he
finds
no
Act
of
Parliament
more
unreasonable
;
for
the
Statutory
part
of
that
Act
,
committing
the
Tryal
of
Art
and
Part
to
Assizers
,
seems
most
unjust
:
Seeing
in
committing
the
greatest
questions
of
the
Law
to
the
most
ignorant
of
the
Subjects
,
it
puts
a
sharp
Sword
into
the
hands
of
blind
men
.
And
the
reason
of
this
Act
specified
in
the
Narrative
,
is
likewise
most
inept
,
and
no
ways
illative
,
&c.
What
Reproaches
!
What
Blasphemies
!
The
Earl
said
not
one
word
against
any
Act
of
Parliament
:
But
on
the
contrary
,
That
he
was
confident
the
Parliament
intended
no
contradiction
;
and
that
he
was
willing
to
take
the
Test
in
the
Parliaments
sense
.
But
here
the
Advocate
both
says
and
Prints
it
,
That
an
Act
of
Parliament
is
most
unreasonable
,
and
most
unjust
,
and
it's
reason
most
inept
,
and
that
it
puts
a
sharp
Sword
in
the
hands
of
blind
men
.
Whereof
the
smallest
branch
is
infinitely
more
reproachful
than
all
can
be
strained
out
of
the
Earl's
words
.
But
,
Sir
,
Speculation
is
but
Speculation
;
and
if
the
Advocate
,
when
his
day
comes
,
be
as
able
to
purge
himself
of
Practical
Depravations
,
as
I
am
inclined
to
excuse
all
his
Visionary
Lapses
,
notwithstanding
of
the
famous
Title
,
Quod
quisque
juris
in
alterum
statuorit
ut
ipse
eodem
jure
utatur
,
he
shall
never
be
the
worse
of
my
censure
.
Murther
will
out
:
Or
,
the
King's
Letter
,
justifying
the
Marquess
of
Antrim
;
and
declaring
,
That
what
he
did
in
the
Irish
Rebellion
,
was
by
Direction
from
his
Royal
Father
and
Mother
,
and
for
the
service
of
the
Crown
.
Ireland
,
Aug.
22.
1663.
Ever
honoured
Sir
,
LAST
Thursday
we
came
to
Trial
with
my
Lord
Marquess
of
Antrim
;
but
according
to
my
Fears
(
which
you
always
surmised
to
be
in
vain
)
he
was
by
the
King
's
Extraordinary
and
Peremptory
Letter
of
Favour
restored
to
his
Estate
,
as
an
Innocent
Papist
.
We
proved
Eight
Qualifications
in
the
Act
of
Settlement
against
him
,
the
least
of
which
made
him
uncapable
of
being
restored
as
Innocent
.
We
proved
1.
That
he
was
to
have
a
hand
in
surprizing
the
Castle
of
Dublin
,
in
the
Year
1641.
2.
That
he
was
of
the
Rebels
Party
before
the
15th
of
September
,
1643.
which
we
made
appear
by
his
hourly
and
frequent
intercourse
with
Renny
O
Moore
,
and
many
others
;
being
himself
the
most
notorious
of
the
said
Rebels
.
3.
That
he
entered
into
the
Roman-Catholick
Confederacy
before
the
Peace
in
1643.
4.
That
he
constantly
adhered
to
the
Nuncio's
Party
,
in
opposition
to
his
Majesty's
Authority
.
5.
That
he
sate
from
time
to
time
in
the
Supream
Council
of
Kilkenny
.
6.
That
he
signed
that
execrable
Oath
of
Association
.
7.
That
he
was
Commissionated
,
and
acted
as
Lieutenant-General
,
from
the
said
Assembly
at
Kilkenny
.
8.
That
he
declared
by
several
Letters
of
his
own
penning
,
himself
in
Conjunction
with
Owen
Ro
Oneale
,
and
a
constant
Opposer
to
the
several
Peaces
,
made
by
the
Lord
Lieutenant
with
the
Irish
.
We
were
seven
hours
by
the
Clock
in
proving
our
Evidence
against
him
,
but
at
last
the
King's
Letter
being
opened
,
and
read
in
Court
,
Rainsford
,
one
of
the
Commissioners
,
said
to
us
,
That
the
King's
Letter
on
his
behalf
was
Evidence
without
Exception
,
and
thereupon
declared
him
to
be
an
Innocent
Papist
.
This
Cause
(
Sir
)
hath
(
tho
many
Reflections
hath
passed
upon
the
Commissioners
before
)
more
startled
the
Judgments
of
all
men
,
than
all
the
Tryals
since
the
beginning
of
their
sitting
;
and
it
is
very
strange
and
wonderful
to
all
of
the
Long
Robe
,
that
the
King
should
give
such
a
Letter
,
having
divested
himself
of
that
Authority
,
and
reposed
the
Trust
in
the
Commissioners
for
that
purpose
:
And
likewise
it
is
admired
,
that
the
Commissioners
having
taken
solemn
Oaths
,
To
execute
nothing
but
according
to
,
and
in
pursuance
of
the
Act
of
Settlement
,
should
,
barely
upon
his
Majesty's
Letter
,
declare
the
Marquess
Innocent
.
To
be
short
;
There
never
was
so
great
a
Rebel
,
that
had
so
much
favour
from
so
good
a
King
:
And
it
is
very
evident
to
me
,
though
young
,
and
scarce
yet
brought
upon
the
stage
,
that
the
consequence
of
these
things
will
be
very
bad
;
and
if
God
of
his
extraordinary
mercy
do
not
prevent
it
,
War
,
and
(
if
possible
greater
Judgments
,
cannot
be
far
from
us
;
where
Vice
is
Patroniz'd
,
and
Antrim
,
a
Rebel
upon
Record
,
and
so
lately
and
clearly
proved
one
,
should
have
no
other
colour
for
his
Actions
but
the
King
's
own
Letter
;
which
takes
all
Imputations
from
Antrim
,
and
lays
them
totally
upon
his
own
Father
.
Sir
,
I
shall
by
the
next
,
if
possible
,
send
you
over
one
of
our
Briefs
against
my
Lord
,
by
some
Friend
:
It
's
too
large
for
a
Pacquet
,
it
being
no
less
in
bulk
than
a
Book
of
Martyrs
.
I
have
no
more
at
present
,
but
refer
you
to
the
King's
Letter
,
hereto
annexed
.
CHARES
R.
RIght
Trusty
and
well-beloved
Cousins
and
Counsellors
,
&c.
We
greet
you
well
.
How
far
we
have
been
from
interposing
on
the
behalf
of
any
of
our
Irish
Subjects
,
who
by
their
miscarriages
in
the
late
Rebellion
in
that
Kingdom
of
Ireland
,
had
made
themselves
unworthy
of
Our
Grace
and
Protection
,
is
notorious
to
all
men
;
and
We
were
so
jealous
in
that
particular
,
that
shortly
after
Our
return
into
this
Our
Kingdom
,
when
the
Marquess
of
Antrim
came
hither
to
present
his
duty
to
Us
,
upon
the
Information
We
received
from
those
Persons
who
then
attended
Us
,
by
a
Deputation
from
Our
Kingdom
of
Ireland
,
or
from
those
who
at
that
time
owned
our
Authority
there
,
that
the
Marquess
of
Antrim
had
so
misbehaved
himself
towards
Us
,
and
Our
late
Royal
Father
of
blessed
memory
,
that
he
was
in
no
degree
worthy
of
the
least
Countenance
from
Us
,
and
that
they
had
manifest
and
unquestionable
Evidence
of
such
his
guilt
.
Whereupon
We
refused
to
admit
the
said
Marquess
so
much
as
into
Our
Presence
,
but
on
the
contrary
,
committed
him
Prisoner
to
our
Tower
of
London
,
where
after
he
had
continued
several
Months
under
a
strict
restraint
,
upon
the
continual
Information
of
the
said
Persons
,
We
sent
him
into
Ireland
,
without
interposing
the
least
on
his
behalf
,
but
left
him
to
undergo
such
a
Tryal
and
Punishment
,
as
by
the
Justice
of
that
Our
Kingdom
should
be
found
due
to
his
Crime
,
expecting
still
that
some
heinous
Matter
would
be
objected
and
proved
against
him
,
to
make
him
uncapable
,
and
to
deprive
him
of
that
Favour
and
Protection
from
Us
,
which
we
knew
his
former
Actions
and
Services
had
merited
.
After
many
months
attendance
there
,
and
(
We
presume
)
after
such
Examinations
as
were
requisite
,
he
was
at
last
dismissed
without
any
Censure
,
and
without
any
transmission
of
Charge
against
him
to
Us
,
and
with
a
License
to
transport
himself
into
this
Kingdom
;
We
concluded
that
it
was
then
time
to
give
him
some
instance
of
Our
Favour
,
and
to
remember
the
many
Services
he
had
done
,
and
the
Sufferings
he
had
undergone
,
for
his
Affections
and
Fidelity
to
Our
Royal
Father
,
and
Our self
,
and
that
it
was
time
to
redeem
him
from
those
Calamities
,
which
yet
do
lie
as
heavy
upon
him
since
,
as
before
Our
happy
Return
;
And
thereupon
We
recommend
him
to
You
Our
Lieutenant
,
that
you
should
move
Our
Council
there
,
for
preparing
a
Bill
to
be
transmitted
to
Us
,
for
the
Re-investing
him
the
said
Marquess
,
into
the
possession
of
his
Estate
into
that
Our
Kingdom
,
as
had
been
done
in
some
other
Cases
.
To
which
Letter
,
you
Our
said
Lieutenant
returned
us
answer
,
That
you
had
informed
Our
Council
of
that
Our
Letter
,
and
that
you
were
upon
consideration
thereof
,
unanimously
of
Opinion
,
that
such
a
Bill
ought
not
to
be
transmitted
to
Us
,
the
Reason
whereof
would
forthwith
be
presented
to
Us
from
our
Council
.
After
which
time
We
received
the
inclosed
Petition
from
the
said
Marquess
,
which
We
referred
to
the
considerations
and
examinations
of
the
Lords
of
Our
Privy
Council
,
whose
Names
are
mentioned
in
that
Our
Reference
,
which
is
annexed
to
the
said
Petition
,
who
thereupon
met
together
,
and
after
having
heard
the
Marquess
of
Antrim
,
did
not
think
fit
to
make
any
Report
to
Us
,
till
they
might
see
and
understand
the
Reasons
which
induced
you
not
to
transmit
the
Bill
We
had
proposed
,
which
Letter
was
not
then
come
to
Our
Hands
:
After
which
time
We
have
received
your
Letter
of
the
18th
of
March
,
together
with
several
Petitions
which
had
been
presented
to
you
,
as
well
from
the
Old
Soldiers
and
Adventurers
,
as
from
the
Lady
Marchioness
of
Antrim
,
all
which
We
likewise
transmitted
to
the
Lords
Referees
;
Upon
a
second
Petition
presented
to
Us
by
the
Lord
Marquess
,
which
is
here
likewise
enclosed
,
commanding
Our
said
Referees
to
take
the
same
into
their
serious
consideration
,
and
to
hear
what
the
Petitioner
had
to
offer
in
his
own
Vindication
,
and
to
report
the
whole
matter
to
Us
,
which
upon
a
third
Petition
herein
likewise
inclosed
,
We
required
them
to
expedite
with
what
speed
they
could
.
By
which
deliberate
Proceedings
of
ours
you
cannot
but
observe
,
that
no
importunity
,
how
just
soever
,
could
prevail
with
Us
to
bring
Our Self
to
a
Judgment
in
this
Affair
,
without
very
ample
Information
.
Our
said
Referees
,
after
several
Meetings
,
and
perusal
of
what
hath
been
offered
to
them
by
the
said
Marquess
,
have
reported
unto
Us
,
That
they
have
seen
several
Letters
,
all
of
them
the
hand-writing
of
Our
Royal
Father
to
the
said
Marquess
,
☞
and
several
Instructions
concerning
his
treating
and
joining
with
the
Irish
,
in
order
to
the
King's
Service
,
by
reducing
to
their
Obedience
,
and
by
drawing
some
Forces
from
them
for
the
Service
of
Scotland
.
That
besides
the
Letters
and
Orders
under
His
Majesty's
Hand
,
they
have
received
sufficient
Evidence
and
Testimony
of
several
private
Messages
and
Directions
sent
from
Our
Royal
Father
,
and
from
Our
Royal
Mother
,
with
the
privity
,
and
with
the
Directions
of
the
King
Our
Father
,
by
which
they
are
persuaded
,
that
whatever
Intelligence
,
Correspondence
or
Actings
,
the
said
Marquess
had
with
the
Confederate
Irish
Catholicks
,
was
directed
or
allowed
by
the
said
Letters
,
Instructions
and
Directions
;
and
that
it
manifestly
appears
to
them
,
that
the
King
Our
Father
was
well
pleased
with
what
the
Marquess
did
,
☞
after
he
had
done
it
,
and
approved
the
same
.
This
being
the
true
state
of
the
Marquess
his
Case
,
and
there
being
nothing
proved
upon
the
first
Information
against
him
,
nor
any
thing
contained
against
him
in
your
Letter
of
March
18.
but
that
you
were
informed
,
he
had
put
in
his
Claim
before
the
Commissioners
appointed
for
executing
the
Act
of
Settlement
;
and
that
if
his
Innocency
be
such
as
is
alledged
,
there
is
no
need
of
transmitting
such
a
Bill
to
us
as
is
desired
;
and
that
if
he
be
Nocent
,
it
consists
not
with
the
Duty
which
you
owe
to
Us
,
to
transmit
such
a
Bill
,
as
if
it
should
pass
into
a
Law
,
must
needs
draw
a
great
prejudice
upon
so
many
Adventurers
and
Soldiers
,
which
are
,
as
is
alledged
,
to
be
therein
concerned
.
We
have
considered
of
the
Petition
of
the
Adventurers
and
Soldiers
,
which
was
transmitted
to
Us
by
you
,
the
Equity
of
which
consists
in
nothing
,
but
that
they
have
been
peaceably
in
possession
for
the
space
of
seven
or
eight
years
,
of
those
Lands
which
were
formerly
the
Estate
of
the
Marquess
of
Antrim
,
and
others
,
who
were
all
engaged
in
the
late
Irish
Rebellion
;
and
that
they
shall
suffer
very
much
,
and
be
ruined
,
if
those
Lands
should
be
taken
from
them
.
And
We
have
likewise
considered
another
Petition
from
several
Citizens
of
London
,
near
sixty
in
number
,
directed
to
our Self
,
wherein
they
desire
,
That
the
Marquess
his
Estate
may
be
made
liable
to
the
payment
of
his
just
Debts
,
that
so
they
may
not
be
ruined
in
the
favour
of
the
present
Possessors
,
who
(
they
say
)
are
but
a
few
Citizens
and
Soldiers
,
who
have
disbursed
very
small
Sums
thereon
.
Upon
the
whole
matter
no
man
can
think
We
are
less
engaged
by
Our
Declaration
,
and
by
the
Act
of
Settlement
,
to
protect
those
who
are
Innocent
,
and
who
have
faithfully
endeavoured
to
serve
the
Crown
,
how
unfortunate
soever
,
than
to
expose
to
Justice
those
who
have
been
really
and
maliciously
guilty
.
And
therefore
we
cannot
in
Justice
,
but
,
upon
the
Petition
of
the
Marquess
of
Antrim
,
and
after
the
serious
and
strict
Inquisition
into
his
Actions
,
declare
unto
you
,
That
We
do
find
him
Innocent
from
any
malice
,
or
rebellious
Purpose
against
the
Crown
;
and
that
what
he
did
by
way
of
Correspondence
or
Compliance
with
the
Irish
Rebels
,
was
in
order
to
the
Service
of
Our
Royal
Father
,
and
warranted
by
his
Instructions
,
and
the
Trust
reposed
in
him
;
and
that
the
benefit
thereof
accrued
to
the
Service
of
the
Crown
,
and
not
to
the
particular
advantage
and
benefit
of
the
Marquess
.
And
as
we
cannot
in
justice
deny
him
this
Testimony
,
so
We
require
You
to
transmit
Our
Letter
to
Our
Commissioners
that
they
may
know
our
Judgment
in
this
Case
of
the
Lord
of
Antrim's
,
and
proceeded
accordingly
.
And
so
we
bid
you
heartily
farewel
.
Given
at
our
Court
at
White-Hall
,
July
10.
in
the
15th
Year
of
Our
Reign
,
1683.
By
His
Majesty's
Command
,
HENRY
BENNET
.
Entred
at
the
Signet-Office
,
July
13.
1663.
To
Our
Right
Trusty
and
Right
entirely
Well-beloved
Cousin
and
Counsellor
,
James
Duke
of
Ormond
,
Our
Lieutenant-General
,
and
General
Governour
of
Our
Kingdom
of
Ireland
;
and
to
the
Lords
of
Our
Council
of
that
Our
Kingdom
.
Vox
Populi
:
Or
,
The
Peoples
Claim
to
their
Parliament's
Sitting
,
to
Redress
Grievances
,
and
to
provide
for
the
Common
Safety
,
by
the
known
Laws
and
Constitutions
of
the
Nation
.
SInce
the
wonderful
Discovery
,
and
undeniable
Confirmation
of
that
horrid
Popish
Plot
,
which
designed
so
much
ruine
and
mischief
to
these
Nations
,
in
all
things
both
Civil
and
Sacred
;
and
the
unanimous
Sense
and
Censure
of
so
many
Parliaments
upon
it
,
together
with
so
many
publick
Acts
of
Justice
upon
so
many
of
the
Traytors
;
it
was
comfortably
hoped
before
thirty
Months
should
have
past
over
,
after
the
detection
thereof
,
some
effectual
Remedies
might
have
been
applied
to
prevent
the
further
Attempts
of
the
Papists
upon
us
,
and
better
to
have
secured
the
Protestants
in
their
Religion
,
Lives
and
Properties
.
But
by
sad
experience
we
have
found
,
that
notwithstanding
the
vigorous
Endeavours
of
three
of
our
Parliaments
to
provide
proper
and
wholsome
Laws
to
answer
both
ends
:
Yet
so
prevalent
has
this
Interest
been
,
under
so
potent
a
Head
the
D.
of
Y.
as
to
stifle
in
the
birth
all
those
hopeful
Parliament-Endeavours
;
by
those
many
surprizing
and
astonishing
Prorogations
and
Dissolutions
which
they
have
procured
,
whereby
our
Fears
and
Dangers
have
manifestly
increased
,
and
their
Spirits
heightned
and
incouraged
to
renew
and
multiply
fresh
Plottings
and
Designs
upon
us
.
But
that
our
approaching
Parliament
may
be
more
successful
for
our
Relief
before
it
be
too
late
,
by
being
permitted
to
sit
to
Redress
our
Grievances
,
and
to
perfect
those
Good
Bills
which
have
been
prepared
by
the
former
Parliaments
to
this
purpose
;
these
following
Common-Law
Maxims
respecting
King
and
Parliament
,
and
the
Common
and
Statute-Laws
themselves
(
to
prevent
such
unnatural
Disappointments
and
Mischiefs
)
providing
for
the
fitting
of
Parliaments
till
Grievances
be
redress'd
,
and
publick
Safety
secured
and
provided
for
,
are
tendered
to
consideration
.
Some
known
Maxims
taken
out
of
the
Law-Books
.
1.
Respecting
the
King
.
-
That
the
Kings
of
England
can
do
nothing
as
Kings
but
what
of
right
they
ought
to
do
.
-
That
the
King
can
do
no
wrong
,
nor
can
he
dye
.
-
That
the
King's
Prerogative
and
the
Subjects
Liberty
are
determined
by
Law
.
-
That
the
King
hath
no
Power
but
what
the
Law
gives
him
.
-
That
the
King
is
so
called
from
Ruling
well
,
Rex
à
bene
Regendo
[
viz.
according
to
Law
]
Because
be
is
a
King
whilst
be
Rules
well
,
but
a
Tyrant
when
he
Oppresses
.
-
That
Kings
of
England
never
appear
more
in
their
glory
,
splendor
,
and
Majestick
Sovereignty
,
than
in
Parliaments
.
-
That
the
Prerogative
of
the
King
cannot
do
wrong
,
nor
be
a
Warrant
to
do
wrong
to
any
.
Plowd
.
Comment.
fol.
246.
2.
Respecting
the
Parliament
.
-
That
Parliaments
constitute
,
and
are
laid
in
the
Essence
of
the
Government
.
-
That
a
Parliament
is
that
to
the
Common-Wealth
,
which
the
Soul
is
to
the
Body
,
which
is
only
able
〈…〉
and
understand
the
symptoms
of
all
Diseafes
which
threaten
the
Body-politick
.
-
That
a
Parliament
is
the
Bulwark
of
our
Liberty
,
the
boundary
which
keeps
us
from
the
Inundation
of
Tyrannical
Power
,
Arbitrary
and
unbounded
Will-Government
.
-
That
Parliaments
do
make
new
,
and
abrogate
old
Laws
;
Reform
Grievances
in
the
Commonwealth
,
settle
the
Succession
,
grant
Subsidies
;
And
in
sum
,
may
be
called
the
great
Physician
of
the
Kingdom
.
From
whence
it
appears
,
and
is
self-evident
,
if
Parliaments
are
so
absolutely
necessary
in
this
our
Constitution
,
That
they
must
then
have
their
certain
stationary
times
of
Session
,
and
continuance
,
for
providing
Laws
essentially
necessary
for
the
being
,
as
well
as
the
well-being
of
the
People
;
and
redressing
all
publick
Grievances
,
either
by
the
want
of
Laws
,
or
of
the
undue
Execution
of
them
in
being
,
or
otherwise
:
And
suitable
hereunto
are
those
Provisions
made
by
the
Wisdom
of
our
Ancestors
,
as
recorded
by
them
both
in
the
Common
and
Statute-Law
.
First
,
Coke
,
lib.
7.
Rep.
p.
12
,
13.
What
we
find
hereof
in
the
Common-Law
.
The
Common-Law
(
saith
my
Lord
Coke
)
is
that
which
is
founded
in
the
immutable
Law
and
light
of
Nature
,
agreeable
to
the
Law
of
God
,
requiring
Order
,
Government
,
Subjection
and
Protection
,
&c.
Containing
ancient
Vsages
,
warranted
by
Holy
Scripture
;
and
because
it
is
generally
given
to
all
,
it
is
therefore
called
Common
.
Lib.
9.
Preface
.
And
further
saith
,
That
in
the
book
called
The
Mirror
of
Justice
,
appeareth
the
whole
frame
of
the
ancient
Common-Laws
of
this
Realm
from
the
time
of
K.
Arthur
,
5
6.
till
near
the
Conquest
;
which
treats
also
of
the
Officers
,
as
well
as
the
diversity
and
dictinction
of
the
Courts
of
Justice
(
which
are
Officinae
Legis
)
and
particularly
of
the
High
Court
of
Parliament
by
the
name
of
Council-General
,
or
Parliament
;
so
called
from
Parler-la-ment
,
speaking
judicially
his
mind
:
And
amongst
others
gives
us
the
following
Law
of
King
Alfred
,
who
reigned
about
880.
Le
Roy
Alfred
Ordeigna
pur
usage
perpetuel
que
a
deux
foits
per
lan
ou
plus
sovene
pur
mistier
in
temps
de
peace
so
Assembler
a
Londres
,
Mirror
of
Justice
.
Ch.
1.
Sect.
3.
pur
Parliamenter
surle
guidement
del
people
de
dieu
corne●t
gents
soy
garderent
de
pechers
,
viverent
in
quiet
,
receiverent
droit
per
certain
usages
&
saints
Judgments
.
King
Alfred
ordaineth
for
a
usage
perpetual
,
That
twice
a
year
,
or
oftner
if
need
be
,
in
time
of
peace
,
they
shall
assemble
themselves
at
London
,
to
treat
in
Parliament
of
the
Government
of
the
People
of
God
,
how
they
should
keep
themselves
from
Offences
,
should
live
in
quiet
,
and
should
receive
right
by
certain
Laws
and
holy
Judgments
.
And
thus
(
saith
my
Lord
Coke
)
you
have
a
Statute
of
K.
Alfred
,
Lord
Coke's
Comment
upon
it
.
as
well
concerning
the
holding
of
this
Court
of
Parliament
twice
every
year
at
the
City
of
London
,
as
to
manifest
the
threefold
end
of
this
great
and
honourable
Assembly
of
Estates
;
As
,
First
,
That
the
Subject
might
be
kept
from
offending
;
that
is
,
that
Offences
might
be
prevented
both
by
good
and
provident
Laws
,
and
by
the
due
Execution
thereof
.
Secondly
,
That
men
might
live
safely
,
and
in
quiet
.
Thirdly
,
That
all
men
might
receive
Justice
by
certain
Laws
,
and
holy
Judgments
;
that
is
,
to
the
end
,
that
Justice
might
be
the
better
administred
,
that
Questions
and
Defects
in
Laws
might
be
by
the
High
Court
of
Parliament
planed
,
reduced
to
certainty
and
adjudged
.
And
further
tells
us
,
That
this
Court
being
the
most
Supream
Court
of
this
Realm
,
is
a
part
of
the
frame
of
the
Common-Laws
,
and
in
some
cases
doth
proceed
Legally
,
according
to
the
ordinary
course
of
the
Common-Law
,
as
it
appeareth
,
39
E.
3.
f.
Coke
Inst.
ch.
29.
fol.
5.
To
be
short
,
of
this
Court
it
is
truly
said
,
Si
vetestatem
specter
est
antiquissima
,
si
dignitatem
est
honoratissima
,
si
jurisdictionem
est
capacissima
.
If
you
regard
Antiquity
,
it
is
the
most
Ancient
;
if
Dignity
,
the
most
Honourable
;
if
Jurisdiction
,
the
most
Sovereign
.
And
where
question
hath
been
made
,
whether
this
Court
continued
during
the
Heptarchy
,
let
the
Records
themselves
make
answer
,
of
which
he
gives
divers
Instances
in
the
times
of
King
Ine
,
Offa
,
Ethelbert
.
After
the
Heptarchy
,
King
Edward
Son
of
Alfred
,
King
Ethelston
,
Edgar
,
Ethelred
,
Edmond
,
Canutus
.
All
which
(
he
saith
)
and
many
more
,
are
extant
,
and
publickly
known
;
proving
by
divers
Arguments
,
that
there
were
Parliaments
unto
which
the
Knights
and
Burgesses
were
summoned
,
both
before
,
in
,
and
after
the
Reign
of
the
Conqueror
,
till
Hen.
3d's
time
;
and
for
your
further
satisfaction
herein
,
see
4
E.
3.25
.
49
Ed.
3.22
,
23.
11
H.
4.2
.
Littl.
lib.
2.
cap.
20.
Whereby
we
may
understand
,
1.
That
Parliaments
are
part
of
the
frame
of
the
Common-Law
,
[
which
is
laid
in
the
Law
and
Light
of
Nature
,
right
Reason
and
Scripture
.
]
2.
That
according
to
this
Moral
Law
of
Equity
and
Righteousness
,
Parliaments
ought
frequently
to
meet
for
the
common
peace
,
safety
and
benefit
of
the
People
,
and
support
of
the
Government
.
3.
That
Parliaments
have
been
all
along
esteemed
an
essential
part
of
the
Government
,
as
being
the
most
ancient
,
honourable
and
Sovereign
Court
in
the
Nation
,
who
are
frequently
and
perpetually
to
sit
,
for
the
making
and
abolishing
Laws
,
Redressing
of
Grievances
,
and
see
to
the
due
administration
of
Justice
.
4.
That
as
to
the
place
of
Meeting
,
it
was
to
be
at
London
the
Capital
City
,
the
Eye
and
Heart
of
the
Nation
,
as
being
not
only
the
Regal
Seat
,
but
the
principal
place
of
Judicature
,
and
residence
of
the
chief
Officers
,
and
Courts
of
Justice
,
where
also
the
Records
are
kept
,
as
well
as
the
principal
place
of
Commerce
and
Concourse
in
the
Nation
,
and
to
which
the
People
may
have
the
best
recourse
,
and
where
they
may
find
the
best
accommodation
.
5.
The
Antiquity
of
Parliaments
in
this
Nation
,
which
have
been
so
ancient
,
that
no
Record
can
give
any
account
of
their
Beginning
;
my
Lord
Coke
thus
tracing
them
from
the
Britains
,
through
the
Saxons
,
Danes
and
Normans
,
to
our
days
.
So
that
not
to
suffer
Parliaments
to
sit
to
answer
the
great
ends
for
which
they
were
Instituted
,
is
expresly
contrary
to
the
Common
Law
,
and
so
consequently
of
the
Law
of
God
as
well
as
the
Law
of
Nature
,
and
thereby
Violence
is
offered
to
the
Government
it self
,
and
Infringement
of
the
Peoples
fundamental
Rights
and
Liberties
.
Secondly
,
What
we
find
hereof
in
the
Statute-Law
.
The
Statute
Laws
are
Acts
of
Parliament
which
are
(
or
ought
to
be
)
only
Declaratory
of
the
Common
Law
,
which
as
you
have
heard
,
is
founded
upon
right
Reason
and
Scripture
;
for
we
are
told
,
that
if
any
thing
is
Enacted
contrary
thereto
,
it
is
void
and
null
:
As
Coke
Inst
.
l.
2.
c
29.
f.
15.
Finch
.
p.
3.
28
H.
8.
c.
27.
Doct.
and
Stud.
The
first
of
these
Statures
which
require
the
frequent
Meeting
and
Sitting
of
Parliaments
,
agreeable
to
the
Common
Law
,
we
find
to
be
in
the
time
of
Ed.
3.
viz.
4
Ed.
3.
&
ch.
14.
In
these
words
:
‛
Item
,
It
is
accorded
that
a
Pariament
shall
be
holden
every
year
once
,
or
more
often
if
need
be
.
The
next
is
in
the
36
of
the
same
K.
Ed.
3.
c.
10.
viz.
Item
,
For
the
maintenance
of
the
said
Articles
and
Statutes
,
and
Redressing
of
divers
Mischiefs
and
Grievances
which
dayly
happen
,
a
Parliament
shall
be
holden
every
year
,
as
at
another
time
was
ordained
by
a
Statute
,
viz.
the
aforementioned
,
in
his
4th
year
.
And
agreeable
hereto
,
are
those
Statutes
upon
the
Rolls
,
viz.
5
Ed.
2.
—
1
R.
2.
No.
95.
By
which
Statutes
it
appeareth
,
That
Parliaments
ought
annually
to
meet
,
to
support
the
Government
,
and
to
redress
the
Grievances
which
may
happen
in
the
Interval
of
Parliaments
;
That
being
the
great
End
proposed
in
their
said
Meetings
.
Now
,
for
Parliaments
to
meet
Annually
,
and
not
suffered
to
sit
to
Answer
the
Ends
,
but
to
be
Prorogued
or
Dissolved
before
they
have
finished
their
Work
,
would
be
nothing
but
a
deluding
the
Law
,
and
a
striking
at
the
foundation
of
the
Government
it self
,
and
rendering
Parliaments
altogether
useless
;
for
it
would
be
all
one
to
have
No
Parliaments
at
all
,
as
to
have
them
turn'd
off
by
the
Prince
before
they
have
done
that
that
they
were
called
and
intrusted
to
do
.
For
by
the
same
Rule
whereby
they
may
be
so
turn'd
off
one
Session
,
they
may
be
three
Sessions
,
and
so
to
threescore
,
to
the
breaking
of
the
Government
,
and
introducing
Arbitrary
Power
.
To
prevent
such
intollerable
Mischiefs
and
Inconveniencies
,
are
such
good
Laws
as
these
made
in
this
King's
time
,
and
which
were
so
Sacredly
observed
in
after
times
,
That
it
was
a
Custom
,
especially
in
the
Reigns
of
H.
4.
H
5.
H.
6.
to
have
a
Proclamation
made
in
Westminster-Hall
before
the
end
of
every
Session
,
[
](A61358-e99390-b)*
*
An
honest
and
a
necessary
Proclamation
to
be
made
every
Parliament
.
That
all
those
who
had
any
matter
to
present
to
the
Parliament
,
should
bring
it
in
before
such
a
day
,
for
otherwise
the
Parliament
at
that
day
should
Determine
.
Whereby
it
appears
,
the
People
were
not
to
be
eluded
,
nor
disappointed
by
surprizing
Prorogations
and
Dissolutions
,
to
frustrate
and
make
void
the
great
ends
of
Parliaments
.
And
to
this
purpose
,
saith
a
late
Learned
Author
,
That
if
there
was
no
Statute
,
or
any
thing
upon
record
extant
,
concerning
the
Parliaments
sitting
to
redress
grievances
,
yet
that
I
must
believe
,
that
it
is
so
by
the
fundamental
Law
of
the
Government
,
which
must
be
lame
and
imperfect
without
it
;
[
For
,
otherwise
the
Prince
and
his
Ministers
may
do
what
they
please
,
and
their
Wills
may
be
their
Laws
]
.
Therefore
it
is
provided
for
in
the
very
Essence
and
Constitution
of
the
Government
it self
;
and
this
(
saith
our
Author
)
we
may
call
the
Common-Law
,
which
is
of
as
much
value
(
if
not
more
)
than
any
Statute
,
and
of
which
all
our
good
Acts
of
Parliament
and
Magna-Charta
it self
is
but
Delaratory
;
so
that
though
the
King
is
intrusted
with
the
formal
part
of
summoning
and
pronouncing
the
Dissolution
of
Parliaments
,
which
is
done
by
Writ
;
yet
the
Laws
which
oblige
him
(
as
well
as
us
)
have
determined
how
,
and
when
he
shall
do
it
;
which
is
enough
to
shew
,
that
the
King's
share
in
the
Soveraignty
,
that
is
in
the
Parliament
,
is
cut
out
to
him
by
Law
,
and
not
left
at
his
disposal
.
The
next
Statute
we
shall
mention
,
to
inforce
this
fundamental
Right
and
Privilege
,
25
Ed.
3.
c.
23.
Statute
of
Provisors
.
is
the
25th
Ed.
3.
ch.
23.
called
the
Statute
of
Provisors
,
which
was
made
to
prevent
and
cut
off
the
Incroachments
of
the
Bishops
of
Rome
,
whose
Usurpations
in
disposing
of
Benefices
occasioned
intollerable
Grievances
,
wherein
,
in
the
Preamble
of
the
said
Statute
,
it
is
expressed
as
followeth
:
Whereupon
the
Commons
have
prayed
our
said
Soveraign
Lord
the
King
,
that
sith
the
Right
of
the
Crown
of
England
,
and
the
Law
of
the
said
Realm
is
such
,
that
upon
the
Mischiefs
and
Damage
which
happeneth
to
his
Realm
,
be
ought
,
and
is
bounden
of
the
accord
of
his
said
People
in
his
Parliament
,
thereof
to
make
Remedy
and
Law
,
in
avoiding
the
Mischiefs
and
Damage
which
thereof
cometh
;
That
it
may
please
him
thereupon
to
provide
Remedy
.
Our
Soveraign
Lord
the
King
seeing
the
Mischiefs
and
Damage
before-named
,
and
having
regard
to
the
said
Statute
made
in
the
time
of
his
said
Grand-Father
,
and
to
the
Causes
contained
in
the
same
,
which
Statute
holdeth
always
his
force
,
and
was
never
defeated
or
annulled
in
any
point
,
and
by
so
much
is
bound
by
his
Oath
to
do
the
same
,
to
be
kept
as
the
Law
of
this
Realm
,
tho
that
by
Sufferance
and
Negligence
it
hath
since
been
attempted
to
the
contrary
:
And
also
having
regard
to
the
grievous
Complainte
made
to
him
by
his
People
in
divers
Parliaments
holden
heretofore
,
Willing
to
ordain
Remedy
for
the
great
Damages
and
Mischiefs
which
have
happened
,
and
dayly
do
happen
by
the
said
Cause
,
&c.
By
the
assent
of
all
the
great
Men
and
Commonalty
of
his
said
Realm
,
hath
Ordained
and
Established
,
&c.
In
which
preamble
of
the
Statute
we
may
observe
,
(
1.
)
The
intollerable
grievance
and
burden
which
was
occasion'd
by
the
illegal
Incroachments
of
the
See
of
Rome
.
(
2.
)
The
many
Complaints
the
People
had
made
,
who
in
those
dark
times
under
Popery
were
sensible
of
,
groaning
under
those
Burdens
.
(
3.
)
The
Endeavours
used
in
vain
by
former
Parliaments
to
Redress
the
same
,
and
to
bring
their
Laws
in
being
,
to
have
their
Force
and
Effect
.
(
4.
)
The
acknowledgment
of
the
King
and
Parliament
,
that
the
Obligation
hereto
was
upon
the
King
,
(
1.
)
From
the
Right
of
the
Crown
,
which
obliged
every
King
to
pass
good
Laws
.
(
2.
)
The
Statute
in
force
.
(
3.
)
The
King's
Oath
to
keep
the
Old
,
and
pass
New
Laws
for
his
Peoples
safeguard
,
which
they
should
tender
to
him
.
(
4.
)
From
the
sence
of
the
People
,
expressed
in
their
Complaints
;
and
,
(
5.
)
From
the
Mischief
and
Damage
which
would
otherwise
ensue
.
And
therefore
by
the
desire
and
accord
of
his
People
,
He
passes
this
famous
Law
.
The
Preamble
whereof
is
here
recited
.
Another
Statute
to
the
same
purpose
you
find
2
R.
2.
No.
28.
Also
the
Commons
in
Parliament
pray
,
That
forasmuch
as
Petitions
and
Bills
presented
in
Parliament
by
divers
of
the
Commons
,
could
not
heretofore
have
their
Respective
Answers
;
That
therefore
both
their
Petitions
and
Bills
in
this
present
Parliament
,
as
also
others
which
shall
be
presented
in
any
future
Parliament
,
may
have
a
good
and
gracious
Answer
,
and
Remedy
ordained
thereupon
before
the
departing
of
every
Parliament
:
And
that
to
this
purpose
,
a
due
Statute
be
ensealed
[
or
Enacted
]
at
this
present
Parliament
,
to
be
and
remain
in
Force
for
all
times
to
come
.
To
which
the
King
replied
:
The
King's
Answer
.
THE
King
is
pleased
that
all
such
Petitions
deliver'd
in
Parliament
,
of
things
(
or
matters
)
which
cannot
otherwise
be
determined
;
A
Good
and
Reasonable
Answer
shall
be
made
and
given
before
the
departure
of
Parliament
.
In
which
excellent
Law
we
may
observe
,
(
1.
)
A
Complaint
of
former
remisness
,
their
Bills
having
aforetime
been
pass'd
by
,
their
Grievances
Unredressed
,
by
unseasonably
Dissolving
of
Parliaments
before
their
Laws
could
pass
.
(
2.
)
That
a
Law
might
pass
in
that
very
Parliament
to
rectifie
that
Abuse
for
the
future
.
And
,
(
3.
)
That
it
should
not
pass
for
a
temporary
Law
,
but
for
perpetuity
,
being
of
such
absolute
Necessity
,
that
before
the
Parliaments
be
dismissed
,
Bills
of
common
Right
might
pass
.
And
the
King
agreed
hereto
.
Suitable
hereto
,
we
have
my
Lord
Chief
Justice
Coke
,
that
great
Oracle
of
the
Law
,
in
his
Instit.
4.
B.
p.
11.
asserting
,
Petitions
being
truly
preferr'd
(
though
very
many
)
have
been
Answered
by
the
Law
and
Custom
of
Parliament
,
before
the
end
of
Parliament
.
This
appears
saith
he
,
by
the
Ancient
Treatise
,
De
Modo
tenendi
Parliamentum
,
in
these
Words
faithfully
Translated
.
The
Parliament
ought
not
to
be
ended
while
any
Petition
dependeth
undiscussed
,
or
at
the
least
to
which
a
determinate
Answer
is
not
made
.
Rot.
Par.
17.
E.
3.
No.
60.
25
E.
3.
No.
60.
50
E.
3.
No.
212.
2
R.
2.134
.
2
R.
2.
No.
38.
1
H.
4.132
.
2
H.
4325.113
.
And
that
one
of
the
principal
ends
of
calling
Parliaments
,
is
for
redressing
of
Grievances
that
daily
happen
,
36
E.
3.
c.
10.
18
E.
3.
c.
14.
50
E.
3.
No.
17.
Lyons
Case
,
Rot.
Par.
1
H.
5.
No.
17.
13
H.
4.
No.
9.
And
that
as
concerning
the
departing
of
Parliaments
,
It
ought
to
be
in
such
a
manner
,
faith
Modus
Tenendi
,
viz.
To
be
demanded
,
yea
,
and
publiekly
Proclaimed
in
the
Parliament
,
and
within
the
Palace
of
the
Parliament
,
whether
there
be
any
that
hath
delivered
a
Petition
to
the
Parliament
,
and
hath
not
received
Answer
thereto
,
if
there
be
none
such
,
it
is
to
be
supposed
,
that
every
one
is
Satisfied
,
or
else
Answered
unto
at
the
least
,
so
far
forth
as
by
the
Law
be
may
be
.
And
which
custom
was
observed
in
after
Ages
,
as
you
have
heard
before
.
Concerning
the
Antiquity
and
Authority
of
this
Ancient
Treatise
,
called
,
Modus
tenendi
Parliamentum
(
saith
my
Lord
Coke
)
whereof
we
make
often
use
in
our
Institutes
:
Certain
it
is
,
that
this
Modus
was
Rehearsed
and
Declared
before
the
Conqueror
at
the
time
of
his
Conquest
,
and
by
him
approved
for
England
;
and
accordingly
he
,
according
to
Modus
,
held
a
Parliament
for
England
,
as
appears
21
E.
3.
so
60.
Whereby
you
clearly
perceive
,
that
these
wholsome
Laws
are
not
only
in
full
agreement
with
the
Common
Law
,
and
declarative
thereof
,
but
in
full
accord
with
the
Oath
and
Office
of
the
Prince
,
who
has
that
great
trust
by
the
Law
,
lodged
with
him
for
the
good
and
benefit
,
not
hurt
and
mischief
of
the
People
,
viz.
First
,
These
Laws
are
very
suitable
to
the
Duty
and
Office
of
a
Ruler
,
and
the
end
for
which
he
was
instituted
by
God
himself
,
who
commands
him
to
do
Judgment
and
Justice
to
all
,
especially
to
the
Oppressed
;
and
not
to
deny
them
any
request
for
their
relief
,
protection
or
welfare
,
2
Sam.
22.3
.
1
Chron.
13.1
,
to
5.2
Chron.
9.8.19.5
,
&c
Est.
1.13
.
Our
Law-Books
enjoyning
the
same
,
as
Bracton
,
Lib.
1.
c.
2.
Lib.
3.
c.
9.
fol.
107
,
&c.
Fortiscue
,
ch.
9.
fo.
15.
c.
7.
fol
5.11
.
Coke
7.
Book
Reports
,
Calvin's
Case
,
f.
11.
Secondly
,
They
are
also
in
full
Harmony
with
the
King's
Coronation
Oath
solemnly
made
to
all
his
Subjects
,
viz.
To
grant
,
fulfill
,
and
defend
all
rightful
Laws
which
the
Commons
of
the
Realm
shall
choose
,
and
to
strengthen
and
maintain
them
after
his
Power
.
Thirdly
,
These
Laws
are
also
in
full
agreement
,
and
oneness
with
Magna
Charta
it self
,
that
Ancient
Fundamental
Law
,
which
hath
been
Confirmed
by
at
least
Forty
Parliaments
,
viz.
We
shall
deny
,
We
shall
defer
to
no
Man
Justice
and
Right
,
much
less
to
the
whole
Parliament
and
Kingdom
,
in
denying
or
deferring
to
pass
such
necessary
Bills
which
the
Peoples
needs
call
for
.
Object
.
But
to
all
this
which
hath
been
said
,
it
may
be
objected
,
That
several
of
our
Princes
have
otherwise
practised
,
by
Dissolving
,
or
[
as
laterly
used
,
by
]
Prorogucing
Parliaments
at
their
pleasures
,
before
Grievances
were
Redressed
,
and
Publick
Bills
of
Common
Safety
Passed
,
and
that
as
a
Privilege
belonging
to
the
Royal
Prerogative
.
Answ.
To
which
it
is
Answered
,
That
granting
they
have
so
done
:
First
,
It
is
most
manifest
,
that
deth
not
therefore
create
a
right
to
them
so
to
do
;
according
to
that
known
Maxim
.
a
facto
ad
jus
non
valet
Consequentia
,
especially
,
when
such
Actions
are
against
so
many
express
and
positive
Laws
,
such
Principles
of
Common
Right
and
Justice
,
and
so
many
particular
Tyes
and
Obligations
upon
thems●●es
to
the
contrary
.
Secondly
,
But
if
it
had
been
so
,
yet
neither
can
Prerogative
be
pleaded
to
justify
such
Practices
,
because
the
King
has
no
Prerogative
,
but
what
the
Law
gives
him
;
and
it
can
give
none
to
destroy
its
self
,
and
those
it
protects
,
but
the
contrary
.
Bracton
,
in
his
Comments
,
pag.
487.
tells
us
,
Bracton
,
p.
487.
That
although
the
Common
Law
doth
allow
many
Prerogatives
to
the
King
,
yet
it
doth
not
allow
any
,
that
He
shall
wrong
,
or
hurt
any
by
His
Prerogative
.
Therefore
't
is
well
said
,
by
a
late
Worthy
Author
upon
this
point
,
That
what
Power
or
Prerogative
the
Kings
have
in
Them
,
ought
to
be
used
according
to
the
true
and
genuine
intent
of
the
Government
;
that
is
,
for
the
Preservation
and
Interest
of
the
People
.
And
not
for
the
disappointing
the
Councils
of
a
Parliament
,
towards
reforming
Grievances
,
and
making
provision
for
the
future
Execution
of
the
Laws
;
and
whenever
it
is
applied
to
frustrate
those
ends
,
it
is
a
Violation
of
Right
,
and
Infringement
of
the
King's
Coronation
Oath
,
who
is
obliged
to
Pass
or
Confirm
those
Laws
His
People
shall
cluse
.
And
tho
he
had
such
a
Prerogative
by
Law
,
yet
it
should
not
be
so
used
,
especially
in
time
of
Eminent
danger
and
distress
.
The
late
King
in
His
Advice
to
His
Majesty
that
now
is
,
in
his
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
239.
Tells
him
,
That
his
Prerogative
is
best
shewed
,
and
exercised
,
in
Remitting
,
rather
than
exacting
the
Rigor
of
the
Laws
,
there
being
nothing
worse
than
Legal
Tyranny
.
Nor
would
he
have
him
entertain
any
Aversion
or
Dislike
of
Parliaments
,
The
Late
King's
advice
to
His
Majesty
.
which
in
their
right
Constitution
,
with
freedom
and
Honour
,
will
never
Injure
or
Diminish
His
Greatness
,
but
will
rather
be
as
interchangings
of
Love
,
Loyalty
and
Confidence
,
between
a
Prince
and
His
people
.
It
is
true
,
some
Flatterers
and
Traytors
have
presumed
,
in
defiance
to
their
Countries
Rights
,
to
assert
,
that
such
a
boundless
Prerogative
belongs
to
Kings
.
As
did
Chief
Justice
Trisilian
,
&c.
in
R.
2●s
.
time
;
Advising
him
,
that
he
might
Dissolve
Parliaments
at
pleasure
;
and
,
that
no
Member
should
be
called
to
Parliament
,
nor
any
Act
past
in
either
House
,
without
His
Approbation
in
the
first
place
;
and
,
that
whoever
advis'd
otherwise
,
were
Traytors
.
But
this
Advice
,
you
read
,
was
no
less
fatal
to
himself
,
than
pernicious
to
his
Prince
.
Bakers
Chron.
p.
147
,
148
,
and
159.
King
James
,
in
His
Speech
to
the
Parliament
1609.
Gives
them
assurance
,
That
he
never
meant
to
Govern
by
any
Law
,
but
the
Law
of
the
Land
;
tho
it
be
disputed
among
them
,
as
if
he
had
an
intention
to
alter
the
Law
,
and
Govern
by
the
absolute
power
of
a
King
;
but
to
put
them
out
of
doubt
in
that
matter
,
tells
them
,
That
all
Kings
who
are
not
Tyrants
,
or
Perjured
,
will
bound
themselves
within
the
limits
of
their
Laws
.
And
they
that
persuade
the
contrary
,
are
Vipers
and
Pests
,
both
against
them
and
the
Commonwealth
.
Wilson
.
K.
J.
p.
46.
The
Conclusion
.
1.
IF
this
be
so
,
That
by
so
great
Authority
(
viz.
so
many
Statutes
in
force
,
The
sundamental
,
of
the
Common
Law
,
the
Essentials
of
the
Government
it self
,
Magna
Charta
,
The
King's
Coronation
Oath
,
so
many
Laws
of
God
and
Man
;
)
The
Parliament
ought
ro
sit
to
Redress
Grievances
,
and
provide
for
Common
Safety
,
especially
in
times
of
Common
Danger
.
(
And
that
this
is
eminently
so
,
who
can
doubt
,
that
will
believe
the
King
;
so
many
Parliaments
,
The
Cloud
of
Witnesses
,
the
Publick
Judicatures
,
their
own
sense
and
experience
of
the
manifold
Mischiefs
which
have
been
acted
,
and
the
apparent
Ruine
and
Confusion
that
impends
the
Nation
,
by
the
restless
Attempts
of
a
bloody
Interest
,
if
speedy
Remedy
is
not
applied
.
)
Then
let
it
be
Queried
,
Whether
the
People
having
thus
the
Knife
at
the
Throat
,
Cities
and
Habitations
Fired
,
and
therein
their
Persons
fried
,
Invasions
and
Insurrections
threatned
to
Destroy
the
King
and
Subjects
,
Church
and
State
;
and
as
so
lately
told
us
,
(
upon
Mr.
Fitz
Harris's
Commitment
)
the
present
Design
on
Foot
was
to
Depose
and
Kill
the
King
;
and
their
only
remedy
hoped
for
,
under
God
,
to
give
them
relief
Relief
thus
from
time
time
,
cut
off
,
viz.
Their
Parliaments
,
who
with
so
much
care
,
cost
and
pains
,
are
Elected
,
sent
up
,
and
Intrusted
for
their
help
,
turned
off
ré
infecta
,
and
rendred
so
insiguificant
by
those
frequent
Prorogations
and
Dissolutions
.
Are
they
not
therefore
justified
in
their
important
Cries
,
in
their
many
Humble
Petitions
to
their
King
,
Fervent
Addresses
to
their
Members
,
earnest
Claims
for
this
their
Birth-right
here
Pleaded
,
which
the
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
,
consonant
to
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
,
has
given
them
?
2.
If
so
,
what
then
shall
be
said
to
those
who
advise
to
this
high
Violation
of
their
Countries
Rights
,
to
the
infringing
so
many
just
Laws
,
and
exposing
the
Publick
to
those
desperate
hazards
,
if
not
a
total
Ruine
?
If
King
Alfred
(
as
Andrew
Horne
in
his
Mirror
of
Justice
tells
us
)
hanged
Darling
,
Segnor
,
Cadwine
,
Cole
,
and
Forty
Judges
more
,
for
Judging
contrary
to
Law
;
and
yet
all
those
false
Judgments
were
but
in
particular
and
private
Cases
:
What
death
do
those
Men
deserve
,
who
offer
this
violence
to
the
Law
it self
,
and
all
the
Sacred
Rights
of
their
Country
?
If
the
Lord
Chief
Justice
Thorp
,
in
Ed.
3d's
.
time
,
for
receiving
the
Bribery
of
One
hundred
pounds
was
adjudged
to
be
Hanged
as
one
that
had
made
the
King
break
his
Oath
to
the
People
;
How
much
more
guilty
are
they
of
making
the
King
break
His
Coronation
Oath
,
that
persuade
him
to
Act
against
all
the
Laws
for
holding
Parliaments
,
and
passing
Laws
therein
,
which
he
is
so
solemnly
sworn
to
do
?
And
if
the
Lord
Chief
Justice
Tresilian
was
Hanged
,
Drawn
,
and
Quartered
,
for
Advising
the
King
to
Act
contrary
to
some
Statutes
only
;
What
do
those
deserve
that
advise
the
King
to
Act
not
only
against
some
,
but
against
all
these
Ancient
Laws
and
Statutes
of
the
Realm
?
And
if
Blake
,
the
King's
Council
,
but
for
assisting
in
the
matter
,
and
drawing
up
Indictments
by
the
King's
Command
contrary
to
Law
,
tho
it
is
likely
he
might
Plead
the
King's
Order
for
it
,
yet
if
he
was
Hang'd
,
Drawn
and
Quartered
,
for
that
,
What
Justice
is
due
to
them
that
assist
in
the
Total
Destruction
of
all
the
Laws
of
the
Nation
,
and
as
much
in
them
lies
,
their
King
and
Country
too
?
And
if
Vsk
,
the
under-Sheriff
(
whose
Office
is
to
Execute
the
Laws
)
for
but
endeavouring
to
aid
Tresilian
,
Blake
,
and
their
Accomplices
against
some
of
the
Laws
,
was
also
with
Five
more
Hang'd
,
Drawn
and
Quartered
;
What
punishment
may
they
deserve
that
Aid
and
endeavour
the
Subversion
of
all
the
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
?
And
if
Empson
and
Dudley
in
Henry
the
Eighth's
time
,
tho
two
of
the
King
's
Privy
Council
,
were
Hanged
for
Procuring
and
Executing
an
Act
of
Parliament
contrary
to
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
to
the
great
vexation
of
the
People
;
so
that
tho
they
had
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
of
their
side
,
yet
that
Act
being
against
the
known
Laws
of
the
Land
,
were
Hang'd
as
Traytors
for
putting
that
Statute
in
Execution
:
Then
what
shall
become
of
those
who
have
no
such
Act
to
shelter
themselves
under
,
and
who
shall
Act
not
only
contrary
to
,
but
to
the
Destruction
of
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
?
And
how
Harmonious
such
Justice
will
be
,
the
Text
tells
us
,
Deut.
27.17
.
Cursed
be
he
that
removeth
his
Neighbours
Land
mark
:
and
all
the
People
shall
say
,
Amen
.
That
this
present
Session
may
have
a
happy
Issue
,
to
answer
the
great
ends
of
Parliaments
,
and
therein
our
present
Exigencies
and
Necessities
,
is
the
incessant
Cry
and
longing
Expectation
of
all
the
Protestants
in
the
Land
.
The
Security
of
English-mens
Lives
;
or
,
the
Trust
,
Power
,
and
Duty
of
the
Grand
Juries
of
England
.
Explained
according
to
the
Fundamentals
of
the
English
Government
,
and
the
Declarations
of
the
same
made
in
Parliament
by
many
Statutes
.
THE
Principal
Ends
of
all
Civil
Government
,
and
of
Humane
Society
,
were
the
Security
of
Mens
Lives
,
Liberties
and
Properties
,
mutual
assistance
and
help
each
unto
other
,
and
provision
for
their
common
benefit
and
advantage
;
and
where
the
Fundamental
Laws
and
Constitution
of
any
Government
have
been
wisely
adapted
unto
those
Ends
,
such
Countries
and
Kingdoms
have
increased
in
Vertue
,
Prowess
,
Wealth
and
Happiness
,
whilst
others
through
the
want
of
such
excellent
Constitutions
,
or
negect
of
preserving
them
,
have
been
a
Prey
to
the
Pride
,
Lust
and
Cruelty
of
the
most
Potent
;
and
the
People
have
had
no
assurance
of
Estates
,
Liberties
or
Lives
,
but
from
their
Grace
and
Pleasure
.
They
have
been
many
times
forced
to
welter
in
each
other's
Blood
in
their
Master's
quarrel
for
Dominion
,
and
at
best
they
have
served
like
Beasts
of
burthen
,
and
by
continual
base
subserviency
to
their
Master's
Vices
,
have
lost
all
sense
of
true
Religion
,
Virtue
and
Manhood
.
Our
Ancestors
have
been
famous
in
their
Generations
for
Wisdom
,
Piety
and
Courage
,
in
forming
and
preserving
a
Body
of
Laws
to
secure
themselves
and
their
Posterities
from
Slavery
and
Oppression
,
and
to
maintain
their
Native
Freedoms
;
to
be
subject
only
to
the
Laws
made
by
their
own
Consent
in
their
general
Assemblies
,
and
to
be
put
in
execution
chiefly
by
themselves
,
their
Officers
and
Assistants
;
to
be
guarded
and
defended
from
all
Violence
and
Force
,
by
their
own
Arms
,
kept
in
their
own
hands
,
and
used
at
their
own
charge
under
their
Prince's
Conduct
;
entrusting
nevertheless
an
ample
Power
to
their
Kings
,
and
other
Magistrates
,
that
they
may
do
all
the
good
,
and
enjoy
all
the
happiness
that
the
largest
Soul
of
man
can
honestly
wish
;
and
carefully
providing
such
means
of
correcting
and
punishing
their
Ministers
and
Councellors
,
if
they
transgressed
the
Laws
,
that
they
might
not
dare
to
abuse
or
oppress
the
People
,
or
design
against
their
freedom
or
welfare
.
This
Body
of
Laws
our
Ancestors
always
esteemed
the
best
Inheritance
they
could
leave
to
their
Posterities
,
well
knowing
that
these
were
the
sacred
Fence
of
their
Lives
,
Liberties
and
Estates
,
and
an
unquestionable
Title
whereby
they
might
call
what
they
had
their
own
,
or
say
they
were
their
own
Men
:
The
inestimable
value
of
this
Inheritance
moved
our
Progenitors
with
great
resolution
bravely
from
Age
to
Age
to
defend
it
:
and
it
now
falls
to
our
lot
to
preserve
it
against
the
Dark
Contrivances
of
a
Popish
Faction
who
would
by
Frauds
,
Sham-Plots
,
and
Infamous
Perjuries
,
deprive
us
of
our
Birth-rights
,
and
turn
the
points
of
our
Swords
(
our
Laws
)
into
our
own
Bowels
;
they
have
impudently
scandalized
our
Parliaments
with
Designs
to
overturn
the
Monarchy
,
because
they
would
have
excluded
a
Popish
Successor
,
and
provided
●or
the
Security
of
the
Religion
and
Lives
of
all
Protestants
:
They
have
caused
Lords
and
Commoners
to
be
for
a
long
time
kept
in
Prisons
,
and
suborned
Witnesses
to
swear
matters
of
Treason
against
them
;
endeavouring
thereby
,
not
only
to
cut
off
some
who
had
eminently
appeared
in
Parliament
for
our
ancient
Laws
,
but
through
them
to
blast
the
Repute
of
Parliaments
themselves
,
and
to
lessen
the
Peoples
Confidence
in
those
great
Bulwarks
of
their
Religion
and
Government
.
The
present
purpose
is
to
shew
,
how
well
our
Worthy
Fore-fathers
have
provided
in
our
Law
for
the
safety
of
our
Lives
,
not
only
against
all
attemps
of
open
Violence
,
by
the
severe
punishment
of
Robbers
,
Murtherers
,
and
the
like
;
but
the
secret
poisonous
Arrows
that
fly
in
the
dark
,
to
destroy
the
Innocent
by
false
Accusation
and
Perjuries
.
Our
Law-makers
foresaw
both
their
dangers
from
the
Malice
,
and
Passion
,
that
might
cause
some
of
private
condition
,
to
accuse
others
falsly
in
the
Courts
of
Justice
,
and
the
great
hazards
of
Worthy
and
Eminent
Mens
Lives
,
from
the
Malice
,
Emulation
,
and
Ill
Designs
of
Corrupt
Ministers
of
State
,
or
otherwise
potent
,
who
might
commit
the
most
odious
of
Murthers
in
the
form
and
course
of
Justice
;
either
by
corrupting
of
Judges
,
as
dependant
upon
them
for
their
Honour
and
great
Revenue
,
or
by
bribing
and
hiring
men
of
depraved
Principles
,
and
desperate
Fortunes
,
to
swear
falsly
against
them
;
doubtless
they
had
heard
the
Scriptures
,
and
observed
that
the
great
men
of
the
Jews
sought
out
many
to
swear
Treason
and
Blasphemy
against
Jesus
Christ
:
They
had
heard
of
Ahab's
Courtiers
and
Judges
,
who
,
in
the
Course
and
Form
of
Justice
,
by
false
Witnesses
,
murthered
Naboth
,
because
he
would
not
submit
his
Property
to
an
A
bitrary
Power
.
Neither
were
they
ignorant
of
the
Ancient
Roman
Histories
,
and
the
pestilent
false
Accusers
that
abounded
in
the
Reign
of
some
of
those
Emperors
,
under
whom
the
greatest
of
Crimes
was
,
to
be
virtuous
:
Therefore
,
as
became
good
Legislators
,
they
made
as
prudent
Provinon
,
as
perhaps
any
Country
in
the
World
enjoys
,
for
equal
and
impartial
Administration
of
Justice
in
all
the
concerns
of
the
Peoples
Lives
;
that
every
man
,
whether
Lord
or
Commoner
,
might
be
in
safety
,
whilst
they
lived
in
due
obedience
to
the
Laws
.
For
this
purpose
it
is
made
a
Fundamental
in
our
Government
,
that
(
unless
it
be
by
Parliament
,
See
L●
Cook's
Instit.
3d
part
,
p.
40.
See
Mag.
Chart.
Cooke's
●d
part
of
Ins●●t
.
p.
50
,
51.
no
man's
Life
should
be
touched
for
any
Crime
whatsoever
,
save
by
the
Judgment
of
at
least
24
Men
;
that
is
,
12
or
more
,
to
find
the
Bill
of
Indictment
,
whether
he
be
Peer
of
the
Realm
,
or
Commoner
;
and
12
Peers
,
or
above
,
if
a
Lord
;
if
not
,
12
Commoners
to
give
the
Judgment
upon
the
general
Issue
of
not
guilty
joined
;
of
these
24
,
the
first
12
are
called
the
Grand
Inquest
,
or
the
Grand
Jury
,
for
the
extent
of
their
power
,
and
in
regard
that
their
number
must
be
no
more
than
12
,
sometimes
23
,
or
25
,
never
were
less
than
13.
Twelve
whereof
at
least
must
agree
to
every
Indictment
,
or
else
't
is
no
legal
Verdict
;
If
11
of
21
,
or
of
13
,
should
agree
to
find
a
Bill
of
Indictment
,
it
were
no
Verdict
.
The
other
Twelve
,
in
Commoners
Cases
,
are
called
the
Petit-Jury
,
and
their
number
is
ever
Twelve
;
but
the
Jury
for
a
Peer
of
the
Realm
may
be
more
in
number
,
though
of
like
Authority
.
The
Office
and
Power
of
these
Juries
is
Judicial
,
they
only
are
the
Judges
,
from
whose
Sentence
the
Indicted
are
to
expect
Life
or
Death
:
upon
their
Integrity
and
Understanding
,
the
Lives
of
all
that
are
brought
into
Judgment
do
ultimately
depend
;
from
their
Verdict
there
lies
no
Appeal
,
by
finding
Guilty
or
not
Guilty
;
they
do
complicately
resolve
both
Law
and
Fact
.
As
it
hath
been
the
Law
,
so
it
hath
always
been
the
Custom
and
Practice
of
these
Juries
,
upon
all
general
Issues
,
pleaded
in
Cases
Civil
as
well
as
Criminal
,
to
judge
both
of
the
Law
and
Fact
.
See
the
Reports
of
the
Ld
Chief
Justice
Vaughan
,
p.
150
,
151.
So
it
is
said
in
the
Report
of
the
Lord
Chief
Justice
Vaughan
,
in
Bushel's
Case
,
That
these
Juries
determine
the
Law
in
all
matters
where
Issue
is
joined
and
tried
,
in
the
Principal
Case
,
whether
the
Issue
be
about
Trespass
,
or
a
Debt
,
or
Disseizin
in
Assizes
,
or
a
Tort
,
or
any
such
like
,
unless
they
should
please
to
give
a
special
Verdict
,
with
an
implicite
faith
in
the
Judgment
of
the
Court
,
to
which
none
can
oblige
them
against
ther
wills
.
These
last
12
must
be
Men
of
equal
condition
with
the
Party
indicted
,
and
are
called
his
Peers
;
therefore
if
it
be
a
Peer
of
the
Realm
,
they
must
be
all
such
,
when
indicted
at
the
Suit
of
the
King
;
and
in
the
Case
of
Commoners
,
every
man
of
the
12
must
agree
to
the
Verdict
freely
,
without
compulsion
,
fear
,
or
menace
,
else
it
is
no
Verdict
.
Whether
the
Case
of
a
Peer
be
harder
,
I
will
not
determine
.
Our
Ancestors
were
careful
,
that
all
men
of
the
like
condition
,
and
quality
,
presumed
to
be
sensible
of
each
other's
infirmity
,
should
mutually
be
Judges
each
of
others
lives
,
and
alternately
taste
of
Subjection
and
Rule
;
every
man
being
equally
liable
to
be
accused
,
or
indicted
,
or
perhaps
to
be
suddenly
judged
by
the
Party
,
of
whom
he
is
at
present
Judge
,
if
he
be
found
innocent
.
Whether
it
be
Lord
or
Commoner
that
is
indicted
,
the
Law
intends
(
as
near
as
may
be
)
that
his
Equals
that
judge
him
,
should
be
his
Companions
,
known
to
him
,
and
he
to
them
,
or
at
least
his
Neighbours
,
or
Dwellers
near
about
the
place
where
the
Crime
is
supposed
to
have
been
committed
,
to
whom
something
of
the
Fact
must
probably
be
known
;
and
though
the
Lords
are
not
appointed
to
be
of
the
Neighbourhood
to
the
indicted
Lord
,
yet
the
Law
supposes
them
to
be
Companions
,
and
personally
well
known
each
unto
other
,
being
presumed
to
be
a
small
number
(
as
they
have
anciently
been
)
and
to
have
met
yearly
,
or
oftner
in
Parliament
,
as
by
Law
they
ought
,
besides
their
other
meetings
,
as
the
hereditary
Councellors
of
the
Kings
of
England
.
If
time
hath
altered
the
case
of
the
Lords
as
to
the
number
,
indifferency
,
and
impartiality
of
the
Peers
,
it
hath
been
,
and
may
be
worthy
of
the
Parliament's
consideration
;
and
the
greater
duty
is
incumbent
upon
Grand
Juries
to
examine
with
the
utmost
diligence
the
Evidence
against
Peers
,
before
they
find
a
Bill
of
Indictment
against
any
of
them
,
if
in
truth
it
may
put
their
Lives
in
greater
danger
.
It
is
not
designed
at
this
time
to
undertake
a
Discourse
of
Petit-Juries
,
but
to
consider
the
Nature
and
Power
of
Grand
Inquests
;
and
to
shew
how
much
the
Reputation
,
the
Fortunes
,
and
the
Lives
of
English-men
,
depend
upon
the
Conscientious
performance
of
their
Duty
.
It
was
absolutely
necessary
for
the
support
of
the
Government
,
and
the
safety
of
every
Man's
Life
and
Interest
,
that
some
should
be
trusted
to
inquire
after
all
such
,
as
by
Treasons
,
Felonies
,
or
lesser
Crimes
,
disturbed
the
peace
,
that
they
might
be
prosecuted
,
and
brought
to
condign
punishment
;
and
it
was
no
less
needful
for
every
man's
quiet
and
safety
,
that
the
trust
of
such
Inquisitions
should
be
put
into
the
hands
of
Persons
of
understanding
,
and
integrity
,
indifferent
,
and
impartial
,
that
might
suffer
no
man
to
be
falsely
accused
,
or
defamed
;
nor
the
Lives
of
any
to
be
put
in
jeopardy
,
by
the
malicious
Conspiracies
of
greator
small
,
or
the
Perjuries
of
any
profligate
Wretches
:
For
these
necessary
,
honest
Ends
,
was
the
institution
of
Grand
Juries
.
Our
Ancestors
thought
it
not
best
to
trust
this
great
concern
of
their
Lives
and
Interests
in
the
hands
of
any
Officer
of
the
King
's
,
or
in
any
Judges
named
by
him
,
nor
in
any
certain
number
of
men
during
life
,
lest
they
should
be
awed
or
influenced
by
great
men
,
corrupted
by
Bribes
,
Flatteries
,
or
love
of
Power
,
or
become
negligent
,
or
partial
to
Friends
and
Relations
,
or
pursue
their
own
Quarrels
or
private
Revenges
;
or
connive
at
the
Conspiracies
of
others
,
and
indict
thereupon
.
But
this
trust
of
enquiring
out
,
and
indicting
all
the
Criminals
in
a
County
,
is
placed
in
men
of
the
same
County
,
more
at
least
than
Twelve
of
the
most
honest
,
and
most
sufficient
for
knowledge
,
and
ability
of
Mind
and
Estate
,
to
be
from
time
to
time
at
the
Sessions
and
Assizes
,
and
all
other
Commissions
of
Oyer
and
Terminer
,
named
and
returned
by
the
chief
Sworn
Officer
of
the
County
,
the
Sheriff
,
(
who
was
also
by
express
Law
anciently
chosen
annually
by
the
People
of
every
County
)
and
trusted
with
the
Execution
of
all
Writs
and
Processes
of
the
Law
,
and
with
the
Power
of
the
County
to
suppress
all
Violences
,
unlawful
Routs
,
Riots
and
Rebellions
.
Yet
our
Laws
left
not
the
Election
of
these
Grand
Inquests
absolutely
to
the
Will
of
the
Sheriffs
,
but
have
described
in
general
their
Qualifications
,
who
shall
enquire
and
indict
either
Lord
or
Commoner
:
They
ought
,
by
the
old
Common-law
,
to
be
Lawful
Liedge-people
,
of
ripe
Age
,
not
over
aged
or
infirm
,
and
of
good
Fame
amongst
their
Neighbours
,
free
from
all
reasonable
suspicion
of
any
design
for
himself
or
others
upon
the
Estates
or
Lives
of
any
suspected
Criminals
,
or
quarrel
or
controversie
with
any
of
them
:
They
ought
to
be
indifferent
and
impartial
,
even
before
they
are
admitted
to
be
sworn
,
and
of
sufficient
understanding
and
Estate
for
so
great
a
Trust
.
The
ancient
Law-book
,
called
Briton
,
of
great
Authority
,
says
,
See
Brit.
p.
9
,
and
10.
The
Sheriffs
Bailiffs
ought
to
be
sworn
to
return
such
as
know
best
how
to
enquire
,
and
discover
all
breaches
of
the
Peace
;
and
lest
any
should
intrude
themselves
,
or
be
obtruded
by
others
,
they
ought
to
be
returned
by
the
Sheriff
,
without
the
denomination
of
any
,
except
the
Sheriff's
Officers
.
And
agreeable
hereunto
was
the
Statute
of
11
H.
4.
in
these
words
.
Item
,
Because
of
late
,
See
11
Hen.
4.
Inquests
were
taken
at
Westminster
of
persons
named
to
the
Justices
,
without
due
Return
of
the
Sheriff
,
of
which
persons
some
were
outlawed
,
&c.
and
some
fled
to
fanctuary
for
Treason
and
Felony
,
&c.
by
whom
,
as
well
many
Offenders
were
indicted
,
as
other
lawful
Liege-people
of
the
King
not
guilty
;
by
Conspiracy
,
Abetment
,
and
false
imagination
of
others
,
&c.
against
the
force
of
the
Common-Law
,
&c.
It
is
therefore
granted
,
for
the
Ease
and
Quietness
of
the
People
,
that
the
same
Indictment
,
with
all
its
Dependences
,
be
void
,
and
holden
for
none
for
ever
;
and
that
from
henceforth
,
no
Indictment
be
made
by
any
such
persons
,
but
by
Inquest
of
the
King's
Liedge-people
,
in
the
manner
as
was
used
,
&c.
returned
by
the
Sheriffs
,
&c.
without
any
denomination
to
the
Sheriffs
,
See
Coke's
Instit.
3d
part
,
fol.
33.
&c.
according
to
the
Law
of
England
;
and
if
any
Indictment
be
made
hereafter
in
any
point
to
the
contrary
,
the
same
be
also
void
,
and
holden
for
none
for
ever
.
See
also
the
Statute
of
Westm.
2d
cap.
38.
and
Articul
super
Cortas
,
cap.
9.
So
careful
have
our
Parliaments
been
,
that
the
power
of
Grand
Inquests
might
be
placed
in
the
hands
of
good
and
worthy
men
;
that
if
one
man
of
a
Grand
Inquest
,
though
they
be
Twenty
three
or
more
,
should
not
be
Liber
&
Legalis
Homo
,
or
such
as
the
Law
requires
,
and
duly
returned
without
denomination
to
the
Sheriff
;
all
the
Indictments
found
by
such
a
Grand
Jury
,
and
the
proceedings
upon
them
,
are
void
and
null
.
So
it
was
adjudged
in
Searlet's
Case
.
I
know
too
well
,
that
the
Wisdom
and
Care
of
our
Ancestors
,
in
this
Institution
of
Grand
Juries
,
hath
not
been
of
late
considered
as
it
ought
;
nor
the
Laws
concerning
them
duly
observed
;
nor
have
the
Gentlemen
,
and
other
men
of
Estates
,
in
the
several
Counties
,
discerned
how
insensibly
their
Legal
Power
and
Jurisdiction
in
their
Grand
and
Petit
Juries
is
decayed
,
and
much
of
the
means
to
preserve
their
own
Lives
and
Interests
,
taken
out
of
their
hands
.
'T
is
a
wonder
that
they
were
not
more
awakened
with
the
Attempt
of
the
late
L.
Ch.
K.
who
would
have
usurped
a
Lordly
Dictatorian
power
over
the
Grand
Jury
of
Somersetshire
,
and
commanded
them
to
find
a
Bill
of
Indictment
for
Murther
,
for
which
they
saw
no
Evidence
;
and
upon
their
refusal
,
he
not
only
threatned
the
Jury
,
but
assumed
to
himself
an
Arbitrary
Power
to
fine
them
.
Here
was
a
bold
Battery
made
upon
the
ancient
Fence
of
our
Reputations
and
Lives
:
If
that
Justice's
Will
had
passed
for
Law
,
all
the
Gentlemen
of
the
Grand
Juries
must
have
been
the●
basest
Vassals
to
the
Judges
,
and
have
been
penally
obliged
,
Jurare
in
Verba
Magistri
,
to
have
sworn
to
the
Directions
or
Dictates
of
the
Judges
:
But
thanks
be
to
God
,
the
late
long
Parliament
(
though
filled
with
Pensioners
)
could
not
bear
such
a
bold
Invasion
of
the
English
Liberty
;
but
upon
the
Complaint
of
one
Sir
Hugh
Windham
,
Foreman
of
the
said
Jury
,
and
a
Member
of
that
Parliament
,
the
Commons
brought
the
then
Chief
Justice
to
their
Bar
,
to
acknowledge
his
fault
,
whereupon
the
Prosecution
ceased
.
The
Trust
and
Power
of
Grand
Juries
is
,
and
ought
to
be
accounted
amongst
the
greatest
and
of
most
concern
,
next
to
the
Legislative
.
The
Justice
of
the
whole
Kingdom
,
in
Criminal
Cases
,
almost
wholly
depending
upon
their
Ability
and
Integrity
,
in
the
due
execution
of
their
Office
;
Besides
,
the
Concernments
of
all
Commoners
,
the
Honour
,
Reputation
,
Estates
and
Lives
of
all
the
Nobility
of
England
,
are
so
far
submitted
to
their
Censure
,
that
they
may
bring
them
into
question
for
Treason
,
or
Felony
,
at
their
Discretion
;
Their
Verdict
must
be
entred
upon
Record
,
against
the
greatest
Lords
,
and
process
must
legally
go
out
against
them
thereupon
,
to
imprison
them
if
they
can
be
taken
,
or
to
outlaw
them
,
as
the
Statutes
direct
;
and
if
any
Peer
of
the
Realm
,
though
innocent
,
should
justly
fear
a
Conspiracy
against
his
Life
,
and
think
fit
to
withdraw
;
the
direction
of
the
Statutes
,
in
proceeding
to
the
Outlawry
,
being
rightly
pursued
,
he
could
never
reverse
the
Outlawry
,
as
the
Law
now
stands
,
save
by
Pardon
,
or
Act
of
Parliament
.
Hence
it
appears
,
that
in
case
a
Grand
Jury
should
be
drawn
to
indict
a
Noble
Peer
unjustly
,
either
by
means
of
their
own
weakness
,
or
partiality
,
or
a
blind
submission
to
the
Direction
or
Opinion
of
Judges
:
One
such
failure
of
a
Jury
may
occasion
the
Ruine
of
any
of
the
best
or
greatest
Families
in
England
:
I
mention
this
extent
of
the
Grand
Juries
Power
over
all
the
Nobility
,
only
to
shew
their
joint
Interest
and
Concern
with
the
Commons
of
England
in
this
ancient
Institution
.
The
Grand
Juries
are
trusted
to
be
the
princpal
means
of
preserving
the
Peace
of
the
whole
Kingdom
,
by
the
terror
of
executing
the
Penal
Laws
against
Offenders
,
by
their
Wisdom
,
Diligence
,
and
Faithfulness
in
making
due
Inquiries
after
all
Breaches
of
the
Peace
,
and
bringing
every
one
to
answer
for
his
Crime
,
at
the
peril
of
his
Life
,
Limb
and
Estate
;
that
every
man
,
who
lives
within
the
Law
,
may
sleep
securely
in
his
own
House
.
'T
is
committed
to
their
Charge
and
Trust
,
to
take
care
of
bringing
Capital
Offenders
to
pay
their
Lives
to
Justice
,
and
lesser
Criminals
to
other
punishments
,
according
to
their
several
demerits
.
The
Courts
,
or
Judges
,
or
Commissioners
of
Oyer
and
Terminer
,
and
of
Goal-Delivery
,
are
to
receive
only
from
the
Grand
Inquest
,
all
Capital
Matters
whatsoever
,
to
be
put
in
issue
,
tried
and
judged
before
them
by
the
Petit
Juries
.
The
whole
stream
of
Justice
in
such
Cases
,
either
runs
freely
,
or
is
stopped
and
disturbed
,
as
the
Grand
Inquests
do
their
Duties
,
either
faithfully
and
prudently
,
or
neglect
or
ornit
them
.
And
as
one
part
of
their
Duty
is
to
indict
Offenders
,
so
another
part
is
to
protect
the
Innocent
,
in
their
Reputations
,
Lives
and
Interests
,
from
false
Accusers
,
and
malicious
Conspirators
:
They
are
to
search
out
the
Truth
of
such
Informations
as
come
before
them
,
and
to
reject
the
Indictment
if
it
be
not
sufficiently
proved
;
and
farther
,
if
they
have
reasonable
suspicion
of
Malice
,
or
wicked
Designs
against
any
Man's
Life
or
Estate
by
such
as
offer
a
Bill
of
Indictment
;
the
Laws
of
God
,
and
of
the
Kingdom
,
bind
them
to
use
all
possible
means
to
discover
the
Villany
;
and
if
it
appear
to
them
(
whereof
they
are
the
Legal
Judges
)
to
be
a
Conspiracy
,
or
malicious
Combination
against
the
Accused
,
they
are
bound
by
the
highest
Obligations
upon
Men
and
Christians
,
not
only
to
reject
such
a
Bill
of
Indictment
,
but
to
indict
forthwith
all
the
Conspirators
,
with
their
Abettors
and
Associates
.
Doubtless
there
hath
been
Pride
and
Covetousness
,
Malice
,
and
desire
of
Revenge
in
all
Ages
,
from
whence
have
sprung
false
Accusations
and
Conspiracies
;
but
no
Age
before
us
ever
hatched
such
Villanies
,
as
our
Popish
Faction
have
contrived
against
our
Religion
,
Lives
and
Liberties
.
No
History
affords
an
Example
of
such
Forgeries
,
Perjuries
,
Subornations
and
Combinations
of
infamous
Wretches
,
as
have
been
lately
discovered
amongst
them
,
to
defame
Loyal
,
Innocent
Protestants
,
and
to
shed
their
guiltless
Blood
in
the
Form
and
Course
of
Justice
,
and
to
make
the
King
's
most
faithful
Subjects
appear
to
be
the
vilest
Traitors
unto
him
.
In
this
our
miserable
State
,
Grand
Juries
are
our
only
security
,
inasmuch
as
our
Lives
cannot
be
drawn
into
jeopardy
,
by
all
the
malicious
Crafts
of
the
Devil
,
unless
such
a
number
of
our
honest
Countrymen
shall
be
satisfied
in
the
truth
of
the
Accusations
.
For
prevention
of
such
Plotters
of
wickedness
as
now
abound
,
was
that
Statute
made
in
the
42
of
E.
3.3
.
See
the
Stat.
42
E.
3.3
.
in
these
words
:
To
eschew
the
mischiefs
and
damage
done
to
divers
of
the
Commons
by
False
Accusers
,
which
oft-times
have
made
the
Accusations
more
for
Revenge
and
singular
Benefit
,
than
for
the
profit
of
the
King
,
or
of
his
People
;
which
accused
Persons
,
some
have
been
taken
,
and
sometimes
caused
to
come
before
the
King's
Council
by
Writ
,
and
otherwise
,
upon
grievous
pain
,
against
the
Law
;
It
is
assented
and
accorded
for
the
good
Government
of
the
Commons
,
That
no
man
be
put
to
answer
without
presentment
before
Justices
,
or
matter
of
Record
,
&c.
according
to
the
old
Law
of
the
Land
,
and
if
any
thing
be
done
to
the
contrary
,
it
shall
be
void
in
Law
,
&c.
And
(
saith
the
Statute
of
the
25
of
E.
3.4
.
)
None
shall
be
taken
by
Petition
,
or
Suggestion
made
to
the
King
,
or
his
Council
,
unless
it
be
by
Indictment
,
or
Presentment
of
good
and
lawful
People
of
the
same
Neighbourhood
where
such
deeds
be
done
,
&c.
That
is
to
say
,
by
a
Grand
Jury
.
All
our
Lives
are
thus
by
Law
trusted
to
the
Care
of
our
Grand
Inquests
,
that
none
may
be
put
to
answer
for
their
Lives
,
unless
they
indict
them
.
If
a
causless
Indictment
of
any
man
should
carelesly
pass
from
them
,
his
guiltless
Blood
,
or
what
prejudice
soever
the
Accused
should
thereby
suffer
,
must
rest
upon
them
,
who
by
breach
of
their
Trust
were
the
occasions
of
it
;
their
fault
cannot
be
excused
by
the
prosecution
of
an
Attorney
,
or
Solicitor
General
,
or
any
other
Accuser
,
if
it
were
in
their
power
to
be
more
truly
informed
in
the
Case
.
Whosoever
prevents
not
an
Evil
when
he
may
,
consents
to
it
.
Now
to
oblige
these
Juries
to
the
more
conscientious
care
,
to
Indict
all
that
shall
appear
to
them
Criminals
,
and
to
save
every
Innocent
,
if
it
may
be
,
from
unjust
vexation
,
and
danger
,
by
Malice
and
Conspiracy
,
our
Ancestors
appointed
an
Oath
to
be
imposed
upon
them
,
whico
cannot
be
altered
,
except
by
Act
of
Parliament
:
Therefore
every
Grand-Jury-Man
is
sworn
,
as
the
Foreman
,
in
the
words
following
,
viz.
You
shall
diligently
enquire
,
and
true
Presentment
make
of
all
such
Articles
,
matters
and
things
as
shall
be
given
you
in
charge
:
And
of
all
other
matters
and
things
as
shall
come
to
your
own
knowledg
,
touching
this
present
service
.
The
King's
Counsel
,
your
Fellows
,
and
your
own
,
you
shall
keep
secret
:
You
shall
present
no
person
for
Hatred
or
Malice
;
neither
shall
you
leave
any
one
unpresented
for
Favour
or
Affection
,
for
Love
or
Gain
,
or
any
hopes
thereof
;
but
in
all
things
you
shall
present
the
Truth
,
the
whole
Truth
,
and
nothing
but
the
Truth
,
to
the
best
of
your
knowledg
;
so
help
you
God
.
The
Tenor
of
the
Oath
is
plain
,
saving
in
these
words
,
All
such
matters
and
things
as
shall
be
given
you
in
charge
:
But
whensoever
a
general
Commission
of
Oyer
and
Terminer
is
Issued
,
all
Capital
Offences
are
always
the
principal
matters
given
in
charge
to
the
Grand
Jury
,
which
is
enough
for
the
present
discourse
of
their
duty
:
Hence
then
it
evidently
appears
,
that
every
Grand
Jury
is
bound
to
enquire
diligently
after
the
Truth
of
every
thing
,
for
which
they
shall
Indict
or
Present
any
Man
:
They
are
not
only
bound
by
the
Eternal
Law
of
Loving
their
Neighbour
,
to
be
as
tender
of
the
Life
and
good
Name
of
every
Man
,
as
of
their
own
,
and
therefore
to
take
heed
to
the
Truth
in
Accusing
or
Indicting
any
Man
;
but
their
express
Oath
binds
them
to
be
diligent
in
their
Enquiries
,
that
is
,
to
receive
no
suggestion
of
any
Crime
for
Truth
,
without
examining
all
the
Circumstances
about
it
,
that
fall
within
their
knowledge
;
they
ought
to
consider
the
first
Informers
,
and
enquire
as
far
as
they
can
into
their
Aims
and
Pretences
in
their
prosecutions
;
if
Revenge
or
Gain
should
appear
to
be
their
ends
,
there
ought
to
be
the
greater
suspition
of
the
Truth
of
their
Accusations
;
the
Law
intending
all
Indictments
to
be
for
benefit
of
the
King
and
of
his
People
,
as
appears
by
the
Stat.
of
42
E.
3.3
.
Next
the
Jury
are
bound
to
enquire
into
the
matters
themselves
,
whereof
any
man
is
accused
,
as
to
the
time
,
place
,
and
all
other
circumstances
of
the
Fact
alledged
.
There
have
been
false
Informers
that
have
suggested
things
impossible
;
for
instance
,
That
Thirty
Thousand
Men
in
Arms
were
kept
in
readiness
for
an
Exploit
,
in
a
secret
place
,
as
if
they
could
have
been
hid
in
a
Chamber
,
or
a
Cabinet
.
The
Jury
ought
also
to
enquire
after
the
Witnesses
,
their
condition
and
quality
,
their
same
and
reputation
,
their
means
of
subsistence
,
and
the
occasion
whereby
the
Facts
,
whereof
they
bear
witness
,
came
to
their
knowledg
.
Sometimes
persons
of
debauched
lives
,
and
low
condition
,
have
deposed
Discourses
,
and
Treasonable
Councils
against
Persons
of
Honour
and
Virtue
,
so
unlikely
to
come
to
their
Knowledge
,
(
if
such
things
had
been
)
that
their
pretence
of
being
privy
to
them
,
was
a
strong
Evidence
that
their
whole
story
was
false
and
feigned
.
It
is
also
agreeable
unto
our
ancient
Law
and
Practice
,
and
of
great
consequence
in
cases
of
Treason
or
Felony
,
that
the
Jury
enquire
after
the
time
,
when
first
the
matters
deposed
came
to
the
Witnesses
knowledge
,
and
whether
they
pursued
the
directions
of
the
Law
in
the
immediate
Discovery
and
pursuit
of
the
Traytor
or
Felon
,
by
Hue
and
Cry
,
or
otherwise
,
or
how
long
they
concealed
the
same
;
their
Testimony
being
of
little
or
no
value
,
if
they
have
made
themselves
partakers
of
the
Crime
by
their
voluntary
Concealment
.
Neither
may
the
Jury
lawfully
omit
to
enquire
concerning
the
Parties
Accused
,
of
their
Quality
,
Reputation
,
and
the
manner
of
their
Conversation
,
with
many
other
circumstances
;
from
whence
they
may
be
greatly
helped
to
make
right
Inferences
of
the
Falshood
or
Truth
of
the
Crimes
whereof
any
Man
shall
be
accused
.
The
Jury
ought
to
be
ignorant
of
nothing
whereof
they
can
enquire
,
or
be
informed
,
that
may
in
their
understandings
enable
them
to
make
a
true
Presentment
or
Indictment
of
the
matters
before
them
.
When
a
Grand
Jury
is
sworn
to
enquire
diligently
after
all
Treasons
,
&c.
't
is
natural
and
necessary
to
their
business
,
to
think
of
whom
they
should
enquire
;
and
't
is
plainly
and
easily
resolved
,
that
they
ought
to
enquire
of
every
Man
that
can
or
will
inform
them
;
and
if
any
kind
of
Treason
be
suggested
to
them
,
to
have
been
done
by
any
Man
,
or
number
of
Men
,
their
Duty
is
the
same
in
that
particular
,
as
it
was
in
the
general
;
that
is
,
to
seek
diligently
to
find
the
truth
.
'T
is
certainly
inconsistent
with
their
Oaths
,
to
shut
their
Ears
against
any
lawful
Man
that
can
tell
them
any
thing
relating
unto
a
crime
in
question
before
them
:
No
man
will
believe
,
nor
can
they
themselves
think
that
they
desire
to
find
and
present
the
truth
of
a
fact
,
if
they
shall
refuse
to
hear
any
Man
who
shall
pretend
such
knowledg
of
it
,
or
such
material
Circumstaeces
,
as
may
be
useful
to
discover
it
;
whether
that
which
shall
be
said
by
the
pretenders
will
answer
the
Juries
expectations
,
must
rest
in
their
Judgments
,
when
they
have
heard
them
.
It
seems
therefore
,
from
the
words
of
the
Oath
,
that
there
is
no
bound
or
limit
set
(
save
their
own
understanding
or
Conscience
)
to
restrain
them
to
any
number
or
sort
of
persons
of
whom
they
are
bound
to
enquire
;
they
ought
first
and
principally
to
enquire
of
one
another
mutually
,
what
knowledg
each
of
them
hath
of
any
matters
in
question
before
them
;
the
Law
presumes
that
some
at
least
of
so
many
sufficient
men
of
a
County
,
must
know
or
have
heard
of
all
notable
things
done
there
against
the
publick
peace
;
for
that
end
the
Juries
are
by
the
Law
to
be
of
the
Neighbourhood
to
the
place
where
the
crimes
are
committed
.
If
the
parties
,
and
the
facts
where
of
they
are
accused
,
be
known
to
the
Jury
,
or
any
of
them
,
their
own
knowledg
will
supply
the
room
of
many
Witnesses
.
Next
,
they
ought
to
enquire
of
all
such
Witnesses
as
the
Prosecutors
will
produce
against
the
Accused
;
they
are
bound
to
examine
all
fully
and
prudently
to
the
best
of
their
skill
;
every
Jury-man
ought
to
ask
such
questions
(
by
the
Fore-man
at
least
)
as
he
thinks
necessary
to
resolve
any
doubt
that
may
arise
in
him
,
either
about
the
Fact
,
or
the
Witnesses
,
or
otherwise
;
if
the
Jury
be
then
doubtful
,
they
ought
to
receive
all
such
further
Testimony
as
shall
be
offered
them
,
and
to
send
for
such
as
any
of
them
do
think
able
to
give
Testimony
in
the
case
depending
.
If
it
be
asked
how
,
or
in
what
manner
the
Juries
shall
enquire
;
the
Answer
is
ready
,
According
to
the
best
of
their
understandings
.
They
only
,
not
the
Judges
,
are
sworn
to
search
diligently
to
find
out
all
Treasons
,
&c.
within
their
charge
,
and
they
must
and
ought
to
use
their
own
discretion
in
the
way
and
manner
of
their
Enquiry
:
No
directions
can
legally
be
imposed
upon
them
by
any
Court
or
Judges
.
An
honest
Jury
will
thankfully
accept
good
Advice
from
Judges
,
as
they
are
Assistants
;
but
they
are
bound
by
their
Oaths
to
present
the
Truth
,
the
whole
Truth
,
and
nothing
but
the
Truth
,
to
the
best
of
their
own
,
not
the
Judges
,
knowledg
:
Neither
can
they
,
without
breach
of
that
Oath
,
resign
their
Consciences
,
or
blindly
submit
to
the
dictates
of
others
;
and
therefore
ought
to
receive
,
or
reject
such
Advices
,
as
they
judge
them
good
or
bad
.
If
the
Jury
suspect
a
Combination
of
Witnesses
against
any
Man's
Life
,
(
which
perhaps
the
Judges
do
not
discern
)
and
think
it
needful
to
examine
them
privately
and
separately
,
the
discretion
of
the
Juries
in
such
a
case
,
is
their
only
best
and
lawful
guide
,
though
the
example
of
all
Ages
and
Countries
,
in
examining
suspected
Witnesses
privately
and
separately
,
may
be
a
good
direction
to
them
.
Nothing
can
be
more
plain
and
express
,
than
the
words
of
the
Oath
are
to
this
purpose
.
The
Jurors
need
not
search
the
Law-Books
,
nor
tumble
over
heaps
of
old
Records
for
the
explanation
of
them
.
Our
geatest
Lawyers
may
from
hence
learn
more
certainly
our
ancient
Law
in
this
case
,
than
from
all
the
Books
in
their
Studies
.
The
Language
wherein
the
Oath
is
penned
,
is
known
and
understood
by
every
Man
,
and
the
words
in
it
have
the
same
signification
,
as
they
have
wheresoever
else
they
are
used
.
The
Judges
(
without
assuming
to
themselves
a
Legislative
Power
)
cannot
put
a
new
sense
upon
them
,
other
than
according
to
their
genuine
,
common
meaning
.
They
cannot
Magisterially
impose
their
Opinions
upon
the
Jury
,
and
make
them
forsake
the
direct
words
of
their
Oath
,
to
pursue
their
glosses
.
The
Grand
Inquest
are
bound
to
observe
alike
strictly
every
part
of
their
Oath
;
and
to
use
all
just
and
proper
ways
which
may
enable
them
fully
to
perform
it
;
otherwise
it
were
to
say
,
that
after
men
had
sworn
to
enquire
diligently
after
the
Truth
,
according
to
the
best
of
their
knowledg
,
they
were
bound
to
forsake
all
the
natural
and
proper
means
which
their
Understandings
suggest
for
the
Discovery
of
it
,
if
it
be
commanded
by
the
Judges
.
And
therefore
if
they
are
jealous
of
a
Combination
of
the
Witnesses
,
or
that
Corruption
and
Subornation
hath
been
made
use
of
,
they
cannot
be
restrained
from
asking
all
such
Questions
,
as
may
conduce
to
the
sifting
out
of
the
Truth
,
nor
from
examining
the
Witnesses
privately
and
separately
;
Fort.
D.
Laud.
Leg.
Ang.
cap.
26.
lest
(
as
Fortescue
says
)
the
saying
of
one
should
provoke
or
instruct
others
to
say
the
like
.
Nor
are
the
Jury
tied
up
to
enquire
only
of
such
Crimes
as
the
Judges
shall
think
fit
to
give
them
directly
in
charge
,
much
less
of
such
Bills
only
as
shall
be
offered
to
them
;
but
their
Enquiry
ought
to
extend
to
All
other
Matters
and
Things
which
shall
come
to
their
Knowledg
,
touching
the
present
Service
.
If
they
have
ground
to
suspect
that
any
Accusation
before
them
proceeds
from
a
Conspiracy
,
they
are
obliged
by
their
Oaths
to
turn
the
Enquiry
that
way
,
and
if
they
find
cause
,
not
only
to
reject
the
Bills
offered
upon
such
Testimonies
,
but
to
Indict
such
Witnesses
,
and
all
the
Abettors
of
their
Villany
.
They
are
carefully
to
examine
what
sort
of
men
the
Witnesses
are
;
for
't
is
a
Rule
in
all
Laws
,
That
Turpes
à
Tribunalibus
arcentur
,
Vile
Persons
ought
to
be
rejected
by
Courts
of
Justice
.
Such
Witnesses
would
destroy
Justice
instead
of
promoting
it
.
And
the
Grand
Jury
are
to
take
care
of
admitting
such
:
They
may
and
ought
(
if
they
have
no
certain
knowledge
of
them
)
to
ask
the
Witnesses
themselves
of
their
Condition
,
and
way
of
living
,
and
all
other
Questions
,
which
may
best
inform
them
what
sort
of
men
they
are
.
'T
is
true
,
it
may
be
lawful
for
the
Witnesses
,
in
many
cases
,
to
refuse
to
give
answer
to
some
demands
which
the
Jury
may
make
;
as
where
it
would
be
to
accuse
themselves
of
Crimes
:
but
yet
that
very
refusal
,
or
avoiding
to
give
direct
Answers
,
may
be
of
great
use
to
the
Jury
,
whose
only
business
is
to
find
out
the
Truth
;
and
who
will
be
in
a
good
measure
enabled
to
judge
of
the
Credit
of
such
Witnesses
,
as
dare
not
clear
themselves
of
Crimes
,
which
common
Fame
,
or
the
knowledg
of
some
of
the
Grand
Inquest
has
charged
them
with
?
If
the
Witnesses
which
come
before
the
Grand
Jury
upon
an
Indictment
for
Treason
,
should
discover
upon
their
examination
,
that
they
concealed
it
a
long
time
without
just
Impediment
;
The
presumption
of
Law
will
be
strong
against
them
,
that
no
sense
of
Honesty
or
of
their
duty
brought
them
at
last
to
reveal
it
.
It
appears
by
Bracton
,
that
ancient
Writer
of
our
Laws
,
Brac.
L.
3.
c.
3.
Non
morari
debet
,
&c.
nec
debet
ad
aliqua
negotia
,
quamvis
urgentissima
,
se
convertere
,
quia
vix
permittitur
ei
quod
retro
aspiciat
,
&c.
Si
post
intervallum
accusare
velit
,
non
erit
de
Jure
audiendus
.
S.G.
Mackenzy
,
Crim.
Law
,
lib.
26.3
.
that
in
Cases
of
Treason
the
Juries
were
in
his
days
advised
(
as
now
they
ought
)
to
be
so
severe
in
their
Enquiry
within
what
time
the
Witnesses
discovered
the
Treason
after
it
came
to
their
knowledg
:
That
if
it
were
not
evident
that
they
revealed
it
with
as
much
expedition
as
was
well
possible
lor
them
,
they
were
not
by
Law
to
be
heard
as
Witnesses
;
It
was
scarce
permitted
them
(
saith
he
)
to
look
back
in
their
going
;
such
ought
to
be
their
speed
to
make
known
the
Treason
.
Or
if
in
any
case
they
be
otherwise
openly
flagitious
,
though
they
be
not
legally
infamous
,
or
if
they
are
men
of
desperate
Fortunes
,
so
that
the
temptation
of
want
is
manifestly
strong
upon
them
,
and
the
restraint
of
Conscience
can
be
supposed
to
be
little
or
none
at
all
;
whatever
they
say
is
(
at
least
)
to
be
heard
with
extraordinary
caution
,
if
not
totally
rejected
.
In
Scotland
such
a
degree
of
Poverty
,
that
a
Witness
cannot
swear
himself
to
be
worth
Ten
pounds
,
is
sufficient
to
lay
him
aside
wholly
in
these
high
Concernments
of
Criminal
Cases
:
And
in
some
other
Kingdoms
to
be
a
loose
liver
is
an
Objection
of
the
same
force
,
against
any
produced
for
Witnesses
.
And
for
the
better
discovery
of
the
Truth
of
any
fact
in
question
,
the
Credit
of
the
Witnesses
,
and
the
Value
of
the
Testimonies
,
it
is
the
duty
of
the
Grand
Inquest
to
be
well
informed
concerning
the
Parties
Indicted
;
of
their
usual
Residence
,
their
Estates
and
manner
of
Living
;
their
Companions
and
Friends
with
whom
they
are
accustomed
to
Converse
;
such
knowledg
being
necessary
to
make
a
good
judgment
upon
most
accusations
;
but
most
of
all
in
Suspitions
,
or
Indictments
of
secret
Treasons
,
or
Treasonable
Words
where
the
Accusers
can
be
of
no
credit
,
if
it
be
altogether
incredible
that
such
things
as
they
testify
should
come
to
their
knowledg
.
Sometimes
the
quality
of
the
accused
person
may
set
him
at
such
a
distance
from
the
Witnesses
,
that
he
cannot
be
supposed
to
have
conversed
with
them
familiarly
,
if
his
Wisdom
and
Conduct
has
been
always
such
,
that
it
is
not
credible
he
would
trust
men
so
inconsiderable
,
or
meer
strangers
to
him
,
and
such
as
are
wholly
uncapable
to
assist
in
the
Design
which
they
pretend
to
discover
.
Can
the
Grand
Inquest
believe
such
Testimony
to
be
of
any
value
?
Or
can
they
avoid
suspecting
Malice
,
Combination
,
and
Subornation
in
such
a
Case
?
Or
can
they
shew
themselves
to
be
just
,
and
conscientious
in
their
Duty
,
if
they
do
not
suspend
their
Verdict
until
further
Enquiry
,
and
write
Ignoramus
upon
the
Bill
?
It
is
undoubtedly
Law
which
we
find
reported
in
Stiles
,
Stiles
,
Report
11.
That
Though
there
be
Witnesses
who
prove
the
Bill
,
yet
the
Grand
Inquest
is
not
bound
to
find
it
,
if
they
see
cause
to
the
contrary
.
Now
to
make
their
Enquiry
more
instrumental
and
advantageous
to
the
Execution
of
Justice
,
they
are
enjoined
by
their
Oath
to
keep
secret
the
King's
Counsel
,
their
fellows
,
and
their
own
.
Perhaps
't
is
not
sufficiently
understood
or
considered
,
what
Duty
is
enjoined
to
every
Man
of
a
Grand
Inquest
by
this
clause
of
their
Oath
,
being
seldom
(
if
ever
)
explained
to
them
in
the
general
charge
of
the
Judges
at
Sessions
or
Assizes
:
But
it
is
necessary
that
they
should
apprehend
what
Counsel
of
the
King
is
trusted
with
them
.
Certainly
there
is
or
ought
to
be
much
more
of
it
communicated
to
them
,
than
is
commonly
thought
,
and
in
things
of
the
greatest
consequence
.
To
them
ought
to
be
committed
in
the
several
Counties
where
any
Prosecutions
are
begun
,
the
first
Informations
and
Suspitions
of
all
Treasons
,
Murders
,
Felonies
,
Conspiracies
,
and
other
Crimes
,
which
may
subvert
the
Government
,
endanger
,
or
hurt
the
King
,
or
destroy
the
Lives
or
Estates
of
the
innocent
People
,
or
any
way
disquiet
or
disturb
the
common
Peace
.
Our
Law
intends
the
Counsels
of
the
King
to
be
continually
upon
the
protection
and
security
of
the
People
,
and
prevention
of
all
their
mischiefs
and
dangers
by
wicked
,
lawless
,
and
injurious
men
.
And
in
order
thereunto
to
be
advising
how
to
right
his
wronged
Subjects
in
general
,
if
the
publick
safety
be
hazarded
by
Treasons
of
any
kind
;
or
their
Relations
snatcht
from
them
by
Murderers
,
or
any
way
destroyed
by
malicious
Conspirators
in
form
of
Law
;
or
their
Estates
taken
away
by
Robbery
and
Thieves
,
or
the
Peace
broken
.
And
for
these
ends
to
bring
to
exemplary
Justice
all
offenders
,
to
deter
others
from
the
like
wickedness
.
And
until
these
Counsels
of
the
King
come
to
the
Grand
Jury
,
he
can
bring
no
such
Criminals
to
judgment
,
or
to
answer
to
the
Accusations
and
Suggestions
against
them
.
Hence
it
becomes
unavoidably
necessary
to
reveal
to
the
Grand
Juries
all
that
hath
been
discovered
to
the
King
or
any
of
his
Ministers
,
Judges
,
or
Justices
,
concerning
any
Treasons
,
or
other
Offences
,
whereof
any
Man
is
accused
.
And
where
suspition
hath
caused
any
to
be
imprisoned
,
all
the
grounds
of
their
suspitions
ought
to
be
opened
,
concerning
the
Principals
and
the
Accessories
,
as
well
before
as
after
the
fact
,
all
the
circumstances
and
presumptions
that
may
induce
a
belief
of
their
Guilt
,
and
all
notices
whatsoever
,
which
may
enable
the
Jury
to
make
a
more
exact
and
effectual
Enquiry
,
and
to
present
the
whole
Truth
.
They
themselves
will
not
only
be
offenders
against
God
by
reason
of
their
Oath
,
but
subject
to
legal
punishments
,
if
they
knowingly
conceal
any
Criminals
,
and
leave
them
unpresented
;
and
none
can
be
innocent
,
who
shall
conceal
from
them
any
thing
that
may
help
and
assist
them
in
their
Duty
.
The
first
notices
of
Crimes
or
suspitions
of
the
Criminals
by
whomsoever
brought
in
,
and
the
intentions
of
searching
them
out
,
and
prosecuting
them
legally
,
are
called
the
King's
Counsel
,
because
the
principal
care
of
executing
Justice
is
entrusted
to
him
,
and
they
are
to
be
prosecuted
at
his
Suit
,
and
in
his
Name
;
and
such
proceedings
are
called
Pleas
of
the
Crown
.
From
hence
may
be
easily
concluded
,
that
the
King's
Counsel
,
which
by
the
Oath
of
the
Grand
Inquest
is
to
be
kept
secret
,
includeth
all
the
persons
offered
to
them
to
be
Indicted
,
and
all
the
matters
brought
in
Evidence
before
them
,
all
circumstances
whatsoever
whereof
they
are
informed
,
which
may
any
way
conduce
to
the
discovery
of
offences
;
all
intimations
given
them
of
Abettors
and
Encouragers
of
Treasons
,
Felonies
,
or
Perjuries
and
Conspiracies
,
or
of
the
Receivers
,
Harbourers
,
Nourishers
,
and
Concealers
of
such
Criminals
.
Likewise
the
Oath
which
enjoins
the
Counsel
of
their
Fellows
,
and
their
own
,
to
be
kept
,
implies
that
they
shall
not
reveal
any
of
their
personal
knowledg
concerning
Offences
or
Offenders
;
nor
their
intentions
to
Indict
any
Man
thereupon
;
nor
any
of
the
Proposals
and
Advices
amongst
them
of
ways
to
enquire
into
the
truth
of
any
matter
before
them
,
either
about
the
Crimes
themselves
,
or
the
Accusers
and
Witnesses
,
or
the
party
accused
,
nor
the
debates
thereupon
amongst
themselves
,
nor
the
diversity
of
opinions
in
any
case
before
them
.
Certainly
this
Duty
of
secrecy
concerning
the
King's
Counsel
was
imposed
upon
the
Grand
Inquest
with
great
reason
,
in
order
to
the
publick
good
.
It
was
intended
that
they
should
have
all
the
advantages
which
the
several
cases
will
afford
,
to
make
effectual
Enquiries
after
Criminals
,
to
offer
them
to
Justice
.
If
packs
of
Thieves
,
private
Murderers
,
secret
Traitors
,
or
Conspirators
and
Suborners
,
can
get
intelligence
of
all
that
is
known
of
their
Villanies
,
all
the
parties
concerned
may
consult
together
,
how
to
hide
their
crimes
,
and
prevent
such
further
enquiries
as
can
be
made
after
them
;
they
may
form
Sham-Stories
by
agreement
,
that
may
have
appearance
of
Truth
to
mislead
and
delude
the
Jury
in
their
Examination
,
and
avoid
contradicting
each
other
;
they
may
remove
or
conceal
all
such
things
as
might
occasion
a
fuller
discovery
of
their
Crimes
,
or
become
circumstantial
Evidences
against
any
of
their
Associates
,
if
one
or
more
of
them
be
known
or
taken
,
or
is
to
be
Indicted
.
There
hath
been
Confederates
in
high
Crimes
,
who
have
secured
themselves
from
the
Justice
done
upon
some
of
their
Companions
,
by
their
confident
appearance
and
denial
of
the
Fact
,
having
been
emboldened
therein
from
their
knowledg
of
all
the
grounds
of
suspition
,
and
all
the
Witnesses
examined
about
them
,
and
the
matter
of
their
Testimonies
.
'T
is
too
well
known
what
helps
of
discovering
the
whole
Popish
Plot
were
lost
,
through
the
want
of
keeping
secret
the
King's
Counsel
therein
,
before
the
matter
was
brought
either
to
the
Parliament
,
or
to
any
Grand
Inquest
;
and
thereby
they
were
disabled
for
the
effectual
execution
of
their
Offices
,
and
could
never
search
into
the
Bowels
of
that
dangerous
Treason
in
any
County
.
But
our
Law
having
placed
this
great
trust
of
Enquiry
in
the
prudence
and
faithfulness
of
the
Grand
Inquest
,
was
careful
that
they
might
not
disable
themselves
for
their
own
trust
,
by
the
indiscretion
or
worser
fault
of
any
of
their
own
number
,
in
revealing
the
King's
Counsel
or
their
own
.
And
as
it
was
intended
hereby
to
preserve
unto
them
all
reasonable
helps
for
their
bringing
to
light
the
hidden
mischiefs
that
might
disturb
the
common
Peace
;
so
it
was
necessary
to
prevent
the
Flight
of
Criminals
;
if
the
Evidence
against
one
that
is
accused
should
be
publickly
known
,
whether
it
should
be
sufficient
for
an
Indictment
of
him
,
and
how
far
it
extends
to
others
;
his
Confederates
and
Accomplices
might
easily
have
notice
of
their
danger
,
and
take
opportunity
to
escape
from
Justice
.
Yet
the
reason
will
be
still
more
manifest
for
keeping
secret
the
Accusations
and
the
Evidence
by
the
Grand
Inquest
,
if
it
be
well
considered
,
how
useful
and
necessary
it
is
for
discovering
Truth
in
the
Examinations
of
Witnesses
in
many
,
if
not
in
most
Cases
that
may
come
before
them
;
when
if
by
this
Privacy
Witnesses
may
be
examined
in
such
manner
and
Order
,
as
prudence
and
occasion
direct
;
and
no
one
of
them
be
suffered
to
know
who
hath
been
examined
before
him
,
nor
what
questions
have
been
asked
him
,
nor
what
answers
he
hath
given
,
it
may
probably
be
found
out
whether
a
Witness
hath
been
biassed
in
his
Testimony
by
Malice
or
Revenge
,
or
the
Fear
or
Favour
of
Men
in
Power
,
or
the
Love
or
Hopes
of
Lucre
and
Gain
in
present
or
future
,
or
Promises
of
impunity
for
some
enormous
Crime
.
The
simplicity
of
Truth
in
a
Witness
may
appear
by
the
natural
plainness
,
easiness
,
and
directness
of
his
Answers
to
whatsoever
is
propounded
to
him
,
by
the
equality
of
his
Temper
,
and
suitableness
of
his
Answers
to
questions
of
several
kinds
,
and
perhaps
to
some
that
may
be
asked
for
trial
sake
only
of
his
uprightness
in
other
matters
.
And
the
Falseness
,
Malice
,
or
ill
Design
of
another
,
may
be
justly
suspected
from
his
studiousness
and
difficulty
in
answering
;
his
Artifice
and
cunning
in
what
he
relates
,
not
agreeable
to
his
way
of
breeding
and
parts
;
his
reserved
,
indirect
,
and
evasive
Replies
to
easie
Questions
;
his
pretences
of
doubtfulness
,
and
want
of
remembring
things
of
such
short
dates
,
or
such
Notoriety
,
that
't
is
not
credible
he
could
be
ignorant
or
forgetful
of
them
.
In
this
manner
the
Truth
may
be
evidenced
to
the
satisfaction
of
the
Jurors
Consciences
,
by
the
very
demeanor
of
the
Witnesses
in
their
private
Examinations
,
inasmuch
as
the
greatest
certainty
doth
often
arise
from
the
careful
observation
and
comparing
of
such
minute
matters
;
of
which
a
distinct
account
is
not
possible
to
be
given
to
a
Court
:
And
for
that
Reason
(
among
others
)
the
Juries
are
made
the
only
absolute
Judges
of
their
Evidence
.
Yet
further
,
Their
private
Examination
may
discover
truth
out
of
some
disagreement
of
the
Witnesses
,
when
separately
interrogated
,
and
every
of
the
Grand
Inquest
ask
them
Questions
for
his
own
satisfaction
about
the
matters
which
have
come
to
his
particular
knowledge
,
and
this
freely
without
Awe
or
Controul
of
Judges
,
or
distrust
of
his
own
Parts
,
or
fear
to
be
checked
for
asking
impertinent
Questions
.
Conspiracies
against
the
Lives
of
the
Innocent
in
a
form
of
Justice
,
have
been
frequently
detected
by
such
secret
and
separate
Examination
of
Witnesses
.
The
Story
of
Susanna
is
famous
;
that
two
of
their
Elders
and
Judges
of
great
Credit
and
Authority
,
testified
in
the
open
Assembly
a
malicious
Invention
against
her
,
with
all
the
solemnity
used
in
capital
Cases
,
and
Sentences
of
Death
passed
upon
her
,
and
was
ready
to
be
executed
,
Note
,
That
the
Testimony
given
in
the
Assembly
without
separating
the
witnesses
,
and
trying
the
Truth
by
Circumstances
,
was
esteemed
no
Examination
,
or
knowledge
of
the
Truth
.
had
not
wise
Daniel
cried
out
in
her
behalf
:
Are
ye
such
Fools
,
O
Israelites
,
that
without
examination
,
or
knowledge
of
the
Truth
,
ye
have
condemned
a
Daughter
of
Israel
?
Return
(
said
he
)
again
to
judgment
,
and
put
these
two
one
far
from
another
,
and
I
will
examine
them
:
And
being
asked
separately
(
tho
in
publick
,
the
Testimony
having
been
so
given
before
)
concerning
the
place
of
the
Fact
then
in
question
,
they
had
not
agreed
upon
that
Circumstance
,
as
they
had
upon
their
Story
;
and
so
their
falshood
became
manifest
,
one
saying
the
Adultery
was
committed
under
a
Lentick
Tree
,
the
other
,
it
was
under
a
Pine
Tree
:
And
upon
that
conviction
of
the
false
Witnesses
,
the
whole
Assembly
cried
with
a
loud
voice
,
and
praised
God
.
These
false
Witnesses
were
put
to
death
as
their
Law
required
.
We
have
also
a
late
Instance
of
the
usefulness
of
private
and
separate
Examinations
,
in
the
Case
of
the
Lord
Howard
,
against
whom
the
Attorney-General
prosecuted
an
Accusation
of
Treason
,
the
last
Midsummer
Term
,
before
the
Grand
Inquest
for
Middlesex
.
Mrs.
Fitz
Herris
,
and
Teresa
Peacock
her
Maid
,
swore
words
of
Treason
against
him
positively
,
and
agreed
in
every
point
whilst
they
were
together
:
But
by
the
prudence
of
the
Inquest
,
being
put
asunder
,
and
the
Mistress
asked
how
her
Maid
came
to
be
admitted
to
the
knowledge
of
such
Matters
;
she
had
an
Evasion
ready
,
pretending
her
Maid
to
have
craftily
hearkened
behind
a
Wainscot
Door
,
and
so
heard
the
Treason
.
But
the
Maid
not
suspecting
what
her
Mistress
had
said
,
continued
her
first
Story
,
that
she
heard
the
Treason
from
the
Lord
Howard
himself
,
and
was
as
much
trusted
by
him
as
her
Mistress
:
By
this
Circumstance
the
Falsehood
and
Perjury
(
which
Mrs.
Fitz
Harris
hath
since
acknowledged
)
was
discovered
,
and
the
Snare
for
the
Life
of
the
injured
Lord
was
broken
,
as
is
manifest
by
his
liberty
now
obtained
by
Law
.
Witnesses
may
come
prepared
,
and
tell
plausible
Stories
in
open
Court
,
if
they
know
from
the
Prosecutor
to
what
they
must
answer
;
and
have
agreed
and
acquainted
each
other
with
the
Tales
they
will
tell
;
and
have
resolved
to
be
careful
,
that
all
their
Answers
to
cross
Interrogatories
,
may
be
conformable
to
their
first
Stories
:
And
if
these
relate
only
to
Words
spoken
at
several
times
in
private
to
distinct
Witnesses
,
in
such
a
case
,
Evidence
,
if
given
in
open
Court
,
may
seem
to
be
very
strong
against
the
Person
accused
,
though
there
be
nothing
of
truth
in
it
.
But
if
such
Witnesses
were
privately
and
separately
examined
by
the
Grand
Inquest
,
as
the
Law
requires
,
and
were
to
answer
only
such
Questions
as
they
thought
fit
;
and
in
such
order
as
was
best
in
their
Judgments
,
and
most
natural
to
find
out
the
Truth
of
the
Accusation
,
so
that
the
Witnesses
could
not
guess
what
they
should
be
asked
first
,
or
last
,
nor
one
conjecture
what
the
other
had
said
,
(
which
they
are
certain
of
when
they
know
beforehand
what
the
Prosecutor
will
ask
in
Court
of
every
of
them
,
and
what
they
have
resolved
to
answer
)
if
the
Inquest
should
put
them
out
of
their
Road
,
and
then
compare
all
their
several
Answers
together
,
they
might
possibly
discern
marks
enough
of
falsehood
,
to
shew
that
their
Testimonies
ought
not
to
be
depended
upon
,
where
Life
is
in
question
.
By
what
is
now
said
,
the
reasonableness
of
this
Institution
of
Secrecy
may
be
discerned
in
respect
to
the
discovery
of
Truth
,
and
the
protection
of
the
Innocent
from
malicious
Combinations
and
Perjuries
.
Yet
the
same
Secrecy
of
the
King's
Counsel
is
no
less
necessary
to
reserve
the
guilty
for
punishment
;
when
the
Evidence
against
any
party
accused
is
not
manifest
and
full
,
it
may
be
kept
without
prejudice
under
Secrecy
until
further
enquiry
;
and
if
sufficient
proof
can
afterwards
be
made
of
the
Offence
,
an
Indictment
may
be
found
by
a
Grand
Inquest
,
and
the
Party
brought
to
answer
it
:
But
when
the
Examinations
are
in
open
Court
,
or
the
King's
Council
any
other
way
divulged
,
and
the
Evidence
is
weak
,
and
less
than
the
Law
requires
,
't
is
not
probable
that
it
will
be
more
or
stronger
;
and
should
an
Indictment
be
found
,
and
the
Party
tried
by
a
Petit
Jury
,
whilst
the
Evidence
is
not
full
,
they
must
and
ought
to
acquit
him
,
and
then
the
further
prosecution
for
the
same
Offence
is
for
ever
barred
,
though
his
guilt
should
afterwards
be
manifest
,
and
confessed
by
himself
.
From
hence
may
certainly
be
concluded
,
That
Secrecy
in
the
Examinations
and
Enquiries
of
Grand
Juries
is
in
all
respects
for
the
Interest
and
advantage
of
the
King
.
If
he
be
concerned
to
have
secret
Treason
,
Felonies
,
and
all
other
Enormities
brought
to
light
,
and
that
none
of
the
Offenders
should
escape
Justice
;
if
the
gain
of
their
Forfeitures
be
thought
his
Interest
(
which
God
forbid
)
then
the
first
notices
of
all
dangerous
Crimes
,
and
wicked
Confederacies
ought
to
be
secretly
and
prudently
pursued
and
searcht
into
by
the
Grand
Inquest
:
the
Accusers
and
Witnesses
ought
not
to
publish
in
a
Court
before
a
multitude
what
they
pretend
to
know
in
such
Cases
,
until
the
discretion
of
so
many
honest
Men
of
the
Neighbourhood
,
hath
first
determined
whether
their
Testimony
will
amount
to
so
good
and
full
Evidence
,
that
it
may
be
made
publick
with
safety
to
the
King
and
People
in
order
to
Justice
.
Else
they
are
obliged
by
Oath
to
lock
up
in
their
own
Breasts
all
the
Circumstances
and
Presumptions
of
Crimes
,
until
they
,
or
such
as
shall
succeed
in
the
same
Trust
,
shall
have
discovered
(
as
they
believe
)
Evidence
enough
to
convict
the
Accused
,
and
then
,
and
not
before
,
they
are
to
accuse
the
Party
upon
Record
,
by
finding
the
Bills
,
(
as
it
's
usually
called
.
)
But
when
Bills
are
offered
without
satisfactory
Evidence
,
and
they
neither
know
,
nor
can
learn
any
more
,
they
ought
for
the
King's
sake
to
indorse
Ignoramus
upon
them
,
lest
his
Honour
and
Justice
be
stained
by
causing
or
permitting
such
Prosecution
of
his
People
in
his
own
name
,
and
at
his
Suit
,
as
shall
appear
upon
their
Tryal
and
Acquittal
to
have
been
frivolous
,
or
else
malicious
designs
upon
their
Lives
and
Fortunes
.
If
it
should
be
said
,
That
whatsoever
Reasons
there
are
for
this
Oath
of
Secrecy
;
yet
it
cannot
deprive
the
King
of
the
benefit
of
having
the
Evidence
made
publick
,
if
he
desires
it
;
and
that
the
Grand
Jury
do
not
break
their
Oaths
,
when
the
King
,
or
the
Prosecutor
for
him
,
will
have
it
so
:
'T
is
not
hard
to
shew
,
that
such
Notions
have
no
foundation
in
Law
or
Reason
,
and
seem
to
come
from
Men
who
have
not
well
studied
the
first
Principles
of
the
English
Government
,
or
of
True
Religion
.
Whosoever
hath
learnt
that
the
Kings
of
England
were
ordained
for
the
good
Government
of
the
Kingdom
in
the
Execution
of
the
Laws
,
must
needs
know
,
that
the
King
cannot
lawfully
seek
any
other
benefit
in
judicial
proceedings
,
than
that
common
Right
and
Justice
be
done
to
the
People
according
to
their
Laws
and
Customs
.
Their
Safety
and
Prosperity
are
to
be
the
Objects
of
his
continual
Care
and
Study
,
that
being
the
highest
concern
.
The
Greatness
and
Honour
of
a
Prince
consists
in
the
Virtue
,
Multitude
,
Wealth
and
Prowess
of
his
People
;
and
his
greatest
Glory
is
,
by
the
excellency
of
his
Government
so
to
have
encouraged
Virtue
and
Piety
,
that
few
or
no
Criminals
are
to
be
found
in
his
Dominions
.
Those
who
have
made
this
their
principal
aim
,
have
in
some
places
so
well
succeeded
,
as
to
introduce
such
a
Discipline
and
rectitude
of
Manners
,
as
rendred
every
man
a
Law
unto
himself
.
Gar.
de
la
Veg
Hist.
de
los
Incas
.
As
it
is
reported
in
the
History
of
Peru
,
that
though
the
Laws
were
so
severe
as
to
make
very
small
Crimes
capital
,
yet
it
often
fell
out
,
that
not
one
man
was
put
to
death
in
a
year
,
within
the
whole
compass
of
that
vast
Empire
.
The
King
's
only
benefit
in
finding
out
and
punishing
Offenders
by
Courts
of
Justice
,
are
the
preservation
and
support
of
the
Government
,
the
protection
of
the
Innocent
,
revenging
their
wrongs
,
and
preventing
further
mischiefs
by
the
terrors
of
exemplary
Punishments
.
The
King
is
the
head
of
Justice
in
the
esteem
of
our
Laws
,
and
the
whole
Kingdom
is
to
expect
right
to
be
done
them
in
his
several
Courts
instituted
by
Law
for
that
purpose
.
Therefore
Writs
issue
out
in
his
name
in
all
cases
where
relief
is
sought
by
the
Subject
:
and
the
wrongs
done
to
the
Lives
or
Limbs
of
the
People
,
are
said
to
be
done
against
the
Peace
of
the
King
,
his
Crown
and
Dignity
;
reckoning
it
a
dishonour
to
him
and
his
Government
,
that
Subjects
should
not
,
whilst
they
live
within
the
Law
,
enjoy
Peace
and
Security
.
It
ought
to
be
taken
for
a
scandal
upon
the
King
,
when
he
is
represented
in
a
Court
of
Justice
as
if
he
were
partially
concerned
,
or
rather
inclined
to
desire
,
that
a
Party
accused
should
be
found
guilty
,
than
that
he
should
be
declared
innocent
,
if
he
be
so
in
truth
.
Doubtless
the
King
ought
to
wish
in
all
Enquiries
made
after
Treason
,
Felonies
,
&c.
that
there
were
none
to
be
found
in
his
Kingdom
;
and
that
whosoever
is
accused
,
might
be
able
to
answer
so
well
and
truly
for
himself
,
as
to
shew
the
Accusation
to
be
erroneous
or
false
,
and
to
be
acquitted
of
it
.
Something
of
this
appears
in
the
common
Custom
of
England
,
that
the
Clerks
of
the
King's
Courts
of
Justice
,
when
any
man
hath
pleaded
Not
guilty
to
an
Indictment
,
prays
forthwith
that
God
would
send
him
a
good
deliverance
.
The
destruction
of
every
Criminal
is
a
loss
to
a
Prince
,
and
ought
to
be
grievous
to
him
,
in
the
common
regard
of
humanity
,
and
the
more
particular
Relation
of
his
Office
,
and
the
name
of
Father
.
The
King's
Interest
and
Honour
is
more
concerned
in
the
protection
of
the
Innocent
,
than
in
the
punishment
of
the
Guilty
.
This
Maxime
can
never
run
them
into
excesses
;
for
it
hath
ever
been
lookt
upon
as
a
mark
of
great
Wisdom
and
Vertue
in
some
Princes
and
States
,
upon
several
occasions
to
destroy
all
Evidences
against
Delinquents
;
and
nothing
is
more
usual
than
to
compose
the
most
dangerous
Distempers
of
Nations
by
Acts
of
general
Amnesty
,
which
were
utterly
unjust
,
if
it
were
as
great
a
Crime
to
suffer
the
Guilty
to
escape
,
as
to
destroy
the
Innocent
.
We
do
not
only
find
those
Princes
represented
in
History
under
odious
Characters
,
who
have
basely
murthered
the
Innocent
,
but
such
as
by
their
Spies
and
Informers
were
too
inquisitive
after
the
Guilty
;
whereas
none
was
ever
blamed
for
Clemency
,
or
for
being
too
gentle
Interpreters
of
the
Laws
.
Tho
Trajan
was
an
excellent
Prince
,
endowed
with
all
heroical
Virtues
;
yet
the
most
Eloquent
Writers
,
and
his
best
Friends
,
found
nothing
more
to
be
praised
in
his
Government
,
Tacit.
lib.
1.
Hist.
than
that
in
his
time
,
all
men
might
think
what
they
pleased
,
and
every
man
speak
what
he
thought
;
and
he
had
no
better
way
of
distinguishing
himself
from
his
wicked
Predecessors
,
than
by
hanging
up
the
Spies
and
Informers
,
whom
they
had
employed
for
the
discovery
of
Crimes
.
But
if
the
punishment
of
Offenders
were
as
universally
necessary
as
the
protection
of
the
Innocent
,
he
were
as
much
to
be
abhorred
as
Nero
;
and
that
Clemency
which
is
so
highly
praised
,
were
to
be
lookt
upon
as
the
worst
of
Vices
;
and
those
who
have
hitherto
been
taken
for
the
best
of
Princes
,
were
altogether
as
detestable
as
the
worst
.
Moreover
all
humane
Laws
were
ordained
for
the
preservation
of
the
Innocent
,
and
for
their
sakes
only
are
punishments
inflicted
;
that
those
of
our
own
Country
do
solely
regard
this
,
was
well
understood
by
Fortescue
,
who
saith
,
Fort.
de
Laud.
Leg.
Ang.
ch.
27.
Indeed
I
could
rather
wish
Twenty
Evil-doers
to
●●ape
death
through
pity
,
than
one
man
to
be
unjustly
condemned
.
Such
Blood
hath
cried
to
Heaven
for
Vengeance
against
Families
and
Kingdoms
,
and
their
utter
destruction
hath
ensued
.
If
a
Criminal
build
be
acquitted
by
too
great
lenity
,
caution
,
or
otherwise
,
he
may
be
reserved
for
future
Justice
from
Man
or
God
,
if
be
doth
not
repent
;
but
't
is
impossible
that
satisfaction
or
reparation
should
be
made
for
innocent
Bloodshed
in
the
forms
of
Justice
.
Without
all
question
,
the
King
's
only
just
Interest
in
the
Evidence
given
against
the
Party
accused
,
and
in
the
manner
of
taking
it
,
is
to
have
the
truth
made
manifest
,
that
Justice
may
thereupon
be
done
impartially
:
And
if
Accusations
may
be
first
examined
in
secret
more
strictly
and
exactly
,
to
prevent
Fraud
and
Perjury
,
than
is
possible
to
be
done
in
open
Court
,
(
as
hath
before
appeared
)
then
't
is
for
the
King's
benefit
to
have
it
so
.
And
nothing
done
in
,
or
by
a
Court
,
about
the
Trial
of
the
Accused
,
is
for
the
King
,
(
in
the
sense
of
our
Law
)
unless
it
some
way
conduce
to
Justice
in
the
case
.
The
Witnesses
which
the
Prosecutor
brings
,
are
no
further
for
the
King
,
than
they
tell
the
truth
,
and
the
whole
truth
impartially
:
and
by
whomsoever
any
others
may
be
called
,
upon
the
Enquiry
,
or
the
Trial
to
be
examined
,
if
they
sincerely
deliver
the
truth
of
the
matters
in
question
,
they
are
therein
the
King's
Witnesses
,
though
the
Accused
be
acquitted
by
reason
of
their
Testimonies
.
If
such
as
are
offered
by
the
Attorny-General
to
prove
Treason
against
any
man
,
shall
be
found
to
swear
falsly
,
maliciously
,
or
for
Reward
or
Promises
,
though
they
depose
positively
Facts
of
Treason
against
the
Accused
,
yet
they
are
truly
and
properly
Witnesses
against
the
King
,
by
endeavouring
to
prevent
Justice
,
and
destroy
his
Subjects
:
Their
Malice
and
Villany
being
confessed
or
proved
,
the
King's
Attorney
ought
(
ex
Officio
)
to
prosecute
them
in
the
King's
Name
,
and
at
his
Suit
,
for
their
Offences
against
him
in
such
Depositions
pretended
to
have
been
for
him
:
and
the
legal
Form
of
the
Indictment
ought
to
be
for
their
swearing
falsly
and
maliciously
against
the
Peace
of
the
King
,
his
Crown
and
Dignity
.
The
Prosecutors
themselves
,
notwithstanding
their
big
words
,
and
assuming
to
themselves
to
be
for
the
King
,
if
their
Prosecution
shall
be
proved
to
be
malicious
,
or
by
Conspiracy
against
the
Life
or
Fortune
of
the
Accused
,
they
are
therein
against
the
King
,
and
ought
to
be
indicted
at
the
King's
Suit
,
for
such
Prosecutions
done
against
His
Crown
and
Dignity
.
And
if
an
Attorney-General
should
be
found
knowingly
guilty
of
abetting
such
a
Conspiracy
,
his
Office
could
not
excuse
or
legally
exempt
him
from
suffering
the
villanous
Judgment
to
the
destruction
of
him
and
his
Family
.
'T
is
esteemed
in
the
Law
one
of
the
most
odious
Offences
against
the
King
,
to
attempt
in
his
Name
to
destroy
the
Innocent
,
for
whose
Protection
he
himself
was
ordained
.
Queen
Elizabeth
had
the
true
sense
of
our
Law
,
when
the
Lord
Burleigh
,
Co.
Inst.
3d
part
,
p.
79.
upon
Sir
Edward
Coke
her
then
Attorney's
coming
into
her
presence
,
told
her
,
This
is
he
who
prosecutes
pro
Domina
Regina
,
for
our
Lady
the
Queen
;
and
She
said
she
would
have
the
form
of
the
Records
altered
;
for
it
should
be
Attornatus
Generalis
qui
pro
Domina
veritate
sequitur
.
The
Attorney-General
who
prosecutes
for
our
Lady
the
Truth
.
Whoever
is
trusted
in
that
employment
,
dishonours
his
Master
and
Office
,
if
he
gives
occasion
to
the
Subjects
to
believe
that
his
Master
seeks
other
profits
or
Advantages
by
Accusations
,
than
the
common
Peace
and
Welfare
:
He
ought
not
to
excite
a
jealousie
in
any
of
their
minds
,
that
confiscations
of
Estates
are
designed
or
desired
by
any
of
the
King's
Ministers
;
whosoever
makes
such
advantages
to
the
Crown
,
their
principal
aim
in
accusing
,
are
either
Robbers
and
Murtherers
,
(
in
the
Scripture-sense
)
in
seeking
innocent
Blood
for
gain
;
or
in
the
mildest
Construction
,
(
supposing
the
Accusation
to
be
on
good
grounds
)
they
shew
themselves
to
be
of
corrupt
minds
,
and
a
scandal
to
their
Master
,
and
the
Government
.
Profit
or
loss
of
that
kind
ought
to
have
no
place
in
judicial
proceedings
against
suspected
Criminals
,
but
truth
is
only
to
be
regarded
;
and
for
this
reason
the
Judgments
given
in
Court
of
humane
Institution
,
are
in
Scripture
called
,
the
Judgments
of
God
,
who
is
the
God
of
truth
.
Yet
further
,
If
any
benefit
to
the
King
could
be
imagined
by
making
the
Evidence
to
the
Grand
Jury
publick
,
it
could
not
come
in
competition
with
the
Law
expressed
in
their
Oath
;
which
by
constant
uninterrupted
usage
,
for
so
many
Ages
,
hath
obtained
the
force
of
Law
.
Bracton
and
Britton
in
their
several
Generations
bear
witness
,
that
it
was
then
practised
;
and
greater
proof
of
it
needs
not
be
sought
,
than
the
Disputes
that
appear
by
the
Law-Books
to
have
been
amongst
the
ancient
Lawyers
,
whether
it
was
Treason
or
Felony
for
a
Grand-Jury
to
discover
,
either
who
was
indicted
,
or
what
Evidence
was
given
them
.
The
Trust
of
the
Grand
Juries
was
thought
so
sacred
in
those
Ages
,
and
their
secrecy
of
so
great
concern
to
the
Kingdom
,
that
whosoever
should
break
their
Oath
therein
,
was
by
all
thought
worthy
to
die
;
Co.
Instit.
3d
part
,
p.
107.
Rulls
Indic
.
771.
only
some
would
have
had
them
suffer
as
Traytors
,
others
as
Felons
.
And
at
this
day
it
is
held
to
be
a
high
Misprision
,
punishable
by
Fine
and
Impoverishment
.
The
Law
then
having
appointed
the
Evidence
to
be
given
to
Grand
Juries
in
secret
,
the
King
cannot
desire
to
have
it
made
publick
.
He
can
do
no
wrong
,
saith
the
old
Maxime
,
that
is
,
He
can
do
nothing
against
the
Law
;
nor
is
any
thing
to
be
judged
for
his
benefit
that
is
not
warranted
by
Law
:
His
Will
,
Commands
,
and
Desires
,
are
therein
no
otherwise
to
be
known
.
He
cannot
change
the
legal
Method
or
manner
of
enquiring
by
Juries
,
nor
vary
in
any
particular
case
from
the
customary
and
general
forms
of
judicial
proceedings
;
he
can
neither
abridge
nor
enlarge
the
power
of
Juries
,
no
more
than
he
can
lessen
the
legal
Power
of
the
Sheriffs
or
Judges
,
or
by
special
Direction
order
the
one
how
they
shall
execute
Writs
,
and
the
other
how
they
shall
give
Judgments
,
though
these
made
by
himself
.
'T
is
criminal
,
no
doubt
,
for
any
to
say
,
that
the
King
desires
a
Court
of
Justice
,
or
a
Jury
,
to
vary
from
the
direction
of
the
Law
,
and
they
ought
not
to
be
believed
therein
:
If
Letters
,
Writs
,
or
other
Commands
should
come
to
the
Judges
for
that
purpose
,
they
are
bound
by
their
Oaths
not
to
regard
them
,
but
to
hold
them
for
null
;
the
Statutes
of
2
E.
3.8
.
and
20
E.
3.1
.
are
express
,
That
if
any
Writs
or
Commandments
come
to
the
Justices
in
disturbance
of
the
Law
,
or
the
Execution
of
the
same
,
or
of
right
to
the
Parties
,
they
shall
proceed
as
if
no
such
Letters
,
Writs
,
or
Commands
were
come
to
them
:
And
the
substance
of
these
and
other
Statutes
is
inserted
into
the
Oath
taken
by
every
Judge
;
and
if
they
be
under
the
most
solemn
and
sacred
Tye
in
the
Execution
of
Justice
,
to
hold
for
nothing
,
or
none
,
the
Commands
of
the
King
under
the
Great
Seal
,
surely
the
Word
,
or
Desire
of
an
Attorney-General
,
in
the
like
case
,
ought
to
be
less
than
nothing
.
Besides
,
they
are
strangely
mistaken
,
who
think
the
King
can
have
an
Interest
different
from
,
or
contrary
unto
that
of
the
Kingdom
,
in
the
prosecution
of
Accused
Persons
:
His
Concernments
are
involved
in
those
of
his
People
;
and
he
can
have
none
distinct
from
them
.
He
is
the
Head
of
the
Body
Politick
;
and
the
legal
Course
of
doing
Justice
,
is
like
the
orderly
circulation
of
the
Blood
in
the
Natural
Bodies
,
by
which
both
Head
and
Body
are
equally
preserved
,
and
both
perish
by
the
interruption
of
it
.
The
King
is
obliged
to
the
utmost
of
his
Power
,
to
maintain
the
Law
,
and
Justice
in
its
due
course
,
by
his
Coronation
Oath
,
and
the
Trust
thereby
reposed
in
him
.
In
former
Ages
he
was
conjured
not
to
take
the
Crown
,
unless
he
resolved
punctually
to
observe
it
.
Brom.
p.
1159.
Mat.
Paris
,
p.
153.
Bromton
and
others
,
speaking
of
the
Coronation
of
Richard
the
first
,
delivered
it
thus
,
That
having
first
taken
the
Oath
;
Deinde
indutus
Mantello
,
ductus
est
ad
Altare
,
&
conjuratus
ab
Archiepiscopo
,
&
prohibitus
ex
parte
Dei
,
ne
hunc
Honorem
sibi
assumat
,
nisi
in
mente
habeat
tenere
Sacramenta
&
Vota
quae
superius
fecit
.
Et
Ipse
respondit
,
se
per
Dei
auxilium
omnia
supradicta
observaturum
bona
fide
.
Deinde
cepit
Cor●nam
de
Altari
,
&
tradidit
eam
Archiepiscopo
,
qui
posuit
eam
super
caput
Regis
,
&
sic
Coronatus
Rex
,
ductus
est
ad
sedem
suam
.
Afterward
cloathed
with
the
Royal
Robe
,
he
is
led
to
the
Altar
,
and
conjured
by
the
Archbishop
,
and
forbid
in
the
Name
of
God
,
not
to
assume
that
Honour
,
unless
he
intended
to
keep
the
Oaths
and
Vows
he
had
before
made
;
and
he
answered
,
By
God's
help
he
would
faithfully
observe
all
the
Premises
:
and
then
he
took
the
Crown
from
off
the
Altar
,
and
delivered
it
to
the
Archbishop
,
who
put
it
upon
the
King's
Head
,
and
the
King
thus
Crowned
,
is
led
unto
His
Seat
.
The
violation
of
which
Trust
cannot
but
be
as
well
a
wound
unto
their
Consciences
,
as
bring
great
Prejudice
upon
their
Persons
and
Affairs
.
The
Common-Law
that
exacts
this
,
doth
so
far
provide
for
Princes
,
That
having
their
minds
free
from
cares
of
preserving
themselves
,
they
may
rest
assured
,
that
no
Acts
,
Words
,
or
Designs
,
that
may
bring
them
into
danger
,
can
be
concealed
from
the
many
Hundreds
of
Men
,
who
by
the
Law
are
appointed
in
all
parts
of
the
Kingdom
,
watchfully
to
take
care
of
the
King
;
and
are
so
far
concerned
in
His
safety
,
that
they
can
hope
no
longer
to
enjoy
their
own
Lives
and
Fortunes
in
Peace
,
than
they
can
preserve
him
,
and
the
good
Order
which
according
to
the
Laws
he
is
to
uphold
.
It
is
the
joynt
Interest
of
King
and
People
,
that
the
ancient
Rules
of
doing
Justice
be
held
sacred
and
inviolable
;
and
they
are
equally
concerned
in
causing
strict
enquiries
to
be
made
into
all
Evidences
given
against
suspected
,
or
accused
Persons
,
that
the
Truth
may
be
discovered
;
and
such
as
dare
to
disturb
the
Publick
Peace
by
breaking
the
Laws
,
may
be
brought
to
punishment
.
And
the
whole
course
of
Judicial
Proceedings
in
Criminal
Causes
,
shews
that
the
People
is
therein
equally
concerned
with
the
King
,
whose
name
is
used
.
This
is
the
ground
of
that
distinction
which
Sir
Ed.
Coke
makes
between
the
Proceedings
in
Pleas
of
the
Crown
,
and
Actions
for
wrongs
done
to
the
King
himself
.
In
Pleas
of
the
Crown
,
or
other
common
offences
,
nusances
,
&c.
Co.
3d.
Inst.
pag.
136.
principally
concerning
others
,
or
the
Publick
,
there
the
King
by
Law
must
be
apprised
by
Indictment
,
Presentment
;
or
other
matter
of
Record
;
but
the
King
may
have
an
Action
for
such
wrong
as
is
done
is
himself
,
and
whereof
none
other
can
have
an
Action
but
the
King
,
without
being
apprised
by
Indictment
,
Presentment
,
or
other
matter
of
Record
,
as
a
Quare
impedit
,
Quare
incumbravit
,
a
Writ
of
Attaint
,
of
Debt
Detinue
of
Ward
,
Escheat
,
Scire
fac
.
pur
repealer
patent
,
&c.
Unto
which
every
Man
must
answer
:
But
no
Man
can
be
brought
to
answer
for
Publick
Crimes
at
the
King's
Suit
,
otherwise
than
by
Indictment
of
a
Grand
Jury
.
The
whole
Course
of
doing
Justice
upon
Criminals
,
from
the
beginning
of
the
Process
,
unto
the
Execution
of
the
Sentence
,
is
,
and
ever
was
esteemed
to
be
the
Kingdoms
concernment
,
as
is
evidenced
by
the
frequent
Complaints
made
in
Parliament
,
that
Capital
Offenders
were
pardon'd
to
the
Peoples
damage
and
wrong
.
In
the
13
Rich.
2.
it
is
said
,
that
the
King
hearing
the
grievous
complaints
of
his
Commons
in
Parliament
,
of
the
outragious
mischiefs
which
happened
unto
the
Realm
,
for
that
Treasons
,
Murders
,
and
Rapes
of
Women
,
be
commonly
done
,
and
committed
,
and
the
more
because
Charters
of
Pardon
had
been
easily
granted
in
such
Cases
;
And
thereupon
it
was
enacted
,
That
no
Pardon
for
such
Crimes
should
be
granted
,
unless
the
same
were
particularly
specified
therein
;
and
if
a
Pardon
were
otherwise
granted
for
the
Death
of
a
Man
,
the
Judges
should
notwithstanding
enquire
by
a
Grand
Jury
,
of
the
Neighbourhood
,
concerning
the
Death
of
every
such
Person
,
and
if
he
were
found
to
have
been
wilfully
Murthered
,
such
Charter
of
Pardon
to
be
disallowed
;
and
provisions
were
made
by
imposing
grievous
Fines
upon
every
person
,
according
to
his
Degree
and
Quality
,
or
Imprisonment
,
who
should
presume
to
sue
to
the
King
for
any
Pardons
of
the
aforesaid
Crimes
,
and
that
such
persons
might
be
known
to
the
whole
Kingdom
,
their
Names
were
to
be
upon
several
Records
.
The
like
had
been
done
in
many
Statutes
made
by
several
Parliaments
,
as
in
the
6
Ed.
1.9
.
the
2
Ed.
3.2
.
the
10
Ed.
3.2
.
and
the
14
Ed.
3.15
.
where
it
was
acknowledged
by
the
King
in
Parliament
,
That
the
Oath
of
the
Crown
had
not
been
kept
,
by
reason
of
the
Grant
of
Pardons
contrary
to
the
aforesaid
Statutes
;
and
Enacted
that
any
such
Charter
of
Pardon
,
from
thenceforth
granted
against
the
Oath
of
his
Crown
,
and
the
said
Statutes
,
the
same
should
be
holden
for
none
.
In
the
27
Edw.
3.2
.
It
is
further
provided
,
for
preventing
the
Peoples
damage
by
such
Pardons
,
That
from
thenceforth
in
every
Charter
of
Pardon
of
Felony
,
which
shall
be
granted
at
any
mans
suggestion
,
the
said
suggestion
,
and
the
name
of
him
that
maketh
the
suggestion
,
shall
be
comprised
in
the
same
Charter
;
and
if
after
the
same
suggestion
be
found
untrue
,
the
Charter
shall
be
disallowed
and
holden
for
none
:
And
the
Justices
before
whom
such
Charter
shall
be
alledged
,
shall
enquire
of
the
same
suggestion
,
and
that
as
well
of
Charters
granted
before
this
time
,
as
of
Charters
which
shall
be
granted
in
time
to
come
;
and
if
they
find
them
untrue
,
then
they
shall
disallow
the
Charter
so
alledged
,
and
shall
moreover
do
as
the
Law
demandeth
.
Thus
have
Parliaments
from
time
to
time
declared
,
that
the
Offences
against
the
Crown
are
against
the
publick
welfare
,
and
that
Kings
are
obliged
by
their
Oath
and
Office
to
cause
Justice
to
be
done
upon
Traytors
and
Felons
for
the
Kingdom
's
sake
;
according
to
the
ancient
Common-Law
,
9
Hen
3.29
.
declared
by
Magna
Charta
in
these
words
:
Nulli
negabimus
,
nulli
vendemus
,
nulli
differemeus
Justitiam
.
We
will
sell
to
no
Man
,
we
will
not
deny
or
defer
to
any
Man
either
Justice
or
Right
.
And
as
the
publick
is
concerned
,
that
the
due
and
legal
Methods
be
observed
in
the
Prosecution
of
Offenders
,
so
likewise
doth
the
security
of
every
single
Man
in
the
Nation
depend
upon
it
:
No
Man
can
assure
himself
he
shall
not
be
accused
of
the
highest
crimes
.
Let
a
Man's
Innocence
and
Prudence
be
what
it
will
,
yet
his
most
inoffensive
Words
and
Actions
are
liable
to
be
misconstrued
,
and
he
may
,
by
Subornation
and
Conspiracy
,
have
things
laid
to
his
charge
,
of
which
he
is
no
ways
guilty
.
Who
can
speak
or
carry
himself
with
that
circumspection
,
as
not
to
have
his
harmless
Words
or
Actions
wrested
to
another
sense
than
he
intended
?
Who
can
be
secure
from
having
a
Paper
put
into
his
Pockets
,
or
laid
in
his
House
,
of
which
he
shall
know
nothing
till
his
Accusation
?
History
affords
many
Examples
of
the
detestable
Practices
in
this
kind
of
wicked
Court-Para●tes
,
among
which
one
may
suffice
for
Instance
,
Polib
.
lib.
5.
out
of
Polibius
,
an
approved
Author
:
Hermes
,
a
powerful
Favourite
,
under
Antiochus
the
younger
,
but
a
Man
noted
to
be
a
favourer
of
L●ars
,
was
made
use
of
against
the
innocent
and
brave
Epigenes
:
He
had
long
watch'd
to
kill
him
,
for
that
he
found
him
a
Man
of
great
Eloquence
and
Valour
,
having
also
Favour
and
Authority
with
the
King
:
He
had
unjustly
,
but
unsuccessfully
,
accused
him
of
Treason
by
false
glosses
put
upon
his
faithful
Advice
given
to
the
King
in
open
Council
;
this
not
prevailing
,
he
by
artifice
got
him
put
out
of
his
Command
,
and
to
retire
from
Court
;
which
done
,
he
laid
a
Plot
against
him
,
with
the
help
and
Council
of
(
one
of
his
Complices
)
Alexis
,
and
writing
Letters
as
if
they
had
been
sent
from
Molon
,
(
who
was
then
in
open
Rebellion
against
his
Prince
for
fear
,
amongst
other
Reasons
,
of
the
Cruelty
and
Treachery
of
H●●mes
)
and
corrupted
one
of
Alexis's
Servants
with
great
Promises
,
who
went
to
Epigenes
,
to
thrust
the
Letters
secretly
among
his
other
Writings
,
which
when
he
had
done
,
Alexis
came
suddenly
to
Epigenes
,
demanding
of
him
,
if
he
had
received
any
Letter
from
Molon
:
and
when
he
said
he
had
none
,
the
other
said
,
he
was
confident
he
should
●nd
some
;
wherefore
entring
the
House
to
search
,
he
found
the
Letters
,
and
taking
this
occasion
,
slew
him
,
(
lest
if
the
Fact
had
been
duly
examined
,
the
Conspiracy
had
been
discovered
.
)
These
things
happening
thus
,
the
King
thought
that
he
was
justly
slain
;
in
this
manner
the
worthy
Epigenes
ended
his
days
:
But
this
great
Man's
designs
did
not
rest
here
;
for
within
a
while
,
heightned
with
success
,
he
so
arrogantly
abused
His
Master's
Authority
,
as
he
grew
dangerous
to
the
King
himself
,
as
well
as
to
those
about
him
;
insomuch
as
Antiochus
was
forced
,
for
that
he
hated
and
feared
Hermes
,
to
take
away
his
Life
by
Stratagem
,
thereby
to
secure
himself
.
By
these
,
and
a
Thousand
other
ways
,
the
most
unblemish'd
Innocence
may
be
brought
into
the
greatest
danger
.
Since
then
every
Man
is
thus
easily
subject
to
question
,
and
what
is
one
Man's
Case
this
day
,
may
be
another
Man
's
to
morrow
,
it
is
undoubtedly
every
Man's
concern
to
see
(
as
far
as
in
him
lies
)
in
every
case
,
that
the
accused
Person
may
have
the
benefit
of
all
such
provisions
,
as
the
Law
hath
made
for
the
defence
of
Innocence
and
Reputation
.
Now
to
this
end
there
is
nothing
so
necessary
as
the
secret
and
separate
examination
of
Witnesses
,
for
though
perhaps
(
as
hath
been
already
observed
)
it
may
be
no
very
difficult
thing
for
several
persons
,
who
are
permitted
to
discourse
with
each
other
freely
,
and
to
hear
,
or
be
told
what
each
of
their
fellows
had
been
asked
and
answered
,
to
agree
in
one
story
,
especially
if
the
Jury
may
not
ask
what
questions
they
shall
think
fit
for
the
satisfaction
of
their
own
Consciences
;
but
that
they
shall
be
so
far
under
the
correction
and
censure
of
the
Judges
,
as
to
have
the
questions
which
they
put
,
called
by
them
trifles
,
impertinent
,
and
unfit
for
the
Witnesses
to
speak
to
;
yet
if
they
be
examined
apart
,
with
that
due
care
of
sifting
out
all
the
Circumstances
which
the
Law
requires
,
where
every
Man
of
the
Jury
is
at
full
liberty
to
enquire
into
any
thing
for
his
clearer
Information
,
and
that
with
what
deliberation
they
think
fit
,
and
all
this
be
done
with
that
Secrecy
which
the
Law
commands
;
it
will
be
almost
impossible
for
a
Man
to
suffer
under
a
false
Accusation
.
Nor
has
the
Law
been
less
careful
for
the
Reputation
of
the
Subjects
of
England
,
than
for
their
Lives
and
Estates
,
and
this
seems
to
be
one
reason
why
in
criminal
Cases
,
a
Man
shall
not
be
brought
to
an
open
legal
Tryal
by
a
Petit
Jury
,
till
the
Grand
Jury
have
first
found
the
Bill
:
The
Law
having
entrusted
the
Grand
Inquest
in
a
special
manner
with
their
good
names
;
they
are
therefore
not
only
to
enquire
whether
the
fact
that
is
laid
,
was
done
by
the
party
accused
,
but
into
the
circumstances
thereof
too
,
whether
it
were
done
Traiterously
,
Feloniously
,
or
Maliciously
,
&c.
according
to
the
manner
charged
;
which
Circumstances
are
not
barely
matter
of
form
,
but
do
constitute
the
very
essence
of
the
Crime
;
and
lastly
into
the
Credit
of
the
Witnesses
,
and
that
of
the
party
accused
,
and
unless
they
find
both
the
Fact
proved
upon
him
,
and
strong
presumptions
of
such
aggravating
circumstances
attending
it
,
as
the
Law
requires
in
the
specification
of
such
Crime
,
and
likewise
are
satisfied
in
the
credibility
of
the
Witnesses
;
they
ought
not
to
expose
the
Subject
to
an
open
Trial
in
the
face
of
the
County
,
to
a
certain
loss
of
his
Reputation
,
and
hazard
of
his
Life
and
Estate
.
Moreover
should
this
practice
of
publick
Examination
prevail
,
and
the
Jurors
Oath
of
Secrecy
continue
,
how
partial
and
unequal
a
thing
would
it
be
to
declare
that
to
all
the
World
,
which
will
blast
a
Man's
good
name
,
and
religiously
conceal
what
they
may
know
tending
to
his
Justification
:
To
examine
Witnesses
(
perhaps
suborned
)
certainly
prepared
,
and
have
Evidence
dressed
up
with
all
the
advantages
that
Lawyers
wits
can
give
it
,
of
the
foulest
Crimes
a
Man
can
be
guilty
of
,
and
this
given
before
some
thousands
against
him
,
and
yet
for
the
same
Court
to
swear
those
,
whom
the
Law
makes
Judges
in
the
Case
,
not
to
reveal
one
word
of
those
reasons
,
which
have
satisfied
their
Consciences
of
his
Innocence
.
What
is
this
,
but
an
Artifice
of
slandring
men
(
it
may
be
)
of
the
most
unspotted
Conversation
,
and
of
abusing
Authority
,
not
so
much
to
find
Men
guilty
,
as
to
make
them
infamous
?
After
this
Ignominy
is
fixed
,
what
Judgment
can
the
Auditors
(
and
from
them
the
World
)
make
,
but
of
high
probability
of
guilt
in
the
party
accused
,
and
Perjury
in
the
Jury
.
This
course
,
if
it
should
be
continued
,
must
needs
be
of
most
dangerous
consequence
to
all
sorts
of
Men
;
it
will
both
subject
every
one
without
relief
to
be
defamed
,
and
fright
the
best
and
most
conscientious
Men
,
from
serving
on
Grand
Juries
,
which
is
a
most
necessary
part
of
their
duty
.
Now
since
there
is
in
our
Government
(
as
in
every
one
that
is
well
constituted
there
ought
to
be
)
great
liberty
of
Accusation
,
that
no
Man
may
be
encouraged
to
do
ill
through
hopes
of
impunity
,
if
by
this
means
a
Method
be
opened
,
for
the
blasting
the
most
innocent
Man's
honour
,
and
deterring
the
most
honest
from
being
his
Judges
,
what
remains
,
but
that
every
Man's
Reputation
,
which
is
most
dear
unto
such
as
are
good
,
is
held
precariously
,
and
it
will
be
in
the
power
of
great
Men
to
pervert
the
Laws
,
and
take
away
whose
Life
and
Estate
they
please
,
or
at
least
to
fasten
imputations
of
the
most
detested
Crimes
upon
any
,
whom
,
for
secret
reasons
they
have
a
mind
to
defame
.
The
consequences
of
which
scandal
,
as
they
are
very
mischievous
to
every
Man
,
so
in
a
Trading
Country
in
a
more
especial
manner
,
to
all
who
live
by
any
vocation
of
that
kind
.
The
greatest
part
of
Trade
is
driven
upon
credit
,
most
Men
of
any
considerable
Employment
,
dealing
for
much
more
than
they
are
truly
worth
,
and
every
Man's
credit
depends
as
well
upon
his
behaviour
to
the
Government
he
lives
under
,
as
upon
his
private
honesty
in
his
transactions
between
Man
and
Man
:
so
that
the
suspicion
only
of
his
being
obnoxious
to
the
Government
is
enough
to
set
all
his
Creditors
upon
his
back
,
and
put
a
stop
to
all
his
Affairs
,
perhaps
to
his
utter
ruine
.
What
expedition
and
violence
will
they
all
use
to
recover
their
debts
,
when
he
shall
be
publickly
charged
with
such
Crimes
as
forfeit
Life
and
Estate
?
Though
there
should
not
be
one
word
of
the
Accusation
true
,
yet
they
knowing
the
Charge
and
the
seeming
proofs
in
the
Court
,
and
the
Consequences
of
it
,
and
not
being
acquainted
with
the
truth
,
as
it
appears
to
the
Jury
,
self
interest
will
make
his
Creditors
to
draw
in
their
effects
,
which
is
no
more
than
a
new
contrivance
,
under
colour
of
Law
,
of
undoing
honest
Men.
If
to
prevent
any
of
these
mischiefs
the
Jury
should
discover
their
fellows
and
their
own
Counsel
,
as
the
Court
by
publick
Examination
doth
,
it
would
not
only
be
a
wilful
breach
of
their
Oath
,
but
a
betraying
of
the
trust
which
the
Law
has
reposed
in
them
,
for
the
security
of
the
Subject
:
For
to
subject
the
reasons
of
their
Verdicts
upon
Bills
to
the
censure
of
the
Judges
,
were
to
divest
themselves
of
the
Power
which
the
Law
has
given
them
,
for
most
important
Considerations
,
without
account
or
controul
,
and
to
interest
those
in
it
,
whom
the
Law
has
not
in
this
case
trusted
,
and
so
by
degrees
,
the
course
of
Justice
in
one
of
the
most
material
parts
may
be
changed
,
and
a
fundamental
security
of
our
Liberty
and
Property
insensibly
lost
.
On
the
other
hand
,
if
for
fear
of
being
unworthily
reproached
as
Ignoramus
Jury-Men
,
obstinate
fellows
,
that
obstruct
Justice
,
and
disserve
the
King
,
the
Grand
Jury
shall
suffer
the
Judges
,
or
the
King's
Counsel
to
prev●il
with
them
to
indorse
Billa
vera
,
when
their
Consciences
are
not
satisfied
in
the
truth
of
the
Accusation
,
they
act
directly
against
their
Oaths
,
oppress
the
innocent
whom
they
ought
to
protect
;
as
far
as
in
them
lies
,
subject
their
Country
,
themselves
,
and
posterity
to
Arbitrary
Powers
,
pervert
the
Administration
of
Justice
,
and
overthrow
the
Government
,
which
is
instituted
for
the
obtaining
of
it
,
and
subsists
by
it
.
This
seems
to
be
the
greatest
Treason
,
that
can
be
committed
against
the
whole
Kingdom
,
and
threatens
ruine
unto
every
Man
in
private
in
it
.
None
can
be
safe
against
authorized
Malice
,
and
notwithstanding
the
care
of
our
Ancestors
,
Rapine
,
Murther
,
and
the
worst
of
Crimes
may
be
advanced
by
the
formality
of
Verdicts
,
if
Grand
Juries
be
overawed
,
or
not
suffered
to
enquire
into
the
Truth
,
to
the
satisfaction
of
their
Consciences
.
Every
Man
whilst
he
lives
innocently
,
doth
,
under
God
,
place
his
hopes
of
security
in
the
Law
,
which
can
give
no
protection
,
if
its
due
course
be
so
interrupted
,
that
frauds
cannot
be
discovered
,
Witnesses
may
as
well
favour
Offenders
,
as
give
false
testimony
against
the
guiltless
,
and
if
they
,
by
hearing
what
each
other
saith
,
are
put
into
a
way
of
concealing
their
villainous
designs
,
there
can
be
no
legal
Revenge
of
the
crimes
already
committed
.
Others
by
their
impunity
will
be
encouraged
to
do
the
like
:
And
every
quiet
minded
Person
will
be
equally
exposed
unto
private
injuries
,
and
such
as
may
be
done
unto
him
,
under
the
colour
of
Law
.
No
man
can
promise
unto
himself
any
security
for
his
Life
or
Goods
,
and
they
who
do
not
suffer
the
utmost
violences
in
their
own
persons
,
may
do
it
in
their
Children
,
Friends
,
and
nearest
Relations
,
if
he
be
deprived
of
the
remedies
that
the
Law
ordains
,
and
forced
to
depend
upon
the
Will
of
a
Judge
,
who
may
be
(
and
perhaps
we
may
say
)
are
too
often
corrupted
,
or
swayed
by
their
own
Passions
,
Interests
,
or
the
impulse
of
such
as
are
greater
than
they
.
This
mischief
is
aggravated
by
a
commonly
received
Opinion
,
that
whosoever
speaks
against
an
accused
person
is
the
King's
Witness
,
and
the
worst
of
men
,
in
their
worst
designs
,
do
usually
shelter
themselves
under
that
name
,
whereas
he
only
is
the
King's
Witness
,
who
speaks
the
truth
,
whether
it
be
for
or
against
him
that
is
accused
.
As
the
Power
of
the
King
's
the
Power
of
the
Law
,
he
can
have
no
other
intention
than
that
of
the
Law
,
which
is
to
have
Justice
impartially
administred
,
and
as
he
is
the
Father
of
his
People
,
he
cannot
but
incline
ever
to
the
gentlest
side
,
unless
i●
be
possible
for
a
Father
to
delight
in
the
destruction
,
or
desire
to
enrich
himself
by
the
confiscation
of
his
Childrens
Estates
.
If
the
most
wicked
Princes
have
had
different
thoughts
,
that
have
been
obliged
to
dissemble
them
.
We
know
of
none
worse
than
Nero
,
but
he
was
so
far
from
acknowledging
,
that
he
desired
any
Man's
condemnation
,
that
he
looked
upon
the
necessity
of
signing
Warrants
for
the
Execution
of
[
](A61358-e103490-b)*
*
Sne.
Vit.
Ner.
Vtinam
nescirem
letteras
.
Malefactors
,
as
a
burthen
,
and
rather
wished
he
had
not
learnt
to
write
,
than
to
be
obliged
to
do
it
.
They
who
by
spreading
such
barbarous
errours
,
would
create
unto
the
King
,
an
interest
different
from
that
of
his
People
which
he
is
to
preserve
,
whilst
they
pretend
to
serve
him
in
destroying
of
them
,
they
deprive
him
of
his
honour
and
dignity
;
Justice
is
done
in
all
places
,
in
the
name
of
the
chief
Magistrate
,
it
being
presumed
,
that
he
doth
embrace
every
one
of
his
Subjects
with
equal
tenderness
,
until
the
guilty
are
by
legal
proofs
discriminated
from
the
Innocent
,
and
amongst
us
the
King's
name
may
be
used
in
civil
cases
,
as
well
as
criminal
:
But
it
is
as
impossible
for
him
rightly
to
desire
I
should
be
condemned
for
killing
a
Man
whom
I
have
not
killed
,
or
a
Treason
that
I
have
not
committed
,
as
that
my
Land
should
be
unjustly
taken
from
me
by
a
judgment
in
his
Bench
,
or
I
should
be
condemned
to
pay
a
debt
that
I
do
not
owe.
In
both
Cases
we
sue
unto
him
for
Justice
,
and
demand
it
as
our
right
.
We
are
all
concerned
in
it
,
publickly
,
and
privately
,
and
the
King
,
as
well
as
all
the
Officers
of
Justice
,
are
by
their
several
Oaths
,
obliged
in
their
respective
capacities
to
perform
it
.
They
are
bound
to
give
their
assistance
to
find
out
Offenders
,
and
the
King's
Attorney
is
by
his
Oath
to
prosecute
them
,
if
he
be
required
;
and
he
is
not
only
the
King's
servant
in
such
cases
,
but
the
Nations
;
or
rather
,
cannot
otherwise
serve
the
King
,
than
by
seeing
Justice
done
in
the
Nation
.
Whensoever
any
Man
receives
an
injury
in
his
Person
,
Wife
,
Children
,
Friends
,
or
Goods
,
the
King
is
injured
,
in
as
much
as
he
is
by
his
Office
to
prevent
such
mischief
,
and
ought
to
be
concerned
in
the
Welfare
of
every
one
of
his
Subjects
;
but
the
parties
to
whom
the
injuries
are
done
,
are
the
immediate
sufferers
,
and
the
prosecution
is
principally
made
,
that
they
may
be
repared
or
revenged
,
and
other
innocent
persons
secured
by
the
punishment
of
Offenders
,
in
which
the
King
can
be
no
otherwise
concerned
,
than
as
he
is
to
see
his
Office
faithfully
performed
,
and
his
People
protected
.
The
King's
suit
therefore
is
in
the
behalf
of
his
People
,
yet
the
Law
leaves
unto
every
man
a
Liberty
,
in
case
of
Treasons
,
Murthers
,
Rapes
,
Robberies
,
&c.
to
sue
in
the
King's
name
,
and
crave
his
aid
,
or
by
way
of
appeal
in
his
own
.
The
same
Law
looks
upon
Felons
,
or
Traitors
as
publick
Enemies
,
and
by
authorizing
every
one
to
pursue
or
apprehend
them
,
teacheth
us
,
that
every
man
,
in
his
place
,
ought
to
do
it
.
The
same
Act
whereby
one
or
a
few
are
injured
,
threatneth
all
,
and
every
Man
's
private
interest
so
concurs
with
that
of
the
publick
,
that
all
depends
upon
the
exact
preservation
of
the
Method
prescribed
by
the
Law
,
for
the
impartial
inquisition
after
suspected
Offenders
,
and
most
tender
care
of
preserving
such
as
are
innocent
.
As
this
cannot
possibly
be
effected
without
secret
and
separate
examinations
,
the
forbidding
them
is
no
less
,
than
to
change
the
Course
,
which
is
enjoyned
by
Law
,
confirmed
by
custom
,
and
grounded
upon
Reason
and
Justice
.
If
on
the
other
side
any
man
believe
,
that
such
as
in
the
King's
name
prosecute
suspected
Delinquents
,
ought
only
to
try
how
they
may
bring
them
to
be
condemned
,
he
may
be
pleased
to
consider
,
that
all
such
persons
ought
,
according
unto
Law
,
to
produce
no
Witness
whom
they
do
not
think
to
be
true
:
No
Evidence
which
they
do
not
believe
good
,
nor
can
conceal
any
thing
that
may
justifie
the
accused
.
No
trick
or
Artifice
can
be
lawfully
used
to
deceive
a
Grand
Jury
,
or
induce
them
to
find
or
reject
a
Bill
,
otherwise
than
as
they
are
led
by
their
own
Consciences
.
All
Lawyers
were
anciently
sworn
to
put
no
deceit
upon
the
Courts
for
their
Clients
sake
,
and
there
are
Statutes
still
in
force
to
punish
them
,
if
they
do
it
,
but
there
is
an
eternal
obligation
upon
such
as
are
of
Counsel
against
persons
accused
of
Crimes
,
not
to
use
such
Arts
as
may
bring
the
Innocent
to
be
condemned
,
and
thereby
parvert
that
which
is
not
called
the
Judgment
of
Man
,
but
of
God
,
because
Man
renders
it
in
the
stead
,
and
by
the
Commandment
of
God
;
such
practices
exalt
the
Jurisdiction
of
Tribunals
,
but
infect
and
polute
them
with
that
Innocent
Blood
,
which
will
be
their
overthrow
:
And
least
of
all
,
can
it
be
called
a
Service
to
the
King
,
since
none
could
ever
stand
against
the
cry
of
it
.
This
is
necessarily
implyed
in
the
Attorney
General
's
Oath
,
to
serve
the
King
in
his
Kingly
Office
,
wherein
the
Law
presumes
he
can
do
no
wrong
:
But
the
greatest
of
all
wrongs
,
and
that
which
hath
been
most
destructive
unto
Thrones
,
is
by
Fraud
to
circumvent
and
destroy
the
Innocent
:
This
is
to
turn
a
Legal
King
into
a
Nimrod
,
a
Hunter
of
Men
:
This
is
not
to
act
the
part
of
a
Father
or
a
Shepherd
,
who
is
ready
to
lay
down
his
Life
for
his
Sheep
,
but
such
as
the
Psalmist
complains
of
,
who
eat
up
the
People
as
if
they
eat
Bread
:
Jezebel
did
perhaps
applaud
her
own
Wit
,
and
think
she
had
done
a
great
Service
to
the
King
,
by
finding
out
Men
of
Belial
,
Judges
,
and
Witnesses
to
bring
Naboth
to
be
stoned
;
but
that
unregarded
Blood
was
a
Canker
,
or
the
Plague
of
Leprosie
in
his
Throne
and
Family
,
which
could
not
be
cured
but
by
its
overthrow
and
extinction
.
But
if
the
Attorney
General
cannot
serve
the
King
by
abusing
Juries
,
and
subverting
the
Innocent
,
he
can
as
little
gain
an
advantage
to
himself
by
falsifying
his
Oath
,
by
the
true
meaning
whereof
he
is
to
prosecute
Justice
Impartially
,
and
the
Eternal
Divine
Law
would
annul
any
Oath
or
Promise
that
he
should
have
taken
to
the
contrary
,
even
though
his
Office
had
obliged
him
unto
it
.
The
like
Obligation
lies
upon
Jurors
not
to
suffer
themselves
to
be
deluded
,
or
persuaded
,
that
the
Judges
,
King's
Council
,
or
any
others
can
dispense
with
that
Oath
,
or
any
part
of
it
,
which
they
have
taken
before
God
unto
the
whole
Nation
;
nor
to
think
that
they
can
swerve
from
the
Rules
set
by
the
Law
without
a
damnable
breach
of
it
.
The
pwoer
of
relating
,
or
dissolving
Conscientious
Obligations
,
acknowled
in
the
Pope
,
makes
a
great
part
of
the
Roman
Superstition
;
and
that
grand
Impostor
could
never
corrupt
Kingdoms
and
Nations
to
their
destruction
,
and
the
Establishment
of
his
Tyranny
,
until
he
had
brought
them
to
believe
he
could
dispense
with
Oaths
,
taken
by
Kings
unto
their
Subjects
,
and
by
Subjects
to
their
Kings
;
nor
impose
so
extravagant
an
Errour
upon
either
,
until
he
had
persuaded
them
he
was
in
the
place
of
God
.
It
is
hard
to
say
how
the
Judges
or
King's
Council
can
have
the
same
Power
,
unless
it
be
upon
the
same
Title
;
but
we
may
be
sure
they
may
as
well
dispense
with
the
whole
Oath
as
any
part
of
it
,
and
can
have
no
pretence
unto
either
,
unless
they
have
the
Keys
of
Heaven
and
Hell
in
their
keeping
:
It
is
in
vain
to
say
,
the
King
as
any
other
man
may
remit
the
Oath
taken
unto
and
for
himself
;
He
is
not
a
party
for
himself
,
but
in
the
behalf
of
his
People
,
and
cannot
dispose
of
their
Concernments
without
their
Consent
,
which
is
given
only
in
Parliament
.
The
King's
Council
ought
to
remember
,
they
are
in
criminal
Cases
of
Council
unto
every
man
in
the
Kingdom
;
It
is
no
ways
referred
unto
the
Direction
of
the
Judges
,
or
unto
them
,
whether
that
secrecy
enjoyned
by
Law
,
be
profitable
unto
the
King
or
Kingdom
;
They
must
take
the
Law
as
it
is
,
and
render
Obedience
unto
it
,
until
it
be
altered
by
the
Power
that
made
it
.
To
this
end
the
Judges
by
Acts
of
Parliament
,
viz.
18
Ed.
3.
cap.
8.
and
20
Ed.
3.
cap.
1.
are
sworn
to
serve
the
People
,
Ye
shall
serve
our
Lord
the
King
and
his
People
in
the
Office
of
Justice
,
&c.
Ye
shall
deny
to
no
man
common
Right
by
the
King's
Letters
,
nor
no
other
mans
,
nor
for
no
other
cause
;
and
in
default
thereof
in
any
point
,
they
are
to
forfeit
their
Bodies
,
Lands
,
and
Goods
.
This
proves
them
to
be
the
Peoples
Servants
as
well
as
the
Kings
.
Further
by
the
express
words
of
the
Commissions
of
Oyer
and
Terminer
,
they
are
required
to
assist
every
man
that
suffers
injury
,
and
make
diligent
inquisition
after
all
manner
of
falshoods
,
deceits
,
offences
,
and
wrongs
done
to
any
man
,
and
thereupon
to
do
Justice
according
to
the
Law
:
so
that
in
the
whole
proceedings
in
order
unto
Tryal
,
and
in
the
Tryals
themselves
,
the
Thing
principally
intended
,
which
several
persons
are
severally
in
their
capacities
obliged
to
pursue
,
is
,
the
discovery
of
Truth
:
The
Withesses
are
to
depose
the
Truth
,
the
whole
Truth
,
and
Nothing
but
the
Truth
:
Thereupon
the
Council
for
the
King
are
to
prosecute
:
The
Grand
Jury
to
present
:
and
the
Petit
Jury
to
try
:
These
are
several
Offices
,
but
all
to
the
same
End
;
'T
is
not
the
Prisoner
,
but
the
Crime
that
is
to
be
pursued
;
This
primarily
,
the
Offender
but
by
consequence
;
and
therefore
such
Courses
must
be
taken
,
as
may
discover
that
,
and
not
such
as
may
ensnare
him
:
When
the
Offence
is
found
,
the
impartial
Letter
of
the
Law
gives
the
Doom
;
and
the
Judges
have
no
share
in
it
,
but
the
pronouncing
of
it
:
Till
then
the
Judges
are
only
to
preside
,
and
take
Care
,
that
every
man
else
,
who
is
employed
in
this
necessary
Affair
,
do
his
duty
according
to
Law
.
So
that
upon
result
of
the
whole
transaction
impartial
Justice
may
be
done
,
either
to
the
Acquittal
or
condemnation
of
the
Prisoner
.
Hereby
it
is
manifest
why
the
Judges
are
obliged
by
Oath
,
To
Serve
the
People
as
well
as
the
King
:
And
by
Commission
,
To
Serve
every
One
that
Suffers
Injuries
.
As
they
are
to
See
that
Right
be
done
to
the
King
,
and
His
injur'd
Subjects
in
discovering
of
the
Delinquent
;
So
they
are
to
be
of
Council
with
the
Prisoner
,
whom
the
Law
supposeth
may
be
ignorant
as
well
as
innocent
;
and
therefore
has
provided
,
that
the
Court
shall
be
of
Council
for
him
,
and
as
well
inform
him
of
what
Legal
advantages
the
Law
allows
him
,
as
to
resolve
any
point
of
Law
when
he
shall
propose
it
to
them
;
And
it
seems
to
be
upon
the
presumption
of
this
steady
impartiality
in
the
Judges
,
(
thus
obliged
by
all
that
is
held
Sacred
before
God
and
man
to
be
unbyassed
)
that
the
Prisoner
hath
no
Council
;
for
if
the
Court
faithfully
perform
their
duty
,
the
Accused
can
have
no
wrong
,
or
hardship
,
and
therefore
needs
no
Adviser
.
Now
suppose
a
man
perfectly
innocent
,
and
in
some
measure
knowing
in
the
Law
,
should
be
accused
of
Treason
or
Felony
;
If
the
Judges
shall
deny
unto
the
Grand
Jury
the
liberty
of
examining
any
Witnesses
,
except
in
open
Court
,
where
nothing
shall
be
offered
that
may
help
to
clear
the
Prisoner
,
but
every
Thing
aggravated
,
that
gives
colour
for
the
Accusation
;
such
Persons
only
produced
,
as
the
King's
Council
,
or
the
Prosecutors
shall
think
fit
to
call
,
of
whose
Credit
also
the
Jury
must
not
inquire
,
but
shall
be
controll'd
and
brow-beaten
in
asking
Questions
,
of
such
unknown
Witnesses
,
for
their
own
Satisfaction
,
if
they
have
any
Tendency
to
discover
the
Infamy
of
these
Witnesses
,
or
the
Falshood
of
their
Testimony
;
How
can
Innocence
secure
any
Man
from
being
arraigned
?
And
if
the
Oath
of
the
Judges
should
be
as
much
forgotten
in
the
further
Proceedings
upon
the
Trial
,
where
in
Cases
of
Treason
the
Prisoner
shall
have
all
the
King's
Council
(
commonly
not
the
most
unlearned
)
prepared
with
studied
Speeches
,
and
Arguments
,
to
make
him
black
and
odious
,
and
to
Strain
all
his
words
,
and
to
alledge
them
for
Instances
of
his
guilt
:
If
then
all
his
private
Papers
,
and
Notes
to
help
his
Memory
in
his
Plea
,
and
Defence
,
shall
be
taken
from
him
by
the
Gaoler
,
or
the
Court
,
and
given
to
his
Prosecutors
;
And
all
Advice
and
Assistance
from
Councils
,
or
Friends
,
and
his
nearest
Relations
shall
be
denied
him
,
and
none
suffered
by
word
or
writing
to
inform
him
of
the
indifferency
,
or
honesty
,
or
the
partiality
or
malice
of
the
Pannels
returned
(
whom
the
Law
allows
him
to
challenge
or
refuse
,
either
peremptorily
,
or
for
good
Reasons
offered
;
)
should
he
be
thus
deprived
of
all
the
good
provisions
of
the
Law
for
his
safety
,
To
what
Frauds
,
Perjuries
,
and
Subornations
is
not
he
,
and
every
man
Exposed
,
who
may
be
accused
?
What
Deceits
may
there
not
be
put
upon
Juries
?
and
what
Probability
is
there
of
finding
Security
in
Innocence
?
What
an
admirable
Execution
would
this
be
of
their
Commission
,
To
make
diligent
Inquisition
after
all
manner
of
Falshoods
,
Deceipts
,
Wrongs
and
Frauds
,
and
thereupon
to
do
Justice
according
to
Law
?
When
at
the
same
Time
,
if
so
Managed
,
a
Method
would
be
introduced
of
ruining
and
destroying
any
Man
in
the
form
of
Justice
.
Such
practices
would
be
the
highest
dishonour
to
the
King
imaginable
,
whose
name
is
used
,
and
so
far
Misrepresent
the
Kingly
Office
,
as
to
make
that
appear
,
to
have
been
Erected
to
vex
and
destroy
the
People
,
which
was
intended
,
and
ordained
to
help
and
preserve
them
.
The
Law
so
far
abhors
such
proceedings
,
that
it
intends
,
that
every
Man
should
be
strictly
bound
,
to
be
exactly
just
in
their
several
Imployments
,
relating
to
the
Execution
of
Justice
.
The
Serjeant
,
of
the
King's
Council
(
Sir
George
Jefferys
,
among
the
rest
)
who
prosecute
in
the
King's
name
,
and
are
consulted
in
the
forming
Bills
of
Indictment
,
and
advise
about
the
Witnesses
and
their
Testimonies
against
the
Accused
;
These
(
if
they
would
remember
it
)
when
they
are
made
Serjeants
,
take
an
Oath
(
Cokes
2d
.
Institutes
,
Pag.
214.
)
as
well
and
truly
to
serve
the
People
(
whereof
the
party
accused
is
one
)
as
the
King
himself
,
and
to
minister
the
King's
matters
duely
and
truly
after
the
course
of
the
Law
to
their
Cunning
;
Not
to
use
their
Cunning
and
Craft
to
hide
the
Truth
,
and
destroy
the
accused
if
they
can
.
They
are
also
obliged
by
the
Statute
of
Westm.
1.
Cap.
29.
To
put
no
manner
of
Deceit
or
Collusion
upon
the
King's
Court
,
nor
secretly
to
consent
to
any
such
Tricks
as
may
abuse
or
beguile
the
Court
,
or
the
party
,
be
it
in
Causes
Civil
or
Criminal
:
And
it
is
ordained
,
that
if
any
of
them
be
convicted
of
such
practices
,
he
shall
be
imprisoned
for
a
year
,
and
never
be
heard
to
plead
again
in
any
Court
;
and
if
the
Mischievous
consequence
of
their
Treacheries
be
great
,
they
are
Subject
to
further
and
greater
punishments
.
Our
Antient
Law
Book
called
the
Miror
of
Justice
,
Cap.
2.
Sect.
4.
says
,
That
every
Serjeant
Pleader
is
chargeable
by
his
Oath
,
not
to
maintain
or
defend
any
Wrong
or
Falshood
to
his
Knowledge
,
but
shall
leave
his
Client
when
he
shall
perceive
the
wrong
intended
by
him
:
Also
that
he
shall
not
move
or
proffer
any
false
Testimony
,
nor
consent
to
any
Lyes
,
Deceits
,
or
Corruptions
whatsoever
in
his
pleadings
.
As
a
further
Security
unto
the
People
against
all
Attempts
upon
their
Laws
,
Exemplary
Justice
hath
been
done
,
in
several
Ages
,
upon
such
Judges
,
and
Justiciaries
,
as
through
Corruption
,
Submission
unto
unjust
Commands
,
or
any
other
Sinister
consideration
,
have
dared
to
swerve
from
them
:
The
punishments
of
these
wicked
Men
remain
upon
Record
,
as
Monuments
of
their
Infamy
to
be
a
Terror
unto
all
that
shall
succeed
them
.
In
the
Reign
of
the
Saxons
the
most
notable
Example
was
given
by
King
Alfred
,
who
caus'd
above
forty
Judges
to
be
hanged
in
a
Short
Space
,
for
several
wrongs
done
to
the
People
,
as
is
related
in
the
Mirror
of
Justice
:
Some
of
them
suffered
for
imposing
on
Juries
,
and
forcing
them
to
give
Verdicts
according
to
their
will
;
And
one
,
as
it
seems
,
had
taken
the
Confidence
to
examine
a
Jury
,
that
he
might
find
which
of
them
would
Submit
to
his
Will
,
and
setting
aside
him
who
would
not
,
condemned
a
Man
upon
the
Verdict
of
Eleven
.
Since
the
Coming
of
the
Normans
,
our
Parliaments
have
not
been
less
severe
against
such
Judges
,
as
have
suffered
the
course
of
Justice
to
be
perverted
,
or
the
Rights
and
Liberties
of
the
People
to
be
invaded
:
In
the
time
of
Edward
the
1st
Anno
1289.
The
Parliament
finding
,
That
all
the
Judges
(
except
Two
)
had
swerv'd
from
their
duty
,
condemned
them
to
several
punishments
according
unto
their
Crimes
,
Ex
Chron.
Anno
.
10.
Ed.
1.
ad
finem
.
As
Banishment
,
Perpetual
Imprisonment
,
or
the
loss
of
all
their
Estates
,
&c.
Their
Particular
Offences
are
specified
in
a
Speech
made
by
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
in
Parliament
.
They
had
broken
Magna
Charta
;
Incited
the
King
against
his
People
;
Violated
the
Laws
under
pretence
of
expounding
them
;
and
impudently
presumed
to
prefer
their
own
Councils
to
the
King
,
before
the
Advices
of
Parliament
,
as
appears
by
the
speech
,
&c.
Hereunto
annext
.
The
like
was
done
in
Ed.
the
2d
.
Time
,
when
Hugh
De
Spencer
was
charged
for
having
prevailed
with
the
King
to
break
his
Oath
to
the
People
,
in
doing
Things
against
the
Law
by
his
own
Authority
.
In
Edward
the
3d.
Time
Judge
Thorpe
was
hang'd
for
having
in
the
like
manner
brought
the
King
to
break
his
Oath
:
Dan.
History
.
p.
260
,
261.
And
the
happy
Reign
of
that
great
King
affords
many
Instances
of
the
like
nature
,
amongst
which
,
the
punishment
of
Sir
Henry
Green
and
Sir
William
Skipwith
,
deserve
to
be
observed
and
put
into
an
Equal
Rank
with
those
of
his
brave
and
victorious
Grand-father
.
In
Richard
the
Second's
Time
,
Eleven
of
the
Judges
,
See
all
the
English
Histories
of
Walsingham
,
Fabian
,
Speed
,
&c.
in
the
11
and
12
years
of
Richard
II.
forgetting
the
dreadful
Punishments
of
their
Predecessors
,
subscrib'd
malicious
Indictments
against
Law
,
and
gave
false
Interpretations
of
our
Ancient
Laws
to
the
King
,
thereby
to
bring
many
of
his
most
Eminent
,
and
worthiest
Subjects
,
to
suffer
as
Traytors
at
his
Will
:
Subjected
the
Authority
,
and
very
Being
of
Parliaments
to
his
absolute
pleasure
,
And
made
him
believe
,
that
all
the
Laws
lay
in
his
own
breast
:
Hereupon
sentence
of
death
passed
upon
them
;
and
tho
upon
their
repentance
,
and
confessing
,
they
had
been
swayed
by
fear
,
and
threatnings
from
the
King
,
Two
only
were
Executed
,
all
the
others
were
for
ever
banished
,
as
unworthy
to
enjoy
the
benefit
of
that
Law
,
which
they
had
so
perfidiously
,
and
basely
betrayed
.
It
were
an
Endless
work
to
recite
all
the
Examples
of
this
kind
that
are
found
in
our
Histories
and
Records
;
but
that
of
Empson
and
Dudley
must
not
be
omitted
:
They
had
craftily
contriv'd
to
abolish
Grand
Juries
and
to
draw
the
Lives
and
Estates
of
the
People
into
question
,
without
Indictments
by
them
;
and
by
surprise
,
and
other
wicked
practices
,
they
gained
an
Act
of
Parliament
for
their
countenance
:
Hereupon
false
Accusations
followed
without
number
;
Oppression
and
Injustice
broke
forth
like
a
Flood
,
And
to
gain
the
King's
Favour
,
they
fill'd
his
Coffers
:
The
Indictments
against
them
mentioned
in
Anderson's
Reports
,
Pa.
156
,
157
,
are
worth
reading
;
whereby
they
are
charged
with
Treason
,
for
Subverting
the
Laws
,
and
Customs
of
the
Land
,
in
their
proceedings
without
Grand
Juries
,
and
procuring
the
murmuring
and
hatred
of
the
People
against
the
King
,
to
the
great
danger
of
him
,
and
the
Kingdom
.
Nothing
could
satisfy
the
Kingdom
,
tho
'
the
King
was
dead
,
whom
they
had
flattered
,
and
served
,
but
such
Justice
done
upon
them
,
and
many
of
their
Instruments
,
and
Officers
,
as
may
for
ever
make
the
Ears
of
Judges
to
tingle
.
And
it
is
not
to
be
forgotten
,
that
the
Judges
in
Queen
Eliz.
time
,
in
the
Case
of
R.
Cavendish
in
Anderson's
Reports
,
P.
152
,
and
155.
were
(
as
they
told
the
Queen
,
and
her
Councellors
)
by
the
punishment
of
former
Judges
,
especially
of
Empson
and
Dudley
,
deterred
from
obeying
her
illegal
Commands
:
The
Queen
had
sent
several
Letters
under
her
Signet
;
Great
Men
pressed
them
to
obey
her
Patent
under
the
Great
Seal
,
and
the
Reasons
of
their
disobedience
being
required
;
they
answered
,
That
the
Queen
her self
,
and
the
Judges
also
had
taken
an
Oath
to
keep
the
Laws
;
And
if
they
should
obey
her
Commands
,
the
Laws
would
not
warrant
them
,
and
they
should
therein
break
their
Oath
,
to
the
Offence
of
God
,
and
their
Country
,
and
the
Common-wealth
wherein
they
were
born
;
And
;
say
they
,
if
we
had
no
fear
of
God
,
yet
the
Examples
,
and
Punishments
of
others
before
us
,
who
did
offend
the
Laws
,
do
remember
,
and
recall
us
from
the
like
Offences
.
Whosoever
being
in
the
like
places
may
design
,
or
be
put
upon
the
like
practices
,
will
do
well
to
consider
these
Examples
,
and
not
to
think
,
that
he
,
who
obliquely
Endeavours
to
render
Grand
Juries
useless
,
is
less
Criminal
,
than
he
,
that
would
absolutely
abolish
them
:
That
which
doth
not
act
according
to
its
Institution
,
is
,
as
if
it
were
not
in
being
:
And
whoever
doth
without
prejudice
consider
this
matter
,
will
see
that
it
is
not
less
pernicious
to
deny
Juries
the
use
of
those
Methods
of
discovering
Truth
which
the
Law
hath
appointed
,
and
so
by
degrees
turn
them
into
a
meer
matter
of
form
,
than
openly
,
and
avowedly
to
destroy
them
.
Surely
such
a
gradual
Method
of
destroying
our
Native
Right
is
the
most
dangerous
in
its
consequence
.
The
safety
,
which
our
Fore-fathers
for
many
hundred
of
years
,
enjoyed
under
this
part
of
the
Law
especially
,
and
have
transmitted
to
us
,
is
so
apparent
to
the
meanest
Capacity
,
that
whoever
shall
go
about
to
take
it
away
,
or
give
it
up
,
is
like
to
meet
with
the
fate
of
Ishmael
,
to
have
every
man's
hand
against
him
,
because
he
is
against
every
Man
.
Artifices
of
this
Kind
,
will
ruine
us
more
silently
,
and
so
with
less
opposition
,
and
yet
as
certainly
,
as
the
other
more
moved
oppression
:
This
only
is
the
difference
,
that
one
way
we
should
be
slaves
immediately
,
and
the
other
insensibly
;
But
with
this
further
disadvantage
too
,
that
our
slavery
should
be
the
more
unavoydable
,
and
the
faster
rivited
upon
us
,
because
it
would
be
under
colour
of
Law
,
which
Practice
in
Time
would
obtain
.
Few
men
at
first
see
the
danger
of
little
changes
in
Fundamentals
,
and
those
,
who
design
them
,
usually
act
with
so
much
craft
,
as
besides
the
giving
specious
Reasons
,
they
take
great
Care
,
that
the
true
Reason
shall
not
appear
:
Every
design
therefore
of
changing
the
Constitution
ought
to
be
most
warily
observed
,
and
timely
opposed
;
Nor
is
it
only
the
Interest
of
the
People
,
that
such
Fundamentals
should
be
duly
guarded
,
for
whose
benefit
they
were
at
first
so
carefully
layed
,
and
whom
the
Judges
are
sworn
to
serve
;
but
of
the
King
too
,
for
whose
sake
those
pretend
to
act
,
who
would
subvert
them
.
Our
Kings
as
well
as
Judges
are
sworn
to
maintain
the
Laws
;
They
have
themselves
in
several
Statutes
required
the
Judges
,
at
their
peril
,
to
administer
Equal
Justice
to
every
Man
,
notwithstanding
any
Letters
,
or
Commauds
,
&c.
even
from
themselves
to
the
contrary
;
And
when
any
failure
hath
been
,
the
greatest
,
and
most
powerful
of
them
have
ever
been
the
readiest
to
give
Redress
.
It
appears
by
the
Preface
to
the
Statutes
of
20th
Ed.
3.
that
the
Judicial
proceedings
had
been
perverted
,
That
Letters
,
Writs
and
Commands
had
been
sent
from
the
King
,
and
great
Men
to
the
Justices
,
and
that
Persons
belonging
to
the
Court
of
the
King
,
the
Queen
,
the
Prince
of
Wales
had
maintained
,
and
abetted
Quarrels
,
&c.
whereby
the
Laws
had
been
violated
,
and
many
wrongs
done
:
But
the
King
was
so
far
from
justifying
his
own
Letters
,
or
those
illegal
practices
;
That
the
preamble
of
those
Statutes
saith
,
they
were
made
for
the
relief
of
the
People
in
their
sufferings
by
them
.
That
brave
King
in
the
height
of
his
glory
,
and
vigor
of
his
Age
,
chose
rather
to
confess
his
Error
,
than
to
continue
in
it
,
as
is
evident
by
his
own
words
.
Edward
,
by
the
Grace
of
God
,
&c.
Because
by
divers
Complaints
made
unto
us
,
we
have
perceived
that
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
which
we
by
our
Oath
are
bound
to
maintain
,
is
the
less
well
kept
,
and
Execution
of
the
same
disturbed
many
times
by
maintenances
and
procurements
,
as
well
in
the
Court
as
the
Country
,
We
greatly
moved
of
Conscience
in
this
matter
,
and
for
this
Cause
,
desiring
as
much
for
the
pleasure
of
God
,
and
ease
and
quietness
of
our
Subjects
,
as
to
save
our
Conscience
,
and
for
to
save
and
keep
our
said
Oath
,
by
the
Assent
,
&c.
Enact
.
That
Judges
shall
do
Justice
,
notwithstanding
Writs
,
Letters
or
Commands
from
himself
,
&c.
and
that
none
of
the
King's
House
,
or
belonging
to
the
King
,
Queen
,
or
Prince
of
Wales
do
maintain
Quarrels
,
&c.
King
James
in
his
Speech
to
the
Judges
in
the
Starchamber
,
Anno.
1616.
told
them
;
That
he
had
after
many
years
resolved
to
renew
his
Oath
,
made
at
his
Coronation
,
concerning
Justice
,
and
the
promise
therein
contained
for
maintaining
the
Law
of
the
Land
.
And
in
the
next
page
save
one
says
,
I
was
sworn
to
maintain
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
and
therefore
had
been
perjured
,
if
I
had
broken
it
;
God
is
my
Judge
I
never
intended
it
.
And
His
Majesty
,
that
now
is
,
hath
made
frequent
Declarations
,
and
Protestations
of
his
being
far
from
all
thoughts
of
designing
an
Arbitrary
Government
,
and
that
the
Nation
might
be
confident
,
he
would
rule
by
Law
.
Now
if
after
all
this
,
any
Officer
of
the
Kings
should
pretend
Instructions
from
his
Master
,
to
demand
so
material
an
alteration
of
proceedings
,
in
the
highest
Cases
against
Law
,
as
are
above
mentioned
,
And
the
Court
(
who
are
required
to
slight
and
reject
the
most
solemn
Commands
under
the
Great
Seal
,
if
contrary
to
Law
)
should
upon
a
verbal
Intimation
allow
of
such
a
Demand
,
and
so
break
in
upon
this
Bulwark
of
our
Liberties
,
which
the
Law
has
erected
;
Might
it
not
give
too
just
an
occasion
to
suspect
,
that
all
the
legal
securities
of
our
Lives
,
and
Properties
are
unable
to
protect
us
?
And
may
not
such
fears
rob
the
King
of
his
greatest
Treasure
and
Strength
,
the
Peoples
hearts
,
when
they
dare
not
rely
upon
him
in
his
Kingly
Office
,
and
trust
,
for
safety
and
protection
by
the
Laws
?
Our
English
History
affords
many
instances
of
those
that
have
pretended
to
serve
our
King
in
this
manner
,
by
undermining
the
Peoples
Right
and
Liberties
,
whose
practices
have
sometimes
proved
of
fatal
consequence
to
the
Kings
themselves
,
but
more
frequently
ended
in
their
own
destruction
.
But
after
all
imagining
it
could
be
made
out
,
that
this
Method
of
private
Examinations
by
a
Grand
Jury
(
which
from
what
has
been
said
before
,
hath
appeared
to
be
so
extremely
necessary
for
the
publick
good
,
and
to
every
private
man's
security
)
were
inconvenient
or
mischievous
,
and
therefore
fit
to
be
changed
;
yet
being
so
Essential
a
part
of
the
Common
Law
,
it
is
no
otherwise
alterable
than
by
Parliament
.
We
find
by
Presidents
,
that
the
bare
forms
of
Indictments
could
not
be
reformed
by
the
Judges
:
The
words
Depopulatores
agrorum
,
Insidiator
es
viarum
,
Vi
&
Armis
,
Baculis
,
Cultellis
,
Arcubus
&
sagittis
,
could
not
be
left
out
,
but
by
advice
of
the
Kingdom
in
Parliament
.
A
Writ
issued
in
the
time
of
K.
Ed.
3.
giving
power
to
hear
and
determine
Offences
,
and
all
the
Justices
resolved
(
Cok.
4.
Inst.
Pag.
164.
)
That
they
could
not
lawfully
act
,
having
their
Authority
by
Writ
,
where
they
ought
to
have
had
it
by
Commission
;
Tho'
it
was
in
the
form
and
words
,
that
the
Legal
Commission
ought
to
be
.
John
Knivett
Chief
Justice
,
by
Advice
of
all
the
Judges
,
resolved
that
the
said
Writ
was
Contra
Legem
:
And
where
divers
Indictments
were
before
them
found
against
T.S.
the
same
,
and
all
that
was
done
by
colour
of
that
Writ
,
was
Damned
.
If
in
such
seeming
little
Things
as
these
,
and
many
others
,
that
may
be
instanced
,
the
Wisdom
of
the
Nation
hath
not
thought
fit
to
intrust
the
Judges
,
but
reserved
the
Consideration
of
them
to
the
Legislative
Power
;
It
cannot
be
imagined
,
that
they
should
subject
to
the
discretion
and
pleasure
of
the
Judges
,
those
important
Points
,
in
the
Established
course
of
the
administring
Justice
,
whereupon
depends
the
safety
of
all
the
Subjects
Lives
,
and
Fortunes
.
If
Judges
will
take
upon
themselves
to
alter
the
constant
practice
,
they
must
either
alter
the
Oath
of
the
Grand
Jury
,
or
continue
it
;
If
they
should
alter
it
,
so
as
to
make
it
sail
with
any
such
new
Method
,
and
thus
in
appearance
charitably
provide
,
that
the
Grand
Jury
should
not
take
a
mock
Oath
,
or
forswear
themselves
;
they
then
make
an
incroachment
upon
the
Authority
of
Parliaments
,
who
only
can
make
new
,
or
change
old
Legal
Oaths
,
and
all
the
proceedings
thereupon
would
be
void
.
If
they
should
continue
constantly
to
impose
the
same
Oath
,
as
well
when
they
have
notice
from
the
King
,
that
the
Jury
shall
not
be
bound
to
keep
his
Secrets
,
and
their
own
,
as
when
they
have
none
;
they
must
assume
to
make
the
same
form
of
Law
to
be
of
force
,
and
no
force
;
and
the
same
words
to
bind
the
Conscience
,
as
they
will
have
them
;
whereby
they
would
prophane
the
Natural
Religion
of
an
Oath
,
and
bring
a
foul
scandal
upon
Christianity
,
by
trifling
worse
than
Heathens
in
that
sacred
matter
;
and
whilst
the
Judges
find
themselves
under
the
necessity
of
administring
the
Oath
unto
Grand
Juries
,
and
not
suffer
them
to
observe
it
according
unto
their
Consciences
,
they
would
confess
,
the
illegality
of
their
own
Proceedings
,
and
can
never
be
able
to
repair
the
Breaches
,
by
pretending
a
tacite
Implication
,
if
the
King
will
,
but
must
unavoidably
fall
under
that
approved
Maxim
of
our
Law
,
Maledicta
est
Interpretatio
quae
corrumpit
Textum
;
It
is
a
Cursed
Interpretation
that
dissolves
the
Text.
There
are
Two
Vulgar
Errours
concerning
the
duty
of
Grand
Juries
,
which
if
not
removed
,
will
in
time
destroy
all
the
benefit
we
can
expect
from
that
Constitution
,
by
turning
them
into
a
meer
matter
of
form
,
which
were
designed
for
so
great
Ends.
Many
have
of
late
,
thought
,
and
affirmed
it
for
Law
,
that
the
Grand
Jury
is
neither
to
make
so
strict
inquiry
into
matters
before
them
,
nor
to
look
for
so
clear
Evidence
of
the
Crime
,
as
the
Petit
Jury
;
but
that
of
their
Presentments
,
being
to
pass
a
second
Examination
,
they
ought
to
Indict
upon
a
superficial
Inquiry
,
and
bare
probabilities
:
Whereas
should
either
of
these
Opinions
be
admitted
,
the
prejudice
to
the
Subject
would
be
equal
to
the
total
laying
aside
Grand
Juries
;
there
being
in
truth
no
difference
between
arraigning
without
any
Presentment
from
them
at
all
,
and
their
Presenting
upon
slight
grounds
.
For
the
first
,
that
Grand
Juries
ought
not
to
make
so
strict
Inquiry
,
it
were
to
be
wisht
,
that
we
might
know
how
it
comes
to
pass
,
that
an
Oath
should
be
obligatory
unto
a
Petit
Jury
,
and
not
unto
the
Grand
:
Or
in
what
Points
they
may
lawfully
and
with
good
Conscience
omit
that
Exactness
,
whether
in
relation
to
the
Witnesses
,
and
their
credibility
:
Or
the
fact
and
all
its
circumstances
:
Or
the
Testimony
and
its
weight
:
Or
lastly
,
in
reference
to
the
Prisoner
,
and
Probability
of
his
guilt
:
And
withal
upon
what
grounds
of
Law
,
or
Reason
their
Opinion
is
founded
.
On
the
contrary
,
he
that
will
consider
either
the
Oath
they
take
,
or
the
Commission
,
where
their
duty
is
described
,
will
find
in
all
Points
,
that
there
lies
an
equal
Obligation
upon
them
,
and
the
Petit
Juries
.
They
swear
diligently
to
inquire
,
and
true
Presentment
make
,
&c.
and
to
Present
the
Truth
,
the
whole
Truth
,
and
nothing
but
the
Truth
,
&c.
And
in
the
Commission
of
Oyer
and
Terminer
their
duty
(
with
that
of
the
Commissioners
)
is
thus
described
:
Ad
Inquirendum
per
Sacramentum
Proborum
&
legalium
hominum
,
&c.
per
quos
rei
veritas
melius
sciri
poterit
,
de
quibuscunque
proditionibus
,
&c.
confoederationibus
,
Falsis
allegantiis
,
nec
non
Accessoriis
Eorundem
,
&c.
per
quoscunque
&
qualitercunque
habit
.
fact
.
perpetrat
.
sive
Commiss
.
Et
per
quos
,
Et
per
quem
,
cui
,
vel
quibus
quando
,
qualiter
,
vel
quomodo
,
&
de
aliis
articulis
&
Circumstantiis
praemis
.
&
eorum
aliquod
.
vel
aliqua
qualitercunque
concernen
.
To
inquire
by
the
Oath
of
honest
and
lawful
Men
,
&c.
By
whom
the
Truth
of
the
matter
may
be
best
known
,
of
all
manner
of
Treasons
,
&c.
Confederacies
,
false
Testimonies
,
&c.
As
also
the
Accessories
,
&c.
by
whomsoever
,
or
howsoever
,
done
,
perpetrated
,
or
committed
,
by
whom
,
or
to
whom
,
how
,
in
what
way
,
or
in
what
manner
.
And
of
other
Articles
and
Circumstances
premised
,
and
of
any
other
Thing
or
Things
howsoever
concerning
the
same
:
Now
for
any
Man
,
after
this
to
maintain
,
that
Grand
Juries
are
not
to
inquire
,
or
not
carefully
,
is
as
much
as
in
plain
terms
to
say
they
are
bound
to
act
contrary
to
the
Commission
,
and
their
Oath
;
And
to
affirm
that
they
can
discharge
their
duty
according
to
the
Obligations
of
Law
and
Conscience
which
they
lie
under
,
without
a
strict
Inquiry
into
particulars
,
is
to
affirm
,
that
the
End
can
be
obtained
without
the
means
necessary
unto
it
.
The
truth
is
,
that
Grand
Juries
have
both
a
larger
field
for
their
Inquiry
,
and
are
in
many
respects
better
capacitated
to
make
a
strict
one
,
than
the
Petit
Juries
:
These
last
are
confined
as
to
the
Person
and
the
Crime
,
specified
in
the
Indictment
;
But
they
are
at
large
obliged
to
search
into
the
whole
matter
,
that
any
ways
concerns
every
Case
before
them
,
and
all
the
Offences
contained
in
it
,
all
the
Criminal
Circumstances
whatsoever
,
and
into
every
thing
,
howsoever
concerning
the
same
.
They
are
bound
to
enquire
whether
their
Information
of
Suspected
Treasons
or
Felonies
,
brought
by
Accusers
,
be
made
by
Conspiracy
,
or
Subornation
;
who
are
the
Conspirators
,
or
false
Witnesses
:
By
whom
abbetted
,
or
maintained
;
Against
whom
,
and
how
many
the
Conspiracy
is
layed
;
when
,
and
how
,
and
in
what
course
it
was
to
have
been
prosecuted
.
But
none
of
these
most
intricate
matters
(
which
need
the
most
strict
and
diligent
Inquiries
)
can
come
under
the
Cognisance
of
the
Petit
Jury
;
They
can
only
examine
so
much
as
relates
to
the
Credit
of
those
Witnesses
brought
to
prove
the
Charge
against
the
Parties
●ndicted
;
wherein
also
they
have
neither
Power
,
nor
convenient
time
to
send
for
Persons
,
or
Papers
,
if
they
think
them
needful
,
nor
to
resolve
any
doubts
of
the
Lawfulness
and
Credibility
of
the
Testimonies
.
Yet
further
,
if
the
Crimes
objected
are
manifest
,
't
is
then
the
Grand
Juries
duty
to
inquire
after
all
the
Persons
any
ways
concerned
in
them
,
and
the
several
kinds
of
Offences
,
whereof
every
one
ought
joyntly
,
or
separately
to
be
indicted
as
they
shall
discover
them
to
have
been
Principals
,
or
Accessories
,
Parties
or
privy
thereunto
,
or
to
have
comforted
,
or
knowingly
relieved
either
the
Traitors
or
Felons
,
or
conceal'd
the
offences
of
others
:
But
the
Inquisition
into
all
these
matters
,
which
require
all
possible
strictness
in
searching
,
as
being
of
the
highest
importance
unto
the
publick
Justice
and
safety
,
is
wholly
out
of
the
Power
and
Trust
of
the
Petit
Juries
.
The
guilt
,
or
innocence
of
the
Parties
put
upon
their
Trials
,
and
the
Evidence
thereof
given
,
is
the
only
Objects
of
their
Inquiries
.
It
is
not
their
work
,
nor
within
their
trust
to
search
into
all
the
guilt
or
crimes
of
the
Parties
whom
they
try
;
They
are
bound
to
move
within
the
Circle
of
the
Indictment
made
by
the
Grand
Jury
,
who
are
to
appoint
and
specify
the
offences
for
which
the
Accused
shall
be
tried
by
the
Petit
Jury
.
When
a
Prosecutor
suggests
that
any
Man
is
criminal
,
and
ought
to
be
indicted
,
it
belongs
to
the
Grand
Jury
to
hear
all
the
proof
he
can
offer
,
and
to
use
all
other
means
they
can
,
whereby
they
may
come
to
understand
the
truth
of
the
suggestion
,
and
every
thing
or
circumstance
that
may
concern
it
;
Then
they
are
carefully
to
examine
the
nature
of
the
Facts
,
according
unto
unto
the
Rules
of
the
Com.
Law
,
or
the
express
words
of
the
Statutes
,
whereby
offences
are
distinguished
,
and
punishments
allotted
unto
each
of
them
:
'T
is
true
,
that
upon
hearing
the
Party
,
or
his
Witnesses
,
the
Petit
Jury
may
acquit
or
judge
the
Facts
in
the
Indictment
to
be
less
heinous
,
or
malicious
than
they
were
presented
by
the
Grand
Jury
,
but
cannot
aggravate
them
;
which
being
considered
,
it
will
easily
appear
by
the
intent
and
Nature
of
the
Powers
given
unto
Grand
Juries
,
that
they
are
by
their
Oaths
obliged
,
and
their
instruction
to
keep
all
injustice
from
entering
the
first
gates
of
Courts
of
Judicature
,
and
to
secure
the
innocent
not
only
from
punishment
,
but
from
all
disgrace
,
vexation
,
expence
,
or
danger
.
To
understand
our
Law
clearly
herein
,
the
Jurors
must
first
know
the
lawful
grounds
whereupon
they
may
and
ought
to
indict
,
and
then
what
truly
and
justly
ought
to
be
taken
for
the
ground
of
an
Indictment
.
The
principal
and
most
certain
is
the
Jurors
personal
knowledge
,
by
their
own
eyes
or
ears
of
the
Crimes
whereof
they
indict
:
Or
so
many
pregnant
concurring
Circumstances
,
as
fully
convince
them
of
the
guilt
of
the
Accused
:
When
these
are
wanting
,
the
Depositions
of
Witnesses
and
their
Authority
are
their
best
Guides
in
finding
Indictments
.
When
such
Testimonies
make
the
charge
manifest
and
clear
to
the
Jury
,
they
are
called
Evidence
,
because
they
make
the
guilt
of
Criminals
evident
,
and
are
like
the
light
that
discovers
what
was
not
seen
before
:
All
Witnesses
for
that
reason
are
usually
called
the
Evidence
,
taking
their
name
from
what
they
ought
to
be
:
Yet
Witnesses
may
swear
directly
and
positively
to
an
Accusation
,
and
be
no
evidence
of
its
truth
to
the
Jury
;
sometimes
such
remarks
may
be
made
upon
the
Witnesses
,
as
well
in
relation
to
their
Reputation
and
Lives
,
as
to
the
Matter
,
Manner
,
and
Circumstance
of
their
Depositions
,
that
from
thence
the
falshood
may
appear
,
or
be
strongly
suspected
:
It
is
therefore
necessary
to
know
what
they
mean
by
a
probable
Cause
or
Evidence
,
who
say
that
our
Law
requires
no
more
for
an
Indictment
.
Probable
,
is
a
Logical
Term
,
relating
to
such
propositions
,
as
have
an
appearance
,
but
no
certainty
of
Truth
,
shewing
rather
what
is
not
,
than
what
is
the
matter
of
Syllogisms
:
These
may
be
allowed
in
Rhetorick
,
which
worketh
upon
passions
,
and
makes
use
of
such
Colours
as
are
fit
to
move
them
,
whether
true
or
false
;
but
not
in
Logick
,
whose
Object
is
Truth
;
as
it
principally
intends
to
obviate
the
Errours
that
may
arise
from
the
credit
given
unto
appearances
,
by
distinguishing
the
uncertain
from
the
certain
,
veri
simile
à
vero
,
it
cannot
admit
of
such
Propositions
,
as
may
be
false
as
well
as
true
,
it
being
as
impossible
to
draw
a
certain
conclusion
from
uncertain
premises
,
as
to
raise
a
solid
Building
upon
a
tottering
or
sinking
foundation
.
This
ought
principally
to
be
considered
in
Courts
of
Justice
,
which
are
not
erected
to
bring
men
into
Condemnation
,
but
to
find
who
deserves
to
be
condemned
,
and
those
Rules
are
to
be
followed
by
them
,
which
are
least
liable
to
desception
.
For
this
Reason
the
Council
of
the
Areopagites
,
and
some
others
of
the
best
Judicatures
that
have
been
in
the
World
,
utterly
rejected
the
use
of
Rhetorick
,
looking
upon
the
Art
of
persuading
by
uncertain
probabilities
,
as
little
differing
from
that
of
deceiving
,
and
directly
contrary
to
their
ends
,
who
by
the
knowledge
of
truth
desired
to
be
led
into
the
doing
of
Justice
:
But
if
the
Art
that
made
use
of
these
probabilities
was
banished
from
uncorrupted
Tribunals
,
as
a
hindrance
unto
the
discovery
of
Truth
,
they
that
would
ground
Verdicts
totally
upon
them
,
declare
an
open
neglect
of
it
;
and
as
it
is
said
,
that
uno
absurdo
dato
mille
sequuntur
,
if
Juries
were
to
be
guided
by
probabilities
,
the
next
question
would
be
concerning
the
more
or
less
probable
,
or
what
degree
of
probability
is
required
to
persuade
them
to
find
a
Bill
:
This
being
impossible
to
fix
,
the
whole
Proceedings
would
be
brought
to
depend
upon
the
Fancies
of
Men
,
and
as
nothing
is
so
slight
but
it
may
move
them
,
there
is
no
security
that
innocent
Persons
may
not
be
brought
every
day
into
danger
and
trouble
.
By
this
means
certain
mischiefs
will
be
done
,
whilst
it
is
by
their
own
confession
uncertain
whether
they
are
any
ways
deserved
by
such
as
suffer
them
to
the
utter
overthrow
of
all
Justice
.
If
the
word
Probable
be
taken
in
a
common
,
rather
than
a
nice
Logical
sense
,
it
signifies
no
more
than
likely
,
or
rather
likely
than
unlikely
:
When
a
matter
is
found
to
be
so
,
the
Wager
is
not
even
,
there
is
odds
upon
one
side
,
and
this
may
be
a
very
good
ground
for
betting
in
a
Tennis
Court
,
or
at
a
Horse-race
,
but
he
that
would
make
the
Administration
of
Justice
to
depend
upon
such
Points
,
seems
to
put
a
very
small
value
upon
the
fortunes
,
liberties
and
reputations
of
men
,
and
to
forget
that
those
who
sit
in
Courts
of
Justice
,
have
no
other
business
there
than
to
preserve
them
.
This
continues
in
force
,
though
in
a
Diologue
between
a
Barrister
and
a
Grand
Jury
Man
,
published
under
the
Title
of
the
Grand
Jury
Man's
Oath
and
Office
,
it
be
said
p.
8.
and
9.
That
their
work
is
no
more
than
to
present
Offences
fit
for
a
Tryal
,
and
for
that
Reason
,
give
in
only
a
Verisimilar
or
probable
Charge
;
and
others
have
affirmed
,
that
a
far
less
Evidence
will
warrant
a
Grand
Juries
Indictment
,
than
a
Petit
Juries
Verdict
.
For
nothing
can
be
more
opposite
to
the
justice
of
our
Laws
,
than
such
Opinions
:
All
Laws
in
doubtful
Cases
direct
a
suspension
of
Judgment
,
or
a
sentence
in
favour
of
the
Accused
person
:
But
if
this
were
hearkened
unto
,
Grand
Juries
should
upon
their
Oaths
affirm
,
they
judge
him
Criminal
,
when
the
Evidence
is
upon
such
uncertain
grounds
that
they
cannot
but
doubt
,
whether
he
is
so
or
not
.
It
cannot
be
hereupon
said
,
that
no
Evidence
is
so
clear
and
full
,
but
it
may
be
false
,
and
give
the
Jury
occasion
of
doubts
,
so
as
all
Criminals
must
escape
,
if
no
Indictment
ought
to
be
found
unless
the
proofs
are
absolutely
certain
,
for
it
is
confess'd
,
that
such
Cases
are
not
capable
of
an
infallible
,
Mathematical
demonstration
:
but
a
Jury
that
Examines
all
the
Witnesses
,
that
are
likely
to
give
any
light
concerning
the
business
in
question
,
and
all
Circumstances
relating
to
the
fact
before
them
,
with
the
Lives
and
Credit
of
those
tha●
testify
i●
,
and
of
the
Person
accused
,
may
and
do
often
find
that
which
in
their
Consciences
,
doth
fully
perswade
them
,
that
the
accused
Person
is
guilty
;
This
is
as
much
as
the
Law
,
or
their
Oath
doth
require
,
and
such
as
find
Bills
,
after
having
made
such
a
Scrutiny
,
are
blameless
before
God
,
and
Man
,
if
through
the
fragility
inseparable
from
humane
nature
,
they
should
be
led
into
Error
?
For
they
〈◊〉
not
swear
,
that
the
Bill
is
true
,
but
that
they
in
their
Consciences
believe
that
it
is
so
;
and
if
they
write
Ignoramus
upon
the
Bill
,
it
is
not
thereby
declared
to
be
false
,
nor
the
P
rson
accused
acquitted
,
but
the
matter
is
suspended
,
until
it
can
be
more
clearly
proved
,
as
in
doubtful
Cases
,
it
always
ought
to
be
.
Our
Ancestors
took
great
Care
that
suspicious
,
and
probable
Causes
should
not
bring
any
Man's
Life
and
Estate
into
danger
;
For
that
reason
,
it
was
ordain'd
by
the
Stat
37
Ed
3.
Cap
18.
That
such
as
made
suggestions
to
the
King
,
should
find
surety
to
pursue
and
incur
the
same
pain
,
that
the
other
should
have
had
if
he
were
attainted
,
in
case
their
suggestion
be
not
found
evil
,
and
that
then
process
of
the
Law
should
be
made
against
the
Accused
.
This
manner
of
Proceeding
,
hath
its
root
on
eternal
,
and
universal
Reason
:
The
Law
given
by
God
unto
his
People
,
Deut.
19.
allotted
the
same
Punishment
unto
a
false
witness
,
as
a
person
convicted
.
The
best
disciplined
Nations
of
the
world
,
learnt
this
from
the
Hebrews
,
and
made
it
their
Rule
,
in
the
administration
of
Justice
.
The
Grecians
generally
observed
it
,
and
the
Romans
,
according
to
their
Lex
Talionis
,
did
not
only
punish
death
with
death
,
but
the
intention
of
committing
Murther
by
false
Accusations
,
with
the
same
severity
,
as
if
it
had
been
effected
by
any
other
means
.
This
Law
was
inviolably
observed
as
long
as
any
thing
of
regularity
or
equity
remained
amongst
them
;
and
when
through
the
wickedness
of
some
of
the
Emperours
,
or
their
favourites
,
it
came
to
be
overthrown
,
all
Justice
perished
with
it
.
A
Crew
of
false
Informers
brake
out
to
the
destruction
of
the
best
men
,
and
never
ceas'd
until
they
had
ruined
all
the
most
eminent
and
antient
Families
:
Circumvented
the
Persons
,
that
by
their
Reputation
,
Wealth
,
Birth
or
Virtue
deserved
to
be
distinguished
from
the
common
sort
of
People
,
and
brought
desolation
,
upon
that
victorious
City
.
Tacitus
complains
of
this
,
Tac.
Ann.
3.
as
the
cause
of
all
the
mischiefs
suffered
in
his
Time
,
and
Country
.
By
their
means
the
most
Savage
Cruelties
,
were
committed
under
the
name
of
Law
,
which
thereby
became
a
greater
Plague
,
than
formerly
Crimes
had
been
:
No
remedy
could
be
found
,
when
those
Delatores
,
whom
he
calls
,
genus
hominum
Publico
exitio
repertum
,
Tac.
Ann.
4.
&
poenis
quidem
nunquam
satis
coercitum
,
were
invited
by
impunity
,
or
reward
,
and
the
Miserable
People
groaned
under
this
calamity
,
until
those
instruments
of
iniquity
,
were
by
better
Princes
,
put
to
the
most
cruel
,
tho
well
deserved
deaths
.
The
like
hath
been
seen
in
many
places
,
and
the
domestick
quiet
,
which
is
now
enjoyed
in
the
Principal
parts
of
Europe
,
proceeds
chiefly
from
this
,
that
every
man
knows
the
same
Punishment
is
appointed
for
a
false
Accusation
,
and
proved
Crime
.
It
is
hardly
seven
years
since
Monsieur
Courboyer
,
a
man
of
quality
in
Brittany
,
suborned
two
of
the
King
of
France
his
Guards
,
to
swear
Treasonable
Designs
against
La
Motte
,
a
Norman
Gentleman
;
the
matter
being
brought
to
Monsieur
Colbert
,
he
caus'd
the
Accused
Person
and
the
Witnesses
to
be
secured
,
until
the
fraud
was
discovered
by
one
of
them
,
whereupon
he
was
pardoned
;
La
Motte
released
:
Courboyer
beheaded
,
and
the
other
false
Witness
hanged
by
the
Sentence
of
the
Parliament
of
Paris
.
Though
this
Law
seems
to
be
grounded
upon
such
foundation
,
as
forbids
us
to
question
the
equity
of
it
,
our
Ancestors
(
for
Reasons
best
known
unto
themselves
)
thought
fit
to
moderate
its
Severity
,
by
the
Statute
of
38
Ed.
3.
Cap.
9.
yet
then
it
was
enacted
,
and
the
Law
continues
in
force
unto
this
day
;
That
whosoever
made
complaints
to
the
King
,
and
could
not
prove
them
against
the
Defendant
,
by
the
process
of
Law
limited
in
former
Statures
,
which
is
first
by
a
Grand
Jury
,
he
should
be
imprisoned
until
he
had
made
gree
to
the
Party
of
his
damages
,
and
of
the
slander
he
suffered
by
such
occasion
,
and
after
shall
make
fine
and
ransom
to
the
King
,
which
is
for
the
common
damage
,
that
the
King
and
his
People
suffer
by
such
a
false
accusation
and
defamation
of
any
Subject
:
And
in
the
42
Ed.
3.
Cap.
3.
To
eschew
the
Mischiefs
and
damage
done
by
false
Accusers
.
'T
is
enacted
,
That
no
man
be
put
to
answer
such
suggestions
without
presentment
before
the
Justices
,
i.
e.
by
the
Grand
Jury
:
It
cannot
surely
be
imagined
,
that
the
suggestions
made
to
the
King
and
his
Council
,
had
no
probability
in
them
,
Or
that
there
was
no
colour
,
cause
,
or
Reason
for
the
King
to
put
the
party
to
answer
the
Accusation
,
but
the
grievance
and
complaint
was
,
that
the
People
suffered
certain
damage
,
and
vexation
upon
untrue
,
and
at
best
,
uncertain
accusations
,
and
that
therein
the
Law
was
perverted
by
the
King
and
his
Councils
taking
upon
them
,
to
judge
of
the
certainty
,
or
Truth
of
them
,
which
of
right
belonged
to
the
Grand
Jury
only
,
upon
whose
Judgment
and
Integrity
our
Law
doth
wholly
rely
,
for
the
indemnity
of
the
Innocent
,
and
the
punishment
of
all
such
as
do
unjustly
molest
them
.
Our
Laws
have
not
thought
fit
so
absolutely
to
depend
upon
the
Oaths
of
Witnesses
,
as
to
allow
,
that
upon
Two
,
or
Ten
mens
swearing
positively
Treason
or
Felony
against
any
Man
,
before
the
Justices
of
Peace
,
or
all
the
Judges
,
or
before
the
King
and
his
Council
,
that
the
party
accused
,
be
he
either
Peer
of
the
Realm
,
or
Commoner
,
should
without
further
Inquiry
be
thereupon
arraigned
,
and
put
upon
his
Tryal
for
his
Life
:
Yet
none
can
doubt
but
there
is
something
of
probability
in
such
depositions
nevertheless
the
Law
Refers
those
matters
unto
Grand
Juries
,
and
no
man
can
be
brought
to
Tryal
,
until
upon
such
strict
inquiries
,
(
as
is
before
said
)
the
Indictment
be
found
.
The
Law
is
so
strict
in
these
Inquiries
,
that
tho
the
Crime
be
never
so
notorious
,
nay
if
Treason
should
be
confessed
in
Writing
under
Hand
and
Seal
,
before
Justices
of
Peace
,
Secretaries
of
State
,
or
the
King
and
Council
,
yet
before
the
party
can
be
arraigned
for
it
,
the
Grand
Jury
must
inquire
,
and
be
satisfied
,
whether
such
a
Confession
be
clear
and
certain
:
Whether
there
was
no
collusion
therein
:
Or
the
party
induced
to
such
confession
by
promise
of
pardon
:
Or
that
some
pretended
partakers
in
the
Crime
may
be
defamed
,
or
destroyed
thereby
;
they
must
inquire
,
whether
the
Confession
was
not
extorted
by
fear
,
threatnings
,
or
force
,
and
whether
the
party
was
truly
Compos
mentis
,
of
sound
Mind
,
and
Reason
at
that
Time
.
The
Stat.
5
Eliz.
Cap.
1.
declares
the
antient
Common
Law
concerning
the
Trust
and
Duty
of
Juries
,
and
Enacts
that
none
should
be
indicted
for
assisting
,
aiding
,
comforting
,
or
abetting
Criminals
in
the
Treasons
therein
made
and
declared
,
unless
he
,
or
they
be
thereof
lawfully
accused
by
such
good
and
sufficient
Testimony
or
Proof
,
as
by
the
Jury
,
by
whom
he
shall
be
indicted
,
shall
be
thought
good
,
lawful
,
and
sufficient
to
prove
him
,
or
them
guilty
of
the
said
Offences
.
Herein
is
declared
,
the
only
True
Reason
of
Indictments
,
i.
e.
the
Grand
Juries
Judgment
that
they
have
such
Testimonies
as
they
esteem
sufficient
to
prove
the
party
indicted
guilty
of
the
Crimes
whereof
he
is
accused
,
and
whatsoever
the
Indictment
doth
contain
,
they
are
to
present
no
more
,
or
other
Crimes
,
than
are
proved
to
their
satisfaction
,
as
upon
Oath
they
declare
it
is
,
when
they
present
it
.
This
exactness
is
not
only
required
in
the
Substance
of
Crimes
,
but
in
the
Circumstances
,
and
any
doubtfulness
,
or
uncertainty
in
them
makes
the
Indictment
,
and
all
proceedings
upon
it
by
the
Petit
Jury
,
to
be
insufficient
,
and
void
,
and
holden
for
none
,
as
appears
by
the
following
Cases
.
In
Young's
Case
in
the
Lord
Cook
's
Reports
,
Lib.
4.
Fol.
40.
An
Indictment
for
Murther
was
declared
void
for
its
incertainty
,
because
the
Jury
had
not
layed
certainty
,
in
what
part
of
the
body
the
mortal
wound
was
given
,
saying
only
,
that
't
was
about
his
breast
,
the
words
were
Vnam
Plagam
mortalem
circitur
pectus
.
In
like
manner
in
Vaux
Case
Cooks
Rep.
Lib.
4.
Fol.
44.
he
being
indicted
for
poisoning
Ridley
,
the
Jury
had
not
plainly
and
expresly
averred
that
Ridley
drank
the
Poison
,
tho'
other
words
imply'd
it
,
and
thereupon
the
Indictment
was
judged
insufficient
,
for
(
saith
the
Book
)
the
matter
of
an
Indictment
ought
to
be
full
,
express
,
and
certain
,
and
shall
not
be
maintained
by
argument
or
implication
,
for
that
the
Indictment
is
found
by
the
Oath
of
the
Neighbourhood
.
In
the
2d
part
of
Rolls
Reports
p.
263.
Smith
and
Malls
Case
the
Indictment
was
quashed
for
incertainty
,
because
the
Jury
had
averred
that
Smith
was
either
a
Servant
or
Deputy
,
Smith
existens
servus
sive
deputatus
,
are
the
words
:
It
was
doubtless
probably
enough
proved
to
the
Jury
,
that
he
was
either
a
Deputy
,
or
Servant
,
but
because
the
Indictment
did
not
absolutely
and
certainly
aver
his
condition
either
of
Servant
,
or
Deputy
,
it
was
declared
void
:
If
there
be
any
defect
of
certainty
in
the
Grand
Juries
Verdict
,
no
Proof
or
Evidence
to
the
Petit
Jury
can
supply
it
,
so
it
was
judged
in
Wrote
and
Wigs
Case
Coke
4.
Rep.
Fol.
45
,
46
,
47.
It
was
layed
,
that
Wrote
was
killed
at
Shipperton
,
but
did
not
aver
that
Shipperton
was
within
the
Verge
,
tho
in
truth
it
was
,
and
no
Averment
or
Oath
to
the
Petit
Jury
,
could
supply
that
small
faileur
of
certainty
to
support
the
Indictment
;
and
the
reason
is
rendred
in
these
words
,
viz.
The
Indictment
being
Veredictum
id
est
dictum
Veritatis
a
Verdict
.
That
is
,
a
saying
of
Truth
and
matter
of
Record
,
ought
to
contain
the
whole
Truth
which
is
requisite
by
the
Law
,
for
when
it
doth
not
appear
,
't
is
the
same
,
as
if
it
were
not
,
and
every
material
part
of
the
Indictment
ought
to
be
found
upon
the
Oath
of
the
Indicters
,
and
cannot
be
supplied
by
the
Averment
of
the
Party
.
The
Grand
Juries
Verdict
is
the
foundation
of
all
judicial
proceeding
against
Capital
Offenders
(
at
the
King's
suit
)
if
that
fail
in
any
point
of
certainty
,
both
convictions
and
acquittals
thereupon
are
utterly
void
,
and
the
proceedings
against
both
may
begin
again
,
as
if
they
had
never
been
tried
,
as
it
appears
in
the
Case
last
cited
,
Fol.
47.
Now
as
the
Law
requires
from
the
Grand
Jury
particular
,
certain
,
and
precise
affirmations
of
Truth
,
so
it
expects
that
they
should
look
for
the
like
,
and
accept
of
no
other
from
such
as
bring
accusations
to
them
.
For
no
Man
can
certainly
affirm
that
which
is
uncertainly
delivered
unto
him
,
or
which
he
doth
not
firmly
believe
.
The
Witnesses
that
they
receive
for
good
,
are
to
depose
only
absolute
certainties
about
the
Facts
committed
,
That
is
,
what
they
have
seen
,
or
heard
from
the
accused
parties
themselves
,
not
what
others
have
told
them
;
They
are
not
to
be
suffered
to
make
probable
arguments
,
and
infer
from
thence
the
guilt
of
the
accused
;
Their
depositions
ought
to
be
positive
,
plain
,
direct
,
and
full
:
The
Crime
is
to
be
sworn
without
any
doubtfulness
or
obscurity
;
Not
in
words
qualified
,
and
limited
to
belief
,
conceptions
,
or
apprehensions
.
This
absolute
certainty
required
in
the
deposition
of
the
Witnesses
,
is
one
principal
ground
of
the
Juries
most
rational
assurance
of
the
Truth
of
their
Verdict
:
The
credit
also
of
the
Witnesses
ought
to
be
free
from
all
blemish
,
that
good
and
Conscientious
Men
may
rationally
rely
upon
them
,
in
matters
of
so
great
moment
,
as
the
blood
of
a
Man
.
It
must
also
be
certainly
evident
,
that
all
the
matters
which
they
depose
,
are
consistent
with
each
other
,
and
accompanied
with
such
Circumstances
,
as
in
their
Judgment
render
it
credible
:
All
just
Indictments
must
be
built
upon
these
moral
assurances
,
which
the
wisdom
of
all
Nations
hath
devised
as
the
best
,
and
only
way
of
deciding
Controversies
;
Neither
can
a
Grand
Jury
Man
,
who
swears
to
present
nothing
but
the
Truth
,
be
satisfied
with
less
.
'T
is
scarce
credible
that
any
learned
in
our
Laws
,
should
tell
a
Grand
Jury
that
a
far
less
Evidence
will
warrant
their
Indictment
(
being
but
an
Accusation
)
than
the
Petit
Jury
ought
to
have
for
their
Verdict
.
Both
of
them
do
in
like
manner
plainly
and
positively
affirm
upon
their
Oaths
,
the
Truth
of
the
Accusation
;
Their
Verdicts
are
indeed
one
and
the
same
in
substance
,
and
sence
,
tho'
not
in
words
.
There
is
no
real
difference
between
affirming
in
writing
,
that
an
Indictment
of
Treason
is
true
,
as
is
the
practice
of
Grand
Juries
,
and
saying
that
the
party
tried
thereupon
is
guilty
of
the
Treason
whereof
he
is
indicted
,
as
is
the
course
of
Petit
Juries
:
They
are
both
upon
their
Oaths
;
they
are
equally
obligatory
unto
both
,
the
one
therefore
must
expect
the
same
proof
for
their
satisfaction
as
the
other
,
and
as
clear
Evidence
must
be
required
for
an
Indictment
,
as
for
a
Verdict
:
It
is
unreasonable
to
think
that
a
slighter
proof
should
satisfie
the
Consciences
of
the
greater
Jury
,
than
is
requisite
to
convince
the
less
,
and
uncharitable
to
imagine
,
that
those
should
not
be
as
sensible
as
the
others
of
the
Sacred
security
they
have
given
by
Oath
,
to
do
nothing
in
their
Offices
but
according
to
truth
.
If
there
ought
to
be
any
difference
in
the
Proceedings
of
the
Grand
and
Petit
Juries
,
the
greater
exactness
and
diligence
seems
to
be
required
in
the
Grand
:
For
as
the
same
work
of
finding
out
the
truth
in
order
to
the
doing
of
Justice
is
allotted
unto
both
,
the
greatest
part
of
the
burthen
ought
to
lye
upon
them
that
have
the
best
opportunities
of
performing
it
.
The
invalidity
,
weakness
,
or
defects
of
the
Proofs
may
be
equally
evident
to
either
of
them
:
But
if
there
be
deceit
in
stifling
true
Testimonies
,
or
malice
in
suborning
wicked
Persons
,
to
bring
in
such
as
are
false
,
the
Grand
Jury
may
most
easily
,
nay
probably
,
can
only
discover
it
.
They
are
not
straitned
in
time
;
they
may
freely
examine
in
private
,
without
interruption
from
the
Council
,
or
Court
,
such
Witnesses
as
are
presented
unto
them
,
or
they
shall
think
fit
to
call
;
they
may
joyntly
or
severally
enquire
of
their
Friends
or
Acquaintance
after
the
Lives
and
Reputations
of
the
Witnesses
,
or
the
accused
Persons
,
and
all
circumstances
relating
unto
the
matter
in
question
,
and
consult
together
under
the
Seal
of
Secrecy
:
On
the
other
side
the
Petty
Jury
being
charged
with
the
Prisoner
,
acts
in
open
Court
under
the
awe
of
the
Judges
,
is
subject
to
be
disturb'd
,
or
interrupted
by
Council
;
deprived
of
all
opportunity
of
consulting
one
another
until
the
Evidence
be
summ'd
up
,
and
not
suffered
to
eat
or
drink
until
they
bring
in
a
Verdict
;
so
it
is
almost
impossible
for
them
thus
limited
to
discover
such
evil
practices
as
may
be
used
for
,
or
against
the
Prisoner
,
by
Subornation
or
Perjury
to
pervert
Justice
;
if
therefore
the
Grand
Jury
be
not
permitted
to
perform
this
part
of
their
duty
,
it
is
hard
to
imagine
how
it
should
be
done
at
all
:
And
it
is
much
more
inconceivable
how
they
can
satisfie
their
Consciences
,
if
they
so
neglect
,
as
to
find
a
Bill
upon
an
imperfect
Evidence
,
in
the
absence
of
the
Prisoner
,
in
expectation
that
it
will
be
supplied
at
the
Bar
:
It
concerns
them
therefore
to
remember
,
that
if
they
proceed
upon
such
uncertainties
,
they
will
certainly
give
incurable
wounds
into
their
Neighbours
Reputations
,
in
order
unto
the
destruction
of
their
Persons
.
Whatever
ground
this
Doctrine
of
Indicting
upon
slight
proofs
may
have
got
in
our
days
,
it
is
(
as
we
have
seen
)
both
against
Law
and
Reason
,
and
contrary
to
the
practice
of
former
times
.
My
Lord
Coke
in
his
Comment
on
Westm.
2d
.
tells
us
,
That
in
those
days
(
and
as
yet
it
ought
to
be
)
Indictments
taken
in
the
Absence
of
the
Party
were
formed
upon
plain
and
direct
Proofs
,
and
not
upon
Probabilities
and
Inferences
.
Herein
we
see
,
that
the
practice
of
our
Fore-Fathers
,
and
the
opinion
of
this
great
and
judicious
Lawyer
,
were
directly
against
this
new
Doctrine
,
and
some
that
have
carefully
looked
backward
,
observed
,
that
there
are
very
few
Examples
of
men
acquitted
by
Petit
Juries
,
because
Grand
Juries
of
old
were
so
wary
in
canvasing
every
thing
narrowly
,
and
so
sensible
of
their
Duty
,
in
proceeding
according
unto
truth
upon
satisfactory
Evidence
,
that
few
or
none
were
brought
unto
Trial
till
their
guilt
seemed
evident
.
It
is
therefore
a
great
mistake
to
think
that
the
second
Juries
were
instituted
for
the
hearing
of
fuller
proofs
,
that
was
not
their
work
,
but
to
give
an
opportunity
to
the
accused
persons
to
answer
for
themselves
,
and
make
their
defence
,
which
cannot
be
thought
to
strengthen
the
Evidence
,
unless
they
be
supposed
to
play
booty
against
their
own
Lives
.
By
way
of
answer
the
Prisoner
may
avoid
the
Charge
:
He
is
permitted
to
take
exceptions
;
he
may
demur
or
plead
to
the
Indictments
in
points
of
Law
:
Herein
the
Judges
ought
to
assist
him
,
and
appoint
Councel
if
he
desire
it
:
He
may
shew
that
the
Indictors
,
i.
e.
the
Grand
Jury
,
or
some
of
them
,
are
not
lawful
men
,
or
not
lawfully
returned
by
the
Sheriffs
;
embracery
or
practice
may
be
proved
in
the
packing
of
the
Jury
:
A
Conspiracy
or
Subornation
may
be
discovered
;
falshood
may
be
found
out
in
the
Witnesses
,
by
questions
about
some
circumstances
that
none
could
have
asked
,
or
imagined
,
except
the
party
accused
:
And
besides
doing
right
to
the
Indicted
,
in
these
and
many
other
things
,
't
is
the
Peoples
due
to
have
all
the
Evidence
first
taken
in
private
,
to
be
afterwards
made
publick
at
the
Trial
,
that
the
Kingdom
may
be
satisfied
in
the
equal
administration
of
Justice
,
and
that
the
Judgments
against
Criminals
may
be
of
greater
terrour
,
and
more
useful
to
preserve
the
common
peace
.
If
any
object
that
this
Doctrine
would
introduce
double
Trials
for
every
offence
,
and
all
the
delays
that
accompany
them
,
it
may
be
answered
,
That
Nulla
unquam
de
morte
hominis
cunctatio
Longa
est
.
Ju.
Sat.
No
delay
is
to
be
esteemed
long
,
when
the
life
of
a
man
is
in
question
.
The
punishment
of
an
Offender
that
is
a
little
deferred
,
may
be
compensated
by
its
severity
,
but
blood
rashly
spilt
cannot
be
gathered
up
,
and
a
Land
polluted
by
it
,
is
hardly
cleansed
.
Wise
and
good
men
in
matters
of
this
nature
have
ever
proceeded
with
extream
caution
,
whilst
the
swift
of
foot
are
in
the
Scripture
represented
under
an
ill
Character
,
and
have
been
often
found
in
their
haste
to
draw
more
guilt
upon
themselves
,
than
what
they
pretended
to
chastize
in
others
.
To
avoid
this
mischief
,
in
many
well
polished
Kingdoms
,
several
Courts
of
Justice
are
instituted
,
who
take
cognizance
of
the
same
facts
,
but
so
subordinate
unto
one
another
,
that
in
matters
of
life
,
limb
,
liberty
,
or
other
important
cases
,
there
is
a
right
of
appeal
from
the
inferiour
,
before
which
it
is
first
brought
,
to
the
Superiour
;
where
this
is
wanting
,
means
have
been
found
to
give
opportunity
unto
the
Judges
to
reflect
upon
their
own
sentences
,
that
if
any
thing
had
been
done
rashly
,
or
through
mistake
,
it
might
be
corrected
,
man
,
even
in
his
best
estate
,
seeming
to
have
need
of
some
such
helps
.
Tiberius
Caesar
was
never
accused
of
too
much
lenity
,
but
when
he
heard
that
Lutorius
Priscus
had
been
accused
of
Treason
before
the
Senate
,
condemned
,
and
immediately
put
to
death
,
Tam
praecipites
deprecatus
est
poenas
,
He
desired
that
such
sudden
punishment
might
for
the
future
be
forborn
,
and
a
Law
was
thereupon
made
,
That
no
Decree
of
the
Senate
should
in
less
than
ten
days
be
transmitted
to
the
Treasury
,
before
which
time
it
could
not
be
executed
,
Tac.
An.
3.
Matters
of
this
nature
concerning
every
man
in
England
,
it
is
not
to
be
doubted
but
our
Ancestors
consider'd
them
,
and
our
Constitutions
,
neither
admitting
of
subordinate
Judicatures
,
from
whence
appeals
may
be
made
,
nor
giving
opportunities
unto
Juries
to
re-examine
their
Verdicts
,
after
they
were
given
,
they
could
not
find
a
way
more
suitable
unto
the
rules
of
Wisdom
,
Justice
,
and
Mercy
,
than
to
appoint
two
Juries
with
equal
care
,
according
unto
different
methods
,
the
one
in
private
,
and
at
leisure
,
the
other
publickly
in
the
presence
of
the
party
,
and
more
speedy
to
pass
upon
every
man
,
so
as
none
can
be
condemned
,
unless
he
be
thought
guilty
by
them
both
,
and
it
cannot
be
imagined
that
so
little
time
,
as
is
usually
spent
in
Trials
at
the
Bar
,
before
a
Petit
Jury
,
should
be
allowed
unto
one
that
pleads
for
his
life
,
or
unto
them
who
are
to
be
satisfied
in
their
Consciences
,
unless
it
were
presumed
that
the
Grand
Jury
had
so
well
examined
,
prepared
,
and
digested
the
matter
,
that
the
other
may
proceed
more
succinctly
,
without
danger
of
error
.
Therefore
let
the
Grand
Juries
faithfully
perform
their
high
Trust
,
and
neither
be
cheated
nor
frighted
from
their
Duty
:
Let
them
pursue
the
good
old
way
,
since
no
Innovation
can
be
brought
in
,
that
will
not
turn
to
the
prejudice
of
the
accused
Persons
,
and
themselves
:
Let
them
not
be
deluded
with
frivolous
Arguments
,
so
as
to
invalidate
a
considerable
part
of
our
Law
,
and
render
themselves
insignificant
ciphers
,
in
expectation
that
Petit
Juries
will
repair
the
faults
they
commit
,
since
that
would
be
no
less
than
to
slight
one
of
the
best
fences
that
the
Law
provides
for
our
Lives
and
Liberties
,
and
very
much
to
weaken
the
other
.
When
a
Grand
Jury
finds
a
Bill
against
any
person
,
they
do
all
that
in
them
lies
to
take
away
his
Life
,
if
the
crime
be
capital
,
and
it
is
ridiculous
for
them
to
pretend
they
relie
upon
the
virtue
of
the
Petit
Jury
,
if
they
shew
none
themselves
.
They
cannot
reasonably
hope
the
other
should
be
more
tender
of
the
Prisoners
concernments
,
more
exact
in
doing
Justice
,
or
more
careful
in
examining
the
Credit
of
the
Witnesses
,
when
they
have
not
only
neglected
their
duty
of
searching
into
it
,
but
added
strength
unto
their
Testimony
by
finding
a
Bill
upon
it
.
They
cannot
possibly
be
exempted
from
the
blame
of
consenting
(
at
the
least
)
unto
the
mischiefs
that
may
ensue
,
unless
they
use
all
the
honest
care
that
the
Law
allows
to
prevent
them
;
nor
consequently
avoid
the
stain
of
the
blood
that
may
be
shed
by
their
omission
,
since
it
could
not
have
been
,
if
they
had
well
performed
their
part
before
they
found
the
Indictment
,
whereby
the
party
is
exposed
to
so
many
disadvantages
,
that
it
is
hard
for
the
clearest
Innocence
to
defend
it self
against
them
.
But
when
the
one
and
the
other
Jury
act
as
they
ought
,
with
courage
,
diligence
,
and
indifference
,
we
shall
have
just
reason
,
with
the
wise
Lord
Chancellour
Fortescue
,
to
celebrate
that
Law
that
instituted
them
.
To
congratulate
with
our
Country
men
the
happiness
we
enjoy
,
Fort.
de
laud.
Leg.
Ang.
cap.
26.
whilst
our
Lives
lie
not
at
the
mercy
of
unknown
Witnesses
,
hired
,
poor
,
uncertain
,
whose
Conversation
or
Malice
we
are
strangers
to
,
but
Neighbours
of
Substance
,
of
honest
report
,
brought
into
Court
by
an
honourable
sworn
Officer
;
men
who
know
the
Witnesses
,
and
their
Credit
,
and
are
to
hear
them
,
and
judge
of
them
:
That
want
no
means
for
disclosing
of
Truth
,
and
from
whom
nothing
can
be
hid
,
which
can
fall
within
the
compass
of
Humane
Knowledge
.
POstquam
Rex
per
spatium
trium
Annorum
&
amplius
in
partibus
transmarinis
remansisset
,
Ex
chronico
ab
Anno
1272.
1
Ed.
1.
ad
An.
1317.
10
Ed.
2.
Miss.
&
de
partibus
Vasconiae
&
Franciae
in
Angliam
rediisset
,
valde
anxiatus
&
conturbatus
fuit
per
quotidianum
clamorem
tam
Clericorum
quam
Laicorum
petentium
ab
eo
congruum
remedium
apponi
versus
Justiciarios
,
An.
Dom.
2289.
Anoque
Regni
Regis
Ed.
1.18
.
&
alios
Ministros
suos
,
de
multimodis
oppressionibus
&
gravaminibus
contra
bonas
leges
&
consuetudines
regni
illis
factis
;
Certe
scimus
quam
plurimos
eorum
qui
judiciis
sub
Ed.
1.
praefuere
viros
quidem
marimos
&
aevo
in
illo
Jurisconsultos
celeberrimos
repetundarum
&
quod
lites
suas
fecerant
aliosque
praeter
Ministros
forenses
aliquot
merito
damnatos
multos
exitia
&
carcere
punitos
.
Ex
Seldein
ad
Fletam
dissertatio
p.
548.
super
quo
Dominus
Edvardus
Rex
,
per
regale
scriptum
Vicecomitibus
Angliae
praecipit
quod
in
omnibus
Comitatibus
,
Civitatibus
,
&
Villis
mercatoriis
,
publice
proclamari
facerent
quod
omnes
qui
sese
sentient
gravari
venirent
apud
Westm.
ad
proximum
Parliamentum
,
&
ibi
querimonias
suas
monstrarent
,
ubi
tam
majores
quam
minores
opportunum
remedium
&
celerem
justitiam
recuperent
,
sicut
Rex
vinculo
juramenti
die
Coronationis
suae
astrictus
fuit
:
Ac
jam
adest
magnus
dies
&
judiciarius
Justiciorum
&
aliorum
Ministrorum
Concilii
Regis
,
quem
nulla
tergiversatione
,
nullo
munere
,
nulla
arte
vel
ingenio
placitandi
valent
eludi
.
Coadunat
is
itaque
Clero
&
Populo
&
in
magno
Palatio
Westmonasterii
consessis
,
Archiepiscopus
Cantuariensi●
(
vir
magnae
pietatis
&
columna
quasi
sanctae
Ecclesiae
&
Regni
)
surrexit
in
medio
,
&
ab
alto
ducens
suspiria
,
Noverit
universitas
vestra
(
ait
)
quod
convocati
sumus
de
magnis
&
arduis
negotiis
regni
(
heu
nimis
perturbat●
&
his
diebus
enormiter
mutilati
)
unanimiter
,
fideliter
,
&
efficiater
simul
cum
Domino
Rege
ad
tractandum
&
ordinandum
,
audivistis
etiam
universi
querimonias
gravissimas
super
intolerabilious
injuriis
&
oppressionibus
&
quotidianis
desolationibus
,
tam
sanctae
Eccles.
quam
Reg.
factis
per
hoc
iniquum
Concilium
Domini
Regis
contra
magnas
Chartas
tot
,
toties
&
multoties
emptas
&
redemptas
,
concessas
&
confirmatas
per
tot
&
talia
Juramenta
Domini
Regis
nunc
,
&
Dominorum
Henrici
&
Johannis
,
ac
per
terribiles
fulminationes
Excommunicationis
sententiae
in
transgressores
communium
libertatum
Angliae
,
quae
in
chartis
praedictis
continentur
,
corroboratas
,
&
cum
spes
praeconcepta
de
libertatibus
illis
observandis
fideliter
ab
omnibus
putaretur
stabilis
&
indubitata
,
Rex
conciliis
malorum
Ministrorum
praeventus
&
seductus
easdem
infringendo
contravenire
non
formidavit
,
credens
deceptive
pro
numere
absolvi
à
transgressione
quod
esset
manifestum
regni
exterminium
.
Aliud
etiam
nos
omnes
angit
intrinsecus
quod
Justiciarii
subtiliter
ex
malitia
sua
ac
per
diversa
argumenta
avaritiae
,
&
intolerabilis
superbiae
Regem
contra
fideles
suos
multipliciter
provocaverunt
&
incitaverunt
,
sanoque
&
salubri
consilio
Ligeorum
Angliae
contrarium
reddiderunt
,
consilia
sua
vana
impudenter
praeponere
&
affirmare
non
erubuerunt
seu
formidaverunt
,
ac
si
plus
habiles
essent
ad
consulendam
&
conservandam
Rempublicam
quam
tota
Universitas
Regni
in
unum
collecta
.
Ita
de
illis
possit
vere
dici
,
viri
qui
turbaverunt
terram
&
concusserunt
Regnum
sub
fuco
gravitatis
totum
populum
graviter
oppresserunt
,
praetextuque
solummodo
exponendi
veteres
Leges
,
novas
(
non
dicam
Leges
)
sed
malas
consuetudines
introduxerunt
&
vomuerunt
,
ita
quod
per
ignorantiam
nonnullorum
ac
per
partialitatem
aliorum
qui
vel
per
munera
vel
timorem
aliquorum
potentum
innodati
fuerunt
,
nulla
fuit
stabilitas
Legum
nec
alicui
de
populo
Justitiam
dignabantur
exhibere
,
opera
eorum
sunt
opera
nequitiae
,
&
opus
iniquitatis
in
manibus
,
pedes
eorum
ad
malum
currunt
&
festinant
,
ac
viam
recti
nescierunt
.
Quid
dicam
?
non
est
judicium
in
gressibus
suis
.
Quam
plurimi
liberi
homines
terrae
nostrae
fideles
Domini
Regis
quasi
viles
ultimae
servi
conditionis
diversis
Carceribus
sine
culpa
commiserunt
,
ibidem
carcerandi
quorum
nonnulli
in
carcere
fame
,
maerore
&
vinculorum
pondere
defecerunt
,
extorquerunt
pro
Arbritrio
insuper
infinitam
pecuniam
ab
e●●dem
pro
redemptione
sua
,
crumenas
aliorum
ut
suas
impregnarent
tam
à
divitibus
quam
pauperibus
exhauserunt
,
ratione
quorum
incurriverunt
odium
inexorabile
&
formidabile
imprecationes
omnium
quasi
tale
incommunicabile
privilegium
per
Chartam
detest
abilem
de
non
obstante
obtinuerunt
&
perquiviserunt
ut
à
lege
divina
humanaque
quasi
ad
libitum
immunes
essent
.
Gravamen
insuper
solitum
adhuc
sive
aliquo
modo
saevit
,
omnia
sunt
venalia
si
non
quasi
furtiva
,
proh
dolor
.
—
Quid
non
mortalia
pectora
cogit
Auri
sacra
fames
?
—
Ex
ore
meo
contra
vos
O
Impii
tremebunda
coeli
decreta
jam
auditis
.
Agnitio
vultuum
vestrorum
accusat
vos
,
&
peccatum
vestrum
quasi
Sodoma
praedicavistis
nec
abscondistis
,
vae
animae
vestrae
,
vae
qui
condunt
leges
&
scribentes
injustitiam
scripserunt
,
ut
opprimerent
in
judicio
pauperes
,
&
vim
facerent
causae
humilium
populi
,
ut
essent
viduae
praeda
eorum
,
&
pupillos
diriperent
,
vae
qui
aedificant
domum
suam
injusticia
&
coenacula
sua
non
in
Judicio
,
vae
qui
concupiverunt
agros
&
violenter
tulerunt
&
rapuerunt
domos
&
oppresserunt
virum
&
domum
ejus
imo
virum
&
Haereditatem
suam
,
vae
Judices
qui
sicut
Lupi
vespere
non
relinquebant
ossa
in
mane
;
Justus
Judex
adducit
Consiliarios
in
stultum
finem
&
Judices
in
stuporem
,
mox
alta
voce
justum
Judicium
terrae
recipietis
.
His
auditis
omnium
aures
tinniebant
totaque
Communitas
ingemuerunt
,
Vide
Mat.
West
.
Anno
1289.
p.
376
li.
13.
dicentes
heu
nobis
,
heu
,
ubi
est
Angliae
toties
empta
,
toties
concessa
,
toties
scripta
,
toties
jurata
Libertas
?
Alii
de
Criminalibus
sese
à
visibus
populi
subtrahentes
in
locis
secretis
cum
amicis
tacite
latitaverunt
,
Anno
vero
1290.
(
18.
Ed.
1.
)
deprehensis
omnibus
Angliae
Justiciariis
de
repetundis
(
praeter
Jo.
Metingham
,
&
Eliam
de
Bleckingham
quos
honoris
ergo
nominatos
volui
)
judicio
Parliamenti
vindicatum
est
in
alios
,
atque
alios
carcere
,
exilio
,
fortunarumque
omnium
dispendio
,
in
singulos
mulcta
gravissima
&
amissione
officii
.
Spelmans
Glossary
,
p.
1.
co.
1.
416.
alios
protulerunt
in
medium
unde
merito
fere
omnes
ab
officiis
depositi
&
amoti
,
unus
à
terra
exulatus
alii
perpetuis
prisonis
incarcerati
,
alii
que
gravibus
pecuniarum
solutionibus
juste
adjudicati
fuerunt
.
AFter
that
the
King
for
the
space
of
three
Years
and
more
,
had
remained
beyond
Sea
,
and
returned
out
of
Gascoign
and
France
into
England
,
he
was
much
vexed
and
disturbed
by
the
continual
clamour
both
of
the
Clergy
and
Laity
,
desiring
to
be
relieved
against
the
Justices
,
and
other
His
Majesties
Ministers
,
of
several
oppressions
and
injuries
done
unto
them
,
contrary
to
the
good
Laws
and
Customs
of
the
Realm
;
whereupon
King
Edward
,
by
his
Royal
Letters
to
the
several
Sheriffs
of
England
,
commanded
,
that
in
all
Counties
,
Cities
,
and
Market
Towns
,
a
Proclamation
should
be
made
,
that
all
who
found
themselves
agrieved
should
repair
to
Westminster
at
the
next
Parliament
,
and
there
shew
their
Grievances
,
where
as
well
the
great
as
the
less
should
receive
fit
Remedies
and
speedy
Justice
,
according
as
the
King
was
obliged
by
the
Bond
of
his
Coronation
Oath
:
And
now
that
great
day
was
come
,
that
day
of
judging
,
even
the
Justices
and
the
other
Ministers
of
the
King's
Council
,
which
by
no
Collusion
or
Reward
,
no
Argument
or
Art
of
Pleading
they
could
elude
or
avoid
:
The
Clergy
therefore
and
the
People
being
gathered
together
,
and
seated
in
the
great
Palace
of
Westminster
,
the
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
(
a
man
of
eminent
Piety
,
and
as
it
were
a
Pillar
of
the
holy
Church
and
the
Kingdom
)
rising
from
his
Seat
,
and
fetching
a
profound
sigh
,
spoke
in
this
manner
:
Let
this
Assembly
know
that
we
are
called
together
concerning
the
great
and
weighty
Affairs
of
the
Kingdom
(
too
much
alas
of
late
disturbed
,
and
still
out
of
Order
)
unanimously
,
faithfully
,
and
effectually
with
our
Lord
the
King
to
treat
and
ordain
:
Vide
Fleta
Cap.
17.
p.
18
,
19.
Authoritas
&
Officium
ordinarii
Concilii
Regis
.
Ye
have
all
heard
the
grievous
complaints
of
the
most
intollerable
injuries
and
oppressions
of
the
daily
desolations
committed
both
on
Church
and
State
,
by
this
corrupt
Council
of
our
Lord
the
King
,
contrary
to
our
great
Charters
,
so
many
and
so
often
,
purchased
and
redeemed
,
granted
and
confirmed
to
us
by
the
several
Oaths
of
our
Lord
the
King
that
now
is
,
and
of
our
Lords
King
Henry
and
John
,
and
corroborated
by
the
dreadful
thundrings
of
the
sentence
of
Excommunication
against
the
Invaders
of
our
common
Liberties
of
England
in
our
said
Charters
contained
;
and
when
we
had
conceived
firm
and
undoubted
hopes
,
that
these
our
Liberties
would
have
been
faithfully
preserved
by
all
men
,
the
King
circumvented
and
seduced
by
the
Counsels
of
evil
Ministers
,
hath
not
been
afraid
to
violate
it
by
infringing
them
,
falsly
believing
that
he
could
for
Rewards
be
absolved
from
that
offence
,
which
would
be
the
manifest
destruction
of
the
Kingdom
.
There
is
another
thing
also
that
grieves
our
Spirits
,
that
the
Justices
subtilly
and
maliciously
,
by
diverse
Arguments
of
covetousness
and
intollerable
pride
,
have
the
King
against
his
faithful
Subjects
sundry
ways
incited
and
provoked
,
counselling
him
contrary
to
the
good
and
wholsome
Advice
of
all
the
Liegemen
of
England
,
and
have
not
blushed
nor
been
afraid
,
impudently
to
assert
and
prefer
their
own
foolish
Councils
,
as
if
they
were
more
fit
to
consult
and
preserve
the
Commonweal
,
than
all
the
Estates
of
the
Kingdom
together
assembled
,
so
that
it
may
be
truly
said
of
them
,
they
are
the
men
that
troubled
the
Land
,
and
disturb'd
the
Nation
under
a
false
colour
of
gravity
,
have
the
whole
People
grievously
opprest
,
and
under
pretence
of
expounding
the
antient
Laws
,
have
introduced
new
(
I
will
not
say
Laws
,
but
)
evil
Customs
,
so
that
through
the
Ignorance
of
some
,
and
partiality
of
others
,
who
for
reward
or
fear
of
great
Men
have
been
engaged
,
there
was
no
certainty
of
Law
,
and
they
scorned
to
administer
Justice
to
the
people
,
their
deeds
are
deeds
of
wickedness
,
and
the
work
of
Iniquity
is
in
their
hand
,
their
feet
make
haste
to
evil
,
and
the
way
of
truth
have
they
not
known
;
what
shall
I
say
?
there
is
no
Judgment
in
their
paths
.
How
many
Free-men
of
this
Land
,
faithful
Subjects
of
our
Lord
the
King
,
have
like
the
meanest
Slaves
of
lowest
condition
,
without
any
fault
been
cast
into
Prison
,
where
some
of
them
by
hunger
,
grief
,
or
the
burthen
of
their
chains
have
expired
,
they
have
also
extorted
at
their
pleasure
infinite
sums
of
money
for
their
ransoms
;
the
Coffers
of
some
,
that
they
might
fill
their
own
,
as
well
from
the
rich
as
the
poor
,
they
have
exhausted
,
by
reason
whereof
they
have
contracted
the
irreconcilable
hatred
and
dreadful
imprecations
of
all
men
,
as
if
they
had
purchas'd
and
obtain'd
such
an
incommunicable
priviledge
,
by
their
detestable
Charter
of
non
Obstante
,
that
they
might
at
their
own
lust
be
free
from
all
Laws
both
humane
and
divine
.
Moreover
there
is
another
more
,
the
ordinary
grievance
,
which
hitherto
hath
,
and
in
some
measure
doth
still
rage
among
us
:
All
things
are
expos'd
to
sale
,
if
not
as
it
were
to
plunder
and
theft
.
Alas
!
how
great
power
hath
the
love
of
money
in
the
breasts
of
Men
?
Hear
therefore
O
ye
wicked
,
from
my
mouth
the
dreadful
decree
of
Heaven
;
the
dejection
af
your
countenances
accuseth
you
,
and
like
the
men
of
Sodom
,
ye
have
not
hidden
but
proclaimed
the
sin
;
woe
be
to
your
souls
,
woe
be
to
them
that
make
Laws
,
and
Writing
,
write
injustice
,
that
they
may
oppress
the
poor
in
Judgment
,
and
injure
the
cause
of
the
humble
,
that
Widows
may
become
their
Prey
,
and
that
they
might
destroy
the
Orphan
.
Woe
be
to
those
that
build
their
Houses
in
injustice
,
and
their
Tabernacles
in
Vnrighteousness
:
Woe
be
to
them
that
covet
large
possessions
,
that
break
open
Houses
and
destroy
the
Man
and
his
Inheritance
;
woe
be
to
such
Judges
who
are
like
Wolves
in
the
Evening
,
and
leave
not
a
bone
till
the
morning
.
The
Righteous
Judge
will
bring
such
Counsellors
to
a
foolish
end
,
and
such
Judges
to
confusion
:
ye
shall
all
presently
with
a
loud
cry
,
receive
the
just
sentence
of
the
Land
.
At
the
hearing
of
these
things
all
Ears
tingled
,
and
the
whole
Community
lifted
up
their
Voice
,
and
mourned
,
saying
,
Alas
,
alas
for
us
!
what
is
become
of
that
English
Liberty
which
we
have
so
often
purchased
,
which
by
so
many
Concessions
,
so
many
Statutes
,
so
many
Oaths
have
been
confirmed
to
us
.
Hereupon
several
of
the
Criminals
withdrew
into
secret
places
,
being
concealed
by
their
friends
;
some
of
them
were
brought
forth
into
the
midst
of
the
People
,
and
deservedly
turned
out
of
their
Offices
;
one
was
banished
the
Land
,
and
others
were
grievously
Fined
,
or
Condemned
to
perpetual
Imprisonment
.
This
is
confirmed
by
Spelman
,
An.
1290.
All
the
Justices
of
England
,
saith
he
,
were
An.
18.
Ed.
1.
apprehended
for
Corruption
,
except
John
Mettingham
,
and
Elias
Bleckingham
,
whom
I
name
for
their
honour
,
and
by
Judgment
of
Parliament
condemned
,
some
to
Imprisonment
,
others
Banishment
,
or
Confiscation
of
their
Estates
,
and
none
escaped
without
grievous
Fines
,
and
the
loss
of
their
Offices
.
The
Speech
and
Carriage
of
STEPHEN
COLLEDGE
,
Before
the
Castle
at
Oxford
,
Wednesday
,
Aug.
31.
1681.
Taken
exactly
from
his
Mouth
at
the
place
of
Execution
.
Mr.
High-Sheriff
.
MR.
Colledge
,
It
is
desired
,
for
satisfaction
of
the
World
,
because
you
have
profest
your self
a
Protestant
,
that
you
would
tell
what
Judgment
you
are
of
.
Colledge
.
Dear
People
,
dear
Protestants
,
and
dear
Country-men
,
I
Have
been
Accused
and
Convicted
for
Treason
,
the
Laws
Adjudge
me
to
this
Death
,
and
I
come
hither
willingly
to
submit
to
it
.
I
pray
God
forgive
all
those
persons
that
had
any
hand
in
it
.
I
do
declare
to
you
,
whatever
has
been
said
of
me
,
that
I
was
never
a
Papist
,
or
ever
that
way
inclined
;
they
have
done
me
wrong
:
I
was
ever
a
Protestant
,
I
was
born
a
Protestant
,
I
have
lived
so
,
and
so
by
the
Grace
of
God
I
will
die
,
of
the
Church
of
England
,
according
to
the
best
Reformation
of
the
Church
from
all
Idolatry
,
from
all
Superstition
,
or
any
thing
that
is
contrary
to
the
Gospel
of
our
blessed
Lord
and
Saviour
.
I
do
declare
,
I
was
never
in
any
Popish
Service
,
Prayers
,
or
Devotions
,
in
my
life
,
save
one
time
about
seventeen
or
eighteen
years
ago
,
as
near
as
I
remember
,
I
was
out
of
a
curiosity
one
afternoon
at
St.
James's
Chappel
,
the
Queens
Chappel
at
St.
James's
;
except
that
one
time
,
I
never
did
hear
any
Popish
Service
,
any
thing
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
Mass
or
Prayers
,
or
any
thing
else
,
private
or
publick
.
I
know
you
expect
that
I
should
say
something
as
to
what
I
die
for
.
It
has
been
charged
upon
me
:
when
I
was
apprehended
and
brought
before
the
Council
,
some
of
the
Council
,
the
Secretary
,
and
my
Lord
Killingworth
,
and
Mr.
Seymour
,
they
told
me
there
was
Treason
sworn
against
me
;
truly
they
surprized
me
when
they
said
so
:
for
of
all
things
in
the
World
,
I
thought
my self
as
free
from
that
as
any
man
.
I
asked
them
if
any
man
living
had
the
confidence
to
swear
Treason
against
me
?
They
said
several
,
three
or
four
as
I
remember
.
Then
they
told
me
,
it
was
sworn
against
me
,
that
I
had
a
design
to
pull
the
King
out
of
White-hall
,
and
to
serve
him
as
his
Father
was
served
,
or
to
that
purpose
,
the
Loggerhead
his
Father
,
or
that
kind
of
Language
.
I
did
deny
it
then
,
and
do
now
deny
it
upon
my
Death
.
I
never
was
in
any
manner
of
Plot
in
my
days
,
neither
one
way
nor
another
,
never
knew
any
su●●
persons
,
nor
ever
had
such
Communication
with
any
man
hitherto
.
I
know
of
no
Plot
in
the
World
but
the
Popish
Plot
,
and
that
every
man
may
know
as
much
as
I.
If
I
had
had
such
a
design
as
these
men
have
sworn
against
me
,
to
have
seiz'd
his
Majesty
either
at
London
,
or
this
place
at
Oxford
;
I
take
God
to
witness
,
as
I
'm
a
dying
man
,
and
upon
the
terms
of
my
Salvation
,
I
know
not
any
one
man
upon
the
face
of
the
Earth
that
would
have
stood
by
me
;
and
how
likely
it
was
that
I
should
do
such
a
thing
my self
,
let
the
whole
World
judge
.
Dugdale
swears
,
That
I
spoke
Treason
to
him
,
treasonable
words
in
the
Coffee-house
,
and
in
the
Barbers
shop
by
the
Angel
,
even
he
could
not
pretend
to
see
me
any
where
else
;
but
it
is
false
,
and
a
very
unlikely
thing
,
that
I
should
speak
Treason
to
him
.
I
must
confess
I
was
in
his
company
at
the
Coffee-house
and
that
Barbers
shop
,
before
I
went
out
of
Town
,
but
there
could
be
no
Communication
between
us
;
for
he
was
writing
at
one
end
of
the
Room
and
eating
a
piece
of
bread
,
and
I
lighted
a
Pipe
of
Tobacco
at
the
other
end
,
and
took
it
,
till
Sir
Tho.
Player
and
Sir
Rob.
Clayton
came
to
me
,
and
we
went
to
my
Lord
Lovelace's
out
of
Town
that
night
:
so
when
they
came
we
took
horse
and
went
out
of
Town
with
the
rest
.
For
my
part
,
I
can't
sum
up
my
Witnesses
.
I
was
under
most
strange
Circumstances
as
ever
any
man
was
;
I
was
kept
Prisoner
so
close
in
the
Tower
,
that
I
could
have
no
Conversation
with
any
,
though
I
was
certain
the
Popish
Lords
had
it
every
day
there
,
but
I
could
have
none
:
I
could
not
tell
the
Witnesses
that
were
to
swear
against
me
;
I
could
not
tell
what
it
was
they
swore
against
me
,
for
I
could
have
no
Copy
of
the
Indictment
,
nor
no
way
possible
to
make
any
preparation
to
make
my
Defence
,
as
I
ought
to
have
done
,
and
might
have
done
by
Law
,
I
had
no
liberty
to
do
any
thing
,
as
I
am
a
dying
man
.
And
as
to
what
Dugdale
,
Smith
,
Turbervile
,
and
Heyns
swore
against
me
,
they
did
swear
such
Treason
,
that
nothing
but
a
mad
man
would
ever
have
trusted
any
body
with
,
and
least
of
all
to
Papists
;
every
one
of
them
that
had
been
concerned
with
Plots
and
Treasons
among
their
own
party
,
and
under
the
greatest
Tyes
and
Obligations
of
Damnation
,
and
to
be
Sainted
if
they
kept
it
secret
,
and
to
be
damned
if
they
revealed
it
.
If
these
men
will
not
keep
things
secret
for
their
own
Party
,
how
could
I
trust
them
?
I
take
God
to
witness
,
and
do
freely
acknowledge
,
I
have
sought
my
God
with
Tears
several
times
,
to
inform
me
if
so
be
I
had
with
any
word
transgressed
at
any
time
.
I
knew
not
of
any
part
of
what
they
swore
against
me
,
till
such
time
as
I
heard
it
swore
against
me
at
the
Bar.
This
is
very
hard
,
Gentlemen
,
but
this
is
the
Truth
.
And
there
be
a
great
many
other
strange
Reports
that
I
have
heard
since
I
have
been
a
Prisoner
,
That
I
should
be
a
means
to
convert
the
Countess
of
Rochester
,
by
bringing
one
Thompson
a
Priest
to
her
.
Truly
all
that
I
was
concerned
in
was
,
some
fifteen
or
sixteen
years
ago
I
lodged
at
Col.
Vernon's
that
married
my
Lady
Brookes
:
The
Family
were
Papists
,
the
Brookes
were
Papists
,
and
there
was
this
Thompson
;
and
I
did
suppose
him
a
Priest
in
the
House
,
though
I
never
saw
him
at
Popish
Service
or
Worship
,
though
I
was
there
half
a
year
;
but
coming
afterwards
to
my
Lord
Rochester's
about
some
business
I
had
to
do
for
him
and
several
other
persons
of
Quality
,
he
sent
for
me
one
afternoon
from
the
Parsonage
in
Adderbury
to
his
House
,
and
his
Lady
and
he
stood
together
:
He
sent
to
me
and
ask'd
me
if
my
Horse
were
at
home
:
said
he
,
I
would
have
you
carry
this
Letter
to
Mr.
Thompson
,
if
you
are
at
leisure
this
afternoon
:
My
Lord
,
I
am
at
leisure
to
serve
you
.
So
I
took
a
Letter
from
his
hand
,
and
his
Lady
's
too
,
as
I
remember
(
he
made
an
offer
that
way
)
sealed
with
his
own
Seal
,
and
carried
it
to
Thompson
,
and
delivered
it
to
him
;
and
he
told
me
that
he
would
wait
upon
my
Lord
,
for
it
was
for
some
Lands
my
Lord
did
offer
to
raise
Money
for
some
occasions
.
This
is
the
Truth
of
that
Scandal
.
It
is
said
,
that
I
had
a
Priest
several
years
in
my
House
,
viz.
Serjeant
that
came
over
from
Holland
to
discover
:
About
some
ten
years
ago
,
that
very
same
man
came
to
me
,
but
was
a
stranger
to
me
,
and
he
came
to
me
by
the
name
of
Dr.
Smith
a
Physician
:
and
there
was
an
Apothecary
in
the
Old-baily
,
and
a
Linnen-draper
within
Ludgate
,
that
came
with
him
:
they
brought
him
thither
and
took
a
Chamber
,
and
lay
about
half
a
year
or
three
quarters
,
at
times
,
by
the
name
of
Dr.
Smith
,
and
as
a
Physician
.
This
is
the
Truth
of
that
,
and
no
otherwise
.
This
is
the
Entertainment
of
Serjeant
.
So
the
occasion
of
my
coming
to
Oxford
,
I
do
say
,
was
voluntary
.
The
Parliament-men
last
Parliament
at
Westminster
,
and
several
Lords
,
dined
together
the
day
before
they
sate
:
the
last
Sessions
of
Parliament
at
Wistminster
they
sent
for
me
to
the
Sun-Tavern
behind
the
Exchange
;
and
when
I
came
,
the
Duke
of
Monmouth
and
several
Lords
were
together
,
and
I
believe
above
a
hundred
Parliament-men
of
the
Commons
.
The
Duke
of
Monmouth
called
me
to
him
,
and
told
me
,
he
had
heard
a
good
Report
of
me
,
and
that
I
was
an
honest
man
,
and
one
that
may
be
trusted
;
and
they
did
not
know
but
their
Enemies
the
Papists
might
have
some
design
to
serve
them
as
they
did
in
King
James's
time
,
by
Gun-powder
,
or
any
other
ways
:
And
the
Duke
with
several
Lords
and
Commons
,
did
desire
me
to
use
my
utmost
skill
in
searching
all
places
suspected
by
them
;
which
I
did
perform
,
and
from
thence
I
had
,
as
I
think
,
the
popular
name
of
the
Protestant
Joyner
,
because
they
had
intrusted
me
before
any
man
in
England
to
do
that
Office
.
The
same
Haynes
,
one
of
them
that
swore
against
me
,
had
discovered
to
me
and
several
others
,
as
to
Macknamar
and
his
Brother
,
and
this
Ivy
,
who
are
now
all
of
another
stamp
,
That
the
Parliament
was
to
be
destroyed
at
Oxford
;
and
that
there
was
a
design
to
murther
my
Lord
Shaftsbury
by
Fitzgerald
and
his
Party
;
and
that
they
did
endeavour
to
bring
Macknamar
over
to
him
,
and
said
,
Then
it
would
be
well
with
him
;
and
they
would
not
be
long
before
they
had
Shaftsbury's
life
.
And
he
made
Depositions
of
this
to
Sir
Geo.
Treby
,
as
I
heard
afterwards
;
for
I
was
not
with
him
when
it
was
sworn
.
I
wish
the
Commons
of
England
as
well
as
I
wish
my
own
heart
;
and
I
did
not
understand
,
but
when
I
serv'd
the
Parliament
,
I
serv'd
his
Majesty
too
;
and
let
them
be
miserable
that
make
the
Difference
between
them
;
for
my
part
I
never
did
.
I
came
to
Oxford
with
my
Lord
Howard
,
whom
I
look
upon
to
be
a
very
honest
worthy
Gentleman
,
my
Lord
Clare
,
my
Lord
Paget
,
and
my
Lord
Huntingdon
;
and
this
Capt.
Brown
and
Don
Lewis
were
in
my
company
,
and
came
along
with
us
as
they
were
my
Lord
Howard's
Friends
.
Brown
I
have
known
I
believe
two
or
three
months
,
but
Lewis
I
never
saw
before
that
day
;
they
said
they
came
with
my
Lord
Howard
.
I
take
God
to
witness
,
I
never
had
but
one
sixpence
or
any
thing
else
,
to
carry
on
any
design
;
and
if
it
were
to
save
my
life
now
,
I
can't
charge
any
man
in
the
world
with
any
design
against
the
Government
,
as
God
is
my
witness
,
or
against
his
Majesty
,
or
any
other
person
.
As
for
what
Arms
I
had
,
and
what
Arms
others
had
,
they
were
for
our
own
defence
,
in
case
the
Papists
should
make
any
attempt
upon
us
by
way
of
Massacre
,
or
any
Invasion
or
Rebellion
,
that
we
should
be
ready
to
defend
our selves
.
God
is
my
witness
this
is
all
I
know
:
If
this
be
a
Plot
,
this
I
was
in
;
but
in
no
other
.
But
never
knew
of
any
numbers
or
times
appointed
for
meeting
;
but
we
said
one
to
another
,
that
the
Papists
had
a
Design
against
the
Protestants
,
when
we
did
meet
,
as
I
was
a
man
of
general
Conversation
;
and
in
case
they
should
rise
,
we
were
ready
:
but
then
they
should
begin
the
Attempt
upon
us
.
This
was
my
business
,
and
is
the
business
of
every
good
Subject
that
loves
the
Laws
of
his
Country
and
his
King
:
For
England
can
never
hope
to
be
happy
under
those
Blood-thirsty
men
,
whose
Religion
is
Blood
and
Murther
;
which
I
do
with
all
my
Soul
,
and
did
ever
since
I
knew
what
Religion
was
,
abhor
and
detest
,
viz.
the
Church
of
Rome
,
as
pernicious
and
destructive
to
humane
Societies
,
and
all
Government
.
I
beseech
God
,
that
every
Man
of
you
may
unite
together
as
Protestants
against
this
common
Foe
.
Gentlemen
,
it
is
my
sence
,
and
I
do
in
that
believe
I
am
as
certainly
murthered
by
the
hands
of
the
Papists
as
Sir
Edmundbury
Godfrey
himself
was
,
though
the
thing
is
not
seen
.
These
Witnesses
certainly
are
mercenary
men
,
and
I
beseech
God
Almighty
to
have
mercy
upon
their
Souls
,
and
forgive
them
;
and
either
by
his
Judgments
or
mercies
reclaim
them
,
that
they
shed
no
more
innocent
blood
:
There
is
not
a
man
of
them
that
I
know
of
,
that
ever
heard
me
say
or
do
any
bit
of
Treason
in
my
life
.
This
is
(
the
first
I
mayn't
say
it
is
)
but
almost
the
twentieth
Sham-Plot
that
they
have
endeavoured
to
put
upon
the
Nation
,
to
delude
the
People
,
and
put
off
their
own
damnable
Plot.
This
is
not
the
first
,
but
I
think
the
sixteenth
or
seventeenth
;
I
pray
God
that
my
blood
may
be
the
last
.
I
pray
God
defend
every
man's
blood
,
and
all
Protestants
in
England
,
from
the
hand
of
these
bloody
Papists
,
by
whose
means
I
die
this
Death
;
and
if
they
shall
go
on
in
this
nature
,
I
hope
the
good
God
will
open
every
mans
eyes
to
see
it
before
he
feels
it
:
And
I
beseech
you
,
if
you
have
any
love
for
your
King
,
your
Country
,
and
the
Protestants
,
unite
together
,
if
you
are
Protestants
.
I
pray
God
,
those
that
deserve
the
name
,
let
them
be
called
how
they
will
,
either
Dissenters
,
or
Church
of
England
men
,
that
they
may
unite
together
like
men
,
like
Christians
,
against
the
common
Foe
,
who
will
spare
neither
the
one
side
nor
the
other
,
but
beat
you
one
against
another
like
two
Pitchers
,
the
last
that
stands
they
will
certainly
destroy
if
they
can
.
This
is
my
sence
,
and
God
is
my
witness
,
I
speak
my
Conscience
.
I
do
not
know
,
Mr.
Sheriff
,
whether
there
be
any
thing
else
I
have
to
say
,
or
no.
We
have
a
good
God
,
and
I
beseech
every
man
that
hears
me
this
day
(
for
we
live
in
a
sinful
Age
,
good
People
,
and
it
behoveth
every
one
of
you
,
it
cannot
be
long
before
all
that
look
upon
me
in
this
condition
,
must
lie
down
in
the
Dust
,
and
God
knows
,
must
come
into
an
eternal
estate
either
for
Mercy
or
Judgment
)
I
beseech
you
in
the
name
of
God
,
he
is
a
God
of
Mercy
,
and
a
God
of
Patience
,
and
long
suffering
,
that
you
would
break
off
your
Sins
by
Repentance
,
and
serve
a
good
God
,
who
must
be
your
Friend
at
last
,
or
else
you
are
lost
to
Eternity
.
O
Lord
,
how
ungrateful
wretches
are
we
,
that
have
a
God
of
such
infinite
Mercy
and
goodness
,
that
affords
us
our
Life
,
our
Health
,
and
a
thousand
Mercies
every
day
;
and
we
like
ungrateful
People
,
not
deserving
the
name
of
Men
or
Christians
,
live
riotous
lives
,
in
Debauchery
and
Swearing
,
in
Malice
,
and
the
Lord
knows
how
many
Evils
.
I
beseech
God
that
I
may
be
this
day
a
means
in
the
hand
of
God
to
bring
some
of
their
Souls
over
to
him
.
I
beseech
you
remember
what
I
say
.
Indeed
I
do
not
know
,
I
have
been
so
strangely
used
since
I
have
been
a
Prisoner
,
what
to
say
,
being
brought
from
one
Affliction
to
another
,
that
my
Body
is
worn
out
,
and
my
Memory
and
Intellects
have
failed
me
much
,
to
what
they
were
;
I
can't
remember
what
I
have
to
say
more
,
but
that
the
Lord
Jesus
Christ
would
bless
my
Country
,
and
preserve
it
from
Popery
;
and
in
mercy
bless
his
Majesty
:
good
God
be
merciful
to
him
,
make
him
an
instrument
in
thy
hands
to
defend
his
Protestant
Subjects
;
Lord
,
in
mercy
defend
him
from
his
Enemies
;
good
God
bless
this
People
;
good
Lord
continue
the
Gospel
of
Jesus
Christ
,
thy
Gospel
,
in
its
purity
,
to
us
and
our
Posterity
,
as
long
as
the
Sun
and
Moon
endureth
.
O
Lord
,
save
all
that
call
upon
thee
,
be
merciful
to
all
thy
Servants
,
all
thy
People
that
put
their
trust
in
thee
,
good
Lord
deliver
them
from
the
hands
of
their
Enemies
:
good
Lord
,
let
their
Lives
,
and
Bodies
,
and
Souls
,
be
all
precious
in
thy
sight
.
O
merciful
God
,
put
a
stop
to
these
most
wicked
Conspiracies
of
thy
Enemies
,
and
the
Nations
Enemies
,
the
Papists
;
let
no
more
Protestant
blood
be
shed
but
this
of
mine
,
I
beseech
thee
,
O
my
God
.
O
Lord
look
upon
me
;
O
Lord
bless
me
,
O
good
God
,
receive
me
into
thy
blessed
presence
by
Jesus
Christ
my
alone
Saviour
and
Redeemer
,
in
whom
alone
I
put
my
trust
for
Salvation
:
It
is
thee
,
O
God
,
that
I
trust
in
,
thou
righteous
Judge
of
Heaven
and
Earth
.
All
Popery
,
all
Pardons
,
all
Popes
and
Priests
,
all
Dispensations
I
disown
,
and
will
not
go
out
of
the
World
with
a
lye
in
my
mouth
.
From
the
sincerity
of
my
heart
,
I
declare
again
,
that
what
I
've
said
to
you
,
is
the
very
Sentiments
of
my
Soul
,
as
God
shall
have
mercy
upon
me
,
and
to
the
best
of
my
knowledge
.
I
desire
the
Prayers
of
you
,
good
People
,
while
I
am
here
:
and
once
more
I
beseech
you
to
think
upon
Eternity
,
every
one
of
you
that
hear
me
this
day
;
the
Lord
turn
your
Hearts
and
Souls
,
if
you
have
been
wicked
livers
,
if
you
do
live
wicked
lives
,
the
Lord
in
mercy
convert
you
:
and
shew
you
your
danger
:
for
I
as
little
thought
to
come
to
this
,
as
any
man
that
hears
me
this
day
,
and
I
bless
God
,
I
have
no
more
deserved
it
from
the
hands
of
men
,
than
the
Child
that
sucks
at
his
Mothers
breast
,
I
bless
my
God
for
it
.
I
do
say
,
I
have
been
a
sinner
against
my
God
,
and
he
hath
learned
me
Grace
ever
since
I
have
been
a
Prisoner
.
I
bless
my
God
for
a
Prison
;
I
bless
my
God
for
Afflictions
:
I
bless
my
God
that
ever
I
was
restrain'd
:
for
I
never
knew
my self
till
he
had
taken
me
out
of
the
World
.
Therefore
you
that
have
your
liberties
,
time
,
and
precious
opportunities
,
be
up
,
and
be
doing
for
God
and
for
your
Souls
,
every
one
of
you
.
To
his
Son
.
Where
is
my
dear
Child
?
Mr.
Sheriff
.
I
made
one
request
to
you
,
you
gave
me
an
imperfect
Answer
;
you
said
you
were
of
the
best
Reformed
Church
in
the
world
,
the
Church
of
England
,
according
to
the
best
Reformation
in
the
world
.
I
desire
you
for
the
satisfaction
of
the
world
,
to
declare
what
Church
that
is
,
whether
Presbyterian
,
or
Independant
,
or
the
Church
of
England
,
or
what
.
Colledge
.
Good
Mr.
Sheriff
,
for
your
satisfaction
,
for
20
years
and
above
I
was
under
the
Presbyterian
Ministry
,
till
his
Majesties
Restauration
;
then
I
was
conformable
to
the
Church
of
England
,
when
that
was
restored
,
and
so
continued
till
such
time
as
I
saw
Persecution
upon
the
Dissenting
People
,
and
undue
things
done
in
their
Meeting-places
;
then
I
went
among
them
to
know
what
kind
of
people
those
were
,
and
I
take
God
to
witness
,
since
that
time
I
have
used
their
Meetings
,
viz.
the
presbyterians
,
others
very
seldom
,
and
the
Church
of
England
.
I
did
hear
Dr.
Tillotson
not
above
three
weeks
before
I
was
taken
.
I
heard
the
Church
of
England
as
frequently
as
I
heard
the
Dissenters
,
and
never
had
any
prejudice
,
God
is
my
witness
,
against
either
,
but
always
heartily
desired
that
they
might
unite
,
and
be
Lovers
and
Friends
,
and
I
had
no
prejudice
against
any
man
;
and
truly
I
am
afraid
that
it
is
not
for
the
Nations
good
,
that
there
should
be
such
Heart-burnings
between
them
:
That
some
of
the
Church
of
England
will
preach
,
that
the
Presbyterians
are
worse
than
the
Papists
.
God
doth
know
that
what
I
say
,
I
speak
freely
from
my
heart
,
I
have
found
many
among
them
truly
serving
God
,
and
so
I
have
of
all
the
rest
that
have
come
into
my
company
;
Men
without
any
manner
of
Design
but
to
serve
God
,
serve
his
Majesty
,
and
keep
their
Liberties
and
Properties
;
men
that
I
am
certain
are
not
of
vicious
lives
:
I
found
no
Dammers
or
those
kind
of
People
amongst
them
,
or
at
least
few
of
them
.
To
his
Son
,
Kissing
him
several
times
with
great
passion
.
Dear
Child
Farewell
,
the
Lord
have
mercy
upon
thee
.
Good
people
,
let
me
have
your
Prayers
to
God
Almighty
to
receive
my
Soul
.
And
then
he
Prayed
,
and
as
soon
as
he
had
done
,
spake
as
followeth
.
The
Lord
have
mercy
upon
my
Enemies
,
and
I
beseech
you
,
good
People
,
whoever
you
are
,
and
the
whole
World
that
I
have
offended
to
forgive
me
;
whomever
I
have
offended
in
word
or
deed
,
I
ask
every
man's
pardon
,
and
I
forgive
the
World
with
all
my
soul
,
all
the
Injuries
I
have
received
;
and
I
beseech
God
Almighty
forgive
those
poor
Wretches
who
have
cast
away
their
souls
,
or
at
least
endangered
them
,
to
ruine
this
body
of
mine
:
I
beseech
God
that
they
may
have
a
sight
of
their
Sins
,
and
that
they
may
find
mercy
at
his
hands
:
Let
my
blood
speak
the
justice
of
my
Cause
.
I
have
done
:
And
God
have
mercy
upon
you
all
.
To
Mr.
Crosthwait
.
Pray
,
Sir
,
my
Service
to
Dr.
Hall
,
and
Dr.
Reynall
,
and
thank
them
for
all
their
kindnesses
to
me
;
I
thank
you
,
Sir
,
for
your
kindness
:
The
Lord
bless
you
all
.
Mr.
Sheriff
,
God
be
with
you
:
God
be
with
you
all
,
good
People
.
The
Executioner
Ketch
desired
his
pardon
;
and
he
said
,
I
do
forgive
you
.
The
Lord
have
mercy
on
my
Soul
.
The
SPEECH
of
the
Late
Lord
RUSSEL
,
to
the
SHERIFFS
.
Together
with
the
PAPER
deliver'd
by
him
to
them
,
at
the
place
of
Execution
,
on
July
21.
1683.
Mr.
SHERIFF
,
I
Expected
the
Noise
would
be
such
,
that
I
could
not
be
very
well
heard
:
I
was
never
fond
of
much
speaking
,
much
less
now
;
Therefore
I
have
set
down
in
this
Paper
,
all
that
I
think
fit
to
leave
behind
me
.
God
knows
how
far
I
was
always
from
Designs
against
the
King's
Person
,
or
of
altering
the
Government
;
and
I
still
pray
for
the
Preservation
of
both
,
and
of
the
Protestant
Religion
.
I
am
told
,
that
Captain
Walcot
has
said
some
things
concerning
my
knowledge
of
the
Plot
:
I
know
not
whether
the
Report
is
true
or
not
,
I
hope
it
is
not
:
For
to
my
knowledg
,
I
never
saw
him
,
or
spake
with
him
in
my
whole
Life
;
and
in
the
Words
of
a
dying
Man
,
I
profess
I
know
of
no
Plot
,
either
against
the
King's
Life
,
or
the
Government
.
But
I
have
now
done
with
this
World
,
and
am
going
to
a
better
.
I
forgive
all
the
World
,
and
I
thank
God
I
die
in
Charity
with
all
Men
;
and
I
wish
all
sincere
Protestants
may
love
one
another
,
and
not
make
way
for
Popery
by
their
Animosities
.
The
PAPER
deliver'd
to
the
SHERIFFS
.
I
Thank
God
,
I
find
my self
so
composed
and
prepared
for
death
,
and
my
Thoughts
so
fixed
on
another
World
,
that
I
hope
in
God
I
am
now
quite
weaned
from
setting
my
heart
on
this
.
Yet
I
cannot
forbear
now
,
in
setting
down
in
Writing
a
fuller
Account
of
my
Condition
,
to
be
left
behind
me
,
than
I
'll
venture
to
say
at
the
place
of
Execution
,
in
the
noise
and
clutter
that
is
like
to
be
there
.
I
bless
God
heartily
for
those
many
Blessings
,
which
he
in
his
infinite
Mercy
has
bestowed
upon
me
,
through
the
whole
course
of
my
Life
:
That
I
was
born
of
worthy
good
Parents
,
and
had
the
Advantages
of
a
Religious
Education
,
which
I
have
often
thank'd
God
very
heartily
for
,
and
look'd
upon
as
an
invaluable
Blessing
:
For
even
when
I
minded
it
least
,
it
still
hung
about
me
,
and
gave
me
checks
,
and
has
now
for
many
years
so
influenced
and
possessed
me
,
that
I
feel
the
happy
Effects
of
it
in
this
my
extremity
,
in
which
I
have
been
so
wonderfully
(
I
thank
God
)
supported
,
that
neither
my
imprisonment
,
nor
the
fear
of
Death
,
have
been
able
to
discompose
me
to
any
degree
;
but
on
the
contrary
,
I
have
found
the
Assurances
of
the
Love
and
Mercy
of
God
,
in
and
through
my
blessed
Redeemer
,
in
whom
only
I
trust
;
and
I
do
not
question
,
but
that
I
am
going
to
partake
of
that
fulness
of
Joy
which
is
in
his
presence
,
the
hopes
thereof
does
so
wonderfully
delight
me
,
that
I
reckon
this
as
the
happiest
time
of
my
Life
,
tho'
others
may
look
upon
it
as
the
saddest
.
I
have
lived
,
and
now
die
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
a
true
and
sincere
Protestant
,
and
in
the
Communion
of
the
Church
of
England
,
though
I
could
never
yet
comply
with
,
or
rise
up
to
all
the
heights
of
many
People
.
I
wish
with
all
my
Soul
,
all
our
unhappy
Differences
were
removed
,
and
that
all
sincere
Protestants
would
so
far
consider
the
Danger
of
Popery
,
as
to
lay
aside
their
Heats
,
and
agree
against
the
Common
Enemy
,
and
that
the
Church-men
would
be
less
severe
,
and
the
Dissenters
less
scrupulous
:
For
I
think
Bitterness
and
Persecution
are
at
all
times
bad
,
but
much
more
now
.
For
Popery
,
I
look
on
it
as
an
Idolatrous
and
Bloody
Religion
,
and
therefore
thought
my self
bound
in
my
station
,
to
do
all
I
could
against
it
.
And
by
that
I
foresaw
I
should
proture
such
great
Enemies
to
my self
,
and
so
powerful
ones
,
that
I
have
been
now
for
some
time
expecting
the
worst
.
And
blessed
be
God
,
I
fall
by
the
Axe
,
and
not
by
the
Fiery
Tryal
.
Yet
,
whatever
apprehensions
I
had
of
Popery
,
and
of
my
own
severe
and
heavy
share
I
was
like
to
have
under
it
,
when
it
should
prevail
,
I
never
had
a
thought
of
doing
any
thing
against
it
basely
,
or
inhumanely
,
but
what
could
well
consist
with
the
Christian
Religion
,
and
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
this
Kingdom
.
And
I
thank
God
,
I
have
examin'd
all
my
actings
in
that
matter
,
with
so
great
care
,
that
I
can
appeal
to
God
Almighty
,
who
knows
my
heart
,
that
I
went
on
sincerely
,
without
being
moved
,
either
by
Passion
,
By-ends
,
or
ill-design
.
I
have
always
loved
my
Country
much
more
than
my
life
;
and
never
had
any
Design
of
changing
the
Government
,
which
I
value
and
look
upon
as
one
of
the
best
Governments
in
the
World
,
and
would
always
have
been
ready
to
venture
my
life
for
the
preserving
it
,
and
would
have
suffered
any
Extremity
,
rather
than
have
consented
to
any
Design
to
take
away
the
King's
Life
:
Neither
ever
had
Man
the
impudence
to
propose
so
base
and
barbarous
a
thing
to
me
.
And
I
look
on
it
as
a
very
unhappy
and
uneasy
part
of
my
present
Condition
,
That
in
my
Indictment
there
should
be
so
much
as
mention
of
so
vile
a
Fact
;
tho'
nothing
in
the
least
was
said
to
prove
any
such
Matter
;
but
the
contrary
,
by
the
Lord
Howard
:
Neither
does
any
body
,
I
am
confident
,
believe
the
least
of
it
.
So
that
I
need
not
,
I
think
,
say
more
.
For
the
King
,
I
do
sincerely
pray
for
him
,
and
wish
well
to
him
,
and
to
the
Nation
,
That
they
may
be
happy
in
one
another
;
that
he
may
be
indeed
the
Defender
of
the
Faith
,
That
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Peace
and
Safety
of
the
Kingdom
may
be
preserved
,
and
flourish
under
his
Government
;
and
that
He
in
his
Person
may
be
happy
both
here
,
and
hereafter
.
As
for
the
share
I
had
in
the
Prosecution
of
the
Popish
Plot
,
I
take
God
to
witness
,
That
I
proceeded
in
it
in
the
Sincerity
of
my
heart
,
being
then
really
convinced
(
as
I
am
still
)
that
there
was
a
Conspiracy
against
the
King
,
the
Nation
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
:
And
I
likewise
profess
,
That
I
never
knew
any
thing
,
either
directly
,
or
indirectly
,
of
any
Practice
with
the
Witnesses
;
which
I
look
upon
as
so
horrid
a
thing
,
that
I
could
never
have
endured
it
.
For
,
I
thank
God
,
Falshood
and
Cruelty
were
never
in
my
Nature
,
but
always
the
farthest
from
it
imaginable
.
I
did
believe
,
and
do
still
,
That
Popery
is
breaking
in
upon
the
Nation
:
and
that
those
who
advance
it
,
will
stop
at
nothing
,
to
carry
on
their
Design
,
I
am
heartily
sorry
that
so
many
Protestants
give
their
helping
hand
to
it
.
But
I
hope
God
will
preserve
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
this
Nation
:
Though
I
am
afraid
it
will
fall
under
very
great
Tryals
,
and
very
sharp
Sufferings
.
And
indeed
the
Impiety
and
Prophaneness
that
abounds
,
and
appears
so
scandalously
bare-fac'd
every
where
,
gives
too
just
reason
to
fear
the
worst
things
which
can
befall
a
People
.
I
pray
God
prevent
it
,
and
give
those
who
have
shew'd
Concern
for
the
Publick
Good
,
and
who
have
appear'd
hearty
for
the
true
Interest
of
the
Nation
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
Grace
to
live
so
,
that
they
may
not
cast
a
reproach
on
that
which
they
endeavour
to
advance
;
which
(
God
knows
)
has
often
given
me
many
sad
thoughts
.
And
I
hope
such
of
my
Friends
as
may
think
they
are
touch'd
by
this
,
will
not
take
what
I
say
in
ill
part
,
but
endeavour
to
amend
their
ways
,
and
live
suitable
to
the
Rules
of
the
true
Reformed
Religion
,
which
is
the
only
thing
can
administer
true
Comfort
at
the
latter
end
,
and
revive
a
man
when
he
comes
to
Dye
.
As
for
my
present
Condition
,
I
bless
God
,
I
have
no
repining
in
my
heart
at
it
.
I
know
for
my
Sins
I
have
deserved
much
worse
at
the
hands
of
God
;
so
that
I
chearfully
submit
to
so
small
a
Punishment
,
as
the
being
taken
off
a
few
years
sooner
,
and
the
being
made
a
Spectacle
to
the
World
.
I
do
freely
forgive
all
the
World
,
particularly
those
concerned
in
taking
away
my
life
:
and
I
desire
and
conjure
my
Friends
to
think
of
no
Revenge
,
but
to
submit
to
the
holy
Will
of
God
,
into
whose
Hands
I
resign
my self
entirely
.
But
to
look
back
a
little
,
I
cannot
but
give
some
touch
about
the
Bill
of
Exclusion
,
and
shew
the
Reasons
of
my
appearing
in
that
Business
,
which
in
short
is
this
:
That
I
thought
the
Nation
was
in
such
danger
of
Popery
,
and
that
the
expectation
of
a
Popish
Successor
(
as
I
have
said
in
Parliament
)
put
the
King's
life
likewise
in
such
danger
,
that
I
saw
no
way
so
effectual
to
secure
both
,
as
such
a
Bill
.
As
to
the
Limitations
which
were
proposed
,
if
they
were
sincerely
offered
,
and
had
pass'd
into
a
Law
,
the
Duke
then
would
have
been
excluded
from
the
power
of
a
King
,
and
the
Government
quite
alter'd
,
and
little
more
than
the
name
of
a
King
left
.
So
I
could
not
see
either
Sin
or
Fault
in
the
one
,
when
all
People
were
willing
to
admit
of
t'other
:
but
thought
it
better
to
have
a
King
with
his
Prerogative
,
and
the
Nation
easie
and
safe
under
him
,
than
a
King
without
it
,
which
must
have
bred
perpetual
Jealousies
,
and
a
continual
struggle
.
All
this
I
say
only
to
justifie
my self
,
and
not
to
enflame
others
:
Though
I
cannot
but
think
my
Earnestness
in
that
matter
has
had
no
small
influence
in
my
present
Sufferings
.
But
I
have
now
done
with
this
World
,
and
am
going
to
a
Kingdom
which
cannot
be
moved
.
And
as
to
the
Conspiring
to
seize
the
Guards
,
which
is
the
Crime
for
which
I
am
Condemned
,
and
which
was
made
a
constructive
Treason
for
taking
away
the
King's
Life
,
to
bring
it
within
the
Statue
of
Ed.
the
3d.
I
shall
give
this
true
and
clear
account
.
I
never
was
at
Mr.
Shepheard's
with
that
Company
but
once
,
and
there
was
no
undertaking
then
of
securing
or
seizing
the
Guards
,
nor
none
appointed
to
view
,
or
examine
them
:
Some
Discourse
there
was
of
the
feasibleness
of
it
,
and
several
times
by
accident
in
general
Discourse
elsewhere
,
I
have
heard
it
mention'd
,
as
a
thing
might
easily
be
done
,
but
never
consented
to
as
fit
to
be
done
.
And
I
remember
particularly
at
my
Lord
Shaftsbury's
there
being
some
general
Discourse
of
this
kind
,
I
immediately
flew
out
,
and
exclaim'd
against
it
,
and
ask'd
,
if
the
thing
succeeded
,
what
must
be
done
next
,
but
massacring
the
Guards
,
and
killing
them
in
cold
blood
?
Which
I
look't
upon
as
so
detestable
a
thing
,
and
so
like
a
Popish
Practice
,
that
I
could
not
but
abhor
it
.
And
at
the
same
time
the
Duke
of
Monmouth
took
me
by
the
hand
,
and
told
me
very
kindly
,
My
Lord
,
I
see
you
and
I
are
of
a
Temper
,
did
you
ever
hear
so
horrid
a
thing
?
And
I
must
needs
do
him
that
Justice
to
declare
,
that
I
never
observed
in
him
but
an
Abhorrence
to
all
base
things
.
As
to
my
going
to
Mr.
Shepheard's
,
I
went
with
an
intention
to
taste
Sherry
,
for
he
had
promised
me
to
reserve
for
me
the
next
very
good
piece
he
met
with
,
when
I
went
out
of
Town
;
and
if
he
recollects
he
may
remember
I
ask'd
him
about
it
,
and
he
went
and
fetch'd
a
Bottle
;
but
when
I
tasted
it
,
I
said
't
was
hot
in
the
mouth
,
and
desired
that
whenever
he
met
with
a
choice
Piece
,
he
would
keep
it
for
me
,
which
he
promised
.
I
enlarge
the
more
upon
this
,
because
Sir
George
Jefferies
insinuated
to
the
Jury
,
as
if
I
had
made
a
story
about
going
thither
;
but
I
never
said
,
that
was
the
only
Reason
:
And
I
will
now
truly
and
plainly
add
the
rest
.
I
was
the
day
before
this
Meeting
,
come
to
Town
for
two
or
three
days
,
as
I
had
done
once
or
twice
before
;
having
a
very
near
and
dear
Relation
lying
in
a
very
languishing
and
desperate
Condition
:
And
the
Duke
of
Monmouth
came
to
me
,
and
told
me
,
he
was
extreamly
glad
I
was
come
to
Town
;
for
my
Lord
Shaftsbury
,
and
some
hot
Men
would
undo
us
all
:
How
so
,
my
Lord
,
I
said
?
Why
(
answered
he
)
they
'll
certainly
do
some
disorderly
thing
or
other
,
if
great
Care
be
not
taken
,
and
therefore
for
God's
sake
use
your
Endeavours
with
your
Friends
to
prevent
any
thing
of
this
kind
.
He
told
me
,
there
would
be
Company
at
Mr.
Shepheard's
that
Night
,
and
desired
me
to
be
at
home
in
the
Evening
,
and
he
would
call
me
;
which
he
did
:
And
when
I
came
into
the
Room
,
I
saw
Mr.
Rumsey
by
the
Chimney
;
though
he
swears
he
came
in
after
;
and
there
were
things
said
by
some
with
much
more
Heat
than
Judgment
,
which
I
did
sufficiently
disapprove
,
and
yet
for
these
things
I
stand
condemned
.
But
I
thank
God
,
my
part
was
sincere
,
and
well
meant
.
It
is
,
I
know
,
inferr'd
from
hence
,
and
was
pressed
to
me
,
that
I
was
acquainted
with
these
Heats
and
ill
Designs
,
and
did
not
discover
them
.
But
this
is
but
Misprision
of
Treason
at
most
.
So
I
dye
innocent
of
the
Crime
I
stand
condemn'd
for
,
and
I
hope
no
body
will
imagaine
that
so
mean
a
Thought
could
enter
into
me
,
as
to
go
about
to
save
my self
,
by
accusing
others
.
The
part
that
some
have
acted
lately
of
that
kind
,
has
not
been
such
as
to
invite
me
to
love
Life
at
such
a
rate
.
As
for
the
Sentence
of
Death
passed
upon
me
,
I
cannot
but
think
it
a
very
hard
one
.
For
nothing
was
sworn
against
me
(
whether
true
or
false
,
I
will
not
now
examine
)
but
some
Discourses
about
making
some
Stirs
.
And
this
is
not
levying
War
against
the
King
,
which
is
Treason
by
the
Statute
of
Edward
the
Third
,
and
not
the
consulting
and
discoursing
about
it
,
which
was
all
that
was
witnessed
against
me
.
But
,
by
a
strange
Fetch
,
the
Design
of
seizing
the
Guards
was
construed
a
Design
of
killing
the
King
;
and
so
I
was
in
that
cast
.
And
now
I
have
truly
and
sincerely
told
what
my
part
was
in
that
,
which
cannot
be
more
than
a
bare
Misprision
;
and
yet
I
am
condemned
as
guilty
of
a
Design
of
killing
the
King
.
I
pray
God
lay
not
this
to
the
charge
,
neither
of
the
King's
Council
,
nor
Judges
,
nor
Sheriffs
,
nor
Jury
:
And
for
the
Witnesses
,
I
pity
them
,
and
wish
them
well
.
I
shall
not
reckon
up
the
particulars
wherein
they
did
me
wrong
;
I
had
rather
their
own
Consciences
should
do
that
,
to
which
,
and
the
Mercies
of
God
,
I
leave
them
.
Only
I
still
aver
,
that
what
I
said
of
my
not
hearing
Col.
Rumsey
deliver
any
Message
from
my
Lord
Shaftsbury
,
was
true
;
for
I
always
detested
Lying
,
tho'
never
so
much
to
my
advantage
.
And
I
hope
none
will
be
so
unjust
and
uncharitable
,
as
to
think
I
would
venture
on
it
in
these
my
last
Words
,
for
which
I
am
so
soon
to
give
an
account
to
the
Great
God
,
the
Searcher
of
Hearts
,
and
Judge
of
all
Things
.
From
the
time
of
chusing
Sheriffs
,
I
concluded
the
Heat
in
that
Matter
would
produce
something
of
this
kind
;
and
I
am
not
much
surprized
to
find
it
fall
upon
me
.
And
I
wish
what
is
done
to
me
,
may
put
a
stop
,
and
satiate
some
Peoples
Revenge
,
and
that
no
more
innocent
Blood
be
shed
;
for
I
must
and
do
still
look
upon
mine
as
such
,
since
I
know
I
was
guilty
of
no
Treason
;
and
therefore
I
would
not
betray
my
Innocence
by
Flight
,
of
which
I
do
not
(
I
thank
God
)
yet
repent
(
tho'
much
pressed
to
it
)
how
fatal
soever
it
may
have
seem'd
to
have
proved
to
me
;
for
I
look
upon
my
Death
in
this
manner
(
I
thank
God
)
with
other
eyes
than
the
World
does
.
I
know
I
said
but
little
at
the
Trial
,
and
I
suppose
it
looks
more
like
Innocence
than
Guilt
.
I
was
also
advis'd
not
to
confess
Matter
of
Fact
plainly
,
since
that
must
certainly
have
brought
me
within
the
Guilt
of
Misprision
.
And
being
thus
restrained
from
dealing
frankly
and
openly
,
I
chose
rather
to
say
little
,
than
to
depart
from
that
Ingenuity
,
that
,
by
the
Grace
of
God
,
I
had
carried
along
with
me
in
the
former
parts
of
my
Life
,
and
so
could
easier
be
silent
,
and
leave
the
whole
Matter
to
the
Conscience
of
the
Jury
,
than
to
make
the
last
and
solemnest
part
of
my
Life
so
different
from
the
Course
of
it
,
as
the
using
little
Tricks
and
Evasions
must
have
been
.
Nor
did
I
ever
pretend
to
a
great
readiness
in
speaking
:
I
wish
those
Gentlemen
of
the
Law
,
who
have
it
,
would
make
more
Conscience
in
the
use
of
it
,
and
not
run
Men
down
,
and
by
Strains
and
Fetches
impose
on
easie
and
willing
Juries
,
to
the
Ruine
of
innocent
Men
:
For
to
kill
by
Forms
and
Subtilties
of
Law
,
is
the
worst
sort
of
Murther
.
But
I
wish
the
Rage
of
hot
Men
,
and
the
Partialities
of
Juries
,
may
be
stopp'd
with
my
Blood
,
which
I
would
offer
up
with
so
much
the
more
Joy
,
if
I
thought
I
should
be
the
last
were
to
suffer
in
such
a
way
.
Since
my
Sentence
,
I
have
had
but
few
Thoughts
,
but
Preparatory
ones
for
Death
:
Yet
the
importunity
of
my
Friends
,
and
particularly
of
the
Best
and
Dearest
Wife
in
the
World
,
prevail'd
with
me
to
sign
Petitions
,
and
make
an
Address
for
my
Life
:
To
which
I
was
very
averse
.
For
(
I
thank
God
)
tho'
in
all
respects
I
have
lived
one
of
the
happiest
and
contented'st
Men
of
the
World
(
for
now
very
neer
fourteen
years
)
yet
I
am
so
willing
to
leave
all
,
that
it
was
not
without
Difficulty
,
that
I
did
any
thing
for
the
saving
of
my
Life
,
that
was
Begging
.
But
I
was
willing
to
let
my
Friends
see
what
Power
they
had
over
me
,
and
that
I
was
not
Obstinate
,
nor
Sullen
,
but
would
do
any
thing
that
an
honest
Man
could
do
,
for
their
Satisfaction
.
Which
was
the
only
Motive
that
sway'd
,
or
had
any
weight
with
me
.
And
now
to
sum
up
all
:
As
I
never
had
any
Design
against
the
King's
Life
,
or
the
Life
of
any
Man
whatsoever
;
so
I
never
was
in
any
Contrivance
of
altering
the
Government
.
What
the
Heats
,
Wickedness
,
Passions
,
and
Vanities
of
other
men
have
occasioned
,
I
ought
not
to
be
answerable
for
;
nor
could
I
repress
them
,
though
I
now
suffer
for
them
.
But
the
Will
of
the
Lord
be
done
;
into
whose
Hands
I
commend
my
Spirit
;
and
trust
that
Thou
,
O
most
Merciful
Father
,
hast
forgiven
me
all
my
Transgressions
;
the
Sins
of
my
Youth
,
and
all
the
Errors
of
my
past
Life
;
and
that
Thou
wilt
not
lay
my
secret
Sins
and
Ignorances
to
my
Charge
;
but
wilt
graciously
support
me
during
that
small
part
of
my
Time
now
before
me
,
and
assist
me
in
my
last
Moments
,
and
not
leave
me
then
to
be
disorder'd
by
Fear
,
or
any
other
Temptations
;
but
make
the
Light
of
thy
Countenance
to
shine
upon
me
,
for
thou
art
my
Sun
and
my
Shield
:
And
as
Thou
supportest
me
by
thy
Grace
,
so
I
hope
thou
wilt
hereafter
Crown
me
with
Glory
,
and
receive
me
into
the
Fellowship
of
Angels
and
Saints
,
in
that
blessed
Inheritance
purchased
for
me
by
my
most
merciful
Redeemer
;
who
is
,
I
trust
,
at
thy
Right
Hand
,
preparing
a
place
for
me
,
and
is
ready
to
receive
me
:
into
whose
Hand
I
commend
my
Spirit
.
To
the
KING
's
Most
Excellent
Majesty
.
The
Humble
Petition
of
Algernon
Sidney
,
Esquire
.
SHEWETH
,
THat
your
Petitioner
,
after
a
long
and
close
Imprisonment
,
was
on
the
7th
day
of
this
Month
,
with
a
Guard
of
Souldiers
,
brought
into
the
Palace-yard
,
upon
an
Habeas
Corpus
directed
to
the
Lieutenant
of
the
Tower
,
before
any
Indictment
had
been
exhibited
against
him
:
But
while
he
was
there
detain'd
,
〈…〉
was
exhibited
,
and
found
;
whereupon
he
was
immediately
carried
to
the
King's
Bench
,
and
there
Arraign'd
.
In
this
surprize
he
desir'd
a
Copy
of
the
Indictment
,
and
leave
to
make
his
Exceptions
,
or
to
put
in
a
Special
Plea
,
and
Council
to
frame
it
;
but
all
was
deny'd
him
.
He
then
offer'd
a
Special
Plea
ready
Ingross'd
,
which
also
was
rejected
without
reading
:
And
being
threatned
,
that
if
he
did
not
immediately
plead
Guilty
or
Not
Guilty
,
Judgment
of
High
Treason
should
be
entred
,
he
was
forc'd
contrary
to
Law
(
as
he
supposes
)
to
come
to
a
general
Issue
in
Pleading
Not
Guilty
.
Novemb.
21.
He
was
brought
to
his
Tryal
,
and
the
Indictment
being
perplexed
and
confused
,
so
as
neither
he
nor
any
of
his
Friends
that
heard
it
,
could
fully
comprehend
the
scope
of
it
,
he
was
wholly
unprovided
of
all
the
helps
that
the
Law
allows
to
every
man
for
his
Defence
.
Whereupon
he
did
again
desire
a
Copy
,
and
produc'd
an
Authentick
Copy
of
the
Statute
of
46
Ed.
3.
whereby
't
is
Enacted
,
That
every
man
shall
have
a
Copy
of
any
Record
that
touches
him
in
any
manner
,
as
well
that
which
is
for
or
against
the
King
,
as
any
other
person
;
but
could
neither
obtain
a
Copy
of
his
Indictment
,
nor
that
the
Statute
should
be
read
.
The
Jury
by
which
he
was
try'd
,
was
not
(
as
he
is
inform'd
)
summon'd
by
the
Bailiffs
of
the
several
Hundreds
,
in
the
usual
and
legal
manner
,
but
names
were
agreed
upon
by
Mr.
Graham
,
and
the
Under-Sheriff
,
and
directions
given
to
the
Bailiffs
to
Summon
them
:
And
being
all
so
chosen
,
a
Copy
of
the
Pannel
was
of
no
use
to
him
.
When
they
came
to
be
call'd
,
he
excepted
against
some
for
being
your
Majesties
Servants
,
which
he
hop'd
should
not
have
been
return'd
,
when
he
was
prosecuted
at
your
Majesties
Suit
;
many
others
for
not
being
Freeholders
,
which
Exceptions
he
thinks
were
good
in
Law
;
and
others
were
lew'd
and
infamous
persons
,
not
fit
to
be
of
any
Jury
:
But
all
was
over-rul'd
by
the
Lord
Chief
Justice
,
and
your
Petitioner
forc'd
to
challenge
them
Peremptorily
,
whom
he
found
to
be
pick'd
out
as
most
suitable
to
the
Intentions
of
those
who
sought
his
Ruin
;
whereby
he
lost
the
Benefit
allow'd
him
by
Law
of
making
his
Exceptions
,
and
was
forc'd
to
admit
of
Mechanick
Persons
utterly
unable
to
judge
of
such
a
matter
as
was
to
be
brought
before
them
.
This
Jury
being
sworn
,
no
Witness
was
produc'd
,
who
fixed
any
thing
beyond
Hearsay
upon
your
Petitioner
,
except
the
Lord
Howard
,
and
them
that
swore
to
some
Papers
said
to
be
found
in
his
House
,
and
offer'd
as
a
second
Witness
,
and
written
in
an
Hand
like
to
that
of
your
Petitioner
.
Your
Petitioner
produced
ten
Witnesses
,
most
of
them
of
Eminent
Quality
,
the
others
of
unblemish'd
Fame
,
to
shew
the
Lord
Howard's
Testimony
was
inconsistent
with
what
he
had
declared
before
(
at
the
Tryal
of
the
Lord
Russel
)
under
the
same
Religious
obligation
of
an
Oath
,
as
if
it
had
been
legally
administred
.
Your
Petitioner
did
further
endeavour
to
shew
,
That
besides
the
Absurdity
and
Incongruity
of
his
Testimony
,
he
being
guilty
of
many
Crimes
which
he
did
not
pretend
your
Petitioner
had
any
knowledge
of
,
and
having
no
other
hope
of
Pardon
,
than
by
the
drudgery
of
Swearing
against
him
,
he
deserv'd
not
to
be
believ'd
.
And
similitude
of
Hands
could
be
no
Evidence
,
as
was
declared
by
the
Lord
Chief
Justice
Keiling
,
and
the
whole
Court
in
the
Lady
Carr's
Case
;
so
as
that
no
Evidence
at
all
remain'd
against
him
.
That
whosoever
wrote
those
Papers
,
they
were
but
a
small
part
of
a
Polemical
Discourse
in
answer
to
a
Book
written
about
thirty
years
ago
,
upon
general
Propositions
,
apply'd
to
no
Time
,
nor
any
particular
Case
;
That
it
was
impossible
to
judge
of
any
part
of
it
,
unless
the
whole
did
appear
,
which
did
not
;
That
the
sence
of
such
parts
of
it
as
were
produced
,
could
not
be
comprehended
,
unless
the
whole
had
been
read
,
which
was
denied
;
That
the
Ink
and
Paper
shew'd
them
to
be
writ
many
Years
ago
;
That
the
Lord
Howard
not
knowing
of
them
,
they
could
have
no
concurrence
with
what
your
Petitioner
is
said
to
have
design'd
with
him
and
others
;
That
the
Confusion
and
Errors
in
the
writing
shew'd
they
had
never
been
so
much
as
review'd
,
and
being
written
in
an
Hand
that
no
man
could
well
read
,
they
were
not
fit
for
the
Press
,
nor
could
be
in
some
Years
,
though
the
Writer
of
them
had
intended
it
,
which
did
not
appear
.
But
they
being
only
the
present
crude
and
private
thoughts
of
a
man
,
for
the
exercise
of
his
own
understanding
in
his
Studies
,
and
never
shewed
to
any
,
or
applied
to
any
particular
Case
,
could
not
fall
under
the
Statute
of
25
Ed.
3.
which
takes
cognizance
of
no
such
matter
,
and
could
not
by
Construction
be
brought
under
it
;
such
matters
being
thereby
reserved
to
the
Parliament
,
as
is
declared
in
the
Proviso
,
which
he
desired
might
be
read
,
but
was
refused
.
Several
important
points
of
Law
did
hereupon
emerge
,
upon
which
your
Petitioner
,
knowing
his
own
weakness
,
did
desire
that
Council
might
be
heard
,
or
they
might
be
referr'd
to
be
found
Specially
.
But
all
was
over
rul'd
by
the
violence
of
the
Lord
Ch.
Justice
,
and
your
Petitioner
so
frequently
interrupted
,
that
the
whole
method
of
his
Defence
was
broken
,
and
he
not
suffered
to
say
the
tenth
part
of
what
he
could
have
alledged
in
his
defence
.
So
the
Jury
was
hurried
into
a
Verdict
they
did
not
understand
.
Now
forasmuch
as
no
man
that
is
oppressed
in
England
,
can
have
Relief
,
unless
it
be
from
your
Majesty
,
your
Petitioner
humbly
prays
,
that
the
Premises
considered
,
your
Majesty
would
be
pleas'd
to
admit
him
into
your
presence
;
and
if
he
doth
not
shew
,
that
't
is
for
your
Majesties
Interest
and
Honour
to
preserve
him
from
the
said
Oppression
,
he
will
not
complain
though
he
be
left
to
be
destroy'd
.
The
very
Copy
of
a
Paper
delivered
to
the
Sheriffs
,
upon
the
Scaffold
on
Tower-Hill
,
on
Friday
December
7.
1683.
By
Algernon
Sidney
,
Esq
before
his
Execution
there
.
Men
,
Brethren
,
and
Fathers
;
Friends
,
Countrymen
,
and
Strangers
;
IT
may
be
expected
that
I
should
now
say
some
Great
Matters
unto
you
,
but
the
Rigour
of
the
Season
,
and
the
Infirmities
of
my
Age
,
encreased
by
a
close
Imprisonment
of
above
Five
Months
,
doth
not
permit
me
.
Moreover
,
we
live
in
an
Age
that
maketh
Truth
pass
for
Treason
:
I
dare
not
say
any
thing
contrary
unto
it
,
and
the
Ears
of
those
that
are
about
me
will
probably
be
found
too
tender
to
hear
it
.
My
Tryal
and
Condemnation
doth
sufficiently
evidence
this
.
West
,
Rumsey
,
and
Keyling
,
who
were
brought
to
prove
the
Plot
,
said
no
more
of
me
,
than
that
they
knew
me
not
;
and
some
others
equally
known
unto
me
,
had
used
my
Name
,
and
that
of
some
others
,
to
give
a
little
Reputation
unto
their
Designs
.
The
Lord
Howard
is
too
infamous
by
his
Life
,
and
the
many
Perjuries
not
to
be
denied
,
or
rather
sworn
by
himself
,
to
deserve
mention
;
and
being
a
single
Witness
would
be
of
no
value
,
though
he
had
been
of
unblemish'd
Credit
,
or
had
not
seen
and
confessed
that
the
Crimes
committed
by
him
would
be
pardoned
only
for
committing
more
;
and
even
the
Pardon
promised
could
not
be
obtained
till
the
Drudgery
of
Swearing
was
over
.
This
being
laid
aside
,
the
whole
matter
is
reduc'd
to
the
Papers
said
to
be
found
in
my
Closet
by
the
King's
Officers
,
without
any
other
proof
of
their
being
written
by
me
,
than
what
is
taken
from
the
suppositions
upon
the
similitude
of
an
Hand
that
is
easily
Counterfeited
,
and
which
hath
been
lately
declared
in
the
Lady
Car's
Case
to
be
no
lawful
Evidence
in
Criminal
Causes
.
But
if
I
had
been
seen
to
write
them
,
the
matter
would
not
be
much
altered
.
They
plainly
appear
to
relate
unto
a
large
Treatise
written
long
since
in
answer
to
Filmer's
Book
,
which
by
all
Intelligent
Men
is
thought
to
be
grounded
upon
wicked
Principles
,
equally
pernicious
unto
Magistrates
and
People
.
If
he
might
publish
unto
the
World
his
Opinion
,
That
all
Men
are
born
under
a
necessity
derived
from
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
,
to
submit
unto
an
Absolute
Kingly
Government
,
which
could
be
restrained
by
no
Law
,
or
Oath
;
and
that
he
that
hath
the
power
,
whether
he
came
unto
it
by
Creation
,
Election
,
Inheritance
,
Usurpation
,
or
any
other
,
way
had
the
Right
;
and
none
must
oppose
his
Will
,
but
the
Persons
and
Estates
of
his
Subjects
must
be
indispensably
subject
unto
it
.
I
know
not
why
I
might
not
have
published
my
Opinion
to
the
contrary
,
without
the
breach
of
any
Law
I
have
yet
known
.
I
might
as
freely
as
he
,
publickly
have
declared
my
Thoughts
,
and
the
Reasons
upon
which
they
were
grounded
,
and
I
perswaded
to
believe
,
That
God
had
left
Nations
unto
the
Liberty
of
setting
up
such
Governments
as
best
pleased
themselves
.
That
Magistrates
were
set
up
for
the
good
of
Nations
,
not
Nations
for
the
honour
or
glory
of
Magistrates
.
That
the
Right
and
Power
of
Magistrates
in
every
Country
,
was
that
which
the
Laws
of
that
Country
made
it
to
be
.
That
those
Laws
were
to
be
observed
,
and
the
Oaths
taken
by
them
,
having
the
force
of
a
Contract
between
Magistrate
and
People
,
could
not
be
Violated
without
danger
of
dissolving
the
whole
Fabrick
.
That
Usurpation
could
give
no
Right
,
and
the
most
dangerous
of
all
Enemies
unto
Kings
were
they
,
who
raising
their
Power
to
an
Exorbitant
Height
,
allowed
unto
Usurpers
all
the
Rights
belonging
unto
it
.
That
such
Usurpations
being
seldom
Compassed
without
the
Slaughter
of
the
Reigning
Person
,
or
Family
,
the
worst
of
all
Villanies
was
thereby
rewarded
with
the
most
Glorious
Privileges
.
That
if
such
Doctrines
were
received
,
they
would
stir
up
Men
to
the
Destruction
of
Princes
with
more
Violence
than
all
the
Passions
that
have
hitherto
raged
in
the
Hearts
of
the
most
Unruly
.
That
none
could
be
safe
,
if
such
a
Reward
were
proposed
unto
any
that
could
destroy
them
.
That
few
would
be
so
gentle
as
to
spare
even
the
Best
,
if
,
by
their
destruction
,
of
a
Wild
Usurper
,
could
become
God's
Anointed
;
and
by
the
most
execrable
Wickedness
invest
himself
with
that
Divine
Character
.
This
is
the
Scope
of
the
whole
Treatise
;
the
Writer
gives
such
Reasons
as
at
present
did
occur
unto
him
to
prove
it
.
This
seems
to
agree
with
the
Doctrines
of
the
most
Reverenced
Authors
of
all
Times
,
Nations
and
Religions
.
The
best
and
wisest
Kings
have
ever
acknowledged
it
.
The
present
King
of
France
hath
declared
that
Kings
have
that
happy
want
of
Power
,
that
they
can
do
nothing
contrary
unto
the
Laws
of
their
Country
,
and
grounds
his
Quarrel
with
the
King
of
Spain
,
Anno
1667
,
upon
that
Principle
.
King
James
in
his
Speech
to
the
Parliament
,
Anno
1603
,
doth
in
the
highest
degree
assert
it
:
The
Scripture
seems
to
declare
it
.
If
nevertheless
the
Writer
was
mistaken
,
he
might
have
been
refuted
by
Law
,
Reason
,
and
Scripture
;
and
no
man
for
such
matters
was
ever
otherwise
punished
,
than
by
being
made
to
see
his
Errour
,
and
it
hath
not
(
as
I
think
)
been
ever
known
that
they
had
been
referred
to
the
Judgment
of
a
Jury
,
composed
of
Men
utterly
unable
to
comprehend
them
.
But
there
was
little
of
this
in
my
Case
;
the
extravagance
of
my
Prosecutors
goes
higher
:
The
above-mentioned
Treatise
was
never
finished
,
nor
could
be
in
many
years
,
and
most
probably
would
never
have
been
.
So
much
as
is
of
it
was
written
long
since
,
never
reviewed
nor
shewn
unto
any
man
;
and
the
fiftieth
part
of
it
was
produced
,
and
not
the
tenth
of
that
afford
to
be
read
.
That
which
was
never
known
unto
those
who
are
said
to
have
Conspired
with
me
,
was
said
to
be
intended
to
stir
up
the
People
in
Prosecution
of
the
Designs
of
those
Conspirators
.
When
nothing
of
particular
Application
unto
Time
,
Place
,
or
Person
could
be
found
in
it
,
(
as
hath
ever
been
done
by
those
who
endeavour'd
to
raise
Insurrections
)
all
was
supplied
by
Innuendo's
.
Whatsoever
is
said
of
the
Expulsion
of
Tarquin
,
the
Insurrection
against
Nero
;
the
Slaughter
of
Caligula
,
or
Domitian
;
The
Translation
of
the
Crown
of
France
from
Merovius
his
Race
unto
Pepin
;
and
from
his
Descendants
unto
Hugh
Capet
,
and
the
like
,
applied
by
Innuendo
unto
the
King
.
They
have
not
considered
,
that
if
such
Acts
of
State
be
not
good
,
there
is
not
a
King
in
the
World
that
has
any
Title
to
the
Crown
he
bears
;
nor
can
have
any
,
unless
he
could
deduce
his
Pedigree
from
the
Eldest
Son
of
Noah
,
and
shew
that
the
Succession
had
still
continued
in
the
Eldest
of
the
Eldest
Line
,
and
been
so
deduced
to
him
.
Every
one
may
see
what
advantage
this
would
be
to
all
the
Kings
of
the
World
;
and
whether
that
failing
,
it
were
not
better
for
them
to
acknowledg
they
had
received
their
Crowns
by
the
Consent
of
Willing
Nations
;
or
to
have
no
better
Title
unto
them
than
Usurpation
and
Violence
,
which
by
the
same
ways
may
be
taken
from
them
.
But
I
was
long
since
told
that
I
must
Die
,
or
the
Plot
must
Die
.
Lest
the
means
of
destroying
the
best
Protestants
in
England
should
fail
,
the
Bench
must
be
filled
with
such
as
had
been
Blemishes
to
the
Bar.
None
but
such
as
these
would
have
Advised
with
the
King's
Council
,
of
the
means
of
bringing
a
Man
to
Death
;
Suffered
a
Jury
to
be
packed
by
the
King's
Sollicitors
,
and
the
Under-Sheriff
;
Admit
of
Jury-men
who
are
not
Freeholders
;
Receive
such
Evidence
as
is
above-mentioned
;
Refuse
a
Copy
of
an
Indictment
,
or
to
Suffer
the
Statute
of
46
Ed.
3.
to
be
read
,
that
doth
expresly
Enact
,
it
should
in
no
Case
be
denied
unto
any
Man
upon
any
occasion
whatsoever
;
over
rule
the
most
important
Points
of
Law
without
hearing
.
And
whereas
the
Stat.
25.
Ed.
3.
upon
which
they
said
I
should
be
Tried
,
doth
Reserve
unto
the
Parliament
all
Constructions
to
be
made
in
Points
of
Treason
.
They
could
assume
unto
themselves
not
only
a
Power
to
make
Constructions
,
but
such
Constructions
as
neither
agree
with
Law
,
Reason
,
or
Common
Sense
.
By
these
means
I
am
brought
to
this
place
.
The
Lord
forgive
these
Practices
,
and
avert
the
Evils
that
threaten
the
Nation
from
them
.
The
Lord
sanctify
these
my
Sufferings
unto
me
;
and
tho'
I
fall
as
a
Sacrifice
unto
Idols
,
suffer
not
Idolatry
to
be
Established
in
this
Land
.
Bless
thy
People
,
and
save
them
.
Defend
thy
own
Cause
,
and
defend
those
that
defend
it
.
Stir
up
such
as
are
Faint
;
Direct
those
that
are
willing
;
confirm
those
that
Waver
;
Give
Wisdom
and
Integrity
unto
all
.
Order
all
things
so
as
may
most
redound
unto
thine
own
Glory
.
Grant
that
I
may
Die
glorifying
thee
for
all
thy
Mercies
;
and
that
at
the
last
thou
hast
permitted
me
to
be
Singled
out
as
a
Witness
of
thy
Truth
;
and
even
by
the
Confession
of
my
Opposers
,
for
that
OLD
CAVSE
in
which
I
was
from
my
Youth
engaged
,
and
for
which
thou
hast
Often
and
Wonderfully
declared
thy Self
.
CHAP.
I.
Of
MAGISTRACY
.
I.
RELATION
is
nothing
else
but
that
State
of
Mutual
Respect
and
Reference
,
which
one
Thing
or
Person
has
to
another
.
II.
Such
are
the
Relations
of
Father
and
Son
,
Husband
and
Wife
,
Master
and
Servant
,
Magistrate
and
Subject
.
III.
The
Relations
of
a
Father
,
Husband
and
Master
,
are
really
distinct
and
different
;
that
is
,
one
of
them
is
not
the
other
;
For
he
may
be
any
one
of
these
,
who
is
none
of
the
rest
.
IV.
This
distinction
proceeds
from
the
different
Reasons
,
upon
which
these
Relations
are
Founded
.
V.
The
Reason
or
Foundation
,
from
whence
arises
the
Relation
of
a
Father
,
is
from
having
Begotten
his
Son
,
who
may
as
properly
call
every
Old
Man
he
meets
his
Father
,
as
any
other
Person
whatsoever
,
excepting
him
only
who
Begat
him
.
VI.
The
Relation
of
an
Husband
and
Wife
is
founded
in
Wedlock
,
whereby
they
mutually
consent
to
become
one
Flesh
.
VII
.
The
Relation
of
a
Master
is
founded
in
that
Right
and
Title
which
he
has
to
the
Possession
,
or
Service
,
of
his
Slave
or
Servant
.
VIII
.
In
these
Relations
,
the
Name
of
Father
,
Husband
,
and
Master
,
imply
Soveraignty
and
Superiority
,
which
varies
notwithstanding
,
and
is
more
or
less
Absolute
,
according
to
the
Foundation
of
these
several
Relations
.
IX
.
The
Superiority
of
a
Father
is
founded
in
that
Power
,
Priority
and
Dignity
of
Nature
,
which
a
Cause
hath
over
its
Effect
.
X.
The
distance
is
not
so
great
in
Wedlock
,
but
the
Superiorty
of
the
Husband
over
the
Wife
,
is
like
that
of
the
Right
hand
over
the
left
in
the
same
Body
.
XI
.
The
Superiority
of
a
Master
,
is
an
absolute
Dominion
over
his
Slave
,
a
Limited
and
Conditionate
Command
over
his
Servant
.
XII
.
The
Titles
of
Pater
Patriae
,
and
Sponsus
Regni
,
Father
of
the
Country
,
and
Husband
of
the
Realm
,
are
Metaphors
and
improper
Speeches
:
For
no
Prince
ever
Begat
a
whole
Country
of
Subjects
;
nor
can
a
Kingdom
more
properly
be
said
to
be
Married
,
than
the
City
of
Venice
is
to
the
Adriatique
Gulph
.
XIII
.
And
to
shew
further
,
that
Magistracy
is
not
Paternal
Authority
,
nor
Monarchy
founded
in
Fatherhood
;
it
is
undeniably
plain
,
that
a
Son
may
be
the
Natural
Soveraign
Lord
of
his
own
Father
,
as
Henry
the
second
had
been
of
Jeffery
Plantagenet
,
if
he
had
been
an
Englishman
;
which
,
they
say
,
Henry
the
Seventh
did
not
love
to
think
of
,
when
his
Sons
grew
up
to
Years
.
And
this
Case
alone
is
an
Eternal
Confutation
of
the
Patriarchate
.
XIV
.
Neither
is
Magistracy
a
Martial
Power
,
for
the
Husband
may
be
the
Obedient
Subject
of
his
own
Wife
,
as
Philip
was
of
Queen
Mary
.
XV.
Nor
is
it
that
Dominion
which
a
Master
has
over
his
Slave
,
for
then
a
Prince
might
Lawfully
Sell
all
his
Subjects
,
like
so
many
head
of
Cattle
,
and
make
Money
of
his
whole
stock
whenever
he
pleases
,
as
a
Patron
of
Algiers
does
.
XVI
.
Neither
is
the
Relation
of
Prince
and
Subject
the
same
with
that
of
a
Master
and
hired
Servant
,
for
he
does
not
hire
them
,
but
,
as
St.
Paul
saith
,
They
pay
him
Tribute
,
in
consideration
of
his
continual
Attendance
and
Imployment
for
the
Publick
Good
.
XVII
.
That
publick
Office
and
Imployment
is
the
Foundation
of
the
Relation
of
King
and
Subject
,
as
many
other
Relations
are
likewise
Founded
upon
other
Functions
and
Administrations
,
such
as
Guardian
and
Ward
,
&c.
XVIII
.
The
Office
of
a
King
is
set
down
at
large
in
the
XVII
.
Chap.
of
the
Laws
of
King
Edward
the
Confessor
,
to
which
the
succeeding
Kings
have
been
sworn
at
their
Coronation
:
And
it
is
affirmed
in
the
Preambles
of
the
Statutes
of
[
](A61358-e109630-b)(a)
(a)
Prout
Regalis
Officii
exposcit
utilitas
Marlbridge
,
and
of
the
Statute
of
Quowarranto
,
made
at
[
](A61358-e109660-b)(b)
(b)
ficome
le
profit
de
Office
Demaunde
.
The
Kingly
or
Regal
Office
of
this
Realm
.
jo
Mar.
Sess.
3.
Cap.
1.
Gloucester
,
That
the
Calling
of
Parliaments
to
make
Laws
for
the
better
Estate
of
the
Realm
,
and
the
more
full
Administration
of
Justice
,
Belongeth
to
the
Office
of
a
King
.
But
the
fullest
account
of
it
in
few
words
,
is
in
Chancellor
Fortescue
,
Chap.
XIII
.
which
Passage
is
quoted
in
Calvin's
Case
,
Coke
VII
.
Rep.
Fol
5.
Ad
Tutelam
namque
Legis
Subditorum
,
ac
eorum
Corporum
,
&
bonorum
Rex
hujusmodi
erectus
est
,
&
ad
hanc
potestatem
a
populo
effluxam
ipse
habet
,
quo
ei
non
licet
potestate
alia
suo
populo
Dominari
.
For
such
a
King
(
That
is
of
every
Political
Kingdom
,
as
this
is
)
is
made
and
ordained
for
the
Defence
or
Guardianship
of
the
Law
of
his
Subjects
,
and
of
their
Bodies
and
Goods
,
whereunto
he
receiveth
power
of
his
People
,
so
that
he
cannot
Govern
his
People
by
any
other
power
.
Corollary
1.
A
Bargain
's
a
Bargain
.
2.
A
Popish
Guardian
of
Protestant
Laws
is
such
an
Incongruity
,
and
he
is
as
Unfit
for
that
Office
,
as
Antichrist
is
to
be
Christ's
Vicar
.
CHAP.
II.
Of
Prerogatives
by
Divine
Right
.
I.
GOvernment
is
not
matter
of
Revelation
;
if
it
were
,
then
those
Nations
that
wanted
Scripture
,
must
have
been
without
Government
;
whereas
Scripture
it self
says
,
That
Government
is
The
Ordinance
of
Man
,
and
of
Humane
Extraction
.
And
King
Charles
the
First
says
,
of
this
Government
in
particular
,
That
it
was
Moulded
by
the
Wisdom
and
Experience
of
the
People
.
Answ.
to
XIX
.
Prop.
II.
All
just
Governments
are
highly
Beneficial
to
Mankind
,
and
are
of
God
,
the
Author
of
all
Good
;
they
are
his
Ordinances
and
Institutions
,
Rom.
13.1
,
2.
III.
Plowing
and
Sowing
,
and
the
whole
business
of
preparing
Bread-Corn
,
is
absolutely
necessary
to
the
subsistence
of
Mankind
;
This
also
cometh
forth
from
the
Lord
of
Hosts
,
who
is
wonderful
in
Counsel
,
and
excellent
in
Working
,
Isa.
28.
from
23.
to
29th
Verse
.
IV.
Wisdom
saith
,
Counsel
is
mine
,
and
sound
Wisdom
;
I
am
Vnderstanding
,
I
have
strength
:
By
me
Kings
Reign
,
and
Princes
decree
Justice
:
By
me
Princes
Rule
,
and
Nobles
,
even
all
the
Judges
of
the
Earth
,
Prov.
8.14
.
V.
The
Prophet
,
speaking
of
the
Plowman
,
saith
,
His
God
doth
instruct
him
to
discretion
,
and
doth
teach
him
,
Isa.
28.26
.
VI.
Scripture
neither
gives
nor
takes
away
Mens
Civil
Rights
,
but
leaves
them
as
it
found
them
,
and
(
as
our
Saviour
said
of
himself
)
is
no
Divider
of
Inheritances
.
VII
.
Civil
Authority
is
a
Civil
Right
.
VIII
.
The
Law
of
England
gives
the
King
his
Title
to
the
Crown
.
For
,
where
is
it
said
in
Scripture
,
That
such
a
Person
or
Family
by
Name
shall
enjoy
it
?
And
the
same
Law
of
England
which
has
made
him
King
,
has
made
him
King
according
to
the
English
Laws
,
and
not
otherwise
.
IX
.
The
King
of
England
has
no
more
Right
to
set
up
a
French
Government
,
than
the
French
King
has
to
be
King
of
England
,
which
is
none
at
all
.
X.
Render
unto
Caesar
the
things
which
are
Caesars
;
neither
makes
a
Caesar
,
nor
tells
who
Caesar
is
,
nor
what
belongs
to
him
;
but
only
requires
Men
to
be
just
,
in
giving
him
those
supposed
Rights
,
which
the
Laws
have
determined
to
be
his
.
XI
.
The
Scripture
supposes
Property
,
when
it
forbids
Stealing
;
it
supposes
Mens
Lands
to
be
already
Butted
and
Bounded
,
when
it
forbids
removing
the
antient
Land-marks
:
And
as
it
is
impossible
for
any
Man
to
prove
what
Estate
he
has
by
Scripture
,
or
to
find
a
Terrier
of
his
Lands
there
;
so
it
is
a
vain
thing
to
look
for
Statutes
of
Prerogative
in
Scripture
.
XII
.
If
Mishpat
Hamelech
,
the
manner
of
the
King
,
1
Sam.
8.11
.
be
a
Statute
of
Prerogative
,
and
prove
all
those
particulars
to
be
the
Right
of
the
King
,
then
Mishpat
Haccohanim
the
Priest's
custom
of
Sacrilegeous
Rapine
,
Chap.
2.13
.
proves
that
to
be
the
Right
of
the
Priests
,
the
same
wood
being
used
in
both
places
.
XIII
.
It
is
the
Resolution
of
all
the
Judges
of
England
,
that
even
the
known
and
undoubted
Prerogatives
of
the
Jewish
Kings
,
do
not
belong
to
our
Kings
,
and
that
it
is
an
absurd
and
impudent
thing
to
affirm
they
do
.
Coke
11.
Rep.
p.
63.
Mich.
5.
Jac.
Give
us
a
King
to
Judge
us
.
1
Sam.
8.5
,
6
,
20.
Note
upon
Sunday
the
Tenth
of
November
,
in
this
same
Term
,
the
King
upon
Complaint
made
to
him
by
Bancroft
,
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
concerning
Prohibitions
,
was
informed
,
that
when
Question
was
made
of
what
matters
the
Ecclesiastical
Judges
have
Cognizance
,
either
upon
the
Exposition
of
the
Statutes
,
concerning
Tythes
,
or
any
other
Thing
Ecclesiastical
,
or
upon
the
Statute
1
Eliz.
concerning
the
High
Commission
,
or
in
any
other
Case
,
in
which
there
is
not
express
Authority
by
Law
,
the
King
himself
may
decide
it
in
his
Royal
person
;
and
that
the
Judges
are
but
the
Delegates
of
the
King
,
and
that
the
King
may
take
what
Causes
he
shall
please
to
determine
from
the
Determination
of
the
Judges
,
and
may
determine
them
himself
.
And
the
Archbishop
said
,
That
this
was
clear
in
Divinity
,
That
such
Authority
belongs
to
the
King
,
by
the
Word
of
God
in
Scripture
.
To
which
it
was
answered
by
me
,
in
the
presence
,
and
with
the
clear
consent
of
all
the
Justices
of
England
,
and
Barons
of
the
Exchequer
,
That
the
King
in
his
own
person
cannot
adjudge
any
Case
,
either
Criminal
,
as
Treason
,
Felony
,
&c.
but
this
ought
to
be
determined
and
adjusted
in
some
Court
of
Justice
,
according
to
the
Law
and
Custom
of
England
.
And
always
Judgments
are
given
,
Ideo
consideratum
est
per
Curiam
,
so
that
the
Court
gives
the
Judgment
:
—
And
it
was
greatly
marvelled
,
That
the
Archbishop
durst
inform
the
King
,
that
such
absolute
power
and
authority
,
as
is
aforesaid
,
belonged
to
the
King
,
by
the
Word
of
God
.
CHAP.
III.
Of
OBEDIENCE
.
I.
NO
Man
has
any
more
Civil
Authority
than
what
the
Law
of
the
Land
has
vested
in
him
;
Nor
is
he
one
of
St.
Paul's
Higher
Powers
any
farther
,
or
to
any
other
purposes
than
the
Law
has
impowr'd
him
.
II.
An
Usurped
,
Illegal
and
Arbitrary
power
,
is
so
far
from
being
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
that
it
is
not
the
Ordinance
of
Man
.
III.
Whoever
opposes
an
Usurped
,
Illegal
,
and
Arbitrary
Power
,
does
not
oppose
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
but
the
Violation
of
that
Ordinance
.
IV.
The
13.
of
the
Romans
commands
Subjection
to
our
Temporal
Governours
,
Verse
4.
because
their
Office
and
Imployment
is
for
the
publick
welfare
,
For
he
is
the
Minister
of
God
to
Thee
for
Good
.
V.
The
13.
of
the
Hebrews
commands
Obedience
to
spiritual
Rulers
,
Verse
17.
Because
they
watch
for
your
Souls
.
VI.
But
the
13.
of
the
Hebrews
did
not
oblige
the
Martyrs
and
Confessors
in
Queen
Mary's
Time
,
to
obey
such
blessed
Bishops
as
Bonner
and
the
Beast
of
Rome
,
who
were
the
perfect
Reverse
of
St.
Paul's
Spiritual
Rulers
,
and
whose
practice
was
murthering
of
Souls
and
Bodies
,
according
to
the
true
Character
of
Popery
which
was
given
it
by
the
Bishops
who
compiled
the
Thanksgiving
for
the
Fifth
of
November
,
but
Archbishop
Laud
was
wiser
than
they
,
and
in
his
time
blotted
it
out
.
The
Prayer
formerly
run
thus
:
To
that
end
strengthen
the
Hands
of
our
Gracious
King
,
the
Nobles
and
Magistrates
of
the
Land
,
to
cut
off
these
workers
of
Iniquity
(
whose
Religion
is
Rebellion
,
whose
Faith
is
Faction
,
whose
practice
is
murthering
of
Souls
and
Bodies
)
and
to
root
them
out
of
the
Confines
of
this
Kingdom
.
VII
.
All
the
Judges
of
England
are
bound
by
their
Oath
,
18
Edw.
III.
20
Edw.
III.
Cap.
1.2
.
and
by
the
duty
of
their
place
,
to
disobey
all
Writs
,
Letters
,
or
Commands
which
are
brought
to
them
,
either
under
the
little
Seal
,
or
under
the
great
Seal
,
to
hinder
or
delay
common
Right
.
Are
the
Judges
all
bound
in
an
Oath
,
and
by
their
places
,
to
break
the
13
of
the
Romans
?
VIII
.
The
Engagement
of
the
Lords
attending
upon
the
King
at
York
,
June
13.
1642.
which
was
subscribed
by
the
Lord
Keeper
,
and
Thirty
Nine
Peers
,
besides
the
Lord
Chief-Justice
Banks
,
and
several
others
of
the
Privy-Council
,
was
in
these
words
:
We
do
engage
our selves
not
to
Obey
any
Orders
or
Commands
whatsoever
,
not
warranted
by
the
known
Laws
of
the
Land
.
Was
this
likewise
an
Association
against
the
13
of
the
Romans
?
IX
.
A
Constable
represents
the
King's
person
,
and
in
the
Execution
of
his
Office
is
within
the
purview
of
the
13
of
the
Romans
,
as
all
Men
grant
;
but
in
case
he
so
far
pervert
his
Office
,
as
to
break
the
Peace
,
and
commit
Murther
,
Burglary
,
or
Robbery
on
the
Highway
,
he
may
,
and
ought
to
be
Resisted
.
X.
The
Law
of
the
Land
is
the
best
Expositor
of
the
13
of
the
Romans
,
Here
,
and
in
Poland
,
the
Law
of
the
Land
There
.
XI
.
The
13
of
the
Romans
is
receiv'd
for
Scripture
in
Poland
,
and
yet
this
is
expressed
in
the
Coronation
Oath
in
that
Country
;
Quod
si
Sacramentum
meum
violavero
,
Incola
Regni
nullam
nobis
Obedientiam
praestare
tenebuntur
.
And
if
I
shall
violate
my
Oath
,
the
Inhabitants
of
the
Realm
shall
not
be
bound
to
yield
me
any
Obedience
.
XII
.
The
Law
of
the
Land
,
according
to
Bracton
,
is
the
highest
of
all
the
Higher
Powers
mentioned
in
this
Text
;
for
it
is
superior
to
the
King
,
and
made
him
King
,
(
Lib.
3.
Cap.
26.
Rex
habet
superiorum
Deum
,
item
Legem
,
per
quam
factus
est
Rex
,
item
Curiam
suam
,
viz.
Comites
&
Barones
)
and
therefore
by
this
Text
we
ought
to
be
subject
to
it
in
the
first
place
.
And
according
to
Melancthon
,
It
is
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
to
which
the
Higher
Powers
themselves
ought
to
be
subject
.
Vol.
3.
In
his
Commentary
on
the
Fifth
Verse
,
(
Wherefore
ye
must
needs
be
subject
,
not
only
for
Wrath
,
but
also
for
Conscience
sake
.
)
He
hath
these
words
,
Neque
vero
haec
tantum
pertinent
ad
Subditos
,
sed
etiam
ad
Magistratum
,
qui
cum
fiunt
Tyranni
,
non
minus
dissipant
Ordinationem
Dei
,
quam
Seditiosi
.
Ideo
&
ipsorum
Conscientia
fit
rea
,
quia
non
obediunt
Ordinationi
Dei
,
id
est
,
Legibus
,
quibus
debent
parere
.
Ideo
Comminationes
hic
positae
etiam
ad
ipsos
pertinent
.
Itaque
hujus
mandati
severitas
moveat
omnes
,
ne
violationem
Politici
status
putent
esse
leve
peccatum
.
Neither
doth
this
place
concern
Subjects
only
,
but
also
the
Magistrates
themselves
,
who
when
they
turn
Tyrants
,
do
no
less
overthrow
the
Ordinance
of
God
than
the
Seditious
;
and
therefore
their
Consciences
too
are
guilty
,
for
not
obeying
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
that
is
,
the
Laws
which
they
ought
to
obey
:
So
that
the
Threatnings
in
this
place
do
also
belong
to
them
;
wherefore
let
the
severity
of
this
Command
deter
all
men
from
thinking
the
Violation
of
the
Political
Constitution
to
be
a
light
Sin
.
Corollary
.
To
destroy
the
Law
and
Legal
Constitution
,
which
is
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
by
false
and
arbitrary
Expositions
of
this
Text
,
is
a
greater
Sin
than
to
destroy
it
by
any
other
means
;
For
it
is
Seething
the
Kid
in
his
Mothers
Milk
.
CHAP.
IV.
Of
LAWS
.
I.
THere
is
no
Natural
Obligation
,
wereby
one
Man
is
bound
to
yield
Obedience
to
another
,
but
what
is
founded
in
paternal
or
patriarchal
Authority
.
II.
All
the
Subjects
of
a
patriarchal
Monarch
are
Princes
of
the
Blood
.
III.
All
the
people
of
England
are
not
Princes
of
the
Blood
.
IV.
No
Man
who
is
Naturally
Free
can
be
Bound
,
but
by
his
own
Act
and
Deed.
V.
Publick
Laws
are
made
by
publick
consent
,
and
they
therefore
bind
every
man
,
because
every
man's
consent
is
involved
in
them
.
VI.
Nothing
but
the
same
Authority
and
Consent
which
made
the
Laws
,
can
Repeal
,
Alter
,
or
Explain
them
.
VII
.
To
judge
and
determine
Causes
against
Law
,
without
Law
,
or
where
the
Law
is
obscure
and
uncertain
,
is
to
assume
Legislative
power
.
VIII
.
Power
assumed
,
without
a
Man's
consent
,
cannot
bind
him
as
his
own
Act
and
Deed.
IX
.
The
Law
of
the
Land
is
all
of
a
piece
,
and
the
same
Authority
which
made
one
Law
,
made
all
the
rest
,
and
intended
to
have
them
all
Impartially
Executed
.
X.
Law
on
One
Side
,
is
the
Back-Sword
of
Justice
.
XI
.
The
Best
Things
,
when
Corrupted
,
are
the
Worst
;
and
the
wild
Justice
of
a
State
of
Nature
,
is
much
more
desirable
than
Law
perverted
,
and
over-rul'd
,
into
Hemlock
and
Oppression
.
Copies
of
Two
Papers
Written
by
the
Late
King
CHARLES
II.
Published
by
His
MAJESTIES
Command
.
Printed
in
the
Year
1686.
The
First
Paper
.
THE
Discourse
we
had
the
other
Day
,
I
hope
satisfied
you
in
the
main
,
that
Christ
can
have
but
one
Church
here
upon
Earth
,
and
I
believe
that
it
is
as
visible
as
that
the
Scripture
is
in
Print
;
That
none
can
be
that
Church
,
but
that
,
which
is
called
the
Roman
Catholick
Church
.
I
think
you
need
not
trouble
your self
with
entring
into
that
Ocean
of
particular
Disputes
,
when
the
main
,
and
,
in
truth
,
the
only
Question
is
;
Where
that
Church
is
,
which
we
profess
to
believe
in
the
two
Creeds
?
We
declare
there
to
believe
one
Catholick
and
Apostolick
Church
,
and
it
is
not
left
to
every
phantastical
man's
head
to
believe
as
he
pleases
,
but
to
the
Church
to
whom
Christ
left
the
power
upon
Earth
to
govern
us
in
matters
of
Faith
,
who
made
these
Creeds
for
our
Directions
.
It
were
a
very
Irrational
thing
to
make
Laws
for
a
Country
,
and
leave
it
to
the
Inhabitants
,
to
be
the
Interpreters
and
Judges
of
those
Laws
,
For
then
every
man
will
be
his
own
Judge
,
and
by
consequence
no
such
thing
as
either
right
or
wrong
.
Can
we
therefore
suppose
that
God
Almighty
would
leave
us
at
those
uncertainties
,
as
to
give
us
a
Rule
to
go
by
,
and
to
leave
every
man
to
be
his
own
Judge
?
I
do
ask
any
ingenuous
man
,
whether
it
be
not
the
same
thing
to
follow
our
own
Fancy
or
to
interpret
the
Scripture
by
it
?
I
would
have
any
man
shew
me
,
where
the
power
of
deciding
matters
of
Faith
is
given
to
every
particular
man
.
Christ
left
his
power
to
his
Church
even
to
forgive
Sins
in
Heaven
,
and
left
his
Spirit
with
them
,
which
they
exercised
after
his
Resurrection
:
First
by
his
Apostles
in
these
Creeds
,
and
many
years
after
by
the
Council
at
Nice
,
where
that
Creed
was
made
that
is
called
by
that
name
,
and
by
the
power
which
they
had
received
from
Christ
,
they
were
the
Judges
even
of
the
Scripture
it self
many
years
after
the
Apostles
,
which
Books
were
Canonical
and
which
were
not
.
And
if
they
had
this
power
then
,
I
desire
to
know
how
they
came
to
lose
it
,
and
by
what
Authority
men
separate
themselves
from
that
Church
?
The
only
pretence
I
ever
heard
of
,
was
,
because
the
Church
has
fail'd
in
wresting
and
interpreting
the
Scripture
contrary
to
the
true
sence
and
meaning
of
it
,
and
that
they
have
imposed
Articles
of
Faith
upon
us
,
which
are
not
to
be
warranted
by
God's
word
?
I
do
desire
to
know
who
is
to
be
Judge
of
that
,
whether
the
whole
Church
,
the
Succession
whereof
has
continued
to
this
day
without
interruption
,
or
particular
men
who
have
raised
Schims
for
their
own
advantage
?
This
is
a
true
Copy
of
a
Paper
I
found
in
the
late
King
my
Brothers
Strong
Box
,
written
in
his
own
Hand
.
JAMES
R.
The
Second
Paper
.
IT
is
a
sad
thing
to
consider
what
a
world
of
Heresies
are
crept
into
this
Nation
;
Every
man
thinks
himself
as
competent
a
Judge
of
the
Scriptures
as
the
very
Apostles
themselves
;
and
't
is
no
wonder
that
it
should
be
so
,
since
that
part
of
the
Nation
which
looks
most
like
a
Church
,
dares
not
bring
the
true
Arguments
against
the
other
Sects
,
for
fear
they
should
be
turned
against
themselves
,
and
confuted
by
their
own
Arguments
.
The
Church
of
England
(
as
't
is
call'd
)
would
fain
have
it
thought
,
that
they
are
the
Judges
in
matters
Spiritual
,
and
yet
dare
not
say
positively
that
there
is
no
Appeal
from
them
;
for
either
they
must
say
,
that
they
are
Infallible
(
which
they
cannot
pretend
to
)
or
confess
that
what
they
decide
in
matters
of
Conscience
,
is
no
further
to
be
followed
,
then
it
agrees
with
every
mans
private
Judgment
.
If
Christ
did
leave
a
Church
here
upon
Earth
,
and
we
were
all
once
of
that
Church
,
how
?
and
by
what
Authority
,
did
we
separate
from
that
Church
?
If
the
power
of
Interpreting
of
Scripture
be
in
every
mans
brain
,
what
need
have
we
of
a
Church
or
Church-men
;
To
what
purpose
then
did
our
Saviour
,
after
he
had
given
his
Apostles
power
to
Bind
and
Loose
in
Heaven
and
Earth
,
add
to
it
,
that
he
would
be
with
them
even
to
the
end
of
the
World
?
These
words
were
not
spoken
Parabolically
,
or
by
way
of
Figure
.
Christ
was
then
ascending
into
his
Glory
,
and
left
his
Power
with
his
Church
even
to
the
End
of
the
World
.
We
have
had
these
hundred
years
past
,
the
sad
effects
of
denying
to
the
Church
that
Power
in
matters
Spiritual
,
without
an
Appeal
.
What
Country
can
subsist
in
peace
or
quiet
,
where
there
is
not
a
Supream
Judge
from
whence
there
can
be
no
Appeal
?
Can
there
be
any
Justice
done
where
the
Offenders
are
their
own
Judges
,
and
equal
Interpreters
of
the
Law
,
with
those
that
are
appointed
to
administer
Justice
?
This
is
our
Case
here
in
England
in
matters
Spiritual
;
for
the
Protestants
are
not
of
the
Church
of
England
,
as
't
is
the
true
Church
from
whence
there
can
be
no
Appeal
;
but
because
the
Discipline
of
that
Church
is
conformable
at
that
present
to
their
fancies
,
which
as
soon
as
it
shall
contradict
or
vary
from
,
they
are
ready
to
embrace
or
joyn
with
the
next
Congregation
of
People
,
whose
Discipline
and
Worship
agrees
with
their
Opinion
at
that
time
,
so
that
according
to
this
Doctrine
,
there
is
no
other
Church
,
nor
Interpreter
of
Scripture
but
that
which
lies
in
every
mans
giddy
brain
.
I
desire
to
know
therefore
of
every
serious
Considerer
of
these
things
,
whether
the
great
work
of
our
Salvation
ought
to
depend
upon
such
a
Sandy
Foundation
as
this
?
Did
Christ
ever
say
to
the
Civil
Magistrate
(
much
less
to
the
People
)
that
he
would
be
with
them
to
the
end
of
the
World
?
Or
,
did
he
give
them
the
Power
to
forgive
Sins
?
St.
Paul
tells
the
Corinthians
,
Ye
are
Gods
Husbandry
,
ye
are
Gods
Building
;
we
are
Labourers
with
God
.
This
shews
who
are
the
Labourers
,
and
who
are
the
Husbandry
and
Building
:
And
in
this
whole
Chapter
,
and
in
the
preceeding
one
,
St.
Paul
takes
great
pains
to
set
forth
that
they
,
the
Clergy
,
have
the
Spirit
of
God
,
without
which
no
man
searcheth
the
deep
things
of
God
;
and
he
concludeth
the
Chapter
with
this
Verse
,
For
who
hath
known
the
mind
of
the
Lord
that
he
may
instruct
him
?
But
we
have
the
mind
of
Christ
.
Now
if
we
do
but
consider
in
humane
probability
and
reason
,
the
powers
Christ
leaves
to
his
Church
in
the
Gospel
,
and
St.
Paul
explains
so
distinctly
afterwards
,
we
cannot
think
that
our
Saviour
said
all
these
things
to
no
purpose
;
And
pray
consider
on
the
other
side
,
that
those
who
resist
the
truth
,
and
will
not
submit
to
his
Church
,
draw
their
Arguments
from
Implications
,
and
far
fetch'd
Interpretations
,
at
the
same
time
that
they
deny
plain
and
positive
words
;
which
is
so
great
a
Disingenuity
,
that
't
is
not
almost
to
be
thought
that
they
can
believe
themselves
.
Is
there
any
other
foundation
of
the
Protestant
Church
,
but
that
if
the
Civil
Magistrate
please
,
he
may
call
such
of
the
Clergy
as
he
thinks
fit
for
his
turn
at
that
time
;
and
turn
the
Church
either
to
Presbytery
,
Independency
,
or
indeed
what
he
pleases
?
This
was
the
way
of
our
pretended
Reformation
here
in
England
;
and
by
the
same
Rule
and
Authority
it
may
be
altered
into
as
many
more
Shapes
and
Forms
as
there
are
Fancies
in
mens
Heads
.
This
is
a
true
Copy
of
a
Paper
written
by
the
late
King
my
Brother
in
his
own
Hand
,
which
I
found
in
his
Closet
.
JAMES
R.
A
LETTER
,
Containing
some
Remarks
on
the
Two
Papers
,
writ
by
His
late
Majesty
King
CHARLES
the
Second
,
Concerning
Religion
.
SIR
,
I
Thank
you
for
the
two
Royal
Papers
that
you
have
sent
me
:
I
had
heard
of
them
before
,
but
now
we
have
them
so
well
attested
,
that
there
is
no
hazard
of
being
deceived
by
a
false
Copy
:
you
expect
that
in
return
,
I
should
let
you
know
what
impression
they
have
made
upon
me
.
I
pay
all
the
reverence
that
is
due
to
a
Crowned
Head
,
even
in
Ashes
;
to
which
I
will
never
be
wanting
:
far
less
am
I
capable
of
suspecting
the
Royal
Attestation
that
accompanies
them
;
of
the
truth
of
which
I
take
it
for
granted
no
man
doubts
;
but
I
must
crave
leave
to
tell
you
,
that
I
am
confident
,
the
late
King
only
copied
them
,
and
that
they
are
not
of
his
Composing
.
for
as
they
have
nothing
of
that
free
Air
,
with
which
he
expressed
himself
;
so
there
is
a
Contexture
in
them
,
that
does
not
look
like
a
Prince
;
and
the
beginning
of
the
first
shews
it
was
the
effect
of
a
Conversation
,
and
was
to
be
communicated
to
another
:
so
that
I
am
apt
to
think
they
were
Composed
by
another
,
and
were
so
well
relished
by
the
late
King
,
that
he
thought
fit
to
keep
them
,
in
order
to
his
examining
them
more
particularly
;
and
that
he
was
prevailed
with
to
Copy
them
lest
a
Paper
of
that
nature
might
have
been
made
a
Crime
if
it
had
been
found
about
him
written
by
another
hand
:
and
I
could
name
one
or
two
Persons
,
who
as
they
were
able
enough
to
Compose
such
Papers
,
so
had
power
enough
over
his
Spirit
to
engage
him
to
Copy
them
,
and
to
put
themselves
out
of
danger
by
restoring
the
Original
.
You
ought
to
address
your self
to
the
Learned
Divines
of
our
Church
,
for
answer
to
such
things
in
them
as
puzzle
you
,
and
not
to
one
that
has
not
the
honour
to
be
of
that
Body
,
and
that
has
now
carried
a
Sword
for
some
time
,
and
imploys
the
leasure
that
at
any
time
he
enjoys
,
rather
in
Philosophical
and
Mathematical
Enquiries
than
in
matters
of
Controversie
.
There
is
indeed
one
Consideration
that
determined
me
more
easily
to
comply
with
your
desires
,
which
is
,
my
having
had
the
honour
to
discourse
copiously
of
those
matters
with
the
late
King
himself
:
and
he
having
proposed
to
me
some
of
the
particulars
that
I
find
in
those
Papers
,
and
I
having
said
several
things
to
him
,
in
answer
to
those
Heads
,
which
he
offered
to
me
only
as
Objections
,
with
which
he
seemed
fully
satisfied
,
I
am
the
more
willing
to
communicate
to
you
,
that
which
I
took
the
liberty
to
lay
before
His
late
Majesty
on
several
occasions
:
the
particulars
on
which
he
insisted
in
discourse
with
me
,
were
the
uselessness
of
a
Law
without
a
Judge
,
and
the
necessity
of
an
infallible
Tribunal
to
determine
Controversies
,
to
which
he
added
,
the
many
Sects
that
were
in
England
,
which
seemed
to
be
a
necessary
consequence
of
the
Liberty
that
every
one
took
to
interpret
the
Scriptures
:
and
he
often
repeated
that
of
the
Church
of
Englands
arguing
,
from
the
obligation
to
obey
the
Church
,
against
the
Sectaries
,
which
he
thought
was
of
no
force
,
unless
they
allowed
more
Authority
to
the
Church
then
they
seemed
willing
to
admit
,
in
their
Disputes
with
this
Church
of
Rome
.
But
upon
the
whole
Matter
I
will
offer
you
some
Reflections
,
that
will
,
I
hope
,
be
of
as
great
weight
with
you
,
as
they
are
with
my self
.
I.
All
Arguments
that
prove
upon
such
general
Considerations
,
that
there
ought
to
be
an
Infallible
Judge
named
by
Christ
,
and
cloathed
with
his
Authority
,
signify
nothing
,
unless
it
can
be
shewed
us
,
in
what
Texts
of
Scripture
that
nomination
is
to
be
found
;
and
till
that
is
shewed
,
they
are
only
Arguments
brought
to
prove
that
Christ
ought
to
have
done
somewhat
that
he
has
not
done
.
So
these
are
in
effect
so
many
Arguments
against
Christ
,
unless
it
appears
that
he
has
Authorised
such
a
Judge
:
therefore
the
right
way
to
end
this
Dispute
,
is
,
to
shew
where
such
a
Constitution
is
Authorised
:
So
that
the
most
that
can
be
made
of
this
is
,
that
it
amounts
to
a
favourable
presumption
.
II.
It
is
a
very
unreasonable
thing
for
us
to
form
Presumptions
,
of
what
is
,
or
ought
to
be
,
from
Inconveniences
that
do
arise
,
in
case
that
such
things
are
not
:
for
we
may
carry
this
so
far
,
that
it
will
not
be
easie
to
stop
it
.
It
seems
more
suitable
to
the
infinite
Goodness
of
God
,
to
communicate
the
knowledge
of
himself
to
all
Mankind
,
and
to
furnish
every
Man
with
such
assistances
as
will
certainly
prevail
over
him
.
It
seems
also
reasonable
to
think
,
that
so
perfect
a
Saviour
as
Jesus
Christ
was
,
should
have
shewed
us
a
certain
way
,
and
yet
consistent
with
the
free
Use
of
our
Faculties
,
of
avoiding
all
sin
:
nor
is
it
very
easie
to
imagine
,
that
it
should
be
a
reproach
on
his
Gospel
,
if
there
is
not
an
Infallible
Preservative
against
Errour
,
when
it
is
acknowledged
;
that
there
is
no
infallible
Preservative
against
sin
:
for
it
is
certain
,
that
the
one
Damns
us
more
Infallibly
,
than
the
other
.
III.
Since
presumptions
are
so
much
insisted
on
,
to
prove
what
things
must
be
appointed
by
Christ
;
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
it
is
also
a
reasonable
Presumption
,
that
if
such
a
Court
was
appointed
by
him
,
it
must
be
done
in
such
plain
terms
that
there
can
be
no
room
to
question
the
meaning
of
them
:
and
since
this
is
the
hinge
upon
which
all
other
matters
turn
,
it
ought
to
be
expressed
so
particularly
,
in
whom
it
is
vested
,
that
there
should
be
no
occasion
given
to
dispute
,
whether
it
is
in
one
Man
or
in
a
Body
;
and
if
in
a
Body
,
whether
in
the
Majority
,
or
in
the
two
thirds
,
or
in
the
whole
Body
unanimously
agreeing
;
in
short
,
the
Chief
thing
in
all
Governments
being
the
Nature
and
Power
of
the
Judges
,
those
are
always
distinctly
specified
;
and
therefore
if
these
things
are
not
specified
in
the
Scriptures
,
it
is
at
least
a
strong
Presumption
,
that
Christ
did
not
intend
to
authorise
such
Judges
.
IV.
There
were
several
Controversies
raised
among
the
Churches
to
which
the
Apostles
writ
,
as
appears
by
the
Epistles
to
the
Romans
,
Corinthians
,
Galatians
,
and
Colossians
,
yet
the
Apostles
never
make
use
of
those
passages
that
are
pretended
for
this
Authority
to
put
an
end
to
those
Controversies
;
which
is
a
shrew'd
Presumption
,
that
they
did
not
understand
them
in
that
sense
in
which
the
Church
of
Rome
does
now
take
them
.
Nor
does
St.
Paul
in
the
Directions
that
he
gives
to
the
Church-men
in
his
Epistles
to
Timothy
and
Titus
,
reckon
this
of
submitting
to
the
directions
of
the
Church
for
one
,
which
he
could
not
have
omitted
,
if
this
be
the
true
meaning
of
those
disputed
passages
:
and
yet
he
has
not
one
word
sounding
that
way
,
which
is
very
different
from
the
directions
which
one
possessed
with
the
present
view
that
the
Church
of
Rome
has
of
this
matter
must
needs
have
given
.
V.
There
are
some
things
very
expresly
taught
in
the
New
Testament
,
such
as
the
Rules
of
a
good
Life
,
the
Vse
of
the
Sacraments
,
the
addressing
our selves
to
God
,
for
Mercy
and
Grace
,
thro'
the
Sacrifice
that
Christ
offered
for
us
on
the
Cross
,
and
the
worshipping
him
as
God
,
the
Death
,
Resurrection
and
Ascention
of
Jesus
Christ
,
the
Resurrection
of
our
Bodies
and
Life
Everlasting
:
by
which
it
is
apparent
,
that
we
are
set
beyond
doubt
in
those
matters
;
if
then
there
are
other
passages
more
obscure
concerning
other
matters
,
we
must
conclude
,
that
these
are
not
of
that
Consequence
,
otherwise
they
would
have
been
as
plainly
reveal'd
as
others
are
;
but
above
all
,
if
the
Authority
of
the
Church
is
delivered
to
us
in
disputable
terms
,
that
is
a
just
prejudice
against
it
,
since
it
is
a
thing
of
such
Consequence
,
that
it
ought
to
have
been
revealed
in
a
way
so
very
clear
and
past
all
dispute
.
VI.
If
it
is
a
Presumption
for
particular
Persons
to
judge
concerning
Religion
,
which
must
be
still
referred
to
the
Priests
and
other
Guides
in
Sacred
Matters
,
this
is
a
good
Argument
to
oblige
all
Nations
to
continue
in
the
Established
Religion
,
whatever
it
may
happen
to
be
;
and
above
all
others
,
it
was
a
convincing
Argument
in
the
Mouths
of
the
Jews
against
our
Saviour
.
He
pretended
to
be
the
Messias
,
and
proved
it
both
by
the
Prophesies
that
were
accomplished
in
him
,
and
by
the
Miracles
that
he
wrought
:
as
for
the
Prophesies
,
the
Reasons
urged
by
the
Church
of
Rome
will
conclude
much
stronger
,
that
such
dark
passages
as
those
of
the
Prophets
were
,
ought
not
to
be
interpreted
by
particular
Persons
,
but
that
the
Exposition
of
these
must
be
referred
to
the
Priests
and
Sanhedrin
,
it
being
expresly
proved
in
their
Law
(
Deut.
17.8
.
)
That
when
Controversies
arose
,
concerning
any
Cause
that
was
too
intricate
,
they
were
to
go
to
the
place
which
God
should
choose
,
and
to
the
Priests
of
the
Tribe
of
Levi
,
and
to
the
Judge
in
those
days
,
and
that
they
were
to
declare
what
was
right
,
and
to
their
decision
all
were
obliged
to
submit
,
under
pain
of
Death
:
So
that
by
this
it
appears
,
that
the
Priests
in
the
Jewish
Religion
were
authorised
in
so
extraordinary
a
manner
,
that
I
dare
say
,
the
Church
of
Rome
would
not
wish
for
a
more
formal
Testimony
on
her
behalf
:
As
for
our
Saviour's
Miracles
,
these
were
not
sufficient
neither
,
unless
his
Doctrine
was
first
found
to
be
good
:
since
Moses
had
expresly
warned
the
people
(
Deut.
13.1
.
)
That
if
a
Prophet
came
and
taught
them
to
follow
after
other
Gods
,
they
were
not
to
obey
him
,
tho'
he
wrought
Miracles
to
prove
his
Mission
,
but
were
to
put
him
to
Death
:
So
a
Jew
saying
,
that
Christ
,
by
making
himself
one
with
his
Father
,
brought
in
the
worship
of
another
God
,
might
well
pretend
that
he
was
not
oblig'd
to
yield
to
the
Authority
of
our
Saviour's
Miracles
,
without
taking
cognisance
of
his
Doctrine
,
and
of
the
Prophesies
concerning
the
Messias
,
and
in
a
word
,
of
the
whole
matter
.
So
that
if
these
Reasonings
are
now
good
against
the
Reformation
,
they
were
as
strong
in
the
Mouths
of
the
Jews
against
our
Saviour
:
and
from
hence
we
see
,
that
the
Authority
that
seems
to
be
given
by
Moses
to
the
Priests
,
must
be
understood
with
some
Restrictions
;
since
we
not
only
find
the
Prophets
,
and
Jeremy
in
particular
,
opposing
themselves
to
the
whole
body
of
them
,
but
we
see
likewise
,
that
for
some
considerable
time
before
our
Saviour's
days
,
not
only
many
ill-grounded
Traditions
had
got
in
among
them
,
by
which
the
vigor
of
the
Moral
Law
was
much
enervated
,
but
likewise
they
were
universally
possessed
with
a
false
notion
of
their
Messias
;
so
that
even
the
Apostles
themselves
had
not
quite
shaken
off
those
prejudices
at
the
time
of
our
Saviour's
Ascention
.
So
that
here
a
Church
,
that
was
still
the
Church
of
God
,
that
had
the
appointed
means
of
the
Expiations
of
their
sins
,
by
their
Sacrifices
and
Washings
,
as
well
as
by
their
Circumcision
,
was
yet
under
great
and
fatal
Errors
,
from
which
particular
persons
had
no
way
to
extricate
themselves
,
but
by
examining
the
Doctrine
and
Texts
of
Scripture
,
and
by
judging
of
them
according
to
the
Evidence
of
Truth
,
and
the
force
and
freedom
of
their
Faculties
.
VII
.
It
seems
Evident
,
that
the
passage
(
Tell
the
Church
)
belongs
only
to
the
reconconciling
of
Differences
:
that
of
binding
and
loosing
,
according
to
the
use
of
those
terms
among
the
Jews
signifies
only
an
Authority
that
was
given
to
the
Apostles
of
giving
Precepts
,
by
which
men
were
to
be
obliged
to
such
Duties
,
or
set
at
liberty
from
them
:
and
(
the
gates
of
Hell
not
prevailing
against
the
Church
)
signifies
only
,
that
the
Christian
Religion
was
never
to
come
to
an
end
,
or
to
perish
;
and
that
of
(
Christ's
being
with
the
Apostles
to
the
end
of
the
world
)
imports
only
a
special
conduct
and
protection
which
the
Church
may
always
expect
,
but
as
the
promise
,
I
will
not
leave
thee
nor
forsake
thee
;
that
belongs
to
every
Christian
,
does
not
import
an
Infallibility
:
no
more
does
the
other
.
And
for
those
passages
concerning
(
the
Spirit
of
God
that
searches
all
things
)
it
is
plain
,
that
in
them
St.
Paul
is
treating
of
the
Divine
Inspiration
,
by
which
the
Christian
Religion
was
then
opened
to
the
World
,
which
he
sets
in
opposition
to
the
Wisdom
or
Philosophy
of
the
Greeks
;
so
that
as
all
those
passages
come
short
of
proving
that
for
which
they
are
alledged
,
it
must
at
last
be
acknowledged
,
that
they
have
not
an
Evidence
great
enough
to
prove
so
important
a
truth
,
as
some
would
evince
by
them
;
since
't
is
a
matter
of
such
vast
consequence
,
that
the
proofs
for
it
must
have
an
undeniable
Evidence
.
VIII
.
In
the
matters
of
Religion
two
things
are
to
be
considered
;
first
,
the
Account
that
we
must
give
to
God
,
and
the
Rewards
that
we
expect
from
him
:
and
in
this
every
man
must
answer
for
the
sincerity
of
his
Heart
,
in
examining
Divine
Matters
,
and
the
following
what
(
upon
the
best
Enquiries
that
one
could
make
)
appeared
to
be
true
:
and
with
relation
to
this
,
there
is
no
need
of
a
Judge
:
for
in
that
Great
Day
every
one
must
answer
to
God
according
to
the
Talents
that
he
had
,
and
all
will
be
saved
according
to
their
sincerity
;
and
with
relation
to
that
Judgment
,
there
is
no
need
of
any
other
Judge
but
God
.
A
second
view
of
Religion
,
is
as
it
is
a
Body
united
together
,
and
by
consequence
brought
under
some
Regulation
:
and
as
in
all
States
,
there
are
subaltern
Judges
,
in
whose
decisions
all
must
at
least
acquiesce
,
tho'
they
are
not
infallible
,
there
being
still
a
sort
of
an
Appeal
to
be
made
to
the
Sovereign
or
the
Supream
Legislative
Body
;
so
the
Church
has
a
subaltern
Jurisdiction
,
but
as
the
Authority
o●
Inferiour
Judges
is
still
regulated
,
and
none
but
the
Legislators
themselves
have
an
Authority
equal
to
the
Law
;
so
it
is
not
necessary
for
the
preservation
of
Peace
and
Order
,
that
the
Decisions
of
the
Church
should
be
infallible
,
or
of
equal
Authority
with
the
Scriptures
.
If
Judges
do
so
manifestly
abuse
their
Authority
,
that
they
fall
into
Rebellion
and
Treason
,
the
Subjects
are
no
more
bound
to
consider
them
;
but
are
obliged
to
resist
them
,
and
to
maintain
their
Obedience
to
their
Sovereign
;
tho'
in
other
matters
their
Judgment
must
take
place
,
till
they
are
reversed
by
the
Sovereign
.
The
case
of
Religion
being
then
this
,
That
Jesus
Christ
is
the
Sovereign
of
the
Church
;
the
Assembly
of
the
Pastors
is
only
a
subaltern
Judge
:
if
they
manifestly
oppose
themselves
to
the
Scriptures
,
which
is
the
Law
of
Christians
,
particular
persons
may
be
supposed
as
competent
Judges
of
that
,
as
in
civil
Matters
they
may
be
of
the
Rebellion
of
the
Judges
,
and
in
that
case
they
are
bound
still
to
maintain
their
Obedience
to
Jesus
Christ
.
In
matters
indifferent
,
Christians
are
bound
,
for
the
preservation
of
Peace
and
Unity
,
to
acquiesce
in
the
Decisions
of
the
Church
,
and
in
Matters
justly
doubtful
,
or
of
small
Consequence
,
tho'
they
are
convinced
that
the
Pastors
have
erred
,
yet
they
are
obliged
to
be
silent
,
and
to
bear
tolerable
things
rather
than
make
a
Breach
;
but
if
it
is
visible
,
that
the
Pastors
do
Rebel
against
the
Sovereign
of
the
Church
,
I
mean
Christ
,
the
people
may
put
in
their
Appeal
to
that
great
Judge
,
and
there
it
must
lie
.
If
the
Church
did
use
this
Authority
with
due
Discretion
,
and
the
people
followed
the
Rules
that
I
have
named
with
Humility
and
Modesty
,
there
would
be
no
great
danger
of
many
Divisions
;
but
this
is
the
great
Secret
of
the
providence
of
God
,
that
men
are
still
men
,
and
both
Pastors
and
People
mix
their
Passions
and
Interests
so
with
matters
of
Religion
,
that
as
there
is
a
great
deal
of
Sin
and
Vice
still
in
the
World
,
so
that
appears
in
the
Matters
of
Religion
as
well
as
in
other
things
:
but
the
ill
Consequences
of
this
;
tho'
they
are
bad
enough
,
yet
are
not
equal
Effects
that
ignorant
Superstition
,
and
Obedient
Zeal
have
produced
in
the
World
,
Witness
the
Rebellions
and
Wars
for
establishing
the
Worship
of
Images
;
the
Croissades
against
the
Saracens
,
in
which
many
Millions
were
lost
;
those
against
Hereticks
,
and
Princes
deposed
by
Popes
,
which
lasted
for
some
Ages
;
and
the
Massacre
of
Paris
,
with
the
Butcheries
of
the
Duke
of
Alva
in
the
last
Age
,
and
that
of
Ireland
in
this
:
which
are
,
I
suppose
far
greater
Mischiefs
than
any
that
can
be
imagined
to
arise
out
of
a
small
Diversion
of
Opinions
:
and
the
present
State
of
this
Church
,
notwithstanding
all
those
unhappy
Rents
that
are
in
it
,
is
a
much
more
desirable
thing
,
than
the
gross
Ignorance
and
blind
Superstition
that
reigns
in
Italy
and
Spain
at
this
day
.
IX
.
All
these
reasonings
concerning
the
Infallibility
of
the
Church
signifie
nothing
,
unless
we
can
certainly
know
,
whither
we
must
go
for
this
Decision
:
for
while
one
Party
shews
us
,
that
it
must
be
in
the
Pope
,
or
is
no
where
,
and
another
Party
says
it
cannot
be
in
the
Pope
,
because
as
many
Popes
have
erred
,
so
this
is
a
Doctrine
that
was
not
known
in
the
Church
for
a
thousand
Years
,
and
that
has
been
disputed
ever
since
it
was
first
asserted
,
we
are
in
the
right
to
believe
both
sides
;
first
,
that
if
it
is
not
in
the
Pope
,
it
is
no
where
;
and
than
,
that
certainly
it
is
not
in
the
Pope
;
and
it
is
very
Incongruous
to
say
,
that
there
is
an
Infallible
Authority
in
the
Church
,
and
that
yet
it
is
not
certain
where
one
must
seek
for
it
;
for
the
one
ought
to
be
as
clear
as
the
other
,
and
it
is
also
plain
,
that
what
Primacy
soever
St.
Peter
may
be
supposed
to
have
had
,
the
Scripture
says
not
one
word
of
his
Successors
at
Rome
;
so
at
least
this
is
not
so
clear
,
as
a
matter
of
this
Consequence
must
have
been
,
if
Christ
had
intended
to
have
lodged
such
an
Authority
in
that
See
.
X.
It
is
no
less
Incongruous
to
say
,
that
this
Infallibility
is
in
a
General
Council
:
for
it
must
be
somewhere
else
,
otherwise
it
will
return
only
to
the
Church
by
some
starts
,
and
other
long
intervals
:
and
as
it
was
not
in
the
Church
,
for
the
first
Three
Hundred
and
Twenty
years
,
so
it
has
not
been
in
the
Church
these
last
120
years
.
It
is
plain
also
,
that
there
is
no
Regulation
given
in
the
Scriptures
:
concerning
this
great
Assembly
,
who
have
a
right
to
come
and
Vote
,
and
what
forfeits
this
right
,
and
what
numbers
must
concur
in
a
Decision
,
to
assure
us
of
the
Infallibility
of
the
Judgment
.
It
is
certain
,
there
was
never
a
General
Council
of
all
the
Pastors
of
the
Church
:
for
those
of
which
we
have
the
Acts
,
were
only
the
Council
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
but
for
those
Churches
,
that
were
in
the
South
of
Africk
,
or
the
Eastern
parts
of
Asia
,
beyond
the
bounds
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
as
they
could
not
be
summoned
by
the
Emperours
Authority
,
so
it
is
certain
none
of
them
were
present
:
unless
one
or
two
of
Persia
at
Nice
,
which
perhaps
was
a
Corner
of
Persia
belonging
to
the
Empire
;
and
unless
it
can
be
proved
,
that
the
Pope
has
an
Absolute
Authority
to
cut
off
whole
Churches
from
their
right
of
coming
to
Councils
,
there
has
been
no
General
Council
these
last
700
years
in
the
World
,
ever
since
the
Bishops
of
Rome
have
Excommunicated
all
the
Greek
Churches
upon
such
trifling
Reasons
,
that
their
own
Writers
are
now
ashamed
of
them
;
and
I
will
ask
no
more
of
a
Man
of
a
Competent
Understanding
,
to
satisfie
him
,
that
the
Council
of
Trent
was
no
General
Council
,
acting
in
that
Freedom
that
became
Bishops
,
than
that
he
will
be
at
the
pains
to
read
Card.
Pallavicin's
History
of
that
Council
.
XI
.
If
it
is
said
,
that
this
Infallibility
is
to
be
fought
for
in
the
Tradition
of
the
Doctrine
in
all
Ages
,
and
that
every
particular
Person
must
examine
this
:
here
is
a
Sea
before
him
,
and
instead
of
examining
the
small
Book
of
the
New
Testament
,
he
is
involved
in
a
study
that
must
cost
a
Man
an
Age
to
go
thro'
it
;
and
many
of
the
Ages
,
thro'
which
he
carries
this
Enquiry
,
are
so
dark
,
and
have
produced
so
few
Writers
,
at
least
so
few
are
preserved
to
our
days
,
that
it
is
not
possible
to
find
out
their
Belief
.
We
find
also
Traditions
have
varied
so
much
,
that
it
is
hard
to
say
that
there
is
much
weight
to
be
laid
on
this
way
of
Conveyance
.
A
Tradition
concerning
Matters
of
Fact
that
all
People
see
,
is
less
apt
to
fail
than
a
Tradition
of
Points
of
Speculation
:
and
yet
we
see
very
near
the
Age
of
the
Apostles
,
contrary
Traditions
touching
the
Observation
of
Easter
,
from
which
we
must
conclude
,
that
either
the
Matter
of
Fact
of
one
side
,
or
the
other
,
as
it
was
handed
down
,
was
not
true
,
or
at
least
that
it
was
not
rightly
understood
.
A
Tradition
concerning
the
Use
of
the
Sacraments
,
being
a
visible
thing
,
is
the
more
likely
to
be
exact
,
than
a
Speculation
concerning
their
Nature
;
and
yet
we
find
a
Tradition
of
giving
Infants
the
Communion
,
grounded
on
the
indispensible
necessity
of
the
Sacrament
,
continued
1000
years
in
the
Church
.
A
Tradition
on
which
the
Christians
founded
their
Joy
and
Hope
,
is
less
like
to
be
changed
,
than
a
more
remote
Speculation
,
and
yet
the
first
Writers
of
the
Christian
Religion
had
a
Tradition
handed
down
to
them
by
those
who
saw
the
Apostles
,
of
the
Reign
of
Christ
for
a
Thousand
Years
upon
Earth
;
and
if
those
who
had
Matters
at
second
hand
from
the
Apostles
,
could
be
thus
mistaken
,
it
is
more
reasonable
to
apprehend
greater
Errors
at
such
a
distance
.
A
Tradition
concerning
the
Book
of
the
Scriptures
is
more
like
to
be
exact
,
than
the
Expositions
of
some
passages
in
it
;
and
yet
we
find
the
Church
did
unanimously
believe
the
Translation
of
the
70
Interpreters
to
have
been
the
effect
of
a
miraculous
Inspiration
,
till
St.
Jerome
examined
this
matter
better
,
and
made
a
New
Translation
from
the
Hebrew
Copies
.
But
which
is
more
than
all
the
rest
,
it
seems
plain
,
that
the
Fathers
before
the
Council
of
Nice
believed
the
Divinity
of
the
Son
of
God
to
be
in
some
sort
inferiour
to
that
of
the
Father
,
and
for
some
Ages
after
the
Council
of
Nice
,
they
believed
them
indeed
both
equal
,
but
they
considered
these
as
two
different
Beings
,
and
only
one
in
Essence
,
as
,
three
men
have
the
same
Humane
Nature
in
common
among
them
;
and
that
as
one
Candle
lights
another
,
so
the
one
flowed
from
another
;
and
after
the
Fifth
Century
the
Doctrine
of
one
Individual
Essence
was
received
.
If
you
will
be
farther
informed
concerning
this
,
Father
Petau
will
satisfie
you
as
to
the
first
Period
before
the
Council
of
Nice
,
and
the
leared
Dr.
Cudworth
as
to
the
second
.
In
all
which
particulars
it
appears
,
how
variable
a
thing
Tradition
is
.
And
upon
the
whole
matter
,
the
examining
Tradition
thus
,
is
still
a
searching
among
Books
,
and
here
is
no
living
Judge
.
XII
.
If
then
the
Authority
that
must
decide
Controversies
,
lies
in
the
Body
of
the
Pastors
scattered
over
the
World
,
which
is
the
last
retrenchment
,
here
as
many
and
as
great
Scruples
will
arise
,
as
we
found
in
any
of
the
former
Heads
.
Two
difficulties
appear
at
first
view
,
the
one
is
,
How
can
we
be
assured
that
the
present
Pastors
of
the
Church
are
derived
in
a
just
Succession
from
the
Apostles
:
there
are
no
Registers
extant
that
prove
this
:
So
that
we
have
nothing
for
it
but
some
Histories
,
that
are
so
carelesly
writ
,
that
we
find
many
mistakes
in
them
in
other
Matters
;
and
they
are
so
different
in
the
very
first
links
of
that
Chain
,
that
immediately
succeeded
the
Apostles
,
that
the
utmost
can
be
made
of
this
,
is
,
that
here
is
an
Historical
Relation
somewhat
doubtful
;
but
here
is
nothing
to
found
our
Faith
on
:
so
that
if
a
Succession
from
the
Apostles
times
,
is
necessary
to
the
Constitution
of
that
Church
,
to
which
we
must
submit
our selves
,
we
know
not
where
to
find
it
:
besides
that
,
the
Doctrine
of
the
necessity
of
the
Intention
of
the
Minister
to
the
Validity
of
a
Sacrament
,
throws
us
into
inextricable
difficulties
.
I
know
they
generally
say
,
that
by
the
Intention
they
do
not
mean
the
inward
Acts
of
the
Minister
of
the
Sacrament
,
but
only
that
it
must
appear
by
his
outward
deportment
,
that
he
is
in
earnest
going
about
a
Sacrament
,
and
not
doing
a
thing
in
jest
;
and
this
appeared
so
reasonable
to
me
,
that
I
was
sorry
to
find
our
Divines
urge
it
too
much
:
till
turning
over
the
Rubricks
that
are
at
the
beginning
of
the
Missal
,
I
found
upon
the
head
of
the
Intention
of
the
Minister
,
that
if
a
Priest
has
a
number
of
Hosties
before
him
to
be
consecrated
,
and
intends
to
Consecrate
them
all
,
except
one
,
in
that
case
that
Vagrant
Exception
falls
upon
them
all
:
it
not
being
affixed
to
any
one
,
and
it
is
defined
that
he
Consecrates
none
at
all
.
Here
it
is
plain
,
that
the
secret
Acts
of
a
Priest
can
defeat
the
Sacrament
:
so
this
overthrows
all
certainty
concerning
a
Succession
:
But
besides
all
this
,
we
are
sure
,
that
the
Greek
Churches
have
a
much
more
uncontested
Succession
than
the
Latines
:
So
that
a
Succession
cannot
direct
us
.
And
if
it
is
necessary
to
seek
out
the
Doctrines
that
are
universally
received
,
this
is
not
possible
for
a
private
man
to
know
.
So
that
in
ignorant
Countries
,
where
there
is
little
Study
,
the
people
have
no
other
certainty
concerning
their
Religion
,
but
what
they
take
from
their
Curate
and
Confessor
:
since
they
cannot
examine
what
is
generally
received
.
So
that
it
must
be
confessed
,
that
all
the
Arguments
that
are
brought
for
the
necessity
of
a
constant
infallible
Judge
,
turn
against
all
those
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
that
do
not
acknowledge
the
Infallibility
of
the
Pope
:
for
if
he
is
not
infallible
,
they
have
no
other
Judge
,
that
can
pretend
to
it
.
It
were
also
easie
to
shew
,
that
some
Doctrines
have
been
as
Universally
received
in
some
Ages
,
as
they
have
been
rejected
in
others
;
which
shews
,
that
the
Doctrine
of
the
present
Church
is
not
always
a
sure
measure
.
For
five
Ages
together
,
the
Doctrine
of
the
Pope's
Power
to
depose
Heretical
Princes
was
received
without
the
least
Opposition
:
and
this
cannot
be
doubted
by
any
that
knows
what
has
been
the
State
of
the
Church
,
since
the
end
of
the
Eleventh
Century
:
and
yet
I
believe
few
Princes
would
allow
this
,
notwithstanding
all
the
concurring
Authority
of
so
many
Ages
to
fortisie
it
.
I
could
carry
this
into
a
great
many
other
Instances
,
but
I
single
out
this
,
because
it
is
a
point
in
which
Princes
are
naturally
extream
sensible
.
Upon
the
whole
matter
,
it
can
never
enter
into
my
mind
,
that
God
,
who
has
made
Man
a
Creature
,
that
naturally
enquires
and
reasons
,
and
that
feels
as
sensible
a
pleasure
when
he
can
give
himself
a
good
account
of
his
Actions
,
as
one
that
sees
,
does
perceive
in
comparison
to
a
blind
man
that
is
led
about
;
and
that
this
God
that
has
also
made
Religion
on
design
to
perfect
this
Humane
Nature
,
and
to
raise
it
to
the
utmost
height
to
which
it
can
arrive
,
has
contrived
it
to
be
dark
,
and
to
be
so
much
beyond
the
penetration
of
our
Faculties
,
that
we
cannot
find
out
his
mind
in
those
things
that
are
necessary
for
our
Salvation
:
and
that
the
Scriptures
,
that
were
writ
by
plain
men
,
in
a
very
familiar
Stile
,
and
addrest
without
any
Discrimination
to
the
Vulgar
,
should
become
such
an
unintelligible
Book
in
these
Ages
,
that
we
must
have
an
infallible
Judge
to
expound
it
:
and
when
I
see
not
only
Popes
,
but
even
some
Bodies
that
pass
for
General
Councils
,
have
so
expounded
many
passages
of
it
,
and
have
wrested
them
so
visibly
,
that
none
of
the
Modern
Writers
of
that
Church
pretend
to
excuse
it
,
I
say
,
I
must
freely
own
to
you
,
that
when
I
find
that
I
need
a
Commentary
on
dark
passages
,
these
will
be
the
last
persons
to
whom
I
will
address
my self
for
it
.
Thus
you
see
how
fully
I
have
opened
my
mind
to
you
in
this
matter
;
I
have
gone
over
a
great
deal
of
ground
in
as
few
words
as
is
possible
,
because
hints
I
know
are
enough
for
you
;
I
thank
God
,
these
Considerations
do
fully
satisfie
me
,
and
I
will
be
infinitely
joyed
,
if
they
have
the
same
effect
on
you
.
I
am
yours
.
THis
Letter
came
to
London
with
the
return
of
the
first
Post
after
his
late
Majesties
Papers
were
sent
into
the
Country
;
some
that
saw
it
,
liked
it
well
,
and
wished
to
have
it
publick
,
and
the
rather
,
because
the
Writer
did
not
so
entirely
confine
himself
to
the
Reasons
that
were
in
those
Papers
,
but
took
the
whole
Controversie
to
task
in
a
little
compass
,
and
yet
with
a
great
variety
of
Reflections
.
And
this
way
of
examining
the
whole
matter
,
without
following
those
Papers
word
for
word
,
or
the
finding
more
fault
than
the
common
concern
of
this
Cause
required
,
seemed
more
agreeing
to
the
respect
that
is
due
to
the
Dead
,
and
more
particularly
to
the
Memory
of
so
great
a
Prince
;
but
other
considerations
made
it
not
so
easie
nor
so
adviseable
to
procure
a
License
for
the
Printing
this
Letter
,
it
has
been
kept
in
private
hands
till
now
:
those
who
have
boasted
much
of
the
Shortness
of
the
late
King's
Papers
,
and
of
the
length
of
the
Answers
that
have
been
made
to
them
,
will
not
find
so
great
a
disproportion
between
them
and
this
Answer
to
them
.
A
Brief
Account
of
particulars
occurring
at
the
happy
Death
of
our
late
Soveraign
Lord
King
Charles
II.
in
regard
to
Religion
;
faithfully
related
by
his
then
Assistant
,
Mr.
Jo.
Hudleston
.
UPON
Thursday
the
Fifth
of
February
,
1685.
Between
Seven
and
Eight
a
Clock
in
the
Evening
,
I
was
sent
for
in
haste
to
the
Queens
Back-stairs
at
Whitehall
,
and
desired
to
bring
with
me
all
things
necessary
for
a
dying
Person
.
Accordingly
I
came
,
and
was
order'd
not
to
stir
from
thence
till
further
notice
;
being
thus
obliged
to
wait
,
and
not
having
had
time
to
bring
along
with
●●e
the
Most
Holy
Sacrament
of
the
Altar
,
I
was
in
some
Anxiety
how
to
procure
it
:
In
this
conjuncture
(
the
Divine
Providence
so
disposing
)
Father
Bento
de
Lewis
a
Portugez
came
thither
,
and
understanding
the
circumstance
I
was
in
,
readily
profer'd
himself
to
go
to
St.
James's
and
bring
the
Most
Holy
Sacrament
along
with
him
.
Soon
after
his
departure
I
was
call'd
into
the
King's
Bed-Chamber
,
where
approaching
to
the
Bed
side
,
and
kneeling
down
,
I
in
brief
presented
his
Majesty
with
what
Service
I
could
perform
for
God's
Honour
,
and
the
happiness
of
his
Soul
at
this
last
Moment
on
which
Eternity
depends
.
The
King
then
declared
himself
:
That
he
desired
to
die
in
the
Faith
and
Communion
of
the
Holy
Roman
Catholick
Church
,
That
he
was
most
heartily
sorry
for
all
the
Sins
of
his
life
past
,
and
particularly
for
that
he
had
deferred
his
Reconciliation
so
long
;
That
through
the
Merits
of
Christ's
Passion
he
hoped
for
Salvation
,
That
he
was
in
Charity
with
all
the
World
;
That
with
all
his
Heart
he
Pardon'd
his
Enemies
and
desired
Pardon
of
all
those
whom
he
had
any
wise
offended
,
and
that
if
it
pleased
God
to
spare
him
longer
life
,
he
would
amend
it
,
detesting
all
Sin
.
I
then
advertis'd
his
Majesty
of
the
benefit
and
necessity
of
the
Sacrament
of
Penance
,
which
Advertisement
the
King
most
willingly
embracing
,
made
an
exact
Confession
of
his
whole
Life
,
with
exceeding
Compunction
and
Tenderness
of
Heart
;
which
ended
,
I
desired
him
,
in
farther
sign
of
Repentance
and
true
sorrow
for
his
Sins
,
to
say
with
me
this
little
short
Act
of
Contrition
.
O
my
Lord
God
,
with
my
whole
Heart
and
Soul
I
detest
all
the
Sins
of
my
Life
past
for
the
Love
of
Thee
,
whom
I
love
above
all
things
,
and
I
firmly
purpose
by
thy
Holy
Grace
never
to
offend
thee
more
,
Amen
,
Sweet
Jesus
,
Amen
,
Into
thy
Hands
,
Sweet
Jesus
,
I
commend
my
Soul
,
Mercy
,
Sweet
Jesus
,
Mercy
.
This
he
pronounced
with
a
clear
and
audible
voice
;
which
done
,
and
his
Sacramental
Penance
admitted
,
I
gave
him
Absolution
.
After
some
time
thus
spent
I
asked
his
Majesty
,
if
he
did
not
also
desire
to
have
the
other
Sacraments
of
the
Holy
Church
administred
unto
him
?
He
reply'd
,
By
all
means
,
I
desire
to
be
partaker
of
all
the
helps
and
Succours
necessary
and
expedient
for
a
Catholick
Christian
in
my
condition
.
I
added
,
and
doth
not
your
Majesty
also
desire
to
receive
the
Pretious
Body
and
Blood
of
our
dear
Saviour
Jesus
Christ
in
the
Most
Holy
Sacrament
of
the
Eucharist
?
His
Answer
was
this
:
If
I
am
worthy
,
pray
fail
not
to
let
me
have
it
.
I
then
told
him
,
it
would
be
brought
to
him
very
speedily
,
and
desired
his
Majesty
,
that
in
the
interim
he
would
give
me
leave
to
proceed
to
the
Sacrament
of
Extreme
Unction
,
he
replyed
with
all
my
Heart
;
I
then
Anoyled
him
,
which
as
soon
as
perform'd
I
was
call'd
to
the
door
,
whither
the
Blessed
Sacrament
was
now
brought
and
delivered
to
me
.
Then
returning
to
the
King
,
I
entreated
His
Majesty
that
he
would
prepare
and
dispose
himself
to
receive
.
At
which
the
King
raising
up
himself
,
said
,
let
me
meet
my
Heavenly
Lord
in
a
better
posture
than
in
my
Bed
.
But
I
humbly
begg'd
His
Majesty
to
repose
himself
:
God
Almighty
,
who
saw
his
Heart
,
would
accept
of
his
good
intention
.
The
King
then
having
again
recited
the
fore-mentioned
Act
of
Contrition
with
me
,
he
received
the
most
Holy
Sacrament
for
his
Viaticum
,
with
all
the
Symptoms
of
Devotion
imaginable
.
The
Communion
being
ended
,
I
Read
the
usual
Prayers
,
termed
the
Recommendation
of
the
Soul
,
appointed
by
the
Church
for
Catholicks
in
his
Condition
.
After
which
the
King
desired
the
Act
of
Contrition
:
O
my
Lord
God
,
&c.
to
be
repeated
,
this
done
,
for
his
last
Spiritual
encouragement
I
said
,
Your
Majesty
hath
now
received
the
Comfort
and
Benefit
of
all
the
Sacraments
,
that
a
good
Christian
(
ready
to
depart
out
of
this
World
)
can
have
or
desire
.
Now
it
rests
only
,
That
you
think
upon
the
Death
and
Passion
of
our
Dear
Saviour
Jesus
Christ
,
of
which
I
present
unto
you
this
Figure
(
shewing
him
a
Crucifix
)
lift
up
therefore
the
Eyes
of
your
Soul
,
and
represent
to
your self
your
sweet
Saviour
here
Crucified
:
Bowing
down
his
Head
to
kiss
you
:
His
Arms
stretched
out
to
Embrace
you
:
His
Body
and
Members
all
Bloody
and
Pale
with
Death
to
Redeem
you
:
And
as
you
see
him
Dead
and
fixed
upon
the
Cross
for
your
Redemption
;
So
have
his
Remembrance
fixed
and
fresh
in
your
Heart
:
beseech
him
with
all
humility
,
That
his
most
precious
Blood
may
not
be
shed
in
vain
for
you
:
And
that
it
will
please
him
by
the
Merits
of
his
bitter
Death
and
Passion
to
pardon
and
forgive
you
all
your
Offences
,
and
finally
to
receive
your
Soul
into
his
Blessed
hands
,
and
when
it
shall
please
him
to
take
it
out
of
this
Transitory
World
,
to
grant
you
a
joyful
Resurrection
,
and
an
Eternal
Crown
of
Glory
in
the
next
.
In
the
Name
of
the
Father
,
and
of
the
Son
,
and
of
the
Holy
Ghost
:
Amen
.
So
Recommending
His
Majesty
on
my
Knees
,
with
all
the
Transport
of
Devotion
I
was
able
,
to
the
Divine
Mercy
and
Protection
,
I
withdrew
out
of
the
Chamber
.
In
Testimony
of
all
which
I
nave
hereunto
subscribed
my
Name
.
JO.
HVDLESTON
.
Some
REFLECTIONS
on
His
Majesties
Proclamation
of
the
Twelfth
of
February
,
1686/7.
for
a
Toleration
in
Scotland
,
together
with
the
said
Proclamation
.
I.
THE
Preamble
of
a
Proclamation
is
oft
writ
in
hast
,
and
is
the
flourish
of
some
wanton
Pen
:
but
one
of
such
an
extraordinary
nature
as
this
is
,
was
probably
more
severely
Examined
;
there
is
a
new
designation
of
his
Majesties
Authority
here
set
forth
of
his
Absolute
Power
,
which
is
so
often
repeated
,
that
it
deserves
to
be
a
little
searched
into
.
Prerogative
Royal
and
Soveraign
Authority
,
are
Terms
,
already
received
and
known
;
but
for
this
Absolute
Power
,
as
it
is
a
new
Term
,
so
those
who
have
coined
it
,
may
make
it
signifie
what
they
will
.
The
Roman
Law
speaks
of
Princeps
Legibus
solutus
,
and
Absolute
in
its
natural
signification
,
importing
the
being
without
all
Ties
and
Restraints
;
then
the
true
meaning
of
this
seems
to
be
,
that
there
is
an
Inherent
Power
in
the
King
,
which
can
neither
be
restrained
by
Laws
,
Promises
,
nor
Oaths
;
for
nothing
less
than
the
being
free
from
all
these
,
renders
a
Power
Absolute
.
II.
If
the
former
Term
seemed
to
stretch
our
Allegiance
,
that
which
comes
after
it
,
is
yet
a
step
of
another
nature
,
tho'
one
can
hardly
imagine
what
can
go
beyond
Absolute
Power
:
and
it
is
in
these
Words
,
Which
all
our
Subjects
are
to
obey
without
reserve
.
And
this
is
the
carrying
Obedience
many
sizes
beyond
what
the
Grand
Seignior
ever
yet
claimed
:
For
all
Princes
,
even
the
most
violent
Pretenders
to
Absolute
Power
,
'till
Lewis
the
Great
's
time
,
have
thought
it
enough
to
oblige
their
Subjects
to
submit
to
their
Power
,
and
to
bear
whatsoever
they
thought
good
to
impose
upon
them
;
but
till
the
Days
of
the
late
Conversions
by
the
Dragoons
,
it
was
never
so
much
as
pretended
,
that
Subjects
were
bound
to
Obey
their
Prince
without
Reserve
;
and
to
be
of
his
Religion
,
because
he
would
have
it
so
.
Which
was
the
only
Argument
that
those
late
Apostles
made
use
of
;
so
it
is
probable
this
qualification
of
the
Duty
of
Subjects
was
put
in
here
,
to
prepare
us
for
a
terrible
le
Roy
le
veut
;
and
in
that
case
we
are
told
here
,
that
we
must
Obey
without
Reserve
;
and
when
those
Severe
Orders
come
,
the
Privy
Council
,
and
all
such
as
execute
this
Proclamation
,
will
be
bound
by
this
Declaration
to
shew
themselves
more
forward
than
any
others
,
to
obey
without
Reserve
:
and
those
poor
pretensions
of
Conscience
,
Religion
,
Honour
,
and
Reason
,
will
be
then
reckoned
as
Reserves
upon
their
Obedience
,
which
are
all
now
shut
out
.
III.
These
being
the
grounds
upon
which
this
Proclamation
is
founded
,
we
ought
not
only
to
consider
what
Consequences
are
now
drawn
from
them
,
but
what
may
be
drawn
from
them
at
any
time
hereafter
;
for
if
they
are
of
force
,
to
justify
that
which
is
inferred
from
them
,
it
will
be
full
as
just
to
draw
from
the
same
premises
an
Abolition
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
of
the
Rights
of
the
Subjects
,
not
only
to
Church-Lands
,
but
to
all
Property
whatsoever
.
In
a
word
,
it
Asserts
a
Power
to
be
in
the
King
,
to
command
what
he
will
,
and
an
Obligation
in
the
Subjects
,
to
Obey
whatsoever
he
shall
Command
.
IV.
There
is
also
mention
made
in
the
Preamble
of
the
Christian
Love
and
Charity
,
which
his
Majesty
would
have
established
among
Neighbours
;
but
another
dash
of
a
Pen
,
founded
on
this
Absolute
Power
,
may
declare
us
all
Hereticks
;
and
then
in
wonderful
Charity
to
us
,
we
must
be
told
,
that
we
are
either
to
Obey
without
Reserve
,
or
be
burnt
without
Reserve
.
We
know
the
Charity
of
that
Church
pretty
well
:
It
is
indeed
fervent
and
burning
;
and
if
we
have
forgot
what
has
been
done
in
former
Ages
,
France
,
Savoy
,
and
Hungary
have
set
before
our
Eyes
very
fresh
Instances
of
the
Charity
of
that
Religion
.
While
those
Examples
are
so
green
,
it
is
a
little
too
imposing
on
us
,
to
talk
to
us
of
Christian
Love
and
Charity
.
No
doubt
His
Majesty
means
sincerely
,
and
his
Exactness
to
all
his
Promises
,
chiefly
to
those
made
since
he
came
to
the
Crown
,
will
not
suffer
us
to
think
an
unbecoming
Thought
of
his
Royal
Intentions
;
but
yet
after
all
,
tho'
it
seems
by
this
Proclamation
,
that
we
are
bound
to
Obey
without
Reserve
,
it
is
hardship
upon
hardship
to
be
bound
to
Believe
without
Reserve
.
V.
There
are
a
sort
of
People
here
Tolerated
,
that
will
be
hardly
found
out
:
and
these
are
the
Moderate
Presbyterians
:
Now
,
as
some
say
,
that
there
are
very
few
of
those
People
in
Scotland
that
deserves
this
Character
,
so
it
is
hard
to
tell
what
it
amounts
to
;
and
the
calling
any
of
them
Immoderate
,
cuts
off
all
their
share
in
this
Grace
.
Moderation
is
a
quality
that
lyes
in
the
mind
,
and
how
this
will
be
found
out
,
I
cannot
so
readily
guess
.
If
a
Standard
had
been
given
of
Opinions
or
Practices
,
then
one
could
have
known
how
this
might
have
been
distinguished
;
but
as
it
lies
,
it
will
not
be
easy
to
make
the
Discrimination
;
and
the
declaring
them
all
immoderate
,
shuts
them
out
quite
.
VI.
Another
Foundation
laid
down
for
repealing
all
Laws
made
against
the
Papists
,
is
,
That
they
were
Enacted
in
King
James
the
Sixth's
Minority
:
with
some
harsh
expressions
,
that
are
not
to
be
insisted
on
,
since
they
shew
more
the
heat
of
the
Penner
,
than
the
Dignity
of
the
Prince
,
in
whose
name
they
are
given
out
:
But
all
these
Laws
were
ratifyed
over
and
over
again
by
King
James
,
when
he
came
to
be
of
full
Age
:
and
they
have
received
many
Confirmations
by
King
Charles
the
First
,
and
King
Charles
the
Second
,
as
well
as
by
his
present
Majesty
,
both
when
he
represented
his
Brother
in
the
Year
1681
,
and
since
he
himself
came
to
the
Crown
:
so
that
whatsoever
may
be
said
concerning
the
first
Formation
of
those
Laws
,
they
have
received
now
for
the
course
of
a
whole
hundred
Years
,
that
are
lapsed
since
King
James
was
full
of
Age
,
so
many
Confirmations
,
that
if
there
is
any
thing
certain
in
Humane
Government
,
we
might
depend
upon
them
;
but
this
new
coyned
Absolute
Power
must
carry
all
before
it
.
VII
.
It
is
also
well
known
,
that
the
whole
Settlement
of
the
Church
Lands
and
Tythes
,
with
many
other
things
,
and
more
particularly
the
Establishment
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
was
likewise
enacted
in
King
James's
minority
,
as
well
as
those
Penal
Laws
:
so
that
the
Reason
now
made
use
of
,
to
annul
the
penal
Laws
,
will
serve
full
as
well
for
another
Act
of
this
Absolute
Power
,
that
shall
abolish
all
those
;
and
if
Maximes
that
unhinge
all
the
Securities
of
Human
Society
,
and
all
that
is
sacred
in
Government
,
ought
to
be
lookt
on
with
the
justest
and
deepest
prejudices
possible
,
one
is
tempted
to
lose
the
respect
that
is
due
to
every
thing
that
carries
a
Royal
Stamp
upon
it
,
when
he
sees
such
grounds
made
use
of
,
as
must
shake
all
Settlements
whatsoever
;
for
if
a
prescription
of
120
Years
,
and
Confirmations
reiterated
over
and
over
again
these
100
Years
past
,
do
not
purge
some
Defects
in
the
first
Formation
of
those
Laws
,
what
can
make
us
secure
.
But
this
looks
so
like
a
fetch
of
the
French
Prerogative
Law
,
both
in
their
Processes
with
Relation
to
the
Edict
of
Nantes
,
and
those
concerning
Dependences
at
Mets
,
that
this
seems
to
be
a
Copy
from
that
famous
Original
.
VIII
.
It
were
too
much
ill
nature
to
look
into
the
History
of
the
last
Age
,
to
examine
on
what
grounds
those
Characters
of
Pious
and
Blessed
given
to
the
Memory
of
Q
Mary
are
built
,
but
since
K.
James's
Memory
has
the
Character
of
Glorious
given
to
it
,
if
the
Civility
of
the
fair
Sex
makes
one
unwilling
to
look
into
one
,
yet
the
other
may
be
a
little
dwelt
on
.
The
peculiar
Glory
that
belongs
to
K.
James's
Memory
,
is
,
that
he
was
a
Prince
of
great
Learning
,
and
that
he
imployed
it
chiefly
in
writing
for
his
Religion
:
of
the
Volume
in
Folio
in
which
we
have
his
Works
,
two
thirds
are
against
the
Church
of
Rome
,
one
part
of
them
is
a
Commentary
on
the
Revelation
,
proving
that
the
Pope
is
Antichrist
;
another
part
of
them
belonged
more
naturally
to
his
Post
Dignity
;
which
is
the
warning
that
he
gave
to
all
the
Princes
and
States
of
Europe
,
against
the
Treasonable
and
Bloody
Doctrines
of
the
Papacy
.
The
first
Act
he
did
when
he
came
of
Age
,
was
to
swear
in
Person
with
all
his
Family
,
and
afterwards
with
all
his
People
of
Scotland
,
a
Covenant
,
containing
an
Enumeration
of
all
the
points
of
Popery
,
and
a
most
solemn
Renunciation
of
them
,
somewhat
like
our
Parliament
Test
:
his
first
Speech
to
the
Parliament
of
England
was
Copious
on
this
Subject
;
and
he
left
a
Legacy
of
a
Wish
on
such
of
his
Posterity
as
should
go
over
to
that
Religion
,
which
in
good
manners
is
suppressed
.
It
is
known
,
K.
James
was
no
Conquerour
,
and
that
he
made
more
use
of
his
Pen
than
his
Sword
:
so
the
Glory
that
is
peculiar
to
his
Memory
,
must
fall
chiefly
on
his
Learned
and
Immortal
Writings
:
and
since
there
is
such
a
Veneration
expressed
for
him
,
it
agrees
not
ill
with
this
,
to
wish
,
that
his
Works
were
more
studied
by
those
who
offer
such
Incense
to
his
Glorious
Memory
.
IX
.
His
Majesty
assures
his
People
of
Scotland
,
upon
a
certain
Knowledge
and
long
Experience
,
that
the
Catholicks
,
as
they
are
good
Christians
,
so
they
are
likewise
dutiful
Subjects
:
but
if
we
must
believe
both
these
equally
,
then
we
must
conclude
severely
against
their
being
Good
Christians
;
for
we
are
sure
they
can
never
be
good
Subjects
,
not
only
to
a
Heretical
Prince
if
he
does
not
extirpate
Hereticks
;
for
their
beloved
Council
of
the
Lateran
,
that
decreed
Transubstantiation
,
has
likewise
decreed
,
that
if
a
Prince
does
not
extirpate
Hereticks
out
of
his
Dominions
,
the
Pope
must
depose
him
,
and
declare
his
Subjects
absolved
from
their
Allegiance
,
and
give
his
Dominions
to
another
:
so
that
even
his
Majesty
,
how
much
soever
he
may
be
a
Zealous
Catholick
,
yet
he
cannot
be
assured
of
their
fidelity
to
him
,
unless
he
has
given
them
secret
assurances
,
that
he
is
resolved
to
extirpate
Hereticks
out
of
his
Dominions
;
and
that
all
the
Promises
which
he
now
makes
to
these
poor
wretches
,
are
no
other
way
to
be
kept
,
than
the
Assurances
which
the
Great
Lewis
gave
to
his
Protestant
Subjects
,
of
his
observing
still
the
Edict
of
Nantes
,
even
after
he
had
resolved
to
break
it
,
and
also
his
last
promise
made
in
the
Edict
,
that
repealed
the
Edict
of
Nantes
,
by
which
he
gave
Assurances
that
no
violence
should
be
used
to
any
for
their
Religion
,
in
the
very
time
that
he
was
ordering
all
possible
Violences
to
be
put
in
execution
against
them
.
X.
His
Majesty
assures
us
,
that
on
all
Occasions
the
Papists
have
shewed
themselves
good
and
faithful
Subjects
to
him
and
his
Royal
Predecessors
;
but
how
Absolute
soever
the
King's
Power
may
be
,
it
seems
his
Knowledge
of
History
is
not
so
Absolute
,
but
it
may
be
capable
of
some
Improvement
.
It
will
be
hard
to
find
out
what
Loyalty
they
shewed
on
the
Gunpowder
Plot
,
or
during
the
whole
progress
of
the
Rebellion
of
Ireland
;
if
the
King
will
either
take
the
words
of
King
James
of
Glorious
Memory
,
or
K.
Charles
the
first
,
that
was
indeed
of
pious
and
blessed
Memory
,
rather
than
the
penners
of
this
Proclamation
,
it
will
not
be
hard
to
find
Occasions
where
they
were
a
little
wanting
in
this
their
so
much
boasted
Loyalty
:
and
we
are
sure
,
that
by
the
Principles
of
that
Religion
,
the
King
can
never
be
assured
of
the
Fidelity
of
those
he
calls
his
Catholick
Subjects
,
but
by
engaging
to
them
to
make
his
Heretical
Subjects
Sacrifices
to
their
Rage
.
XI
.
The
King
declares
them
capable
of
all
the
Offices
and
Benefices
which
he
shall
think
fit
to
bestow
on
them
,
and
only
restrains
them
from
invading
the
Protestant
Churches
by
force
:
so
that
here
a
door
is
plainly
opened
for
admitting
them
to
the
Exercise
of
their
Religion
in
Protestant
Churches
,
so
they
do
not
break
into
them
by
force
;
and
whatsoever
may
be
the
Sense
of
the
term
Benefice
in
its
antient
and
first
signification
,
now
it
stands
only
for
Church
Preferments
;
so
that
when
any
Churches
,
that
are
at
the
King's
Gift
,
fall
vacant
,
here
is
a
plain
intimation
,
that
they
are
to
be
provided
to
them
;
and
then
it
is
very
probable
,
that
all
the
Laws
made
against
such
as
go
not
to
their
parish
Churches
,
will
be
severely
turned
upon
those
that
will
not
come
to
Mass
.
XII
.
His
Majesty
does
in
the
next
place
,
in
the
vertue
of
his
Absolute
Power
,
Annul
a
great
many
Laws
,
as
well
those
that
Established
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
,
as
the
late
Test
,
enacted
by
himself
in
person
,
while
he
represented
his
Brother
:
upon
which
he
gave
as
strange
an
Essay
to
the
World
of
his
absolute
Justice
in
the
Attainder
of
the
late
Earl
of
Argile
,
as
he
does
now
of
his
Absolute
Power
in
condemning
the
Test
it self
;
he
also
repeals
his
own
Confirmation
of
the
Test
,
since
he
came
to
the
Crown
,
which
he
offered
as
the
clearest
Evidence
that
he
could
give
of
his
Resolution
to
maintain
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
by
which
he
gained
so
much
upon
that
Parliament
,
that
he
obtained
every
thing
from
them
that
he
desired
of
them
;
till
he
came
to
try
them
in
the
Matters
of
Religion
.
This
is
no
Extraordinary
Evidence
to
assure
his
People
,
that
his
Promises
will
be
like
the
Laws
of
the
Medes
and
Persians
,
which
alter
not
;
nor
will
the
disgrace
of
the
Commissioner
that
Enacted
that
Law
,
lay
this
matter
wholly
on
him
;
for
the
Letter
,
that
he
brought
,
the
Speech
that
he
made
,
and
the
Instructions
which
he
got
,
are
all
too
well
known
to
be
so
soon
forgotten
;
and
if
Princes
will
give
their
Subjects
reason
to
think
,
that
they
forget
their
Promises
,
as
soon
as
the
turn
is
served
for
which
they
were
made
,
this
will
be
too
prevailing
a
Temptation
on
the
Subjects
to
mind
the
Princes
promise
as
little
as
it
seems
he
himself
does
,
and
will
force
them
to
conclude
,
that
the
Truth
of
the
Prince
,
is
not
so
absolute
as
it
seems
he
fancies
his
Power
to
be
.
XIII
.
Here
is
not
only
a
repealing
of
a
great
many
Laws
,
and
established
Oaths
and
Tests
,
but
by
the
Exercise
of
the
Absolute
Power
,
a
new
Oath
is
imposed
,
which
was
never
pretended
to
by
the
Crown
in
any
former
time
,
and
as
the
Oath
is
Created
by
this
Absolute
Power
,
so
it
seems
the
Absolute
Power
must
be
supported
by
this
Oath
:
since
one
branch
of
it
,
is
an
Obligation
to
maintain
his
Majesty
and
his
Lawful
Successors
in
the
Exercise
of
this
their
Absolute
Power
and
Authority
against
all
deadly
,
which
I
suppose
is
Scotch
for
Mortals
:
now
to
impose
so
hard
a
yoke
as
this
Absolute
Power
on
the
Subject
,
seems
no
small
stretch
;
but
it
is
a
wonderful
exercise
of
it
to
oblige
the
Subjects
to
defend
this
:
it
had
been
more
modest
,
if
they
had
been
only
bound
to
bear
it
,
and
submit
to
it
:
but
it
is
a
terrible
thing
so
far
to
extinguish
all
the
remnants
of
natural
Liberty
,
or
of
a
Legal
Government
,
as
to
oblige
the
Subjects
by
Oath
to
maintain
the
Exercise
of
this
,
which
plainly
must
destroy
themselves
:
for
the
short
execution
by
the
Bow-strings
of
Turkey
,
or
by
sending
Orders
to
Men
to
return
in
their
Heads
,
being
an
Exercise
of
this
Absolute
Power
,
it
is
a
little
too
hard
to
make
men
swear
to
maintain
the
King
in
it
,
and
if
that
Kingdom
has
suffered
so
much
by
the
many
Oaths
that
have
been
in
use
among
them
,
as
is
marked
in
his
Proclamation
,
I
am
afraid
this
new
Oath
will
not
much
mend
the
matter
.
XIV
.
Yet
after
all
,
there
is
some
Comfort
;
his
Majesty
assures
them
,
he
will
use
no
Violence
nor
Force
,
nor
any
Invincible
Necessity
to
any
man
on
the
account
of
his
perswasion
:
It
were
too
great
a
want
of
respect
to
fancy
,
that
a
time
may
come
in
which
even
this
may
be
remembred
,
full
as
well
,
as
the
promises
that
were
made
to
the
Parliament
after
his
Majesty
came
to
the
Crown
;
I
do
not
I
confess
,
apprehend
that
;
for
I
see
here
so
great
a
Caution
used
in
the
choice
of
these
words
,
that
it
is
plain
,
very
great
Severities
may
very
well
consist
with
them
:
It
is
clear
,
that
the
general
words
of
Violence
and
Force
are
to
be
determined
by
the
last
Invincible
Necessity
,
so
that
the
King
does
only
promise
to
lay
no
Invincible
Necessity
on
his
Subjects
;
but
for
all
Necessities
that
are
not
Invincible
,
it
seems
they
must
bear
a
large
share
of
them
;
Disgraces
,
want
of
imployments
,
Fines
and
Imprisonments
,
and
even
Death
it self
are
all
vincible
things
to
a
man
of
a
firmness
of
mind
:
so
that
the
Violences
of
Torture
,
the
Furies
of
Dragoons
,
and
some
of
the
Methods
now
practised
in
France
,
perhaps
may
be
included
within
this
Promise
;
since
these
seem
almost
Invincible
to
Humane
Nature
,
if
it
is
not
fortified
with
an
Extraordinary
measure
of
Grace
:
but
as
to
all
other
things
,
his
Majesty
binds
himself
up
from
no
part
of
the
Exercise
of
his
Absolute
Power
by
this
Promise
.
XV.
His
Majesty
Orders
this
to
go
Immediatly
to
the
Great
Seal
,
without
passing
through
the
other
Seals
:
now
since
this
is
Counter-signed
by
the
Secretary
in
whose
hands
the
Signet
is
,
there
was
no
other
step
to
be
made
but
through
the
Privy
Seal
;
so
I
must
own
I
have
a
great
Curiosity
of
knowing
his
Character
in
whose
hands
the
Privy
Seal
is
at
present
;
for
it
seems
his
Conscience
is
not
so
very
supple
,
as
the
Chancellors
and
the
Secretaries
are
;
but
it
is
very
likely
,
if
he
does
not
quickly
change
his
Mind
,
the
Privy
Seal
at
least
will
quickly
change
his
Keeper
;
and
I
am
sorry
to
hear
,
that
the
Lord
Chancellor
and
Secretary
have
not
another
Brother
to
fill
this
post
,
that
so
the
guilt
of
the
ruine
of
that
Nation
,
may
lie
on
one
single
Family
,
and
that
there
may
be
no
others
involved
in
it
.
XVI
.
Upon
the
whole
matter
many
smaller
things
being
waved
,
it
being
extream
unpleasant
to
find
fault
,
where
one
has
all
possible
dispositions
to
pay
all
respect
;
we
here
in
England
see
what
we
must
look
for
.
A
Parliament
in
Scotland
was
try'd
,
but
it
proved
a
little
stubborn
;
and
now
Absolute
Power
comes
to
set
all
right
;
so
when
the
Closetting
has
gone
round
,
so
that
Noses
are
counted
,
we
may
perhaps
see
a
Parliament
here
;
but
if
it
chances
to
be
untoward
,
and
not
to
Obey
without
Reserve
,
then
our
Reverend
Judges
will
copy
from
Scotland
,
and
will
not
only
tell
us
of
the
King
's
Imperial
Power
,
but
will
discover
to
us
this
new
Mystery
of
Absolute
Power
,
to
which
we
are
all
bound
to
Obey
without
Reserve
.
These
Reflections
refer
in
so
many
places
to
some
words
in
the
Proclamation
,
that
it
was
thought
necessary
to
set
them
near
one
another
,
that
the
Reader
may
be
able
to
Judge
,
whether
he
is
deceived
by
any
false
Quotations
or
not
.
By
the
King
.
A
PROCLAMATION
.
JAMES
R.
JAMES
the
Seventh
by
the
Grace
of
God
,
King
of
Scotland
,
England
,
France
and
Ireland
,
Defender
of
the
Faith
,
&c.
To
all
and
sundry
our
good
Subjects
,
whom
these
presents
do
or
may
concern
,
Greeting
.
We
have
taken
into
our
Royal
Consideration
the
many
and
great
inconveniencies
which
have
happened
to
that
our
Ancient
Kingdom
of
Scotland
of
late
years
,
through
the
different
perswasions
in
the
Christian
Religion
,
through
the
great
Heats
and
Animosities
amongst
the
several
Professors
thereof
,
to
the
ruin
and
decay
of
Trade
,
wasting
of
Lands
,
extinguishing
of
Charity
,
contempt
of
the
Royal
Power
:
and
converting
of
true
Religion
,
and
the
Fear
of
God
,
into
Animosities
,
Names
,
Fractions
,
and
sometimes
into
Sacrilege
and
Treason
.
And
being
resolved
as
much
as
in
us
lies
,
to
Unite
the
Hearts
and
Affections
of
Our
Subjects
,
to
GOD
in
Religion
,
to
Us
in
Loyalty
,
and
to
their
Neighbours
in
Christian
Love
and
Charity
.
Have
therefore
thoughe
fit
to
Grant
,
and
by
our
Soveraign
Authority
,
Prerogative
Royal
,
and
Absolute
Power
,
which
all
our
Subjects
are
to
Obey
without
Reserve
;
Do
hereby
give
and
grant
Our
Royal
Toleration
,
to
the
several
Professors
of
the
Christian
Religion
after
named
,
with
,
and
under
the
several
Conditions
,
Restrictions
,
and
Limitations
after-mentioned
.
In
the
first
place
,
We
Allow
and
Tolerate
the
Moderate
Presbyterians
to
Meet
in
their
Private
Houses
,
and
there
to
hear
all
such
Ministers
,
as
either
have
,
or
are
willing
to
accept
of
Our
Indulgence
allanerly
,
and
none
other
,
and
that
there
be
not
any
thing
said
or
done
contrary
to
the
Well
and
Peace
of
Our
Reign
,
Seditious
or
Treasonable
,
under
the
highest
Pains
these
Crimes
will
import
;
nor
are
they
to
presume
to
Build
Meeting-Houses
,
or
to
use
Out-Houses
or
Barns
,
but
only
to
Exercise
in
their
Private
Houses
,
as
said
is
:
In
the
mean
time
,
it
is
our
Royal
Will
and
Pleasure
,
that
Field-Conventicles
,
and
such
as
Preach
,
or
Exercise
at
them
,
or
who
shall
any
ways
assist
or
connive
at
them
,
shall
be
prosecuted
according
to
the
utmost
Severity
of
our
Laws
made
against
them
,
seeing
from
these
Rendezvouzes
of
Rebellion
,
so
much
Disorder
hath
proceeded
,
and
so
much
Disturbance
to
the
Government
,
and
for
which
after
this
Our
Royal
Indulgence
for
tender
Consciences
there
is
no
Excuse
left
.
In
like
manner
,
we
do
hereby
tolerate
Quakers
to
meet
and
Exercise
in
their
Form
,
in
any
place
or
places
appointed
for
their
Worship
.
And
considering
the
Severe
and
Cruel
Laws
made
against
Roman
Catholicks
(
therein
called
Papists
)
in
the
Minority
of
Our
Royal
Grand-Father
of
*
Glorious
Memory
,
without
His
Consent
,
and
contrary
to
the
Duty
of
good
Subjects
,
by
His
Regents
,
and
other
Enemies
to
their
Lawful
Soveraigns
Our
Royal
Great
Grand-Mother
Queen
Mary
of
Blessed
and
Pious
Memory
,
wherein
,
under
the
pretence
of
Religion
,
they
cloathed
the
worst
of
Treasons
,
Factions
,
and
Usurpations
,
and
made
these
Laws
,
not
as
against
the
Enemies
of
GOD
,
but
their
own
;
which
Laws
have
still
been
continued
of
course
without
design
of
executing
them
,
or
any
of
them
,
ad
terrorem
only
,
on
Supposition
,
that
the
Papists
relying
on
an
External
Power
,
were
incapable
of
Duty
,
and
true
Allegiance
to
their
Natural
Soveraign
,
and
Rightful
Monarchs
;
We
of
Our
certain
Knowledge
,
and
long
Experience
,
knowing
that
the
Catholicks
,
as
it
is
their
Principle
to
be
good
Christians
,
so
it
is
to
be
dutiful
Subjects
;
and
that
they
have
likewise
on
all
Occasions
shewn
themselves
Good
and
Faithful
Subjects
to
Us
,
and
our
Royal
Predecessors
,
by
hazarding
,
and
many
of
them
actually
losing
their
Lives
and
Fortunes
,
in
their
Defence
(
though
of
another
Religion
)
and
the
Maintenance
of
their
Authority
against
the
Violences
and
Treasons
of
the
most
violent
Abettors
of
these
Laws
:
Do
therefore
with
Advice
and
Consent
of
Our
Privy
Council
,
by
Our
Soveraign
Authority
,
Prerogative
Royal
,
and
Absolute
Power
,
aforesaid
,
Suspend
,
Stop
,
and
disable
all
Laws
or
Acts
of
Parliament
,
Customs
or
Constitutions
,
made
or
executed
against
any
of
our
Roman
Catholick
Subjects
,
in
any
time
past
,
to
all
intents
and
purposes
,
making
void
all
Prohibitions
therein
mentioned
,
pains
or
penalties
therein
ordain'd
to
be
Inflicted
,
so
that
they
shall
in
all
things
be
as
free
in
all
Respects
whatsoever
,
not
only
to
Exercise
their
Religion
,
but
to
enjoy
all
Offices
,
Benefices
,
and
others
,
which
We
shall
think
fit
to
bestow
upon
them
in
all
time
coming
:
Nevertheless
,
it
is
our
Will
and
Pleasure
,
and
we
do
hereby
command
all
Catholicks
at
their
highest
Pains
,
only
to
Exercise
their
Religious
Worship
in
Houses
or
Chappels
;
and
that
they
presume
not
to
Preach
in
the
open
Fields
,
or
to
invade
the
Protestant
Churches
by
force
,
under
the
pains
aforesaid
,
to
be
inflicted
upon
the
Offenders
respectively
;
nor
shall
they
presume
to
make
Publick
Processions
in
the
High-Streets
of
any
of
Our
Royal
Burghs
,
under
the
Pains
above
mentioned
.
And
whereas
the
Obedience
and
Service
of
our
good
Subjects
is
due
to
Us
by
their
Allegiance
,
and
Our
Soveraignty
,
and
that
no
Law
,
Custom
,
or
Constitution
,
Difference
in
Religion
,
or
other
Impediment
whatsoever
,
can
exempt
or
discharge
the
Subjects
from
their
Native
Obligations
and
Duty
to
the
Crown
,
or
hinder
us
from
Protecting
and
Employing
them
,
according
to
their
several
Capacities
,
and
Our
Royal
Pleasure
;
nor
Restrain
Us
from
Conferring
Heretable
Rights
and
Priviledges
upon
them
,
or
vacate
or
annul
these
Rights
Heretable
,
when
they
are
made
or
conferred
;
And
likewise
considering
,
that
some
Oaths
are
capable
of
being
wrested
by
men
of
sinistrous
Intentions
,
a
practice
in
that
Kingdom
fatal
to
Religion
as
it
was
to
Loyalty
;
Do
therefore
,
with
Advice
and
Consent
aforesaid
,
Cass
,
Annul
and
Discharge
all
Oaths
whatsoever
,
by
which
any
of
Our
Subjects
are
incapacitated
,
or
disabled
from
holding
Places
,
or
Offices
in
our
said
Kingdom
,
or
enjoy
their
Hereditary
Right
and
Priviledges
,
discharging
the
same
to
be
taken
or
given
in
any
time
coming
,
without
Our
special
Warrant
and
Consent
,
under
the
pains
due
to
the
Contempt
of
Our
Royal
Commands
and
Authority
.
And
to
this
effect
,
We
do
by
Our
Royal
Authority
aforesaid
,
Stop
,
Disable
,
and
Dispense
with
all
Laws
enjoyning
the
said
Oaths
,
Tests
,
or
any
of
them
,
particularly
the
first
Act
of
the
first
Session
of
the
first
Parliament
of
King
Charles
the
Second
;
the
Eleventh
Act
of
the
foresaid
Session
of
the
foresaid
Parliament
,
the
sixth
Act
of
the
third
Parliament
of
the
said
King
Charles
;
the
twenty
first
and
twenty
fifth
Acts
of
that
Parliament
,
and
the
thirteenth
Act
of
the
first
Session
of
*
Our
late
Parliament
,
in
so
far
allanerly
as
concerns
the
taking
the
Oaths
or
Tests
therein
prescrib'd
,
and
all
others
,
as
well
not
mentioned
as
mentioned
,
and
that
in
place
of
them
,
all
our
good
Subjects
,
or
such
of
them
as
We
or
our
Privy
Council
shall
require
so
to
do
,
shall
take
and
swear
the
following
Oath
allanerly
.
I
A.
B.
do
acknowledge
,
testifie
and
declare
,
that
JAMES
the
Seventh
,
by
the
Grace
of
God
,
King
of
Scotland
,
England
,
France
and
Ireland
,
Defender
of
the
Faith
,
&c.
is
rightful
King
and
Supream
Governour
of
these
Realms
,
and
over
all
persons
therein
;
and
that
it
is
unlawful
for
Subjects
,
on
any
pretence
,
or
for
any
cause
whatsoever
,
to
rise
in
Arms
against
Him
,
or
any
Commissionated
by
Him
;
and
that
I
shall
never
so
rise
in
Arms
,
nor
assist
any
who
shall
so
do
;
and
that
I
shall
never
resist
His
Power
or
Authority
,
nor
ever
oppose
His
Authority
to
His
Person
,
as
I
shall
answer
to
God
;
but
shall
to
the
utmost
of
my
power
Assist
,
Defend
,
and
Maintain
Him
,
His
Heirs
and
Lawful
Successors
,
in
the
Exercise
of
their
Absolute
Power
and
Authority
against
all
Deadly
.
So
help
me
God
.
And
seeing
many
of
Our
good
Subjects
have
before
Our
pleasure
in
these
Matters
was
made
publick
,
incurred
the
Guilt
appointed
by
the
Acts
of
Parliament
above-mentioned
,
or
others
;
We
,
by
Our
Authority
,
and
Absolute
Power
and
Prerogative
Royal
above-mentioned
,
of
Our
certain
Knowledge
,
and
innate
Mercy
,
give
Our
ample
and
full
Indemnity
to
all
those
of
the
Roman
Catholick
or
Popish
Religion
,
for
all
things
by
them
done
contrary
to
Our
Laws
,
or
Acts
of
Parliament
,
made
in
any
time
past
,
relating
to
their
Religion
,
the
Worship
and
Exercise
thereof
,
or
for
being
Papists
,
Jesuits
,
or
Traffickers
,
for
hearing
,
or
saying
of
Mass
,
concealing
of
Priests
or
Jesuits
,
breeding
their
Children
Catholicks
at
home
or
abroad
,
or
any
other
thing
,
Rite
or
Doctrine
,
said
,
performed
,
or
maintained
by
them
,
or
any
of
them
:
And
likewise
,
for
holding
or
taking
of
Places
,
Employments
,
or
Offices
,
contrary
to
any
Law
or
Constitution
,
Advices
given
to
Us
,
or
our
Council
,
Actions
done
,
or
generally
any
thing
perform'd
or
said
against
the
known
Laws
of
that
Our
Ancient
Kingdom
:
Excepting
always
from
this
Our
Royal
Indemnity
,
all
Murthers
,
Assassinations
,
Thefts
,
and
such
like
other
Crimes
,
which
never
used
to
be
comprehended
in
Our
General
Acts
of
Indemnity
.
And
We
command
and
require
all
Our
Judges
,
or
others
concerned
,
to
explain
this
in
the
most
ample
Sense
and
Meaning
Acts
of
Indemnity
at
any
time
have
contained
:
Declaring
this
shall
be
as
good
to
every
one
concerned
,
as
if
they
had
Our
Royal
Pardon
and
Remission
under
Our
Great
Seal
of
that
Kingdom
.
And
likewise
indemnifying
Our
Protestant
Subjects
from
all
pains
and
penalties
due
for
hearing
or
preaching
in
Houses
;
providing
there
be
no
Treasonable
Speeches
uttered
in
the
said
Conventicles
by
them
,
in
which
case
the
Law
is
only
to
take
place
against
the
Guilty
,
and
none
other
present
;
providing
also
,
that
they
Reveal
to
any
of
Our
Council
the
Guilt
so
committed
;
As
also
,
excepting
all
Fines
,
or
Effects
of
Sentences
already
given
.
And
likewise
Indemnifying
fully
and
freely
all
Quakers
,
for
their
Meetings
and
Worship
,
in
all
time
past
,
preceeding
the
publication
of
these
presents
.
And
we
doubt
not
but
Our
Protestant
Subjects
will
give
their
Assistance
and
Concourse
hereunto
,
on
all
Occasions
,
in
their
Respective
Capacities
.
In
consideration
whereof
,
and
the
ease
those
of
Our
Religion
,
and
others
may
have
hereby
,
and
for
the
Encouragement
of
Our
Protestant
Bishops
,
and
the
Regular
Clergy
,
and
such
as
have
hitherto
lived
orderly
,
We
think
fit
to
declare
,
that
it
never
was
Our
Principle
,
nor
will
We
ever
suffer
Violence
to
be
offered
to
any
Man's
Conscience
,
nor
will
We
use
Force
,
or
Invincible
Necessity
against
any
Man
on
the
account
of
his
Perswasion
,
nor
the
Protestant
Religion
,
but
will
protect
Our
Bishops
and
other
Minsters
in
their
Functions
,
Rights
and
Properties
,
and
all
Our
Protestant
Subjects
in
the
free
Exercise
of
their
Protestant
Religion
in
the
Churches
.
And
that
We
will
,
and
hereby
promise
,
on
Our
Royal
Word
,
to
maintain
the
possessors
of
Church
Lands
formerly
belonging
to
Abbeys
,
or
other
Churches
of
the
Catholick
Religion
,
in
their
full
and
free
possession
and
right
,
according
to
Our
Laws
and
Acts
of
Parliament
in
that
behalf
in
all
time
coming
.
And
We
will
imploy
indifferently
all
our
Subjects
of
all
Perswasions
,
so
as
none
shall
meet
with
any
Discouragement
on
the
account
of
his
Religion
,
but
be
advanced
,
and
esteemed
by
Us
,
according
to
their
several
Capacities
and
Qualifications
,
so
long
as
We
find
Charity
and
Unity
maintained
.
And
if
any
Animosities
shall
arise
,
as
We
hope
in
God
there
will
not
,
We
will
shew
the
severest
Effects
of
Our
Royal
Displeasure
against
the
Beginners
or
Fomenters
thereof
,
seeing
thereby
Our
Subjects
may
be
deprived
of
this
general
Ease
and
Satisfaction
,
We
intend
to
all
of
them
,
whose
Happiness
,
Prosperity
,
Wealth
and
Safety
,
is
so
much
Our
Royal
Care
,
that
We
will
leave
nothing
undone
which
may
procure
these
Blessings
for
them
.
And
lastly
,
to
the
End
all
our
good
Subjects
may
have
Notice
of
this
Our
Royal
Will
and
Pleasure
,
We
do
hereby
command
,
Our
Lyon
King
at
Arms
,
and
his
Brethren
Heraulds
,
Macers
,
Pursevants
and
Messengers
at
Arms
,
to
make
timous
Proclamation
thereof
at
the
Marcat-Cross
of
Edinburgh
;
And
besides
the
printing
and
Publishing
of
this
Our
Royal
Proclamation
,
it
is
Our
express
Will
and
Pleasure
,
that
the
same
be
past
under
the
great
Seal
of
that
Our
Kingdom
per
saltum
,
*
without
passing
any
other
Seal
or
Register
.
In
Order
whereunto
,
this
shall
be
to
the
Directors
of
Our
Chancelary
,
and
their
Deputies
for
writing
the
same
,
and
to
Our
Chancellor
for
causing
our
Great
Seal
aforesaid
,
to
be
appended
thereunto
,
a
sufficient
Warrand
.
Given
at
Our
Court
at
Whitehall
the
twelfth
day
of
Febr.
1686.
and
of
Our
Reign
the
Third
Year
.
By
His
Majesties
Command
MELFORT
.
God
save
the
King
.
His
Majesties
Gracious
DECLARATION
to
all
His
Loving
Subjects
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
.
JAMES
R.
IT
having
pleased
Almighty
God
not
only
to
bring
Us
to
the
Imperial
Crown
of
these
Kingdoms
through
the
greatest
difficulties
,
but
to
preserve
Us
by
a
more
than
ordinary
Providence
upon
the
Throne
of
Our
Royal
Ancestors
,
there
is
nothing
now
that
we
so
earnestly
desire
,
as
to
Establish
our
Government
on
such
a
Foundation
,
as
may
make
Our
Subjects
happy
,
and
unite
them
to
Us
by
Inclination
as
well
as
by
Duty
;
Which
We
think
can
be
done
by
no
Means
so
effectually
,
as
by
granting
to
them
the
free
Exercise
of
their
Religion
for
the
time
to
come
,
and
add
that
to
the
perfect
Enjoyment
of
their
Property
,
which
has
never
been
in
any
case
Invaded
by
Us
since
Our
coming
to
the
Crown
:
Which
being
the
two
things
Men
value
most
,
shall
ever
be
preserved
in
these
Kingdoms
,
during
Our
Reign
over
them
,
as
the
truest
Methods
of
their
Peace
and
Our
Glory
.
We
cannot
but
heartily
wish
,
as
it
will
easily
be
believed
,
That
all
the
People
of
Our
Dominions
were
Members
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
yet
We
humbly
thank
Almighty
God
,
it
is
,
and
hath
of
long
time
been
Our
constant
Sense
and
Opinion
(
which
upon
diverse
Occasions
We
have
Declared
)
That
Conscience
ought
not
to
be
constrained
,
nor
People
forced
in
Matters
of
meer
Religion
:
It
has
ever
been
directly
contrary
to
Our
Inclination
,
as
We
think
it
is
to
the
Interest
of
Government
,
which
it
destroys
by
Spoiling
Trade
,
Depopulating
Countries
,
and
Discouraging
Strangers
;
and
finally
,
that
it
never
obtained
the
End
for
which
it
was
employed
:
And
in
this
We
are
the
more
confirmed
by
the
Reflections
We
have
made
upon
the
Conduct
of
the
Four
last
Reigns
.
For
after
all
the
frequent
and
pressing
Endeavours
that
were
used
in
each
of
them
,
to
reduce
this
Kingdom
to
an
exact
Conformity
in
Religion
,
it
is
visible
the
Success
has
not
answered
the
Design
,
and
that
the
Difficulty
is
invincible
.
We
therefore
out
of
Our
Princely
Care
and
Affection
unto
all
Our
Loving
Subjects
,
that
they
may
live
at
Ease
and
Quiet
,
and
for
the
increase
of
Trade
,
and
encouragement
of
Strangers
,
have
thought
fit
by
virtue
of
Our
Royal
Prerogative
,
to
Issue
forth
this
Our
Royal
Declaration
of
Indulgence
;
making
no
doubt
of
the
Concurrence
of
Our
Two
Houses
of
Parliament
,
when
We
shall
think
it
convenient
for
them
to
Meet
.
In
the
first
place
We
do
Declare
,
That
We
will
Protect
and
Maintain
Our
Arch-Bishops
,
Bishops
,
and
Clergy
,
and
all
other
our
Subjects
of
the
Church
of
England
,
in
the
free
Exercise
of
their
Religion
,
as
by
Law
Established
,
and
in
the
quiet
and
full
Enjoyment
of
all
their
Possessions
,
without
any
Molestation
or
Disturbance
whatsoever
.
We
do
likewise
Declare
,
That
it
is
Our
Royal
Will
and
Pleasure
,
That
from
henceforth
the
Execution
of
all
and
all
manner
of
Penal
Laws
in
Matters
Ecclesiastical
,
for
not
coming
to
Church
,
or
not
Receiving
the
Sacrament
,
or
for
any
other
Non-conformity
to
the
Religion
Established
,
or
for
or
by
reason
of
the
Exercise
of
Religion
in
any
manner
whatsoever
,
be
immediately
Suspended
;
And
the
further
Execution
of
the
said
Penal
Laws
and
every
of
them
is
hereby
Suspended
.
And
to
the
end
that
by
the
Liberty
hereby
Granted
,
the
Peace
and
Security
of
Our
Government
in
the
Practice
thereof
may
not
be
endangered
,
We
have
thought
fit
,
and
do
hereby
straitly
Charge
and
Command
all
Our
Loving
Subjects
,
That
as
We
do
freely
give
them
Leave
to
Meet
and
Serve
God
after
their
own
Way
and
Manner
,
be
it
in
private
Houses
,
or
Places
purposely
Hired
or
Built
for
that
use
:
So
that
they
take
especial
care
,
that
nothing
be
Preached
or
Taught
amongst
them
which
may
any
ways
tend
to
Alienate
the
Hearts
of
Our
people
from
Us
or
Our
Government
;
and
that
their
Meetings
and
Assemblies
be
peaceably
,
openly
,
and
publickly
held
,
and
all
Persons
freely
admitted
to
them
;
And
that
they
do
signifie
and
make
known
to
some
one
or
more
of
the
next
Justices
of
the
Peace
,
what
place
or
places
they
set
apart
for
those
uses
.
And
that
all
Our
Subjects
may
enjoy
such
their
Religious
Assemblies
with
greater
Assurance
and
Protection
,
We
have
thought
it
Requisite
,
and
do
hereby
Command
,
That
no
Disturbance
of
any
kind
be
made
or
given
unto
them
,
under
pain
of
our
Displeasure
,
and
to
be
further
proceeded
against
with
the
uttermost
Severity
.
And
forasmuch
as
We
are
desirous
to
have
the
Benefit
of
the
Service
of
all
Our
Loving
Subjects
,
which
by
the
Law
of
Nature
is
inseparably
annexed
to
,
and
inherent
in
Our
Royal
Person
;
And
that
none
of
Our
Subjects
may
for
the
future
be
under
any
Discouragement
or
Disability
(
who
are
otherwise
well
inclined
and
fit
to
serve
Us
)
by
reason
of
some
Oaths
or
Tests
,
that
have
been
usually
Administred
on
such
Occasions
:
We
do
hereby
further
Declare
,
That
it
is
Our
Royal
Will
and
Pleasure
,
That
the
Oaths
commonly
called
,
The
Oaths
of
Supremacy
and
Allegiance
,
and
also
the
several
Tests
and
Declarations
mentioned
in
the
Acts
of
Parliament
made
in
the
25th
and
30th
Years
of
the
Reign
of
Our
late
Royal
Brother
King
Charles
the
Second
,
shall
not
at
any
time
hereafter
be
required
to
be
Taken
,
Declared
,
or
Subscribed
by
any
person
or
persons
whatsoever
,
who
is
or
shall
be
Employed
in
any
Office
or
Place
of
Trust
,
either
Civil
or
Military
,
under
Us
or
in
Our
Government
.
And
We
do
further
Declare
it
to
be
Our
Pleasure
and
Intention
from
time
to
time
hereafter
,
to
Grant
Our
Royal
Dispensations
under
Our
Great
Seal
to
all
our
Loving
Subjects
so
to
be
Employed
,
who
shall
not
take
the
said
Oaths
,
or
Subscribe
or
declare
the
said
Tests
or
Declarations
in
the
abovementioned
Acts
and
every
of
them
.
And
to
the
end
that
all
Our
Loving
Subjects
may
receive
and
enjoy
the
full
Benefit
and
Advantage
of
Our
Gracious
Indulgence
hereby
intended
,
and
may
be
Acquitted
and
Discharged
from
all
Pains
,
Penalties
,
Forfeitures
,
and
Disabilities
by
them
or
any
of
them
incurred
or
forfeited
,
or
which
they
shall
or
may
at
any
time
hereafter
be
liable
to
,
for
or
by
reason
of
their
Non-conformity
,
or
the
Exercise
of
their
Religion
,
and
from
all
Suits
,
Troubles
,
or
Disturbances
for
the
same
:
We
do
hereby
give
Our
Free
and
Ample
Pardon
unto
all
Non-conformists
,
Recusants
,
and
other
Our
Loving
Subjects
,
for
all
Crimes
and
Things
by
them
commited
or
done
contrary
to
the
Penal
Laws
formerly
made
relating
to
Religion
,
and
the
Profession
or
Exercise
thereof
,
Hereby
Declaring
,
That
this
Our
Royal
pardon
and
Indempnity
shall
be
as
Good
and
Effectual
to
all
intents
and
purposes
,
as
if
every
individual
person
had
been
therein
particularly
named
,
or
had
particular
Pardons
under
Our
Great
Seal
,
which
We
do
likewise
Declare
shall
from
time
to
time
be
Granted
unto
any
person
or
persons
desiring
the
same
:
Willing
and
Requiring
Our
Judges
,
Justices
,
and
other
Officers
,
to
take
Notice
of
and
Obey
Our
Royal
Will
and
Pleasure
herein
before
Declared
.
And
although
the
Freedom
and
Assurance
We
have
hereby
given
in
relation
to
Religion
and
Property
,
might
be
sufficient
to
remove
from
the
Minds
of
Our
Loving
Subjects
all
Fears
and
Jealousies
in
relation
to
either
;
yet
We
have
thought
fit
further
to
Declare
,
That
We
will
Maintain
them
in
all
their
Properties
and
Possessions
,
as
well
of
Church
and
Abby-Lands
,
as
in
any
other
their
Lands
and
Properties
whatsoever
.
Given
at
our
Court
at
Whitehall
,
the
Fourth
Day
of
April
,
1687.
In
the
Third
Year
of
Our
Reign
.
By
His
Majesties
Special
Command
.
A
LETTER
,
containing
some
Reflections
on
His
Majesties
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
Dated
the
Fourth
of
April
,
1687.
SIR
,
I.
I
Thank
you
for
the
Favour
of
sending
me
the
late
Declaration
that
His
Majesty
has
granted
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
.
I
confess
,
I
longed
for
it
with
great
Impatience
,
and
was
surprised
to
find
it
so
different
from
the
Scotch
Pattern
;
for
I
imagined
,
that
it
was
to
be
set
to
the
second
part
of
the
same
tune
:
nor
can
I
see
why
the
Penners
of
this
have
sunk
so
much
in
their
stile
;
for
I
suppose
the
same
Men
penned
both
.
I
expected
to
have
seen
the
Imperial
Language
of
Absolute
Power
,
to
which
all
the
Subjects
are
to
Obey
without
reserve
;
and
of
the
Cassing
,
Annulling
,
the
stopping
and
disabling
of
Laws
set
forth
in
the
Preamble
and
body
of
this
Declaration
:
whereas
those
dreadful
words
are
not
to
be
found
here
:
for
instead
of
Repealing
the
Laws
,
his
Majesty
pretends
by
this
only
to
Suspend
them
;
and
though
in
effect
this
amounts
to
a
Repeal
,
yet
it
must
be
confessed
that
the
words
are
softer
.
Now
since
the
Absolute
Power
,
to
which
his
Majesty
pretends
in
Scotland
,
is
not
founded
on
such
poor
things
as
Law
;
for
that
would
look
as
if
it
were
the
gift
of
the
People
;
but
on
the
Divine
Authority
,
which
is
supposed
to
be
delegated
to
his
Majesty
,
this
may
be
as
well
claimed
in
England
as
it
was
in
Scotland
:
and
the
pretentions
to
Absolute
Power
is
so
great
a
thing
,
that
since
his
Majesty
thought
fit
once
to
claim
it
,
he
is
little
beholding
to
those
that
make
him
fall
so
much
in
his
Language
,
especially
since
both
these
Declarations
have
appeared
in
our
Gazettes
;
so
that
as
we
see
what
is
done
in
Scotland
,
we
know
from
hence
what
is
in
some
peoples
hearts
,
and
what
we
may
expect
in
England
.
II.
His
Majesty
tells
his
people
,
that
the
perfect
Injoyment
of
their
Property
has
never
been
in
any
Case
invaded
by
him
since
his
coming
to
the
Crown
.
This
is
indeed
matter
of
great
Incouragement
to
all
good
Subjects
;
for
it
lets
them
see
that
such
Invasions
as
have
been
made
on
Property
,
have
been
done
without
his
Majesties
knowledge
:
so
that
no
doubt
the
continuing
to
levy
the
Customes
and
the
Additional
Excise
(
which
had
been
granted
only
during
the
late
King's
Life
,
)
before
the
Parliament
could
meet
to
renew
the
Grant
,
was
done
without
his
Majesties
knowledge
;
the
many
Violences
committed
not
only
by
Soldiers
,
but
Officers
,
in
all
the
parts
of
England
,
which
are
severe
Invasions
on
Property
,
have
been
all
without
his
Majesties
knowledge
;
and
since
the
first
Branch
of
Property
is
the
Right
that
a
man
has
to
his
Life
,
the
strange
Essay
of
Mahometan
Government
,
that
was
shewed
at
Taunton
;
and
the
no
less
strange
proceedings
of
the
present
Lord
Chancellour
,
in
his
Circuit
after
the
Rebellion
(
which
are
very
justly
called
his
Campagne
,
for
it
was
an
open
Act
of
Hostility
to
all
Law
)
and
for
which
and
other
Services
of
the
like
nature
,
it
is
believed
he
has
had
the
reward
of
the
great
Seal
,
and
the
Executions
of
those
who
have
left
their
Colours
,
which
being
founded
on
no
Law
,
are
no
other
than
so
many
murders
;
all
these
,
I
say
,
are
as
we
are
sure
,
Invasions
on
Property
;
but
since
the
King
tells
us
,
that
no
such
Invasions
have
been
made
since
he
came
to
the
Crown
,
we
must
conclude
that
all
these
things
have
fallen
out
without
his
privity
.
And
if
a
standing
Army
,
in
time
of
Peace
,
has
been
ever
lookt
on
by
this
Nation
as
an
Attempt
upon
the
whole
Property
of
the
Nation
in
gross
,
one
must
conclude
,
that
even
this
is
done
without
his
Majesties
knowledge
.
III.
His
Majesty
expresses
his
Charity
for
us
in
a
kind
wish
,
that
we
were
all
Members
of
the
Catholick
Church
;
in
return
to
which
we
offer
up
daily
our
most
earnest
Prayers
for
him
,
that
he
may
become
a
Member
of
the
truly
Catholick
Church
:
for
Wishes
and
Prayers
do
no
hurt
on
no
side
:
but
his
Majesty
adds
,
that
it
has
ever
been
his
Opinion
,
that
Conscience
ought
not
to
be
constrain'd
,
nor
people
forced
in
matters
of
meer
Religion
.
We
are
very
happy
if
this
continues
to
be
always
his
sense
:
but
we
are
sure
in
this
he
is
no
Obedient
Member
of
that
which
he
means
by
the
Catholick
Church
:
for
it
has
over
and
over
again
decreed
the
Extirpation
of
Hereticks
.
It
encourages
Princes
to
it
,
by
the
Offer
of
the
pardon
of
their
Sins
;
it
threatens
them
to
it
,
by
denouncing
to
them
not
only
the
Judgments
of
God
,
but
that
which
is
more
sensible
,
the
loss
of
their
Dominions
:
and
it
seems
they
intend
to
make
us
know
that
part
of
their
Doctrine
even
before
we
come
to
feel
it
,
since
tho'
some
of
that
Communion
would
take
away
the
horror
which
the
Fourth
Council
of
the
Lateran
gives
us
,
in
which
these
things
were
decreed
,
by
denying
it
to
be
a
General
Council
,
and
rejecting
the
Authority
of
those
Canons
,
yet
the
most
learned
of
all
the
Apostates
that
has
fallen
to
them
from
our
Church
,
has
so
lately
given
up
this
Plea
,
and
has
so
formally
acknowledged
the
Authority
of
that
Council
,
and
of
its
Canons
,
that
it
seems
they
think
they
are
bound
to
this
piece
of
fair
dealing
,
of
warning
us
before
hand
of
our
Danger
.
It
is
true
Bellarmin
says
,
The
Church
does
not
always
execute
the
Power
of
Deposing
Heretical
Princes
,
tho'
she
always
retains
it
:
one
Reason
that
he
assigns
,
is
,
Because
she
is
not
at
all
times
able
to
put
it
in
Execution
:
so
the
same
reason
may
perhaps
make
it
appear
unadviseable
to
Extirpate
Hereticks
,
because
that
at
present
it
cannot
be
done
;
but
the
Right
remains
intire
,
and
is
put
in
execution
in
such
an
unrelenting
manner
in
all
places
where
that
Religion
prevails
,
that
it
has
a
very
ill
Grace
,
to
see
any
Member
of
that
Church
speak
in
this
strain
;
and
when
neither
the
Policy
of
France
,
nor
the
Greatness
of
their
Monarch
,
nor
yet
the
Interests
of
the
Emperour
,
joyned
to
the
Gentleness
of
his
own
temper
,
could
withstand
these
Bloody
Councils
,
that
are
indeed
parts
of
that
Religion
,
we
can
see
no
reason
to
induce
us
to
believe
that
a
Toleration
of
Religion
is
proposed
with
any
other
design
but
either
to
divide
us
,
or
to
lay
us
asleep
till
it
is
time
to
give
the
Alarm
for
destroying
us
.
IV.
If
all
the
Endeavours
,
that
have
been
used
in
the
last
four
Reigns
,
for
bringing
the
Subjects
of
this
Kingdom
to
an
Unity
in
Religion
have
been
ineffectual
,
as
His
Majesty
says
;
we
know
to
whom
we
owe
both
the
first
beginnings
,
and
the
progress
of
the
Divisions
among
our selves
;
the
gentleness
of
Queen
Elizabeth's
Government
,
and
the
numbers
of
those
that
adhered
to
the
Church
of
Rome
,
made
it
scarce
possible
to
put
an
end
to
that
Party
during
her
Reign
,
which
has
been
ever
since
restless
,
and
has
had
Credit
enough
at
Court
during
the
three
last
Reigns
,
not
only
to
support
it self
,
but
to
distract
us
,
and
to
divert
us
from
apprehending
the
danger
of
being
swallowed
up
by
them
,
by
fomenting
our
own
Differences
,
and
by
setting
on
either
a
Toleration
or
a
Persecution
,
as
it
has
happened
to
serve
their
Interests
.
It
is
not
so
very
long
since
,
that
nothing
was
to
be
heard
at
Court
but
the
supporting
the
Church
of
England
,
and
the
Extirpating
all
the
Nonconformists
:
and
it
were
easie
to
name
the
persons
,
if
it
were
decent
,
that
had
this
in
their
mouths
;
but
now
all
is
turned
round
again
,
the
Church
of
England
is
in
Disgrace
;
and
now
the
Encouragement
of
Trade
,
the
Quiet
of
the
Nation
,
and
the
Freedom
of
Conscience
are
again
in
Vogue
,
that
were
such
odious
things
but
a
few
Years
ago
,
that
the
very
mentioning
them
was
enough
to
load
any
Man
with
Suspicions
as
backward
in
the
King's
Service
;
while
such
Methods
are
used
,
and
the
Government
as
if
in
an
Ague
,
divided
between
hot
and
cold
fits
,
no
wonder
if
Laws
so
unsteadily
executed
have
failed
of
their
effect
.
V.
There
is
a
good
reserve
here
left
for
Severity
,
when
the
proper
Opportunity
to
set
it
on
presents
it self
:
for
his
Majesty
declares
himself
only
against
the
forcing
of
men
in
matters
of
meer
Religion
:
so
that
whensoever
Religion
and
Policy
come
to
be
so
interwoven
,
that
meer
Religion
is
not
the
Case
,
and
that
publick
Safety
may
be
pretended
,
then
this
Declaration
is
to
be
no
more
claimed
:
so
that
the
fastning
any
thing
upon
the
Protestant
Religion
,
that
is
inconsistent
with
the
publick
Peace
,
will
be
pretended
to
shew
that
they
are
not
persecuted
for
meer
Religion
.
In
France
,
when
it
was
resolved
to
extirpate
the
Protestants
,
all
the
Discourses
that
were
written
on
that
Subject
were
full
of
the
Wars
occasioned
by
those
of
the
Religion
in
the
last
Age
,
tho'
as
these
was
the
happy
occasions
of
bringing
the
House
of
Bourbon
to
the
Crown
,
they
had
been
ended
above
80
Years
ago
,
and
there
had
not
been
so
much
as
the
least
Tumult
raised
by
them
these
50
Years
past
:
so
that
the
French
who
have
smarted
under
this
Severity
,
could
not
be
charged
with
the
least
Infraction
of
the
Law
;
yet
Stories
of
a
hundred
years
old
were
raised
up
to
inspire
into
the
King
those
Apprehensions
of
them
,
which
have
produced
the
terrible
effects
that
are
visible
to
all
the
World
.
There
is
another
Expression
in
this
Declaration
,
which
lets
us
likewise
see
with
what
Caution
the
Offers
of
favour
are
now
worded
,
that
so
there
may
be
an
Occasion
given
when
the
time
and
Conjuncture
shall
be
favourable
to
break
through
them
all
:
it
is
in
these
words
,
So
that
they
take
especial
Care
that
nothing
be
preached
or
taught
amongst
them
,
which
may
any
ways
tend
to
alienate
the
hearts
of
our
People
from
Us
or
Our
Government
.
This
in
it self
is
very
reasonable
;
and
could
admit
of
no
Exception
,
if
we
had
not
to
do
with
a
set
of
men
,
who
to
our
great
Misfortune
have
so
much
Credit
with
His
Majesty
,
and
who
will
be
no
sooner
lodged
in
the
Power
to
which
they
pretend
,
then
they
will
make
every
thing
that
is
preached
against
Popery
pass
for
that
which
may
in
some
manner
alienate
the
Subjects
from
the
King
.
VI.
His
Majesty
makes
no
doubt
of
the
Concurrence
of
his
Two
Houses
of
Parliament
,
when
he
shall
think
it
convenient
for
them
to
meet
.
The
hearts
of
Kings
are
unsearchable
,
so
that
it
is
a
little
too
presumptuous
to
look
into
his
Majesties
secret
thoughts
:
but
according
to
the
Judgments
that
we
would
make
of
other
mens
thoughts
by
their
Actions
,
one
would
be
tempted
to
think
,
that
his
Majesty
made
some
doubt
of
it
,
since
his
Affairs
both
at
home
and
abroad
could
not
go
the
worse
,
if
it
appeared
that
there
was
a
perfect
understanding
between
him
and
His
Parliament
,
and
that
his
people
were
supporting
him
with
fresh
Supplies
;
and
this
House
of
Commons
is
so
much
at
his
Devotion
,
that
all
the
World
saw
how
ready
they
were
to
grant
every
thing
that
he
could
desire
of
them
,
till
he
began
to
lay
off
the
Mask
with
relation
to
the
Test
,
and
since
that
time
the
frequent
Prorogations
,
the
Closetting
,
and
the
pains
that
has
been
taken
to
gain
Members
,
by
Promises
made
to
some
,
and
the
Disgraces
of
others
,
would
make
one
a
little
inclined
to
think
,
that
some
doubt
was
made
of
their
Concurrence
.
But
we
must
confess
,
that
the
depth
of
his
Majesties
Judgment
is
such
,
that
we
cannot
fathom
it
,
and
therefore
we
cannot
guess
what
his
Doubts
or
his
Assurances
are
.
It
is
true
,
the
words
that
come
after
unriddle
the
Mistery
a
little
,
which
are
,
when
his
Majesty
shall
think
it
convenient
for
them
to
meet
:
for
the
meaning
of
this
seems
plain
,
that
His
Majesty
is
resolved
that
they
shall
never
meet
,
till
he
receives
such
Assurances
,
in
a
new
round
of
Closetting
,
that
he
shall
be
put
out
of
doubt
concerning
it
.
VII
.
I
will
not
enter
into
the
Dispute
concerning
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
and
the
Reasons
that
may
be
offered
for
it
to
a
Session
of
Parliament
;
for
there
is
scarce
any
one
point
,
that
either
with
relation
to
Religion
,
or
Politicks
,
affords
a
greater
variety
of
matter
for
Reflection
:
and
I
make
no
doubt
to
say
,
that
there
is
abundance
of
Reason
to
oblige
Parliaments
to
review
all
the
Penal
Laws
,
either
with
relation
to
Papists
,
or
to
Dissenters
:
but
I
will
take
the
boldness
to
add
one
thing
,
that
the
King
's
Suspending
of
Laws
strikes
at
the
root
of
this
whole
Government
,
and
subverts
it
quite
:
for
if
there
is
any
thing
certain
with
relation
to
English
Government
,
it
is
this
that
the
Executive
Power
of
the
Law
is
entirely
in
the
King
;
and
the
Law
to
fortifie
him
in
the
Management
of
it
has
cloathed
him
with
a
vast
Prerogative
,
and
made
it
unlawful
on
any
pretence
whatsoever
to
resist
him
:
whereas
on
the
other
hand
,
the
Legislative
Power
is
not
so
entirely
in
the
King
,
but
that
the
Lords
and
Commons
have
such
a
share
in
it
,
that
no
Law
can
either
be
made
,
repealed
,
or
which
is
all
one
suspended
,
but
by
their
consent
;
so
that
the
placing
this
Legislative
Power
singly
in
the
King
,
is
a
subversion
of
this
whole
Government
,
since
the
Essence
of
all
Governments
consists
in
the
Subjects
of
the
Legislative
Authority
,
Acts
of
Violence
or
Injustice
,
committed
in
the
Executive
part
,
are
such
things
that
all
Princes
being
subject
to
them
,
the
peace
of
mankind
were
very
ill
secured
if
it
were
not
unlawful
to
resist
upon
any
pretence
taken
from
any
ill
Administrations
,
in
which
as
the
Law
may
be
doubtful
,
so
the
Facts
may
be
uncertain
,
and
at
worst
the
publick
Peace
must
always
be
more
valued
than
any
private
Oppressions
or
Injuries
whatsoever
.
But
the
total
Subversion
of
a
Government
,
being
so
contrary
to
the
Trust
that
is
given
to
the
Prince
who
ought
to
execute
it
,
will
put
men
upon
uneasie
and
dangerous
Inquiries
:
which
will
turn
little
to
the
Advantage
of
those
who
are
driving
matters
to
such
a
doubtful
and
desperate
Issue
.
VIII
.
If
there
is
any
thing
in
which
the
Exercise
of
the
Legislative
Power
seems
indispensable
,
it
is
in
those
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Tests
,
that
are
thought
necessary
to
Qualifie
men
either
to
be
admitted
to
enjoy
the
protection
of
the
Law
,
or
to
bear
a
share
in
the
Government
;
for
in
these
the
Security
of
the
Government
is
chiefly
concerned
;
and
therefore
the
total
Extinction
of
these
,
as
it
is
not
only
a
Suspension
of
of
them
,
but
a
plain
repealing
of
them
,
so
it
is
a
Subverting
of
the
whole
Foundation
of
our
Government
:
For
the
Regulation
that
King
and
Parliament
had
set
both
for
the
Subjects
having
the
protection
of
the
State
by
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
and
for
a
share
in
the
places
of
Trust
by
the
Tests
,
is
now
pluckt
up
by
the
roots
;
when
it
is
declared
,
That
these
shall
not
at
any
time
hereafter
be
required
to
be
taken
or
subscribed
by
any
persons
whatsoever
:
for
it
is
plain
,
that
this
is
no
Suspension
of
the
Law
,
but
a
formal
repeal
of
it
,
in
as
plain
words
as
can
be
conceived
.
IX
.
His
Majesty
says
,
that
the
Benefit
of
the
Service
of
all
his
Subjects
is
by
the
Law
of
Nature
inseparably
annexed
to
and
inherent
in
his
Sacred
Person
.
It
is
somewhat
strange
,
that
when
so
many
Laws
,
that
we
all
know
are
suspended
,
the
Law
of
Nature
,
which
is
so
hard
to
be
found
out
,
should
be
cited
;
but
the
Penners
of
this
Declaration
had
best
let
that
Law
lie
forgotten
among
the
rest
;
and
there
is
a
scurvy
Paragraph
in
it
concerning
self-Preservation
,
that
is
capable
of
very
unacceptable
Glosses
.
It
is
hard
to
tell
what
Section
of
the
Law
of
Nature
has
markt
either
such
a
Form
of
Government
,
or
such
a
Family
for
it
.
And
if
his
Majesty
renounces
his
Pretensions
to
our
Allegiance
as
founded
on
the
Laws
of
England
;
and
betakes
himself
to
this
Law
of
Nature
,
he
will
perhaps
find
the
Counsel
was
a
little
too
rash
;
but
to
make
the
most
that
can
be
,
the
Law
of
Nations
or
Nature
does
indeed
allow
the
Governours
of
all
Societies
a
Power
to
serve
themselves
of
every
Member
of
it
in
the
cases
of
Extream
Danger
;
but
no
Law
of
Nature
that
has
been
yet
heard
of
will
conclude
,
that
if
by
special
Laws
,
a
sort
of
men
have
been
disabled
from
all
Imployments
,
that
a
Prince
who
at
his
Coronation
Swore
to
maintain
those
Laws
,
may
at
his
pleasure
extinguish
all
these
Disabilities
.
X.
At
the
end
of
the
Declaration
,
as
in
a
Poscript
,
His
Majesty
assures
his
Subjects
,
that
he
will
maintain
them
in
their
Properties
,
as
well
in
Church
and
Abbey
Lands
,
as
other
Lands
:
but
the
chief
of
all
their
Properties
being
the
share
that
they
have
by
their
Representatives
in
the
Legislative
Power
;
this
Declaration
,
which
breaks
thro'
that
,
is
no
great
Evidence
that
the
rest
will
be
maintained
:
and
to
speak
plainly
,
when
a
Coronation
Oath
is
so
little
remembred
,
other
Promises
must
have
a
proportioned
degree
of
Credit
given
to
them
:
as
for
the
Abbey
Lands
,
the
keeping
them
from
the
Church
is
according
to
the
Principles
of
that
Religion
Sacriledge
,
and
that
is
a
mortal
Sin
,
and
there
can
no
Absolution
be
given
to
any
who
continue
in
it
:
and
so
this
Promise
being
an
Obligation
to
maintain
men
in
a
mortal
Sin
,
is
nul
and
void
of
it self
:
Church-Lands
are
also
according
to
the
Doctrine
of
their
Canonists
,
so
immediately
God's
Right
,
that
the
the
Pope
himself
is
the
only
Administrator
and
Dispencer
,
but
is
not
the
master
of
them
;
he
can
indeed
make
a
truck
for
God
,
or
let
them
so
low
,
that
God
shall
be
an
easie
Landlord
:
but
he
cannot
alter
God's
Property
,
nor
translate
the
Right
that
is
in
him
to
Sacrilegious
Laymen
and
Hereticks
.
XI
.
One
of
the
Effects
of
this
Declaration
,
will
be
the
setting
on
foot
a
new
run
of
Addresses
over
the
Nation
:
for
there
is
nothing
how
impudent
and
base
soever
,
of
which
the
abject
flattery
of
a
slavish
Spirit
is
not
capable
.
It
must
be
confest
,
to
the
Reproach
of
the
Age
,
that
all
those
strains
of
flattery
among
the
Romans
,
that
Tacitus
sets
forth
with
so
much
just
scorn
,
are
modest
things
,
compared
to
what
this
Nation
has
produced
within
these
seven
Years
:
only
if
our
Flattery
has
come
short
of
the
Refinedness
of
the
Romans
,
it
has
exceeded
theirs
as
much
in
its
loathed
Fulsomeness
:
The
late
King
set
out
a
Declaration
,
in
which
he
gave
the
most
solemn
Assurances
possible
of
his
adhering
to
the
Church
of
England
,
and
to
the
Religion
established
by
Law
,
and
of
his
Resolution
to
have
frequent
Parliaments
;
upon
which
the
whole
Nation
fell
as
it
were
into
Raptures
of
Joy
and
Flattery
:
but
though
he
lived
four
Years
after
that
,
he
called
no
Parliament
,
notwithstanding
the
Law
for
Triennial
Parliaments
:
and
the
manner
of
his
Death
,
and
the
Papers
printed
after
his
Death
in
his
Name
,
having
sufficiently
shewed
that
he
was
equally
sincere
in
both
those
Assurances
that
he
gave
,
as
well
in
that
relating
to
Religion
,
as
in
that
other
relating
to
frequent
Parliaments
;
yet
upon
his
Death
a
new
set
of
Addresses
appeared
,
in
which
all
that
Flattery
couldinvent
was
brought
forth
,
in
the
Commendations
of
a
Prince
,
to
whose
Memory
the
greatest
kindness
can
be
done
,
is
to
forget
him
,
and
because
his
present
Majesty
upon
his
coming
to
the
Throne
gave
some
very
general
Promise
of
maintaining
the
Church
of
England
,
this
was
magnified
in
so
extravagant
a
strain
,
as
if
it
had
been
a
Security
greater
than
any
that
the
Law
could
give
:
tho'
by
the
regard
that
the
King
has
both
to
it
and
to
the
Laws
,
it
appears
that
he
is
resolved
to
maintain
both
equally
:
since
then
the
Nation
has
already
made
it self
sufficiently
ridiculous
both
to
the
present
and
to
all
succeeding
Ages
;
it
is
time
that
at
last
men
should
grow
weary
,
and
become
ashamed
of
their
Folly
.
XII
.
The
Nonconformists
are
now
invited
to
set
an
Example
to
the
rest
:
and
they
who
have
valued
themselves
hitherto
upon
their
Opposition
to
Popery
,
and
that
have
quarrelled
with
the
Church
of
England
,
for
some
small
Approaches
to
it
,
in
a
few
Ceremonies
,
are
now
solicited
to
rejoyce
,
because
the
Laws
that
secure
us
against
it
,
are
all
plucked
up
:
since
they
enjoy
at
present
and
during
pleasure
leave
to
meet
together
.
It
is
natural
for
all
men
to
love
to
be
set
at
ease
,
especially
in
the
matter
of
their
Consciences
;
but
it
is
visible
,
that
those
who
allow
them
this
favour
,
do
it
with
no
other
design
,
but
that
under
a
pretence
of
a
General
Toleration
,
they
may
Introduce
a
Religion
which
must
persecute
all
equally
:
It
is
likewise
apparent
how
much
they
are
hated
,
and
how
much
they
have
been
persecuted
by
the
Instigation
of
those
who
now
Court
them
,
and
who
have
now
no
game
that
is
more
promising
,
than
the
engaging
them
and
the
Church
of
England
into
new
Quarrels
:
and
as
for
the
Promises
now
made
to
them
,
it
cannot
be
supposed
that
they
will
be
more
lasting
than
those
that
were
made
some
time
ago
to
the
Church
of
England
,
who
had
both
a
better
Title
in
Law
,
and
greater
Merit
upon
the
Crown
to
assure
them
that
they
should
be
well
used
than
these
can
pretend
to
.
The
Nation
has
scarce
forgiven
some
of
the
Church
of
England
the
Persecution
into
which
they
have
suffered
themselves
to
be
cosened
;
tho'
now
that
they
see
Popery
barefaced
,
the
Stand
that
they
have
made
,
and
the
vigorous
Opposition
that
they
have
given
to
it
,
is
that
which
makes
all
men
willing
to
forget
what
is
past
,
and
raises
again
the
Glory
of
a
Church
that
was
not
a
little
stained
by
the
Indiscretion
and
Weakness
of
those
,
that
were
too
apt
to
believe
and
hope
,
and
so
suffered
themselves
to
be
made
a
Property
to
those
who
would
make
them
a
Sacrifice
.
The
Sufferings
of
the
Nonconformists
,
and
the
Fury
that
the
Popish
party
expressed
against
them
,
had
recommended
them
so
much
to
the
Compassions
of
the
Nation
,
and
had
given
them
so
just
a
pretension
to
favour
in
a
better
time
,
that
it
will
look
like
a
Curse
of
God
upon
them
,
if
a
few
men
,
whom
the
Court
has
gained
to
betray
them
,
can
have
such
an
ill
Influence
upon
them
as
to
make
them
throw
away
all
that
Merit
,
and
those
Compassions
which
their
Sufferings
have
procured
them
;
and
to
go
and
court
those
who
are
only
seemingly
kind
to
them
,
that
they
may
destroy
both
them
and
us
.
They
must
remember
that
as
the
Church
of
England
is
the
only
Establishment
that
our
Religion
has
by
Law
;
so
it
is
the
main
body
of
the
Nation
,
and
all
the
Sects
are
but
small
and
stragling
parties
:
and
if
the
Legal
Settlement
of
the
Church
is
dissolved
,
and
that
body
is
once
broken
,
these
lesser
bodies
will
be
all
at
Mercy
:
and
it
is
an
easie
thing
to
define
what
the
Mercies
of
those
of
the
Church
of
Rome
are
.
XIII
.
But
tho'
it
must
be
confessed
,
that
the
Nonconformists
are
still
under
some
Temptations
,
to
receive
every
thing
that
gives
them
present
ease
,
with
a
little
too
much
kindness
;
since
they
lie
exposed
to
many
severe
Laws
,
for
which
they
have
of
late
felt
the
weight
very
heavily
,
and
as
they
are
men
,
and
some
of
them
as
ill
Natured
men
as
other
people
,
so
it
is
no
wonder
if
upon
the
first
surprises
of
the
Declaration
,
they
are
a
little
delighted
to
see
the
Church
of
England
,
after
all
its
Services
and
Submissions
to
the
Court
,
so
much
mortified
by
it
;
so
that
taking
all
together
it
will
not
be
strange
if
they
commit
some
Follies
upon
this
occasion
.
Yet
on
the
other
hand
it
passes
all
imagination
,
to
see
some
of
the
Church
of
England
,
especially
those
whose
Natures
we
know
are
so
particularly
sharpned
in
the
point
of
Persecution
,
chiefly
when
it
is
levelled
against
the
Dissenters
,
rejoice
at
this
Declaration
,
and
make
Addresses
upon
it
.
It
it
hard
to
think
that
they
have
attained
to
so
high
a
pitch
of
Christian
Charity
,
as
to
thank
those
who
do
now
Despitefully
use
them
,
and
that
as
an
earnest
that
within
a
little
while
they
will
Persecute
them
.
This
will
be
an
Original
,
and
a
Master-piece
in
Flattery
,
which
must
needs
draw
the
last
degrees
of
Contempt
on
such
as
are
capable
of
so
abject
and
sordid
a
Compliance
,
and
that
not
only
from
all
the
true
Members
of
the
Church
of
England
,
but
likewise
from
those
of
the
Church
Rome
it self
;
for
every
man
is
apt
to
esteem
an
Enemy
that
is
brave
even
in
his
Misfortunes
,
as
much
as
he
despises
those
whose
minds
sink
with
their
Condition
,
for
what
is
it
that
these
men
would
Address
the
King
?
Is
it
because
he
breaks
those
Laws
that
are
made
in
their
Favour
,
and
for
their
Protection
:
and
is
now
striking
at
the
Root
of
all
Legal
Settlement
that
they
have
for
their
Religion
?
Or
is
it
because
that
at
the
same
time
that
the
King
professes
a
Religion
that
condemns
his
Supremacy
,
yet
he
is
not
contented
with
the
Exercise
of
it
as
it
is
warranted
by
Law
,
but
carries
it
so
far
as
to
erect
a
Court
contrary
to
the
express
words
of
a
Law
so
lately
made
:
That
Court
takes
care
to
maintain
a
due
proportion
between
their
Constitution
and
all
their
Procedings
,
that
so
all
may
be
of
a
piece
,
and
all
equally
contrary
to
Law
.
They
have
suspended
one
Bishop
,
only
because
he
would
not
do
that
which
was
not
in
his
power
to
do
:
for
since
there
is
no
Extrajudiciary
Authority
in
England
,
a
Bishop
can
no
more
proceed
to
the
Sentence
of
Suspension
against
a
Clergy-man
without
a
Tryal
,
and
the
hearing
of
Parties
,
than
a
Judge
can
give
a
Sentence
in
his
Chamber
without
an
Indictment
,
a
Tryal
,
or
a
Jury
,
and
because
one
of
the
greatest
bodies
of
England
would
not
break
their
Oaths
,
and
obey
a
Mandate
that
plainly
contradicted
them
,
we
see
to
what
a
pitch
this
is
like
to
be
caried
.
I
will
not
anticipate
upon
this
illegal
Court
,
to
tell
what
Judgments
are
coming
;
but
without
carrying
our
Jealousies
too
far
,
one
may
safely
conclude
,
that
they
will
never
depart
so
far
from
their
first
Institution
,
as
to
have
any
regard
,
either
to
our
Religion
,
or
our
Laws
,
or
Liberties
,
in
any
thing
they
do
.
If
all
this
were
acted
by
avowed
Papists
,
as
we
are
sure
it
is
projected
by
such
,
there
were
nothing
extraordinary
in
it
:
but
that
which
carries
our
Indignation
a
little
too
far
to
be
easily
governed
,
is
to
see
some
pretended
Protestants
,
and
a
few
Bishops
,
among
those
that
are
the
fatal
Instruments
of
pulling
down
the
Church
of
England
,
and
that
those
Mercenaries
Sacrifice
their
Religion
and
their
Church
to
their
Ambition
and
Interests
;
this
has
such
peculiar
Characters
of
Misfortune
upon
it
,
that
it
seems
it
is
not
enough
if
we
perish
without
pity
,
since
we
fall
by
that
hand
that
we
have
so
much
supported
and
fortified
,
but
we
must
become
the
Scorn
of
all
the
World
,
since
we
have
produced
such
an
unnatural
Brood
,
that
even
while
they
are
pretending
to
be
the
Sons
of
the
Church
of
England
,
are
cutting
their
Mothers
Throat
:
and
not
content
with
Judas's
Crime
,
of
saying
,
Hail
Master
,
and
kissing
him
,
while
they
are
betraying
him
into
the
hands
of
others
;
these
carry
their
Wickedness
farther
,
and
say
,
Hail
Mother
,
and
then
they
themselves
murther
her
.
If
after
all
this
we
are
called
to
bear
this
as
Christians
,
and
to
suffer
it
as
Subjects
,
if
we
were
required
in
Patience
to
possess
our
own
Souls
,
and
to
be
in
Charity
with
our
Enemies
;
and
which
is
more
,
to
forgive
our
False
Brethren
who
add
Treachery
to
their
Hatred
;
the
Exhortation
were
seasonable
,
and
indeed
a
little
necessary
:
for
Humane
Nature
cannot
easily
take
down
things
of
such
a
hard
digestion
:
but
to
tell
us
that
we
must
make
Addresses
,
and
offer
Thanks
for
all
this
,
is
to
insult
a
little
too
much
upon
us
in
our
Sufferings
:
and
he
that
can
believe
that
a
dry
and
cautiously
worded
Promise
of
maintaining
the
Church
of
England
,
will
be
religiously
observed
after
all
that
we
have
seen
,
and
is
upon
that
carried
so
far
out
of
his
Wits
as
to
Address
and
give
Thanks
,
and
will
believe
still
,
such
a
man
has
nothing
to
excuse
him
from
believing
Transubstantiation
it self
;
for
it
is
plain
that
he
can
bring
himself
to
believe
even
when
the
thing
is
contrary
to
the
clearest
Evidence
that
his
Senses
can
give
him
.
Si
populus
hic
vult
decipi
decipiatur
.
POSTSCRIPT
.
THese
Reflections
were
writ
soon
after
the
Declaration
came
to
my
hands
,
but
the
Matter
of
them
was
so
tender
,
and
the
Conveyance
of
them
to
the
Press
was
so
uneasie
,
that
they
appear
now
too
late
to
have
one
effect
that
was
Designed
by
them
,
which
was
the
diverting
men
from
making
Addresses
upon
it
;
yet
if
what
is
here
proposed
makes
men
become
so
far
wise
as
to
be
ashamed
of
what
they
have
done
,
and
carrying
is
a
means
to
keep
them
from
their
Courtship
further
than
good
words
,
this
Paper
will
not
come
too
late
.
A
LETTER
TO
A
DISSENTER
,
Upon
occasion
of
His
MAJESTIES
Late
Gracious
DECLARATION
of
INDVLGENCE
.
SIR
,
SInce
Addresses
are
in
fashion
,
give
me
leave
to
make
one
to
you
.
This
is
neither
the
Effect
of
Fear
,
Interest
,
or
Resentment
;
therefore
you
may
be
sure
it
is
sincere
:
and
for
that
reason
it
may
expect
to
be
kindly
received
.
Whether
it
will
have
power
enough
to
Convince
,
dependeth
upon
the
Reasons
,
of
which
you
are
to
judge
;
and
upon
your
preparation
of
Mind
,
to
be
perswaded
by
Truth
,
whenever
it
appeareth
to
you
.
It
ought
not
to
be
the
less
welcome
,
for
coming
from
a
friendly
hand
,
one
whose
kindness
to
you
is
not
lessened
by
difference
of
Opinion
,
and
who
will
not
let
his
thoughts
for
the
Publick
be
so
tyed
or
confined
to
this
or
that
Subdivision
of
Protestants
,
as
to
stifle
the
Charity
,
which
besides
all
other
Arguments
,
is
at
this
time
become
necessary
to
preserve
us
.
I
am
neither
surprized
nor
provoked
,
to
see
that
in
the
Condition
you
were
put
into
by
the
Laws
,
and
the
ill
Circumstances
you
lay
under
,
by
having
the
Exclusion
and
Rebellion
laid
to
your
Charge
,
you
were
desirous
to
make
your
serves
less
uneasie
and
obnoxious
to
Authority
.
Men
who
are
fore
,
run
to
the
nearest
Remedy
with
too
much
haste
,
to
consider
all
the
Consequences
:
Grains
of
allowance
are
to
be
given
,
where
Nature
giveth
such
strong
Influences
.
When
to
Men
under
Sufferings
it
offereth
Ease
,
the
present
Pain
will
hardly
allow
time
to
examine
the
Remedies
;
and
the
strongest
Reasons
can
hardly
gain
a
fair
Audience
from
our
Mind
,
whilst
so
possessed
,
till
the
smart
is
a
little
allayed
.
I
do
not
know
whether
the
Warmth
that
naturally
belongeth
to
new
Friendships
,
may
not
make
it
a
harder
Task
for
me
to
perswade
you
.
It
is
like
telling
Lovers
in
the
beginning
of
their
Joys
,
that
they
will
in
a
little
time
have
an
end
.
Such
an
unwelcome
Style
doth
not
easily
find
Credit
:
but
I
will
suppose
you
are
not
so
far
gone
in
your
new
Passion
,
but
that
you
will
hear
still
;
and
therefore
I
am
under
the
less
Discouragement
,
when
I
offer
to
your
Consideration
two
things
.
The
first
is
,
the
Cause
you
have
to
suspect
your
new
Friends
.
The
second
,
the
Duty
incumbent
upon
you
,
in
Christianity
and
Prudence
,
not
to
hazard
the
Publick
Safety
,
neither
by
desire
of
Ease
nor
of
Revenge
.
To
the
First
,
Consider
that
notwithstanding
the
smooth
Language
which
is
now
put
on
to
engage
you
,
these
new
Friends
did
not
make
you
their
Choice
,
but
their
Refuge
:
They
have
ever
made
their
first
Courtships
to
the
Church
of
England
,
and
when
they
were
rejected
there
,
they
made
their
Application
to
you
in
the
second
Place
.
The
Instances
of
this
,
might
be
given
in
all
times
.
I
do
not
repeat
them
,
because
whatsoever
is
unnecessary
,
must
be
tedious
,
the
Truth
of
this
Assertion
being
so
plain
,
as
not
to
admit
a
Dispute
.
You
cannot
therefore
reasonably
flatter
your selves
,
that
there
is
any
Inclination
to
you
.
They
never
pretended
to
allow
you
any
Quarter
,
but
to
usher
in
Liberty
for
themselves
under
that
Shelter
.
I
refer
you
to
Mr.
Coleman's
Letters
,
and
to
the
Journals
of
Parliament
,
where
you
may
be
convinced
,
if
you
can
be
so
mistaken
,
as
to
doubt
;
nay
,
at
this
very
Hour
,
they
can
hardly
forbear
,
in
the
height
of
their
Courtship
,
to
let
fall
hard
Words
of
you
.
So
little
is
Nature
to
be
restrained
;
it
will
start
out
sometimes
,
disdaining
to
submit
to
the
Usurpation
of
Art
and
Interest
.
This
Alliance
,
between
Liberty
and
Infallibility
,
is
bringing
together
the
Two
most
contrary
Things
that
are
in
the
World
.
The
Church
of
Rome
doth
not
only
dislike
the
allowing
Liberty
,
but
by
its
Principles
it
cannot
do
it
.
Wine
is
not
more
expresly
forbidden
to
the
Mahometans
,
than
giving
Hereticks
Liberty
is
to
Papists
:
They
are
no
more
able
to
make
good
their
Vows
to
you
,
then
Men
married
before
,
and
their
Wife
alive
,
can
confirm
their
Contract
with
another
.
The
continuance
of
their
Kindness
would
be
a
Habit
of
Sin
,
of
which
they
are
to
repent
,
and
their
Absolution
is
to
be
had
upon
no
other
Terms
,
than
their
Promises
to
destroy
you
.
You
are
therefore
to
be
hugg'd
now
,
only
that
you
may
be
the
better
squeez'd
at
another
time
.
There
must
be
something
extraordinary
,
when
the
Church
of
Rome
setteth
up
Bills
,
and
offereth
Plaisters
for
tender
Consciences
:
By
all
that
hath
hitherto
appeared
,
her
Skill
in
Chyrurgery
lyeth
chiefly
in
a
quick
Hand
,
to
cut
of
Limbs
;
but
she
is
the
worst
at
Healing
,
of
any
that
ever
pretended
to
it
.
To
come
so
quick
from
another
Extream
,
is
such
an
unnatural
Motion
,
that
you
ought
to
be
upon
your
Guard
;
the
other
Day
you
were
Sons
of
Belial
,
Now
,
you
are
Angels
of
Light
.
This
is
a
violent
Change
,
and
it
will
be
fit
for
you
to
pause
upon
it
,
before
you
believe
it
:
If
your
Features
are
not
altered
,
neither
is
their
Opinion
of
you
,
whatever
may
be
pretended
.
Do
you
believe
less
than
you
did
,
that
there
is
Idolatry
in
the
Church
of
Rome
?
sure
you
do
not
.
See
then
,
how
they
treat
both
in
Words
and
Writing
,
those
who
entertain
that
Opinion
.
Conclude
from
hence
,
how
inconsistent
their
Favour
is
with
this
single
Article
,
except
they
give
you
a
Dispensation
for
this
too
,
and
by
a
Non
Obstante
,
secure
you
that
they
will
not
think
the
worse
of
you
.
Think
a
little
how
dangerous
it
is
to
build
upon
a
Foundation
of
Paradoxes
.
Popery
now
is
the
only
Friend
to
Liberty
,
and
the
known
Enemy
to
Persecution
:
The
Men
of
Taunton
and
Tiverton
,
are
above
all
other
eminent
for
Loyalty
.
The
Quakers
,
from
being
declared
by
the
Papists
not
to
be
Christians
,
are
now
made
Favorites
,
and
taken
into
their
particular
Protection
;
they
are
on
a
sudden
grown
the
most
accomplished
Men
of
the
Kingdom
,
in
good
Breeding
,
and
giving
Thanks
with
the
best
Grace
,
in
double
refined
Language
.
So
that
I
should
not
wonder
,
though
a
Man
of
that
Perswasion
,
in
spight
of
his
Hat
,
should
be
Master
of
the
Ceremonies
.
Not
to
say
harsher
Words
,
these
are
such
very
new
things
,
that
it
is
impossible
not
to
suspend
our
Belier
,
till
by
a
little
more
Experience
we
may
be
informed
whether
they
are
Reallities
or
Apparitions
:
We
have
been
under
shameful
Mistakes
,
if
these
Opinions
are
true
;
but
for
the
present
,
we
are
apt
to
be
incredulous
;
except
we
could
be
convinced
,
that
the
Priests
Words
in
this
Case
too
,
are
able
to
make
such
a
sudden
,
and
effectual
Change
;
and
that
their
Power
is
not
limited
to
the
Sacrament
,
but
that
it
extendeth
to
alter
the
Nature
of
all
other
things
,
as
often
as
they
are
so
disposed
.
Let
me
now
speak
of
the
Instruments
of
your
Friendship
,
and
then
leave
you
to
judge
,
whether
they
do
not
afford
Matter
of
Suspition
.
No
Sharpness
is
to
be
mingled
where
Healing
only
is
intended
;
so
nothing
will
be
said
to
expose
particular
Men
,
how
strong
soever
the
Temptation
may
be
,
or
how
clear
the
Proofs
to
make
it
out
.
A
word
or
two
in
general
,
for
your
better
Caution
,
shall
suffice
:
Suppose
then
,
for
Arguments
sake
,
that
the
Mediators
of
this
new
Alliance
,
should
be
such
as
have
been
formerly
imployed
in
Treaties
of
the
same
kind
,
and
there
detected
to
have
Acted
by
Order
,
and
to
have
been
impowered
to
give
Encouragements
and
Rewards
.
Would
not
this
be
an
Argument
to
suspect
them
?
If
they
should
plainly
be
under
Engagements
on
the
one
side
,
their
Arguments
to
the
other
,
ought
to
be
received
accordingly
;
their
fair
Pretences
are
to
be
looked
upon
as
part
of
their
Commission
,
which
may
not
improbably
give
them
a
Dispensation
in
the
Case
of
Truth
,
when
it
may
bring
a
Prejudice
upon
the
Service
of
those
by
whom
they
are
imployed
.
If
there
should
be
Men
,
who
having
formerly
had
Means
and
Authority
to
perswade
by
secular
Arguments
,
have
,
in
pursuance
of
that
Power
,
sprinkled
Money
amongst
the
Dissenting
Ministers
;
and
if
those
very
Men
should
now
have
the
same
Authority
,
practice
the
same
Methods
,
and
Disburse
,
where
they
cannot
otherwise
perswade
:
It
seemeth
to
me
to
be
rather
an
Evidence
,
than
a
Presumption
of
the
Deceit
.
If
there
should
be
Ministers
among
you
,
who
,
by
having
fallen
under
Temptations
of
this
kind
,
are
in
some
sort
engaged
to
continue
their
Frailty
,
by
the
Awe
they
are
in
,
lest
it
should
be
exposed
:
The
Perswasions
of
these
unfortunate
Men
must
sure
have
the
less
Force
,
and
their
Arguments
,
though
never
so
specious
,
are
to
be
suspected
,
when
they
come
from
Men
who
have
mortgaged
themselves
to
severe
Creditors
,
that
expect
a
rigorous
Observation
of
the
Contract
,
let
it
be
never
so
unwarrantable
.
If
these
,
or
any
others
,
should
at
this
time
preach
up
Anger
and
Vengeance
against
the
Church
of
England
;
may
it
not
without
Injustice
be
suspected
,
that
a
thing
so
plainly
out
of
season
,
springeth
rather
from
Corruption
than
Mistake
;
and
that
those
who
act
this
cholerick
Part
,
do
not
believe
themselves
,
but
only
pursue
higher
Directions
,
endeavour
to
make
good
that
part
of
their
Contract
which
obligeth
them
,
upon
a
Forfeiture
,
to
make
use
of
their
inflaming
Eloquence
?
They
might
apprehend
their
Wages
would
be
retrenched
if
they
should
be
moderate
:
And
therefore
whilst
Violence
is
their
Interest
,
those
who
have
not
the
same
Arguments
,
have
no
reason
to
follow
such
a
partial
Example
.
If
there
should
be
Men
,
who
by
the
Load
of
their
Crimes
against
the
Government
,
have
been
bowed
down
to
comply
with
it
against
their
Conscience
;
who
by
incurring
the
want
of
a
Pardon
,
have
drawn
upon
themselves
the
Necessity
of
an
intire
Resignation
:
Such
Men
are
to
be
lamented
,
but
not
to
be
believed
.
Nay
,
they
themselves
,
when
they
have
dischared
their
Unwelcome
Task
,
will
be
inwardly
glad
that
their
forced
Endeavours
do
not
succeed
,
and
are
pleased
when
Men
resist
their
Insinuations
;
which
are
far
from
being
voluntary
or
sincere
,
but
are
squeezed
out
of
them
by
the
weight
of
their
being
so
obnoxious
.
If
in
the
height
of
this
great
Dearness
by
comparing
things
,
it
should
happen
,
that
at
this
Instant
,
there
is
much
a
surer
Friendship
with
those
who
are
so
far
from
allowing
Liberty
,
that
they
allow
no
Living
to
a
Protestant
under
them
.
Let
the
Scene
lye
in
what
part
of
the
World
it
will
,
the
Argument
will
come
home
,
and
sure
it
will
afford
sufficient
Ground
to
suspect
.
Apparent
Contradictions
must
strike
us
;
neither
Nature
nor
Reason
can
digest
them
:
Self-flattery
,
and
the
Desire
to
deceive
our selves
,
to
gratifie
a
present
Appetite
,
with
all
their
Power
,
which
is
Great
,
cannot
get
the
better
of
such
broad
Conviction
,
as
some
things
carry
along
with
them
.
Will
you
call
these
vain
and
empty
Suspicions
?
have
you
been
at
all
times
so
void
of
Fears
and
Jealousies
,
as
to
justifie
your
being
so
unreasonably
Valiant
in
having
none
upon
this
Occasion
?
Such
an
extraordinary
Courage
at
this
unseasonable
time
,
to
say
no
more
,
is
too
dangerous
a
Vertue
to
be
commended
.
If
then
for
these
and
a
thousand
other
Reasons
,
there
is
cause
to
suspect
,
sure
your
new
Friends
are
not
to
dictate
to
you
,
or
advise
you
;
for
instance
,
the
Addresses
that
fly
abroad
every
Week
;
and
Murther
us
with
another
to
the
same
;
the
first
Draughts
are
made
by
those
who
are
not
very
proper
to
be
Secretaries
to
the
Protestant
Religion
;
and
it
is
your
Part
only
to
write
them
out
fairer
again
.
Strange
!
that
you
who
have
been
formerly
so
much
against
Set
Forms
,
should
now
be
content
the
Priests
should
Indite
for
you
.
The
Nature
of
Thanks
is
an
unavoidable
Consequence
of
being
Pleased
or
Obliged
;
they
grow
in
the
Heart
,
and
from
thence
shew
themselves
either
in
Looks
,
Speeches
,
Writing
,
or
Action
:
No
Man
was
ever
Thankful
,
because
he
was
bid
to
be
so
,
but
because
he
had
,
or
thought
he
had
some
Reason
for
it
.
If
then
there
is
cause
in
this
Case
to
pay
such
extravagant
Acknowledgments
,
they
will
flow
naturally
,
without
taking
such
pains
to
procure
them
,
and
it
is
unkindly
done
to
tire
all
the
Post-Horses
with
Carrying
Circular
Letters
to
sollicit
that
which
would
be
done
without
any
Trouble
or
Constraint
:
If
it
is
really
in
it self
such
a
Favour
,
what
needeth
so
much
pressing
Men
to
be
Thankful
,
and
with
such
eager
Circumstances
,
that
where
Perswasions
cannot
delude
,
Threatnings
are
employed
to
fright
them
into
a
Compliance
?
Thanks
must
be
voluntary
,
not
only
unconstrained
,
but
unsolicited
,
else
they
are
either
Trifles
or
Snares
,
they
either
signifie
nothing
,
or
a
great
deal
more
than
is
intended
by
those
that
give
them
.
If
an
inference
should
be
made
,
that
whosoever
thanketh
the
King
for
his
Declaration
,
is
by
that
engaged
to
justifie
it
in
point
of
Law
;
it
is
a
greater
stride
than
,
I
presume
,
all
those
care
to
make
who
are
perswaded
to
Address
:
If
it
shall
be
supposod
,
that
all
the
Thankers
will
be
Repealers
of
the
TEST
,
when
ever
a
Parliament
shall
Meet
.
Such
an
Expectation
is
better
prevented
before
,
than
disappointed
afterwards
;
and
the
surest
way
to
avoid
the
lying
under
such
a
scandal
,
is
not
to
do
any
thing
that
may
give
a
colour
to
the
Mistake
:
These
Bespoken
Thanks
are
little
less
improper
than
Love
Letters
that
were
solicited
by
the
Lady
to
whom
they
are
to
be
Directed
:
So
,
that
besides
the
little
ground
there
is
to
give
them
,
the
manner
of
getting
them
,
doth
extreamly
lessen
their
Value
.
It
might
be
wished
that
you
would
have
suppressed
your
impatience
,
and
have
been
content
for
the
sake
of
Religion
,
to
enjoy
it
within
your selves
,
without
the
Liberty
of
a
publick
Exercise
,
till
a
Parliament
had
allowed
it
:
but
since
that
could
not
be
,
and
that
the
Artificers
of
some
amongst
you
have
made
use
of
the
Well-meant
Zeal
of
the
Generality
to
draw
them
into
this
Mistake
;
I
am
so
far
from
blaming
you
with
that
sharpness
which
,
perhaps
,
the
Matter
in
strictness
would
bear
,
that
I
am
ready
to
err
on
the
side
of
the
more
gentle
construction
.
There
is
a
great
difference
between
enjoying
quietly
the
advantages
of
an
Act
irregularly
done
by
others
,
and
the
going
about
to
support
it
against
the
Laws
in
being
:
The
Law
is
so
Sacred
,
that
no
Trespass
against
it
is
to
be
Defended
;
yet
Frailties
may
in
some
measure
be
Excused
,
when
they
cannot
be
justified
.
The
desire
of
enjoying
a
Liberty
from
which
men
have
been
so
long
restrained
,
may
be
a
Temptation
that
their
Reason
is
not
at
all
times
able
to
resist
.
If
in
such
a
case
,
some
Objections
are
leapt
over
,
indifferent
men
will
be
more
inclined
to
lament
the
Occasion
,
than
to
fall
too
hard
upon
the
Fault
,
whilst
it
is
covered
with
the
Apology
of
a
good
intention
;
but
where
to
rescue
your selves
from
the
severity
of
one
Law
,
you
give
a
blow
to
all
the
Laws
,
by
which
your
Religion
and
Liberty
are
to
be
protected
;
and
instead
of
silently
receiving
the
benefit
of
this
Indulgence
,
you
set
up
for
Advocates
to
support
it
,
you
become
voluntary
Aggressors
,
and
look
like
Counsel
retained
by
the
Prerogative
against
your
old
Friend
Magna
Charta
,
who
hath
done
nothing
to
deserve
her
falling
thus
under
your
Displeasure
.
If
the
case
then
should
be
,
that
the
Price
expected
from
you
for
this
Liberty
,
is
giving
up
your
Right
in
the
Laws
,
sure
you
will
think
twice
,
before
you
go
any
further
in
such
a
losing
Bargain
.
After
giving
Thanks
for
the
breach
of
one
Law
,
you
lose
the
Right
of
Complaining
of
the
breach
of
all
the
rest
;
you
will
not
very
well
know
how
to
defend
your selves
,
when
you
are
pressed
;
and
having
given
up
the
Question
,
when
it
was
for
your
advantage
,
you
cannot
recall
it
,
when
it
shall
be
to
your
Prejudice
.
If
you
will
set
up
at
one
time
a
Power
to
help
you
,
which
at
another
time
by
Parity
of
Reason
shall
be
made
use
of
to
destroy
you
,
you
will
neither
be
pitied
,
nor
relieved
against
a
Mischief
you
draw
upon
your selves
,
by
being
so
unreasonably
thankful
.
It
is
like
calling
in
Auxiliaries
to
help
,
who
are
strong
enough
to
subdue
you
:
In
such
a
case
your
Complaints
will
come
too
late
to
be
heard
,
and
your
sufferings
will
raise
Mirth
instead
of
Compassion
.
If
you
think
,
for
your
excuse
,
to
expound
your
thanks
so
as
to
restrain
them
to
this
particular
case
,
others
,
for
their
ends
,
will
extend
them
further
;
and
in
these
differing
Interpretations
,
that
which
is
back'd
by
Authority
will
be
the
most
likely
to
prevail
;
especially
when
by
the
advantage
you
have
given
them
,
they
have
in
truth
the
better
of
the
Argument
,
and
that
the
Inferences
from
your
own
Concessions
are
very
strong
,
and
express
against
you
.
This
is
so
far
from
being
a
groundless
Supposition
,
that
there
was
a
late
instance
of
it
,
the
last
Session
of
Parliament
,
in
the
House
of
Lords
,
where
the
first
Thanks
,
though
things
of
course
,
were
laterpreted
to
be
the
Approbation
of
the
King
's
whole
Speech
,
and
a
Restraint
from
the
further
Examination
of
any
part
of
it
,
though
never
so
much
disliked
;
and
it
was
with
difficulty
obtained
,
not
to
be
excluded
from
the
Liberty
of
objecting
to
this
mighty
Prerogative
of
Dispensing
,
meerly
by
this
innocent
and
usual
piece
of
good
Manners
,
by
which
no
such
thing
could
possibly
be
intended
.
This
sheweth
,
that
some
bounds
are
to
be
put
to
your
good
Breeding
,
and
that
the
Constitution
of
England
is
too
valuable
a
thing
to
be
ventured
upon
a
Complement
.
Now
that
you
have
for
some
time
enjoyed
the
benefit
of
the
End
,
it
is
time
for
you
to
look
into
the
Danger
of
the
Means
:
The
same
Reason
that
made
you
desirous
to
get
Liberty
,
must
make
you
solicite
us
to
preserve
it
:
so
that
the
next
thought
will
naturally
be
,
not
to
engage
your self
beyond
Retreat
,
and
to
agree
so
far
with
the
Principles
of
all
Religions
,
as
not
to
rely
upon
a
Death
bed
Repentance
.
There
are
certain
Periods
of
time
,
which
being
once
past
,
make
all
cautions
ineffectual
,
and
all
Remedies
desperate
.
Our
Understandings
are
apt
to
be
hurried
on
by
the
first
heats
;
which
if
not
restrained
in
time
,
do
not
give
us
leave
to
look
back
,
till
it
is
too
late
.
Consider
this
in
the
Case
of
your
A●ger
against
the
Church
of
England
,
and
take
warning
by
their
Mistake
in
the
same
kind
,
when
after
the
late
King's
Restauration
,
they
preserved
so
long
the
bitter
taste
of
your
rough
usage
to
them
in
other
times
,
that
it
made
them
forget
their
Interest
,
and
sacrifice
it
to
their
Revenge
.
Either
you
will
blame
this
Proceeding
in
them
,
and
for
that
reason
not
follow
it
,
or
if
you
allow
it
,
you
have
no
reason
to
be
offended
with
them
;
so
that
you
must
either
dismiss
your
Anger
,
or
lose
your
Excuse
;
except
you
should
argue
more
partially
than
will
be
supposed
of
Men
of
your
Morality
and
Understanding
.
If
you
had
now
to
do
with
those
Rigid
Prelates
,
who
made
it
a
Matter
of
Conscience
to
give
you
the
least
Indulgence
;
but
kept
you
at
an
uncharitable
distance
,
and
even
to
your
more
reasonable
Scruples
continued
stiff
and
exorable
,
the
Argument
might
be
fairer
on
your
side
,
but
since
the
common
Danger
hath
so
laid
open
that
Mistake
,
that
all
the
former
Haughtiness
towards
you
is
for
ever
extinguish'd
,
and
that
it
hath
turned
the
Spirit
of
Persecution
,
into
a
Spirit
of
Peace
,
Charity
and
Condescention
;
shall
this
happy
Change
only
affect
the
Church
of
England
?
And
are
you
so
in
Love
with
seperation
,
as
not
to
be
moved
by
this
Example
?
It
ought
to
be
followed
,
were
there
no
other
reason
than
that
it
is
a
Vertue
;
but
when
besides
that
,
it
is
become
necessary
to
your
preservation
,
it
is
impossible
to
fail
the
having
its
Effect
upon
you
.
If
it
should
be
said
,
that
the
Church
of
England
is
never
Humble
,
but
when
she
is
out
of
Power
,
and
therefore
loseth
the
Right
of
being
believed
when
she
pretendeth
to
it
;
the
Answer
is
,
First
,
it
would
be
an
uncharitable
Objection
,
and
very
much
miss-timed
?
an
unseasonable
Triumph
,
not
only
ungenerous
,
but
unsafe
:
So
that
in
these
respects
it
cannot
be
urged
without
scandal
,
even
though
it
could
be
said
with
Truth
.
Secondly
,
This
is
not
so
in
Fact
,
and
the
Argument
must
fall
,
being
built
upon
a
False
Foundation
;
for
whatever
may
be
told
you
,
at
this
very
hour
,
and
in
the
heat
and
glare
of
your
present
sun-shine
,
the
Church
of
England
can
in
a
moment
bring
Clouds
again
;
and
turn
the
Royal
Thunder
upon
your
Heads
,
blow
you
off
the
Stage
with
a
Breath
,
if
she
would
give
but
a
smile
or
a
kind
Word
;
the
least
Glimpse
of
her
Complyance
,
would
throw
you
back
into
the
state
of
Suffering
,
and
draw
upon
you
all
the
Atrears
of
severity
,
which
have
accrued
during
the
time
of
this
kindness
to
you
,
and
yet
the
Church
of
England
,
with
all
her
Faults
,
will
not
allow
her self
to
be
rescued
by
such
unjustifiable
means
,
but
chuseth
to
bear
the
weight
of
Power
,
rather
than
lie
under
the
burthen
of
being
Criminal
.
It
cannot
be
said
,
that
she
is
unprovoked
;
Books
and
Letters
come
out
every
day
,
to
call
for
Answers
,
yet
she
will
not
be
stirred
.
From
the
supposed
Authors
and
the
Stile
one
would
swear
they
were
Undertakers
,
and
had
made
a
Contract
to
fall
out
with
the
Church
of
England
.
There
are
Lashes
in
every
Address
,
Challenges
to
draw
the
Pen
in
every
Pamphlet
;
in
short
,
the
fairest
occasions
in
the
World
given
to
quarrel
;
but
she
wisely
distinguisheth
between
the
Body
of
Dissenters
,
whom
she
will
suppose
to
Act
,
as
they
do
,
with
no
ill
intent
;
and
these
small
Skirmishers
pickt
and
sent
out
to
Pickqueer
,
and
to
begin
a
Fray
amongst
the
Protestants
,
for
the
entertainment
,
as
well
as
the
advantage
of
the
Church
of
Rome
.
This
Conduct
is
so
good
,
that
it
will
be
scandalous
not
to
Applaud
it
.
It
is
not
equal
dealing
,
to
blame
our
Adversaries
for
doing
ill
,
and
not
commend
them
when
they
do
well
.
To
hate
them
because
they
Persecuted
,
and
not
to
be
reconciled
to
them
when
they
are
ready
to
suffer
,
rather
than
receive
all
the
Advantages
that
can
be
gained
by
a
Criminal
Complyance
,
is
a
Principle
no
sort
of
Christians
can
own
,
since
it
would
give
an
Objection
to
them
never
to
be
Answered
.
Think
a
little
,
who
they
were
that
promoted
your
former
Persecutions
,
and
then
consider
how
it
will
look
to
be
angry
with
the
Instruments
,
and
at
the
same
time
to
make
a
League
with
the
Authors
of
your
sufferings
.
Have
you
enough
considered
what
will
be
expected
from
you
?
Are
you
ready
to
stand
in
every
Borough
by
a
Vertue
of
a
Conge
d'estire
,
and
instead
of
Election
,
be
satisfied
if
you
are
returned
?
Will
you
in
Parliament
,
justifie
the
Dispensing
Power
,
with
all
its
consequences
,
and
repeal
the
Test
,
by
which
you
will
make
way
for
the
repeal
of
all
the
Laws
,
that
were
made
to
preserve
your
Religion
,
and
to
Enact
others
that
shall
destroy
it
?
Are
you
disposed
to
change
the
Liberty
of
Debate
,
into
the
Merit
of
Obedience
,
and
to
be
made
Instruments
to
Repeal
or
Enact
Laws
,
when
the
Roman
Consistory
are
Lords
of
the
Articles
?
Are
you
so
linked
with
your
new
Friends
,
as
to
reject
any
Indulgence
a
Parliament
shall
offer
you
,
if
it
shall
not
be
so
Comprehensive
as
to
include
the
Papists
in
it
?
Consider
that
the
implyed
Conditions
of
your
new
Treaty
are
no
less
,
than
that
you
are
to
do
every
thing
you
are
desired
,
without
examining
,
and
that
for
this
pretended
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
your
real
Freedom
is
to
be
Sacrificed
:
Your
former
Faults
hang
like
Chains
still
about
you
,
you
are
let
loose
only
upon
Bayl
;
the
first
Act
of
Non-complyance
,
sendeth
you
to
jaybagain
.
You
may
see
that
the
Papists
themselves
,
do
not
rely
upon
the
Legality
of
this
power
,
which
you
are
to
Justifie
,
since
they
being
so
very
earnest
to
get
it
Established
by
a
Law
,
and
the
doing
such
very
hard
things
in
order
,
as
they
think
to
obtain
it
,
is
a
clear
Evidence
,
that
they
do
not
think
,
that
the
single
Power
of
the
Crown
is
in
this
Case
a
good
Foundation
;
especially
when
this
is
done
under
a
Prince
,
so
very
tender
of
all
the
Rights
of
Soveraignty
,
that
he
would
think
it
a
diminution
to
his
Prerogative
,
where
he
conceiveth
it
strong
enough
to
go
alone
,
to
call
in
the
Legislative
help
to
strengthen
and
support
it
.
You
have
formerly
blamed
the
Church
of
England
,
and
not
without
reason
,
for
going
so
far
as
they
did
in
their
Compliance
;
and
yet
as
soon
as
they
stopped
,
you
see
they
are
not
only
Deserted
,
but
Prosecuted
:
Conclude
then
from
this
Example
,
that
you
must
either
break
off
your
Friendship
,
or
resolve
to
have
no
Bounds
in
it
.
If
they
do
not
succeed
in
their
Design
,
they
will
leave
you
first
;
if
they
do
,
you
must
either
leave
them
,
when
it
will
be
too
late
for
your
Safety
,
or
else
after
the
squeaziness
of
starting
at
a
Surplice
,
you
must
be
forced
to
swallow
Transubstantiation
.
Remember
that
the
other
day
those
of
the
Church
of
England
were
Trimmers
for
enduring
you
,
and
now
by
a
sudden
Turn
,
you
are
become
the
Favourites
;
do
not
deceive
your selves
,
it
is
not
the
Nature
of
lasting
Plants
thus
to
shoot
up
in
a
Night
;
you
may
look
gay
and
green
for
a
little
time
,
but
you
want
a
Root
to
give
you
a
continuance
.
It
is
not
so
long
since
,
as
to
be
forgotten
,
that
the
Maxim
was
,
It
is
impossible
for
a
Dissenter
,
not
to
be
a
REBEL
.
Consider
at
this
time
in
France
,
even
the
new
Converts
are
so
far
from
being
Imployed
,
that
they
are
Disarmed
:
Their
sudden
Change
maketh
them
still
to
be
distrusted
,
notwithstanding
that
they
are
Reconciled
:
What
are
you
to
expect
then
from
your
dear
Friends
,
to
whom
,
whenever
they
shall
think
fit
to
throw
you
off
again
,
you
have
in
other
times
given
such
Arguments
for
their
excuse
?
Besides
all
this
,
you
Act
very
unskilfully
against
your
visible
Interest
,
if
you
throw
away
the
Advantages
,
of
which
you
can
hardly
fail
in
the
next
probable
Revolution
.
Things
tend
naturally
to
what
you
would
have
,
if
you
would
let
them
alone
,
and
not
by
an
unseasonable
Activity
lose
the
Influences
of
your
good
Star
,
which
promiseth
you
every
thing
that
is
prosperous
.
The
Church
of
England
convinced
of
its
Errour
in
being
severe
to
you
;
the
Parliament
,
whenever
it
meeteth
,
sure
to
be
Gentle
to
you
;
the
next
Heir
bred
in
the
Country
which
you
have
so
often
Quoted
for
a
Pattern
of
Indulgence
;
a
general
Agreement
of
all
thinking
Men
,
that
we
must
no
more
cut
our selves
off
from
the
Protestants
abroad
,
but
rather
inlarge
the
Foundations
upon
which
we
are
to
build
our
Defences
against
the
Common
Enemy
;
so
that
in
Truth
,
all
things
seem
to
conspire
to
give
you
ease
and
satisfaction
,
if
by
too
much
haste
to
anticipate
your
good
Fortune
,
you
do
not
destroy
it
.
The
Protestants
have
but
one
Article
of
Human
Strength
,
to
oppose
the
Power
which
is
now
against
them
,
and
that
is
,
not
to
lose
the
advantage
of
their
Numbers
,
by
being
so
unwary
as
to
let
themselves
be
divided
.
We
all
agree
in
our
Duty
to
our
Prince
,
our
Objections
to
his
Belief
,
do
not
hinder
us
from
seeing
his
Vertues
;
and
our
not
complying
with
his
Religion
,
hath
no
effect
upon
our
Allegiance
;
we
are
not
to
be
Laughed
out
of
our
Passive
Obedience
,
and
the
Doctrine
of
Non-Resistance
,
though
even
those
who
perhaps
owe
the
best
part
of
their
Security
to
that
Principle
,
are
apt
to
make
a
Jest
of
it
.
So
that
if
we
give
no
advantage
by
the
fatal
Mistake
of
misapplying
our
Anger
,
by
the
natural
course
of
things
,
this
Danger
will
pass
away
like
a
shower
of
Hail
;
fair
weather
will
succeed
,
as
lowring
as
the
Sky
now
looketh
,
and
all
by
this
plain
and
easie
Receipt
.
Let
us
be
still
,
quiet
and
undivided
,
firm
at
the
same
time
to
our
Religion
,
our
Loyalty
,
and
our
Laws
,
and
so
long
as
we
continue
this
method
,
it
is
next
to
impossible
,
that
the
odds
of
two
hundred
to
one
should
lose
the
Bett
;
except
the
Church
of
Rome
,
which
hath
been
so
long
barren
of
Miracles
,
should
now
in
her
declining
Age
,
be
brought
a
Bed
of
one
that
would
out-do
the
best
she
can
brag
of
in
her
Legend
.
To
conclude
,
the
short
Question
will
be
,
whether
you
will
Joyn
with
those
who
must
in
the
end
run
the
same
Fate
with
you
.
If
Protestants
of
all
sorts
,
in
their
Behaviour
to
one
another
,
have
been
to
blame
,
they
are
upon
the
more
equal
terms
,
and
for
that
very
Reason
it
is
fitter
for
them
now
to
be
reconciled
.
Our
Dis-union
is
not
only
a
Reproach
,
but
a
Danger
to
us
;
those
who
believe
in
modern
Miracles
,
have
more
Right
,
or
at
least
more
Excuse
,
to
neglect
all
Secular
Cautions
:
but
for
us
,
it
is
as
justifiable
to
have
no
Religion
,
as
wilfully
to
throw
away
the
Human
Means
of
preserving
it
.
I
am
,
Dear
SIR
,
Your
most
Affectionate
Humble
Servant
.
T.
W.
The
ANATOMY
of
an
EQUIVALENT
.
I.
THE
World
hath
of
late
years
never
been
without
some
extraordinary
Word
to
furnish
the
Coffee-houses
and
fill
the
Pamphlets
.
Sometimes
it
is
a
new
one
invented
,
and
sometimes
an
Old
one
revived
.
They
are
usually
fitted
to
some
present
purpose
,
with
Intentions
as
differing
as
the
various
Designs
several
Parties
may
have
,
either
to
delude
the
people
,
or
to
expose
their
Adversaries
:
They
are
not
of
long
continuance
,
but
after
they
have
passed
a
little
while
,
and
that
they
are
grown
Nauseous
by
being
so
often
repeated
,
they
give
place
to
something
that
is
newer
.
Thus
,
after
Whig
,
Tory
,
and
Trimmer
,
have
had
their
Time
,
now
they
are
dead
and
forgotten
,
being
supplanted
by
the
word
Equivalent
,
which
reigneth
in
their
stead
.
The
Birth
of
it
is
in
short
this
:
After
many
repeated
Essays
to
dispose
Men
to
the
Repeal
of
Oaths
and
Tests
,
made
for
the
security
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
general
aversion
to
comply
in
it
was
found
to
be
so
great
,
that
it
was
thought
adviseable
to
try
another
manner
of
attempting
it
,
and
to
see
whether
by
putting
the
same
thing
into
another
Mould
,
and
softning
an
harsh
Proposition
by
a
plausible
Term
,
they
might
not
have
better
success
.
To
this
end
,
instead
of
an
absolute
quitting
of
these
Laws
,
without
any
Condition
,
which
was
the
first
Proposal
;
Now
it
is
put
into
gentler
Language
,
and
runneth
thus
;
If
you
will
take
away
the
Oaths
and
Tests
,
you
shall
have
as
good
a
thing
for
them
.
This
put
into
the
fashionable
Word
,
is
now
called
an
Equivalent
.
II.
So
much
to
the
Word
it self
.
I
will
now
endeavour
in
short
to
Examine
and
Explain
,
in
order
to
the
having
it
fully
understood
,
First
,
What
is
the
nature
of
a
true
Equivalent
;
and
In
the
next
place
,
What
things
are
not
to
be
admired
under
that
denomination
.
I
shall
treat
these
as
general
Propositions
;
and
tho
I
cannot
undertake
how
far
they
may
be
convincing
,
I
may
safely
do
it
,
that
they
are
Impartial
;
of
which
there
can
be
no
greater
evidence
than
that
I
make
neither
Inference
,
nor
Application
,
but
leave
that
part
intirely
to
the
Reader
,
according
as
his
own
Thoughts
shall
direct
and
dispose
him
.
III.
I
will
first
take
notice
,
that
this
Word
,
by
the
Application
which
hath
been
made
of
it
in
some
modern
instances
,
lieth
under
some
Disadvantage
,
not
to
say
some
Scandal
.
It
is
transmitted
hither
from
France
;
and
if
as
in
most
other
things
that
we
take
from
them
,
we
carry
them
beyond
the
Pattern
,
it
should
prove
so
in
this
,
we
should
get
into
a
more
partial
Sti●e
than
the
Principles
of
English
Justice
will
I
hope
ever
allow
us
to
be
guilty
of
.
The
French
King's
Equivalents
in
Flanders
,
are
very
extraordinary
Bargains
;
his
manner
of
proposing
and
obtaining
them
,
is
very
differing
from
the
usual
methods
of
equal
dealing
.
In
a
later
Instance
,
Denmark
,
by
the
encouragement
as
well
as
by
the
example
of
France
,
hath
propos'd
things
to
the
Duke
of
Holstein
,
which
are
called
Equivalents
,
but
that
they
are
so
,
the
World
is
not
yet
sufficiently
convinc'd
,
and
probably
the
Parties
concern'd
do
not
think
them
to
be
so
,
and
consequently
do
not
appear
to
be
at
all
disposed
to
accept
them
.
Princes
enjoyn
and
prescribe
such
things
when
they
have
Strength
and
Power
to
supply
the
want
of
Arguments
;
and
according
to
practice
in
these
Cases
,
the
weaker
are
never
thought
to
have
an
ill
Bargain
,
if
they
have
any
thing
left
them
.
So
that
the
first
Qualification
of
an
Equivalent
,
must
be
,
that
the
Appraisers
be
indifferent
,
else
it
is
only
a
Sound
,
there
can
be
nothing
real
in
it
:
For
,
where
the
same
party
that
proposeth
a
Bargain
,
claimeth
a
Right
to
set
the
Value
;
or
which
is
worse
:
hath
power
too
to
make
it
good
;
the
other
may
be
forced
to
submit
to
the
Conditions
,
but
he
can
by
no
means
ever
be
perswaded
to
treat
upon
them
.
IV.
The
next
thing
to
be
considered
is
,
that
to
make
an
Equivalent
in
reality
an
equal
thing
,
in
the
Proposer
,
it
must
be
a
better
thing
than
that
which
is
required
by
him
;
just
as
good
is
subject
to
the
Hazard
of
not
being
quite
so
good
:
It
is
not
easie
to
have
such
an
even
Hand
,
as
to
make
the
Value
exactly
equal
;
besides
,
according
to
the
Maxim
in
Law
,
Melior
conditio
possidentis
,
the
Offer
is
not
fair
,
except
the
thing
offered
is
better
in
Value
than
the
Thing
demanded
.
There
must
be
Allowance
for
removing
what
is
fixed
,
and
there
must
be
something
that
may
be
a
Justification
for
Changing
.
The
Value
of
things
very
often
depende●h
more
upon
other
Circumstances
,
than
upon
what
is
meerly
intrinsick
to
them
;
therefore
the
Calculation
must
be
made
upon
that
Foot
,
perhaps
in
most
Cases
;
and
particularly
the
Want
which
one
of
the
Parties
may
have
of
the
Thing
he
requireth
,
maketh
it
more
valuable
to
him
than
it
is
in
it self
.
If
the
Party
proposing
doth
not
want
the
Thing
he
would
have
in
Exchange
,
his
requiring
it
is
importinent
:
If
he
doth
,
his
want
of
it
m●st
go
into
the
Appraisement
,
and
by
consequence
every
Proposer
of
an
Equivalent
must
offer
a
better
Thing
,
or
else
he
must
not
take
it
unkindly
to
be
refused
,
except
the
other
Party
hath
an
equal
Want
of
the
same
Thing
,
which
is
very
improbible
,
since
naturally
he
that
wanteth
most
,
will
speak
first
.
V.
Another
thing
necessary
to
the
making
a
fair
Bargain
is
,
that
let
the
Parties
who
treat
,
be
they
never
so
unequal
in
themselves
,
yet
as
to
the
particular
thing
proposed
,
there
must
be
an
exact
Equality
,
as
far
as
it
relateth
to
the
full
Liberty
of
Taking
or
Refusing
,
Concurring
or
Objecting
,
without
any
consequence
of
Revenge
,
or
so
much
as
Dissatisfaction
;
for
it
is
impossible
to
treat
where
it
is
an
Affront
to
differ
;
in
that
Case
there
is
no
mean
between
the
two
Extreams
,
either
an
open
Quarrel
,
or
an
intire
Submission
;
the
Way
of
Bargaining
must
be
equal
,
else
the
Bargain
it self
cannot
be
so
:
For
Example
,
the
Proposer
is
not
only
to
use
equal
Terms
as
to
the
Matter
,
but
fair
ones
in
the
Manner
too
.
There
must
be
no
Intimations
of
Anger
in
case
of
Refusal
,
much
less
any
open
Threatning
.
Such
a
Stile
is
so
ill
suited
to
the
usual
way
of
Treating
,
that
it
looketh
more
like
a
Breach
of
the
Peace
,
than
the
making
a
Bargain
.
It
would
be
yet
more
improper
,
and
less
agreeing
with
the
Nature
of
an
Equivalent
,
if
,
whilst
two
Men
are
a
chaffering
about
the
Price
,
one
of
them
should
actually
take
the
thing
in
question
at
his
own
Rate
,
and
afterwards
desire
to
have
his
Possession
confirmed
by
a
formal
Agreement
;
such
a
Proceeding
would
not
only
destroy
that
Particular
Contract
,
but
make
it
impossible
to
have
any
other
,
with
the
Party
that
could
be
guilty
of
such
a
Practice
.
VI.
Violence
preceding
,
destroyeth
all
Contracts
,
and
even
though
the
Party
that
offereth
it
should
have
a
right
to
the
thing
he
so
taketh
,
yet
it
is
to
be
obtained
by
legal
Means
,
else
it
may
be
forfeited
by
his
Irregularity
in
the
Pursuit
of
it
:
The
Law
is
such
an
Enemy
to
Violence
,
and
so
little
to
be
reconciled
to
it
,
that
in
the
Case
of
a
Rape
,
the
Punishment
is
not
taken
off
,
tho
the
Party
injured
afterward
consenteth
.
The
Justice
of
the
Law
hath
its
Eye
upon
the
first
Act
,
and
the
Maxim
of
Volenti
non
fit
injuria
,
doth
not
in
this
Case
help
the
Offender
,
it
being
a
Plea
subsequent
to
the
Crime
,
which
maketh
it
to
be
rejected
as
a
thing
wrong
dated
,
and
out
of
time
.
In
taking
away
Goods
or
Money
it
is
the
same
thing
.
The
Party
Robbed
,
by
giving
them
afterwards
to
the
Taker
,
does
not
exempt
him
from
the
Punishment
of
the
Violence
:
Quite
contrary
,
the
Man
from
whom
they
were
taken
is
punishable
,
if
he
doth
not
Prosecute
.
If
the
Case
should
be
,
that
a
Man
thus
taking
away
a
thing
without
Price
,
claimeth
a
Right
to
take
it
,
then
whether
it
is
well
or
ill
founded
is
not
the
Question
;
but
sure
,
the
Party
from
whom
it
is
so
taken
,
whilst
he
is
treating
to
Sell
or
Exchange
it
,
can
never
make
a
Bargain
with
so
arbitrary
a
Chapman
,
there
being
no
Room
left
after
that
to
talk
of
the
Value
.
VII
.
To
make
an
equal
Bargain
there
must
be
a
Liberty
of
differing
,
not
only
in
every
thing
that
is
really
Essential
,
but
in
every
thing
that
is
thought
so
by
either
Party
,
and
most
especially
by
him
who
is
in
Possession
of
the
thing
demanded
:
His
Opinion
must
be
a
Rule
to
him
,
and
even
his
Mistake
in
the
Value
,
though
it
may
not
convince
the
Man
he
hath
to
deal
with
,
yet
he
will
be
justified
for
not
accepting
what
is
offered
,
till
that
Mistake
is
fairly
rectified
and
over-ruled
.
When
a
Security
is
desired
to
be
changed
,
that
Side
which
desireth
it
must
not
pretend
to
impose
upon
the
other
,
so
as
to
dictate
to
them
,
and
tell
them
without
debate
,
that
they
are
safe
in
what
is
proposed
,
since
of
that
the
Counsel
on
the
other
Side
must
certainly
be
the
most
competent
Judges
.
The
Hand
it
cometh
from
is
a
great
Circumstance
,
either
to
invite
or
discourage
in
all
Matters
of
Contract
;
the
Qualifications
of
the
Party
offering
,
must
suit
with
the
Proposition
it self
,
else
let
it
be
never
so
fair
,
there
is
Ground
for
Suspition
.
VIII
.
What
Men
are
of
a
Temper
,
that
they
think
they
have
Wrong●
done
them
,
if
they
have
not
always
the
better
side
of
a
Bargain
:
If
they
happen
to
be
such
,
as
by
Experience
have
been
found
to
have
an
ill
Memory
for
their
Word
.
If
the
Character
they
bear
,
doth
not
recommend
their
Justice
,
where-ever
their
Interest
is
concern'd
.
In
these
Cases
,
thinking
Men
will
avoid
Dealing
,
not
only
to
prevent
Surprize
,
but
to
cut
off
the
Occasions
of
Difficulty
or
Dispute
.
It
is
yet
more
discouraging
,
when
there
are
,
either
a
precedent
Practice
,
or
standing
Maxims
of
gross
Partiality
,
in
assuming
a
Priviledge
of
Exemption
from
the
usual
Methods
of
equal
Dealing
.
To
illustrate
this
by
an
Instance
.
Suppose
that
in
any
Case
,
the
Church
of
Rome
should
have
an
Interest
to
promote
a
Bargain
;
let
her
way
of
Dealing
be
a
little
examin'd
,
which
will
direct
those
with
whom
she
treateth
,
how
far
they
are
to
rely
upon
what
she
proposeth
to
them
.
We
may
begin
with
the
Quality
in
the
World
,
the
least
consisting
with
equal
Dealing
,
viz.
An
incurable
Partiality
to
herself
;
which
,
that
it
may
arrive
to
its
full
Perfection
,
is
crowned
with
Infallibility
.
At
the
first
serting
out
,
she
maketh
her self
uncapable
of
dealing
upon
Terms
of
Equality
,
by
the
Power
she
claimeth
of
Binding
and
Loosing
,
which
hath
been
so
often
applied
to
Treaties
,
as
well
as
to
Sins
.
If
the
Definition
of
Justice
is
to
deal
equally
,
she
cannot
be
guilty
of
it
without
betraying
her
Prerogative
,
and
according
to
her
Principles
,
she
giveth
up
the
Superiority
derived
to
her
by
Apostolical
Succession
,
if
she
degradeth
her self
so
as
to
be
judged
by
the
Rules
of
Common
Right
,
especially
if
the
Bargain
should
be
with
Hereticks
,
who
in
her
Opinion
have
forf●●ted
the
Claim
they
might
otherwise
have
had
to
it
.
IX
.
Besides
,
her
Taste
hath
been
so
spoiled
by
unreasonable
Bargains
,
that
she
can
never
bring
down
her
Palate
to
any
thing
that
is
Fair
or
Equal
.
She
hath
not
only
judg'd
it
an
Equivalent
,
but
a
great
Bargain
for
the
other
side
,
to
give
them
Absolutions
and
Indulgences
for
the
real
Payment
of
great
Sums
,
for
which
she
hath
drawn
Bills
to
have
them
repayed
with
Interest
in
Purgatory
.
This
Spiritual
Bank
hath
carried
on
such
a
Trade
upon
these
advantagious
Terms
,
that
it
can
never
submit
to
the
small
Profits
an
ordinary
Bargain
would
produce
.
The
several
Popes
have
in
Exchange
for
the
Peter-Pence
,
and
all
their
other
Rents
and
Fines
out
of
England
,
sent
sanctified
Roses
,
Reliques
,
and
other
such
Wonder-working
Trifles
.
And
by
Virtue
of
their
Character
of
Holy
Fathers
,
have
used
Princes
like
Children
,
by
sending
them
such
Rattles
to
play
with
,
which
they
made
them
buy
at
extravagant
Rates
;
besides
which
,
they
were
to
be
thankful
too
,
into
the
Bargain
.
A
Chip
of
the
Cross
,
a
Piece
of
St.
Laurence's
Grid-iron
,
a
Hair
of
St.
Peter
,
have
been
thought
Equivalents
for
much
more
substantial
things
.
The
Popes
being
Masters
of
the
Jewel-House
,
have
set
the
Rates
upon
them
,
and
they
have
passed
;
though
the
whole
Shop
would
not
take
up
the
Value
of
a
Bodkin
in
Lombardstreet
upon
the
Credit
of
them
.
They
are
unconscionable
Purchasers
,
for
they
get
all
the
Money
from
the
Living
,
by
praying
for
them
when
they
are
dead
.
And
it
is
observable
,
that
the
Northern
Part
of
Christendom
,
which
best
understandeth
Trade
,
were
the
first
that
refused
to
make
any
more
Bargains
with
them
;
so
that
it
looketh
as
if
the
chief
Quarrel
to
the
Hereticks
was
not
as
they
were
ill
Christians
,
but
as
they
were
unkind
Merchants
;
in
so
discourteously
rejecting
the
Commodities
of
the
Growth
of
Rome
.
To
conclude
this
Head
,
There
is
no
bartering
with
Infallibility
,
it
being
so
much
above
Equality
,
that
it
cannot
bear
the
Indignity
of
a
true
Equivalent
.
X.
In
all
Bargains
,
there
is
a
Necessity
of
looking
back
,
and
reflecting
how
far
a
present
Proposal
is
reconcileable
with
a
former
Practice
:
For
Example
,
if
at
any
time
a
thing
is
offered
,
quite
differing
from
the
Arguments
used
by
the
Proposer
,
and
inconsistent
with
the
Maxims
held
out
by
him
at
other
times
.
Or
in
a
publick
Case
,
if
the
same
Men
who
promote
and
press
a
thing
with
the
utmost
Violence
,
do
in
a
little
time
after
with
as
much
Violence
press
the
contrary
,
and
profess
a
Detestation
of
the
very
thing
,
for
which
they
had
before
imployed
all
their
Interest
and
Authority
.
Or
if
in
the
Case
of
a
Law
already
made
,
there
should
be
a
Priviledge
claimed
to
exempt
those
from
the
Obligation
of
observing
it
,
who
yet
should
afterwards
desire
and
press
to
have
a
new
Law
made
in
exchange
for
the
old
one
,
by
which
they
would
not
be
bound
;
and
that
they
should
propose
a
Security
by
a
thing
of
the
very
same
Nature
as
that
which
they
did
not
allow
to
be
any
before
.
These
Incoherences
must
naturally
have
the
Effect
of
raising
Suspition
,
or
rather
they
are
a
certain
Proof
,
that
in
such
Circumstances
it
is
irrational
for
Men
to
expect
an
effectual
Equivalent
.
XI
.
If
whatsoever
is
more
than
ordinary
is
suspitious
,
every
thing
that
is
unnatural
is
more
so
:
It
is
not
only
unnecessary
but
unatural
too
to
perswade
with
Violence
what
it
is
Folly
to
refuse
;
to
push
Men
with
Eagerness
into
a
good
Bargain
for
themselves
,
is
a
Stile
very
much
unsuitable
to
the
Nature
of
the
thing
.
But
it
goeth
further
,
and
is
yet
more
absurd
,
to
grow
angry
with
Men
for
not
receiving
a
Proposal
that
is
for
their
Advantage
;
Men
ought
to
be
content
with
the
Generosity
of
offering
good
Bargains
,
and
should
give
their
Compassion
to
those
who
do
not
understand
them
:
but
by
carrying
their
good
Nature
so
far
as
to
be
Cholerick
in
such
a
Case
,
they
would
follow
the
Example
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
where
the
Definition
of
Charity
is
very
extraordinary
.
In
her
Language
,
the
Writ
de
Haeretico
Comburendo
is
a
Love-Letter
,
and
burning
Men
for
differing
with
them
in
Opinion
,
howsoever
miscalled
Cruelty
,
is
as
they
understand
it
,
the
Perfection
of
flaming
Charity
.
When
Anger
in
these
Cases
lasteth
long
,
it
is
most
probable
that
it
is
for
our
own
Sakes
;
Good
Nature
for
others
is
one
of
those
Diseases
that
is
cured
by
Time
,
and
especially
where
it
is
offered
and
rejected
;
but
for
our selves
it
never
faileth
,
and
cannot
be
extinguished
but
with
our
Life
.
It
is
fair
if
Men
can
believe
that
their
Friends
love
them
next
to
themselves
,
to
love
them
better
is
too
much
;
the
Expression
is
so
unnatural
,
that
it
is
cloying
,
and
Men
must
have
no
Sense
,
who
in
this
case
have
no
Suspition
.
XII
.
Another
Circumstance
necessary
to
a
fair
Bargain
is
,
That
there
must
be
Openness
and
Freedom
allowed
,
as
the
Effect
of
that
Equality
which
is
the
Foundation
of
Contracting
.
There
must
be
full
Liberty
of
Objecting
,
and
making
Doubts
and
Scruples
:
If
they
are
such
as
can
be
answered
,
the
Party
convinced
is
so
much
the
more
confirmed
and
incouraged
to
deal
,
instead
of
being
hindred
by
them
;
but
it
instead
of
an
Answer
to
satisfie
,
there
is
nothing
but
Anger
for
a
Reply
,
it
is
impossible
not
to
conclude
that
there
is
never
a
good
one
to
give
;
so
that
the
Objection
remaining
,
without
being
fully
confuted
,
there
is
an
absolute
Bar
put
to
any
further
Treaty
.
There
can
be
no
Dealing
where
one
side
assumeth
a
Priviledge
to
impose
,
so
as
to
make
an
Offer
and
not
bear
the
Examination
of
it
;
this
is
giving
Judgment
,
not
making
a
Bargain
.
Where
it
is
called
unmannerly
to
object
,
or
criminal
to
refuse
,
the
surest
way
is
for
Men
to
stay
where
they
are
,
rather
than
treat
upon
such
Disadvantages
.
If
it
should
happen
to
be
in
any
Country
where
the
governing
Power
should
allow
Men
Liberty
of
Conscience
in
the
Choice
of
their
Religion
,
it
would
be
strange
to
deny
them
Liberty
of
Speech
in
making
a
Bargain
.
Such
a
Contradiction
would
be
so
discouraging
,
that
they
must
be
unreasonably
sanguine
,
who
in
that
case
can
entertain
the
Hopes
of
a
fair
Equivalent
.
XIII
.
An
equal
Bargain
must
not
be
a
Mystery
nor
a
Secret
,
The
Purchaser
or
Proposer
is
to
tell
directly
and
plainly
,
what
it
is
he
intendeth
to
give
in
Exchange
for
that
which
he
requireth
.
It
must
be
viewed
and
considered
by
the
other
Party
,
that
he
may
judge
of
the
Value
;
for
without
knowing
what
it
is
,
he
cannot
determine
whether
he
shall
take
or
leave
it
.
An
Assertion
in
general
,
that
it
shall
be
as
good
,
or
a
better
thing
,
is
not
in
this
a
sufficient
Excuse
for
the
Mistake
of
Dealing
upon
such
uncertain
Terms
.
In
all
things
that
are
dark
,
and
not
enough
explained
,
Suspition
naturally
followeth
:
A
Secret
generally
implieth
a
Defect
or
a
Deceit
;
and
if
a
false
Light
is
an
Objection
,
no
Light
at
all
is
yet
a
greater
.
To
pretend
to
give
a
better
thing
,
and
to
refuse
to
shew
it
,
is
very
near
saying
,
it
is
not
so
good
a
one
;
at
least
so
it
will
be
taken
in
common
construction
.
A
Mystery
is
yet
a
more
discouraging
thing
to
a
Protestant
;
especially
if
the
Proposition
should
come
from
a
Papist
;
it
being
one
of
his
great
Objections
to
that
Church
,
that
there
are
so
many
of
them
Invisible
and
Impossible
,
which
are
so
violently
thrust
upon
their
Understandings
;
that
they
are
overlaid
with
them
.
They
think
that
rational
Creatures
are
to
be
convinced
only
by
Reason
,
and
that
Reason
must
be
visible
and
freely
exposed
;
else
they
will
think
themselves
used
with
Contempt
,
instead
of
Equality
,
and
will
never
allow
such
a
suspected
Secrecy
to
be
a
fit
Preface
to
a
real
Equivalent
.
XIV
.
In
Matters
of
Contract
,
not
only
the
present
Value
,
but
the
Contingenoies
and
Consequences
,
as
far
as
they
can
be
fairly
supposed
,
are
to
be
considered
.
For
Example
,
if
there
should
be
a
Possibility
,
that
one
of
the
Parties
may
be
ruined
by
Accepting
,
and
the
other
only
disappointed
by
his
Refusing
;
the
Consequences
are
so
extreamly
unequal
,
that
it
is
not
imaginable
a
Man
should
take
that
for
an
Equivalent
,
which
hath
such
a
fatal
Impossibility
at
the
Heels
of
it
.
If
it
should
happen
in
a
publick
Case
,
that
such
a
Proposal
should
come
from
the
minor
Part
of
an
Assembly
or
Nation
,
to
the
greater
;
it
is
very
just
,
that
the
Hazard
of
such
a
Possibility
should
more
or
less
likely
fall
upon
the
lesser
Part
,
rather
than
upon
the
greater
;
for
whose
Sake
and
Advantage
,
things
are
and
must
be
calculated
in
all
publick
Constitutions
.
Suppose
in
any
mixed
Government
,
the
chief
Magistrate
should
propose
upon
a
Condition
,
in
the
Senate
,
Diet
,
or
other
Supreme
Assembly
,
either
to
Enact
or
Abrocate
one
or
more
Laws
,
by
which
a
Possibility
might
be
let
in
of
destroying
their
Religion
and
Property
,
which
in
other
Language
signifieth
no
less
than
Soul
and
Body
;
where
could
be
the
Equivalent
in
the
Case
,
not
only
for
the
real
Loss
,
but
even
for
the
Fear
of
losing
them
?
Men
can
fall
no
lower
than
to
lose
all
,
and
if
losing
all
destroyeth
them
,
the
venturing
all
must
fright
them
.
In
an
Instance
when
Men
are
secure
,
that
how
far
soever
they
may
be
over
run
by
Violence
,
yet
they
can
never
be
undone
by
Law
,
except
they
give
their
Assistance
to
make
it
possible
;
tho
it
should
neither
be
likely
,
nor
intended
,
still
the
Consequence
which
may
happen
is
too
big
for
any
present
thing
to
make
amends
for
it
.
Whilst
the
Word
Possible
remaineth
,
it
must
forbid
the
Bargain
.
Where-ever
it
falleth
out
therefore
,
that
in
an
Example
of
a
publick
Nature
,
the
Changing
,
Enacting
,
or
Repealing
a
Law
,
may
naturally
tend
to
the
Misplacing
the
Legislative
Power
in
the
Hands
of
those
who
have
a
separate
Interest
from
the
Body
of
a
People
,
there
can
be
no
Treating
,
till
it
is
demonstrably
made
out
,
that
such
a
Consequence
shall
be
absolutely
impossible
:
for
if
that
shall
be
denied
by
those
who
make
the
Proposal
,
if
it
is
because
they
cannot
do
it
,
the
Motion
at
first
was
very
unfair
.
If
they
can
and
will
not
,
it
would
be
yet
less
reasonable
to
expect
that
such
partial
Dealers
would
ever
give
an
Equivalent
fit
to
be
accepted
.
XV.
It
is
necessary
in
all
Dealing
to
be
assured
,
in
the
first
place
,
that
the
Party
proposing
is
in
a
Condition
to
make
good
his
Offer
;
that
he
is
neither
under
any
former
Obligations
or
pretended
Claims
,
which
may
render
him
uncapable
of
performing
it
;
else
he
is
so
far
in
the
Condition
of
a
Minor
,
that
whatever
he
disposeth
by
Sale
or
Exchange
,
may
be
afterwards
resumed
,
and
the
Contract
become
void
,
being
originally
defective
,
for
want
of
sufficient
legal
Power
in
him
that
made
it
.
In
the
Case
of
a
strict
Settlement
,
where
the
Party
is
only
Tenant
for
Life
,
there
is
no
possibility
of
treating
with
one
under
such
Fetters
;
no
Purchase
or
Exchange
of
Lands
,
or
any
thing
else
can
be
good
,
where
there
is
such
an
Incapacity
of
making
out
a
Title
;
the
Interest
vested
in
him
being
so
limited
,
that
he
can
do
little
more
than
pronounce
the
Words
of
a
Contract
,
he
can
by
no
means
perform
the
Effect
of
it
.
In
more
publick
Instances
,
the
Impossibility
is
yet
more
express
;
as
suppose
in
any
Kingdom
,
where
the
People
have
so
much
Liberty
left
them
,
as
that
they
may
make
Contracts
with
the
Crown
,
there
should
be
some
peculiar
Rights
claimed
to
be
so
fixed
to
the
Royal
Function
,
that
no
King
for
the
time
being
could
have
Power
to
part
with
them
,
being
so
fundamentally
tied
to
the
Office
,
that
they
can
never
be
separated
.
Such
Rights
can
upon
no
occasion
be
received
in
Exchange
for
any
thing
the
Crown
may
desire
from
the
People
:
That
can
never
be
taken
in
Payment
,
which
cannot
lawfully
be
given
,
so
that
if
they
should
part
with
that
which
is
required
upon
those
Terms
,
it
must
be
a
Gift
,
it
cannot
be
a
Bargain
.
There
is
not
in
the
whole
Dictionary
a
more
untractable
Word
than
Inherent
,
and
less
to
be
reconciled
to
the
Word
Equivalent
.
The
Party
that
will
contract
in
spight
of
such
a
Claim
,
is
content
to
take
what
is
impossible
to
grant
,
and
if
he
complaineth
of
his
Disappointment
,
he
neither
can
have
Remedy
,
nor
deserveth
it
.
If
a
Right
so
claimed
happeneth
to
be
of
so
comprehensive
a
Nature
,
as
that
by
a
clear
Inference
it
may
extend
to
every
thing
else
,
as
well
as
to
the
particular
Matter
in
question
,
as
often
as
the
Supream
Magistrate
shall
be
so
disposed
,
there
can
in
that
case
be
no
Treating
with
a
Prerogative
that
swalloweth
all
the
Right
the
People
can
pretend
to
;
and
if
they
have
no
Right
to
any
thing
of
which
they
are
possessed
,
it
is
a
Jest
and
not
a
Bargain
,
to
observe
any
Formality
in
parting
with
it
.
A
Claim
may
be
so
stated
,
that
by
the
Power
and
Advantage
of
Interpreting
,
it
shall
have
such
a
murthering
Eye
,
that
if
it
looketh
upon
a
Law
,
like
a
Basilisk
,
it
shall
strike
it
dead
:
Where
is
the
Possibility
of
Treating
,
where
such
a
Right
is
assumed
?
Nay
,
let
it
be
supposed
,
that
such
a
Claim
is
not
well
founded
in
Law
,
and
that
upon
a
free
Disquisition
it
could
not
be
made
out
;
yet
even
in
this
Case
,
none
that
are
well
advised
,
will
conclude
a
Bargain
till
it
is
fully
stated
and
cleared
,
or
indeed
,
so
much
as
engage
in
a
Treaty
,
till
by
way
of
preliminary
all
possibility
shall
be
remov'd
of
any
Trouble
or
Dispute
.
XVI
.
There
is
a
collateral
Circumstance
in
making
a
Contract
,
which
yet
deserveth
to
be
considered
,
as
much
as
any
thing
that
belongeth
to
it
;
and
that
is
the
Character
and
Figure
of
the
Parties
contracting
;
if
they
treat
only
by
themselves
,
and
if
by
others
,
the
Qualifications
of
the
Instruments
they
employ
.
The
Proposer
especially
,
must
not
be
so
low
,
as
to
want
Credit
,
or
so
raised
,
as
to
carry
him
above
the
Reach
of
ordinary
Dealing
.
In
the
first
,
There
is
Scandal
,
in
the
other
,
Danger
.
There
is
no
Rule
without
some
Exception
,
but
generally
speaking
,
the
Means
should
be
suited
to
the
End
;
and
since
all
Men
who
treat
,
pretend
an
equal
Bargain
,
it
is
desirable
that
there
may
be
Equality
in
the
Persons
,
as
well
as
in
the
Thing
.
The
Manner
of
doing
things
hath
such
an
Influence
upon
the
Matter
,
that
Men
may
guess
at
the
End
by
the
Instruments
that
are
used
to
obtain
it
,
who
are
a
very
good
Direction
how
far
to
rely
upon
,
or
suspect
the
Sincerity
of
that
which
is
proposed
.
An
Absurdity
in
the
way
of
carrying
on
a
Treaty
in
any
one
Circumstance
,
if
it
is
very
gross
,
is
enough
to
perswade
a
thinking
Man
to
break
off
,
and
take
warning
from
such
an
ill
Appearance
.
Some
things
are
so
glaring
,
that
it
is
impossible
to
see
,
and
consequently
not
to
suspect
them
;
as
suppose
in
a
private
Case
there
should
be
a
Treaty
of
Marriage
between
two
Honorable
Families
,
and
the
proposing
side
should
think
fit
to
send
a
Woman
that
had
been
Carted
to
perswade
the
young
Lady
to
an
Approbation
and
Consent
;
the
unfitness
of
the
Messenger
must
naturally
dispose
the
other
Party
to
distrust
the
Message
,
and
to
resist
the
Temptation
of
the
best
Match
that
could
be
offered
,
when
conveyed
by
that
Hand
,
and
ushered
in
by
such
a
doscouraging
Preluminary
.
In
a
publick
Instance
,
the
Suspicion
arising
from
unfit
Mediators
,
still
groweth
more
reasonable
in
Proportion
as
the
Consequence
is
much
greater
of
being
deceived
.
If
a
Jew
should
be
employed
to
sollicit
all
sorts
of
Christians
to
unite
and
agree
;
the
Contrariety
of
his
Profession
,
would
not
allow
Men
to
stay
till
they
heard
his
Arguments
,
they
would
conclude
from
his
Religion
,
that
either
the
Man
himself
was
mad
,
or
that
he
thought
those
to
be
so
,
whom
he
had
the
Impudence
to
endeavour
to
perswade
.
Or
suppose
an
Adamite
should
be
very
sollicitous
and
active
,
in
all
places
,
and
with
all
sorts
of
Persons
,
to
settle
the
Church
of
England
in
particular
,
and
a
fair
Liberty
of
Conscience
for
all
Dissenters
;
though
nothing
in
the
World
has
more
to
be
said
for
it
than
naked
Truth
,
yet
if
such
a
Man
should
run
up
and
down
without
Cloaths
,
let
his
Arguments
be
never
so
good
,
or
his
Commission
never
so
Authentick
,
his
Figure
would
be
such
a
Contradiction
to
his
Business
,
that
how
serious
soever
that
might
be
in
it self
,
his
Interposition
would
make
a
Jest
of
it
.
Though
it
should
not
go
so
far
as
this
,
yet
if
Men
have
Contrarieties
in
their
Way
of
Living
,
not
to
be
reconciled
;
as
if
they
should
pretend
infinite
Zeal
for
Liberty
,
and
at
that
time
be
in
great
Favour
,
and
employed
by
those
who
will
not
endure
it
.
If
they
are
effectually
singular
,
and
conform
to
the
Generality
of
the
World
in
no
one
thing
,
but
in
playing
the
Knave
.
If
Demonstration
is
a
familiar
Word
with
them
,
most
especially
where
the
thing
is
impossible
.
If
they
quote
Authority
to
supply
their
Want
of
Sense
,
and
justifie
the
Value
of
their
Arguments
,
not
by
Reason
,
but
by
their
being
paid
for
them
(
in
which
,
by
the
way
,
those
who
pay
them
have
probably
a
very
melancholly
Equivalent
.
)
If
they
brandish
a
Prince's
Word
like
a
Sword
in
a
Crowd
,
to
make
way
for
their
own
Impertinence
;
and
in
dispute
,
as
Criminals
formerly
fled
to
the
Statue
of
the
Prince
for
Sanctuary
;
if
they
should
now
,
when
baffled
,
creep
under
the
Protection
of
a
Kings
Name
,
where
out
of
respect
they
are
no
farther
to
be
pursued
.
In
these
Cases
,
Though
the
Propositions
should
be
really
good
,
they
will
be
corrupted
by
passing
through
such
Conduits
,
and
it
would
be
a
sufficient
Mistake
to
enter
into
a
Treaty
;
but
it
would
be
little
less
than
Madness
from
such
Hands
to
expect
an
Equivalent
.
XVII
.
Having
touched
upon
these
Particulars
as
necessary
in
order
to
the
stating
the
Nature
of
an
equal
Bargain
,
and
the
Circumstances
belonging
to
it
,
let
it
now
be
examined
in
two
or
three
Instances
,
what
things
are
not
to
be
admitted
by
way
of
Contract
,
to
pass
under
the
Name
of
an
Equivalent
.
First
,
Though
it
will
be
allowed
,
that
in
the
general
Corruption
of
Mankind
,
which
will
not
admit
Justice
alone
to
be
a
sufficient
Tye
to
make
good
a
Contract
,
that
a
Punishment
added
for
the
Breach
of
it
,
is
a
fitting
,
or
rather
a
necessary
Circumstance
;
yet
it
does
not
follow
,
that
in
all
Cases
,
a
great
Penalty
upon
the
Party
offending
,
is
an
absolute
and
entire
Security
.
It
must
be
considered
in
every
particular
Case
,
how
far
the
Circumstances
may
rationally
lead
a
Man
to
rely
more
or
less
upon
it
.
In
a
private
Instance
,
the
Penalty
inflicted
upon
the
Breach
of
Contract
must
be
,
First
,
such
a
one
as
the
Party
injured
can
enforce
,
and
Secondly
,
such
a
one
as
he
will
enforce
,
when
it
is
in
his
Power
.
If
the
Offending
Party
is
in
a
capacity
of
hindring
the
other
from
bringing
the
Vengeance
of
the
Law
upon
him
.
If
he
hath
Strength
or
Priviledge
sufficient
to
over-rule
the
Letter
of
the
Contract
;
in
that
Case
a
Penalty
is
but
a
Word
,
there
is
no
Consequence
belonging
to
it
.
Secondly
,
The
Forfeiture
or
Punishment
must
be
such
as
the
Man
aggrieved
will
take
:
For
Example
,
if
upon
a
Bargain
,
one
of
the
Parties
shall
stipulate
to
subject
himself
,
in
case
of
his
Failure
to
have
his
Ears
cut
,
or
his
Nose
slit
by
the
other
,
with
Security
given
,
that
he
shall
not
be
prosecuted
for
executing
this
part
of
the
Agreement
,
the
Penalty
is
heavy
enough
to
discourage
a
Man
from
breaking
his
Contract
;
but
on
the
other
side
it
is
of
such
a
kind
,
that
the
other
,
how
much
soever
he
may
be
provoked
,
will
not
in
cold
Blood
care
to
inflict
it
.
Such
an
extravagant
Clause
would
seem
to
be
made
only
for
Shew
and
Sound
,
and
no
Man
would
think
himself
safer
by
a
thing
which
one
way
or
other
is
sure
to
prove
ineffectual
.
In
a
publick
Case
,
Suppose
a
Government
so
constituted
,
that
a
Law
may
be
made
in
the
Nature
of
a
Bargain
,
it
is
in
it
self
no
more
than
a
dead
Letter
,
the
Life
is
given
to
it
by
the
Execution
of
what
it
containeth
;
so
that
let
it
in
its
self
be
never
so
perfect
,
it
dependeth
upon
those
who
are
intrusted
with
seeing
it
observed
.
If
it
is
in
any
Country
where
the
Chief
Magistrate
chuseth
the
Judges
,
and
the
Judges
interpret
the
Laws
;
a
Penalty
in
any
one
particular
Law
can
have
no
effect
but
what
is
precarious
.
It
may
have
a
loud
Voice
to
threaten
,
but
it
has
not
an
Hand
to
give
a
Blow
;
for
as
long
as
the
Governing
Power
is
in
possession
of
this
Prerogative
,
let
who
will
chuse
the
Meat
,
if
they
chuse
the
Cooks
,
it
is
they
that
will
give
the
Taste
to
it
.
So
that
it
is
clear
that
the
Rigor
of
a
Penalty
will
not
in
all
cases
fix
a
Bargain
,
neither
is
it
universally
a
true
Position
,
that
the
Increase
of
Punishment
for
the
Breach
of
a
new
Law
,
is
an
Equivalent
for
the
Consent
to
part
with
an
old
one
.
XVIII
.
In
most
Bargains
there
is
a
Reference
to
the
time
to
come
,
which
is
therefore
to
be
considered
,
as
well
as
that
which
cometh
within
the
Compass
of
the
present
Valuation
.
Where
the
Party
contracting
hath
not
a
full
Power
to
dispose
what
belongeth
on
him
or
them
in
Reversion
,
who
shall
succeed
after
him
in
his
Right
;
he
cannot
make
any
part
of
what
is
so
limited
to
be
the
Condition
of
the
Contract
.
Further
he
cannot
enjoyn
the
Heir
or
Successor
to
forbear
the
Exercise
of
any
Right
that
is
inherent
to
him
,
as
he
is
a
Man
:
neither
can
he
restrain
him
without
his
own
Consent
,
from
doing
any
Act
,
which
in
it self
is
lawful
,
and
liable
to
no
Objection
.
For
Example
,
a
Father
cannot
stipulate
with
any
other
Man
,
that
in
Consideration
of
such
a
thing
done
,
or
to
be
done
,
his
Son
shall
never
Marry
;
because
Marriage
is
an
Institution
established
by
the
Laws
of
God
and
Man
,
and
therefore
no
Body
can
be
so
restrained
by
any
Power
from
doing
such
an
Act
,
when
he
thinketh
fit
,
being
warranted
by
a
Authority
that
is
not
to
be
controuled
.
XIX
.
Now
as
there
are
Rights
inherent
in
Mens
Persons
in
their
single
Capasities
,
there
are
Rights
as
much
fixed
to
the
Body
Politick
,
which
is
a
Creature
that
never
dieth
.
For
instance
,
There
can
be
no
Government
without
a
Supream
Power
,
that
Power
is
not
always
in
the
same
Hands
,
it
is
in
different
Shapes
and
Dresses
,
but
still
where
ever
it
is
Lodged
,
it
must
be
unlimited
:
It
hath
●●●risdiction
over
every
thing
else
;
but
it
cannot
have
it
above
it self
.
Supream
Power
can
be
no
more
limited
than
Infinity
can
be
measured
;
because
it
cease●h
to
be
the
thing
,
it
s
very
being
is
dissolved
,
when
any
bounds
can
be
put
to
it
.
Where
this
Supreme
Power
is
mixed
,
or
divided
,
the
shape
only
differeth
,
the
Argument
is
still
the
same
.
The
present
State
of
Venice
cannot
restrain
those
who
succeed
them
in
the
same
power
,
from
having
an
entire
and
unlimited
Sovereignty
;
they
may
indeed
make
present
Laws
which
shall
retrench
their
present
Power
,
if
they
are
so
disposed
,
and
those
Laws
if
not
repealed
by
the
same
Authority
that
enacted
them
,
are
to
be
observed
by
the
succeeding
Senate
till
they
think
fit
to
abrogate
them
,
and
no
longer
;
for
if
the
Supreme
Power
shall
still
reside
in
the
Senate
,
perhaps
composed
of
other
Men
,
or
of
other
minds
(
which
will
be
sufficient
)
the
necessary
consequence
is
,
that
one
Senate
must
have
as
much
right
to
alter
such
a
Law
,
as
another
could
have
to
make
it
.
XX.
Suppose
the
Supreme
Power
in
any
State
should
make
a
Law
,
to
enjoyn
all
subsequent
Law-makers
to
take
an
Oath
never
to
alter
it
,
it
would
produce
these
following
Absurdities
.
First
,
All
Supreme
Power
being
instituted
to
promote
the
safety
and
benefit
,
and
to
prevent
the
prejudice
and
danger
which
may
fall
upon
those
who
live
under
the
protection
of
it
;
the
consequence
of
such
an
Oath
would
be
,
that
all
Men
who
are
so
trusted
,
shall
take
God
to
witness
,
that
such
a
Law
once
made
,
being
judged
at
the
time
to
be
advantagious
for
the
publick
,
though
afterwards
by
the
vicissitude
of
times
,
or
the
variety
of
accidents
or
interests
,
it
should
plainly
appear
to
them
to
be
destructive
,
they
will
suffer
it
to
have
its
course
,
and
will
never
repeal
it
.
Secondly
,
If
there
could
in
any
Nation
be
found
a
set
of
Men
,
who
having
a
part
in
the
Supreme
Legislative
Power
,
should
as
much
as
in
them
lieth
,
betray
their
Country
by
such
a
criminal
engagement
,
so
directly
opposite
to
the
nature
of
their
Power
,
and
to
the
Trust
reposed
in
them
.
If
these
Men
have
their
power
only
for
life
,
when
they
are
dead
such
an
Oath
can
operate
no
farther
;
and
though
that
would
be
too
long
a
Lease
for
the
Life
of
such
a
Monster
as
an
Oath
so
composed
,
yet
it
must
then
certainly
give
up
the
Ghost
.
It
could
Bind
none
but
the
first
makers
of
it
,
another
generation
would
never
be
tied
up
by
it
.
Thirdly
,
In
those
Countries
where
the
Supreme
Assemblies
are
not
constant
standing
Courts
,
but
called
together
upon
occasions
,
and
composed
of
such
as
the
People
chuse
for
that
time
only
,
with
a
Trust
and
Character
that
remaineth
no
longer
with
them
than
that
Assembly
is
regularly
dissolved
;
such
an
Oath
taken
by
the
Members
of
a
Senate
,
Diet
,
or
other
Assembly
so
chosen
,
can
have
very
little
effect
,
because
at
the
next
meeting
there
may
be
quite
another
set
of
Men
who
will
be
under
no
Obligation
of
that
kind
.
The
Eternity
intended
to
that
Law
by
those
that
made
it
,
will
be
cut
off
by
new
Men
who
shall
succeed
them
in
their
power
,
if
they
have
a
differing
Taste
,
or
another
Interest
.
XXI
.
To
put
it
yet
further
,
Suppose
a
Clause
in
such
a
Law
,
that
it
shall
be
criminal
in
the
last
degree
for
any
Man
chosen
in
a
subsequent
Assembly
,
to
propose
the
repealing
it
;
and
since
nothing
can
be
Enacted
which
is
not
yet
first
proposed
,
by
this
means
it
seemeth
as
if
a
Law
might
be
created
which
should
never
die
But
let
this
be
Examined
.
First
,
Such
a
Clause
would
be
so
destructive
to
the
being
of
such
a
Constitution
,
as
that
it
would
be
as
reasonable
to
say
,
that
a
King
had
right
to
give
or
sell
his
Kingdom
to
a
Foreign
Prince
,
as
that
any
number
of
Men
who
are
intrusted
with
the
Supreme
Power
,
or
any
part
of
it
,
should
have
a
right
to
impose
such
shackles
upon
the
Liberty
of
those
who
are
to
succeed
them
in
the
same
Trust
.
The
ground
of
that
Trust
is
,
that
every
Man
who
is
chosen
into
such
an
Assembly
,
is
to
do
all
that
in
him
lieth
for
the
good
of
those
who
chose
him
.
The
English
of
such
a
Clause
would
be
,
that
he
is
not
to
do
his
best
for
those
that
chose
him
,
because
though
he
should
be
convinc'd
that
it
might
be
very
fatal
to
continue
that
Law
,
and
therefore
very
necessary
to
repeal
it
,
yet
he
must
not
repeal
it
,
because
it
is
made
a
Crime
,
and
attended
with
a
Penalty
.
But
secondly
,
to
shew
the
emptiness
as
well
as
injustice
of
such
a
Clause
,
it
is
clear
,
that
although
such
an
Invasion
of
Right
should
be
imposed
,
it
will
never
be
obeyed
:
There
will
only
be
Deformity
in
the
Monster
,
it
will
neither
sting
nor
bite
.
Such
Law-givers
would
only
have
the
honour
of
attempting
a
contradiction
which
can
never
have
any
success
;
for
as
such
a
Law
in
it self
would
be
a
madness
,
so
the
Penalty
would
be
a
Jest
;
which
may
be
thus
made
out
.
XXII
.
A
Law
that
carrieth
in
it self
Reason
enough
to
support
it
,
is
so
far
from
wanting
the
protection
of
such
a
Clause
,
or
from
needing
to
take
such
an
extraordinary
receipt
for
long
Life
,
that
the
admitting
it
must
certainly
be
the
likeliest
and
the
shortest
way
to
destroy
it
;
such
a
Clause
in
a
Law
must
imply
an
opinion
that
the
greatest
part
of
mankind
is
against
it
,
since
it
is
impossible
such
an
exorbitance
should
be
done
for
its
own
sake
;
the
end
of
it
must
be
to
force
Men
by
a
Penalty
,
to
that
which
they
could
not
be
perswaded
to
,
whilst
their
Reason
is
left
at
Liberty
.
This
Position
being
granted
,
which
I
think
can
hardly
be
denied
,
put
the
case
that
a
Law
should
be
made
with
this
imaginary
Clause
of
Immortality
,
after
which
another
Assembly
is
chosen
,
and
if
the
majority
of
the
Electors
shall
be
against
this
Law
,
the
greater
part
of
the
Elected
must
be
so
too
,
if
the
choice
is
fair
and
regular
;
which
must
be
presumed
,
since
the
supposition
of
the
contrary
is
not
to
come
within
this
Argument
.
When
these
Men
shall
meet
,
the
Majority
will
be
visible
before-hand
of
those
who
are
against
such
a
Law
,
so
that
there
will
be
no
hazard
to
any
single
Man
in
proposing
the
Repeal
of
it
,
when
he
cannot
be
punished
but
by
the
Majority
,
and
he
hath
such
a
kind
of
assurance
as
cometh
near
a
Demonstration
,
that
the
greater
Number
will
be
of
his
mind
,
and
consequently
,
that
for
their
own
s●kes
they
will
secure
him
from
any
danger
.
For
these
Reasons
,
where-ever
in
order
to
the
making
a
Bargain
,
a
Proposition
is
advanc'd
to
make
a
New
Law
,
which
is
to
tye
up
those
who
neither
can
nor
will
be
bound
by
it
,
it
may
be
a
good
J●st
,
but
it
will
never
be
a
good
Equivalent
.
XXIII
.
In
the
last
place
,
let
it
be
examined
how
far
a
Promise
ought
to
be
taken
for
a
Sectirity
in
a
Bargain
.
There
is
a
great
variety
of
Methods
for
the
Security
of
those
that
deal
,
according
to
their
Dispssitions
and
Interests
;
some
are
binding
,
others
inducing
circumstances
,
and
are
to
be
so
distinguished
.
First
,
Ready
Payment
is
without
exception
,
so
of
that
there
can
be
no
dispute
;
in
default
of
that
,
the
good
Opinion
M●n
may
have
of
one
another
,
is
a
great
ingredient
to
supply
the
want
of
immediate
Performances
.
Where
the
Trust
is
grounded
upon
Inclination
only
,
the
Generosity
is
not
always
return'd
;
but
where
i●
sprinketh
from
a
long
Experience
it
is
a
better
foundation
,
and
yet
that
is
not
always
secure
.
In
ordinary
dealing
,
one
Promise
may
be
an
Equivalent
to
another
,
but
it
is
not
so
for
a
thing
actually
granted
or
conveyed
;
especially
if
the
thing
required
in
exchange
for
it
,
is
of
great
value
,
either
in
it
self
or
in
its
consequences
.
A
bare
Promise
as
a
sangle
Security
in
such
a
case
is
not
an
equal
proposal
;
if
it
is
offered
by
way
of
Addition
,
it
generally
giveth
cause
to
doubt
the
Title
is
crazy
,
where
so
slender
a
thing
is
brought
in
to
be
a
supplement
.
XXIV
.
The
Earnest
of
making
good
a
Promise
,
must
be
such
a
behaviour
proceding
as
may
●●●urage
the
party
to
whom
it
is
made
to
depend
upon
it
:
Where
instead
of
that
,
there
saith
been
want
of
kindness
,
and
which
is
worse
,
an
Invasion
of
Right
,
a
Promise
hath
no
perswading
force
;
and
till
the
Objection
to
such
a
proceeding
is
forgotten
(
which
can
only
be
the
work
of
time
)
and
the
skin
is
a
little
grown
over
the
tender
part
,
the
wound
must
not
be
touch'd
.
There
must
be
some
Intermission
at
least
to
abate
the
smart
of
unkind
usage
,
or
else
a
Promise
in
the
Eye
of
the
party
injur'd
is
so
far
from
strentghning
a
Security
,
that
it
raiseth
more
doubts
,
and
giveth
more
justifiable
cause
to
suspect
it
.
A
Word
is
not
like
a
Bone
,
that
being
broken
and
well
set
again
,
is
said
to
be
sometimes
stronget
in
that
very
part
:
It
is
far
from
being
so
in
a
Word
given
and
not
made
good
.
Every
single
Act
either
weakeneth
or
improveth
our
Credit
with
o●her
Men
;
and
as
an
Habit
of
being
just
to
our
Word
will
confirm
,
so
an
Habit
of
too
freely
dispensing
with
it
must
necessarily
destroy
it
.
A
Promise
hath
its
effect
to
perswade
a
man
to
lay
some
weight
upon
it
,
where
the
Promises
hath
not
only
the
power
,
but
may
reasonably
be
supposed
to
have
the
will
of
performing
it
;
and
further
,
that
there
be
no
visible
Interest
of
the
party
promising
to
excuse
himself
from
it
,
or
to
evade
it
.
All
Obligations
are
comparative
,
and
where
they
seem
to
be
opposite
,
or
between
the
greater
and
the
Lesser
,
which
of
them
ought
to
have
precedence
in
all
respects
every
man
is
apt
to
be
his
own
Judge
.
XXV
.
If
it
should
fall
out
that
the
Promiser
with
full
intent
at
the
time
to
perform
,
might
by
the
interposition
of
new
Arguments
,
or
differing
Advice
think
himself
oblig'd
to
turn
the
matter
of
Conscience
on
the
other
side
,
and
should
look
upon
it
to
be
much
a
greater
fault
to
keep
his
word
than
to
break
it
;
such
a
Belief
will
untye
the
strictest
Promise
that
can
be
made
,
and
though
the
Party
thus
absolving
himself
should
do
it
without
the
mixture
or
temptation
of
prita●e
Interest
,
being
moved
to
it
meerly
by
his
Conscience
,
as
then
informed
;
yet
how
far
soever
that
might
diminish
the
Fault
in
him
,
it
would
in
no
degree
lessen
the
inconveniences
to
the
party
who
is
disappointed
,
by
the
breach
of
an
engagement
upon
which
he
relyed
.
XXVI
.
A
Promise
is
to
be
understood
in
the
plain
and
natural
sense
of
the
words
,
and
to
be
fare
not
in
his
who
made
it
,
if
it
was
given
as
part
of
a
Bargain
.
That
would
be
like
giving
a
Man
power
to
raise
the
value
of
his
Mony
in
the
payment
of
his
Debt
,
by
which
though
he
paid
but
half
or
less
,
he
might
pretend
according
to
the
letter
to
have
made
good
the
contract
.
The
power
of
interpreting
a
Promise
intirely
taketh
away
the
virtue
of
it
.
A
Merchant
who
should
once
assume
that
priviledge
,
would
save
himself
the
trouble
of
making
any
more
Bargains
.
It
is
still
worse
if
this
Jurisdiction
over
a
Man's
Promise
,
should
be
lodg'd
in
hands
that
have
Power
to
support
such
an
extraordinary
Claim
;
and
if
in
other
Cases
,
for
bearing
to
deal
upon
these
terms
is
advisable
,
in
this
it
becometh
absolutely
necessary
.
XXVII
.
There
must
in
all
respects
be
a
full
liberty
to
claim
a
Promise
,
to
make
it
reasonable
to
take
it
in
any
part
of
payment
;
else
it
would
be
like
agreeing
for
a
Rent
,
and
at
the
same
time
making
it
Criminal
to
demand
it
.
A
superiority
of
Dignity
or
Power
in
the
Party
promising
,
maketh
it
a
more
tender
thing
for
the
other
party
to
treat
upon
that
security
.
The
first
maketh
it
a
nice
thing
to
claim
,
the
latter
maketh
it
a
difficult
thing
to
obtain
.
In
some
cases
,
a
Promise
is
in
the
nature
of
a
Covenant
,
and
then
between
equal
parties
the
breach
of
it
will
bear
a
Suit
;
but
where
the
greatness
of
the
Promiser
is
very
much
raised
above
the
Level
of
equality
,
there
is
no
Forfeiture
to
be
taken
.
It
is
so
far
from
the
party
grieved
his
being
able
to
sue
or
recover
Damages
,
that
he
will
not
be
allow'd
to
explain
or
expostulate
,
and
instead
of
his
being
relieved
against
the
breach
of
Promise
,
he
will
run
the
hazard
of
being
punished
for
breach
of
Good
Manners
.
Such
a
difficulty
is
putting
all
or
part
of
the
Payment
in
the
Fire
,
where
Men
must
burn
their
Fingers
before
they
can
come
at
it
.
That
cannot
properly
be
called
good
payment
,
which
the
party
to
whom
it
is
due
,
may
not
receive
with
ease
and
safety
.
It
was
a
King's
Brother
of
England
who
refused
to
lend
the
Pope
mony
,
for
this
reason
,
That
he
would
never
take
the
Bond
of
one
,
upon
whom
he
could
not
distrain
.
The
Argument
is
still
stronger
against
the
validity
of
a
Promise
,
when
the
Contract
is
made
between
a
Prince
and
a
Subject
.
The
very
offering
a
King's
Word
in
Mortgage
,
is
rather
a
threatning
in
case
of
Refusal
,
than
an
inducing
Argument
to
accept
it
;
it
is
unfair
at
first
,
and
by
that
giveth
greater
cause
to
be
cautious
,
especially
if
a
thing
of
that
value
and
dignity
as
a
King's
Word
ought
to
be
,
should
be
put
into
the
hands
of
State-brokers
to
strike
up
a
Bargain
with
it
.
XXVIII
.
When
God
Almighty
maketh
Coveant
with
Mankind
,
His
promise
is
a
sufficient
Security
,
notwithstanding
his
Superiority
and
his
power
;
because
first
,
he
can
neither
err
nor
do
injustice
.
It
is
the
only
Exception
to
his
Omnipotence
,
that
by
the
Perfection
of
his
being
he
is
incapacitated
to
do
wrong
.
Secondly
,
at
the
instant
of
His
promise
,
by
the
extent
of
his
Foresight
which
cannot
fail
,
there
is
no
room
left
for
the
possibility
of
any
thing
to
intervene
,
which
might
change
his
mind
.
Lastly
,
he
is
above
the
receiving
either
Benefit
or
Inconvenience
,
and
therefore
can
have
no
Interest
or
Temptation
to
vary
from
his
Word
,
when
once
he
hath
granted
it
.
Now
though
Princes
are
God's
Vicegerents
,
yet
their
Commission
not
being
soo
large
as
that
these
Qualifications
are
devolved
to
them
,
it
is
quite
another
case
,
and
since
the
offering
a
Security
implyeth
it
to
be
examined
by
the
party
to
whom
it
is
proposed
,
it
must
not
be
taken
ill
that
Objections
are
made
to
it
,
even
though
the
Prince
himself
should
be
the
immediate
Proposer
.
Let
a
familiar
Case
be
put
;
Suppose
a
Prince
,
tempted
by
a
Passion
to
strong
for
him
to
resist
,
should
descend
,
so
as
to
promise
Marriage
to
one
of
his
Subjects
,
and
as
Men
are
naturally
in
great
haste
upon
such
occasions
,
should
press
to
take
possession
before
the
necessary
Forms
could
be
complyed
with
,
would
the
poor
Ladies
Scruple
be
called
Criminal
for
not
taking
the
Security
of
the
Royal
Word
?
Or
would
her
Allegiance
be
tainted
by
her
resisting
the
sacred
Person
of
her
Soveraign
,
because
he
was
impatient
of
delay
?
Courtesie
in
this
case
might
perswade
her
to
accept
it
,
if
she
was
so
disposed
,
but
sure
the
just
exercise
of
Power
can
never
claim
it
.
XXIX
.
There
is
one
Case
where
it
is
more
particularly
a
Duty
to
use
very
great
occasion
in
accepting
the
security
of
a
Promise
,
and
that
is
,
when
Men
are
Authorized
and
trusted
by
others
to
act
for
them
.
This
putteth
them
under
much
greater
restraints
,
than
those
who
are
at
liberty
to
treat
for
themselves
It
is
lawful
,
though
it
is
not
prudent
for
any
man
make
an
ill
Bargain
for
himself
,
but
it
is
neither
the
one
nor
the
other
,
where
the
party
contracting
treateth
on
behalf
of
another
,
by
whom
he
is
intrusted
.
Men
who
will
unwarily
accept
an
ill
security
,
if
it
is
for
themselves
,
forfeit
their
own
discretion
,
and
undergo
the
Penalty
,
but
they
are
not
responsible
to
any
body
else
.
They
lie
under
the
Mortification
and
the
loss
of
committing
the
error
,
by
which
though
they
may
expose
their
Judgment
to
some
censure
,
yet
their
Morality
suffers
no
reproach
by
it
.
But
those
who
are
deputed
by
others
to
treat
for
them
,
upon
terms
of
best
advantage
,
though
the
Considence
placed
in
them
should
prevent
the
putting
any
limits
to
their
power
in
their
Commission
,
yet
the
Condition
implied
,
if
not
expressed
,
is
,
that
the
Persons
so
trusted
shall
neither
make
an
ill
Bargain
,
nor
accept
a
slight
Security
.
The
Obligation
is
yet
more
binding
when
the
Trust
is
of
a
Publick
Nature
.
The
aggravation
of
disappointing
a
Body
of
Men
that
rely
upon
them
,
carrieth
the
Fault
as
high
as
it
can
go
;
and
perhaps
no
Crime
of
any
kind
can
out
do
such
a
deliberate
breach
of
Trust
,
or
would
more
justly
make
Men
forfeit
the
protection
of
humane
Society
.
XXX
.
I
will
add
one
thing
more
upon
this
Head
,
which
is
,
that
it
is
not
always
a
true
Preposition
,
that
't
is
safe
to
rely
upon
a
promise
,
if
at
the
time
of
making
it
,
it
is
the
Interest
of
the
Promiser
to
make
it
good
.
This
,
though
many
times
it
is
a
good
Inducement
,
yet
i●
hath
these
Exceptions
to
it
.
First
,
if
the
proposer
hath
at
other
times
gone
plainly
against
his
Visible
Interest
,
the
Argument
will
turn
the
other
way
,
and
his
former
Mistakes
are
so
many
Warnings
to
others
,
not
to
come
within
the
danger
any
more
:
let
the
Inducements
to
those
Mistakes
be
never
so
great
and
generous
,
that
does
not
alter
the
Nature
,
they
are
Mistakes
still
.
Interest
is
an
uncertain
thing
,
It
goeth
and
cometh
,
and
varieth
according
to
times
and
circumstances
;
as
good
build
upon
a
Quick-sand
,
as
upon
a
presumption
that
Interest
shall
not
alter
.
Where
are
the
Men
so
distinguished
from
the
rest
of
Mankind
,
that
it
is
impossible
for
them
to
mistake
their
Interest
?
Who
are
they
that
have
such
an
Exemption
from
human
frailty
,
as
that
it
can
never
happen
to
them
not
to
see
their
Interest
for
want
of
Understanding
,
or
not
to
leap
over
it
by
excess
of
Zeal
.
Above
all
,
Princes
are
most
liable
to
mistake
;
not
out
of
any
defect
in
their
Nature
,
which
might
put
them
under
such
an
unfortunate
distinction
;
quite
contrary
,
the
blood
they
derive
from
great
and
wise
Ancestors
,
does
rather
distingush
them
on
the
better
side
;
besides
that
their
great
Character
and
Office
of
Governing
,
giveth
a
noble
Exercise
to
their
Reason
,
which
can
very
hardly
fail
to
raise
and
improve
it
.
But
there
is
one
Circumstance
annexed
to
their
Glorious
Calling
,
which
in
this
Respect
is
sufficient
to
outweigh
all
those
Advantages
;
it
is
that
Mankind
,
divided
in
most
things
else
,
agree
in
this
,
to
conspire
in
their
Endeavours
to
deceive
and
mislead
them
,
which
maketh
it
above
the
Power
of
human
Understanding
,
to
be
so
exactly
guarded
,
as
never
to
admit
a
Surprize
,
and
the
highest
Applause
that
could
ever
yet
be
given
to
the
greatest
Men
that
ever
wore
a
Crown
,
is
that
they
were
no
oftner
deceived
.
Thus
I
have
ventured
to
lay
down
my
Thoughts
of
the
Nature
of
a
Bargain
,
and
the
due
Circumstances
belonging
to
an
Equivalent
,
and
will
now
conclude
with
this
short
Word
.
Where
Distrusting
may
be
the
Cause
of
provoking
Anger
,
and
Trusting
may
be
the
Cause
of
bringing
Ruine
,
the
Choice
is
too
easie
to
need
the
being
explained
.
A
LETTER
From
a
Gentleman
in
the
City
,
To
his
Friend
in
the
Country
.
Containing
his
Reasons
for
not
Reading
the
Declaration
.
SIR
,
I
Do
not
wonder
at
your
Concern
for
finding
an
Order
of
Council
published
in
the
Gazette
for
Reading
the
King's
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
in
all
Churches
and
Chappels
in
this
Kingdom
.
You
desire
to
know
my
Thoughts
about
it
,
and
I
shall
freely
tell
them
;
for
this
is
not
a
time
to
be
reserved
.
Our
Enemies
who
have
given
our
Gracious
King
this
Counsel
against
us
,
have
taken
the
most
effectual
way
,
not
only
to
ruine
us
,
but
to
make
us
appear
the
Instruments
of
our
own
Ruine
,
that
what
Course
soever
we
take
,
we
shall
be
undone
;
and
one
side
or
other
will
conclude
that
we
have
undone
our selves
,
and
fall
like
Fools
.
To
lose
our
Livings
and
Preferments
,
nay
,
our
Liberties
and
our
Lives
in
a
plain
and
direct
Opposition
to
Popery
,
as
suppose
for
refusing
to
read
Mass
in
our
Churches
,
or
to
swear
to
the
Trent
Creed
,
is
an
honorable
way
of
falling
,
and
has
the
Divine
Comforts
of
Suffering
for
Christ
and
his
Religion
;
and
I
hope
there
is
none
of
us
but
can
chearfully
submit
to
the
Will
of
God
in
it
.
But
this
is
not
our
present
Case
;
to
read
the
Declaration
,
is
not
to
read
the
Mass
,
nor
to
profess
the
Romish
Faith
;
and
therefore
,
some
will
judge
that
there
is
no
hurt
in
Reading
it
,
and
that
to
suffer
for
such
a
Refusul
,
is
not
to
fall
like
Confessors
,
but
to
suffer
as
Criminals
for
disobeying
the
Lawful
Commands
of
our
Prince
;
but
yet
we
judge
,
and
we
have
the
concurring
Opinions
of
all
the
Nobility
and
Gertry
with
us
,
who
have
already
suffered
in
this
Cause
,
that
to
take
away
the
Test
and
Penal
Laws
at
this
time
,
is
but
one
step
from
the
introducing
of
Popery
;
and
therefore
to
read
such
a
Declaration
in
our
Churches
,
though
it
do
not
immediately
bring
Popery
in
,
yet
it
sets
open
our
Church
Doors
for
it
,
and
then
it
will
take
its
own
time
to
enter
:
So
that
should
we
comply
with
this
Order
,
all
good
Protestants
would
despise
and
hate
us
,
and
men
we
may
be
easily
crushed
,
and
shall
soon
fall
with
great
Dishonour
,
and
without
any
Pity
.
This
is
the
Difficulty
of
our
Case
;
we
shall
be
censured
on
both
sides
,
but
with
this
Difference
:
We
shall
fall
a
little
sooner
by
not
Reading
the
Declaration
,
if
our
Gracious
Prince
resent
this
as
an
Act
of
an
obstinate
and
peevish
,
or
factious
Disobedience
,
as
our
Enemies
will
be
sure
to
represent
it
to
him
;
We
shall
as
certainly
fall
,
and
not
long
after
,
if
we
do
read
it
,
and
then
we
shall
fall
unpitied
and
despised
,
and
it
may
be
with
the
Curses
of
the
Nation
,
whom
we
have
ruined
by
our
Compliance
;
and
this
is
the
way
never
to
rise
more
:
And
may
I
suffer
all
that
can
be
suffered
in
this
World
,
rather
than
contribute
to
the
sinal
Ruine
of
the
best
Church
in
the
World
.
Let
us
then
examine
this
Matter
impartially
,
as
those
who
have
no
mind
either
to
ruine
themselves
,
or
to
ruine
the
Church
:
I
suppose
no
Minister
of
the
Church
of
England
can
give
his
Consent
to
the
Declaration
.
Let
us
then
consider
,
whether
Reading
the
Declaration
in
our
Churches
be
not
an
Interpretative
Consent
,
and
will
not
with
great
Reason
be
interpreted
to
be
so
:
For
,
First
,
By
our
Law
all
Ministerial
Officers
are
accountable
for
their
Actions
:
The
Authority
of
Superiors
,
though
of
the
King
himself
,
cannot
justifie
inferior
Officers
,
much
less
the
Ministers
of
State
,
if
they
should
execute
any
illegal
Commands
;
which
shews
that
our
Law
does
not
look
upon
the
Ministers
of
Church
or
State
to
be
meer
Machines
and
Tools
,
to
be
managed
wholly
by
the
Will
of
Superiors
,
without
exercising
any
Act
of
Judgment
or
Reason
themselves
;
for
then
inferior
Ministers
were
no
more
punishable
,
than
the
Horses
are
,
which
draw
an
innocent
Man
to
Tyburn
:
and
if
inferior
Ministers
are
punishable
,
then
our
Laws
suppose
that
what
we
do
in
obedience
to
Superiors
,
we
make
our
own
Act
by
doing
it
,
and
I
suppose
that
signifies
our
Consent
,
in
the
Eye
of
the
Law
,
to
what
we
do
.
It
is
a
Maxime
in
our
Law
,
That
the
King
can
do
no
Wrong
;
and
therefore
if
any
Wrong
be
done
,
the
Crime
and
Guilt
is
the
Ministers
who
does
it
:
for
the
Laws
are
the
King
's
publick
Will
,
and
therefore
he
is
never
supposed
to
command
any
thing
contrary
to
Law
;
nor
is
any
Minister
,
who
does
an
illegal
Action
,
allowed
to
pretend
the
King's
Command
and
Authority
for
it
:
and
yet
this
is
the
only
Reason
I
know
,
why
we
must
not
obey
a
Prince
against
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
or
the
Laws
of
God
,
because
what
we
do
,
let
the
Authority
be
what
it
will
that
commands
it
,
becomes
our
own
Act
,
and
we
are
responsible
for
it
;
and
then
as
I
observed
before
,
it
must
imply
our
own
Consent
.
Secondly
,
The
Ministers
of
Religion
have
a
greater
Tye
and
Obligation
than
this
,
because
they
have
the
Care
and
Conduct
of
Mens
Souls
,
and
therefore
are
bound
to
take
Care
that
what
they
publish
in
their
Churches
,
be
neither
contrary
to
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
nor
to
the
Good
of
the
Church
:
For
the
Ministers
of
Religion
are
not
look'd
upon
as
Common
Cryers
,
but
what
they
Read
,
they
are
supposed
to
recommend
too
,
though
they
do
no
more
than
Read
it
;
and
therefore
to
read
any
thing
in
the
Church
,
which
I
do
not
consent
to
and
approve
,
nay
,
which
I
think
prejudicial
to
Religion
,
and
the
Church
of
God
,
as
well
as
contrary
to
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
is
to
misguide
my
People
,
and
to
dissemble
with
God
and
Men
;
because
it
is
presum'd
,
that
I
neither
do
,
nor
ought
to
read
any
thing
in
the
Church
,
which
I
do
not
in
some
degree
approve
.
Indeed
,
let
Mens
private
Opinions
be
what
they
will
,
in
the
Nature
of
the
thing
,
he
that
reads
such
a
Declaration
to
his
People
,
teaches
them
by
it
:
For
is
not
Reading
Teaching
?
Suppose
then
I
do
not
consent
to
what
I
read
,
yet
I
consent
to
Teach
my
People
what
I
Read
:
and
herein
is
the
Evil
of
it
;
for
it
may
be
it
were
no
Fault
to
Consent
to
the
Declaration
;
but
if
I
consent
to
Teach
my
People
what
I
do
not
consent
to
my self
,
I
am
sure
that
is
a
great
one
:
And
he
who
can
distinguish
between
consenting
to
Read
the
Declaration
,
and
consenting
to
Teach
the
People
by
the
Declaration
,
when
Reading
the
Declaration
is
teaching
it
,
has
a
very
subtile
Distinguishing
Conscience
.
Now
if
consenting
to
Read
the
Declaration
be
a
Consent
to
Teach
it
my
People
,
then
the
natural
Interpretation
of
Reading
the
Declaration
is
,
That
he
who
Reads
it
in
such
a
solemn
Teaching-manner
,
Approves
it
.
If
this
be
not
so
,
I
desire
to
know
,
why
I
may
not
read
an
Homily
for
Transubstantiation
,
or
Invocation
of
Saints
,
or
the
Worship
of
Images
,
if
the
King
sends
me
such
good
Catholick
Homilies
,
and
commands
me
to
read
them
?
And
thus
we
may
instruct
our
People
in
all
the
Points
of
Popery
,
and
recommend
it
to
them
with
all
the
Sophistry
and
Artificial
Infintrations
,
in
Obedience
to
the
King
,
with
a
very
good
Conscience
,
because
without
our
Consent
:
If
it
be
said
,
this
would
be
a
Contradiction
to
the
Doctrine
of
our
Church
by
Law
established
;
so
I
take
the
Declaration
to
be
:
And
if
we
may
read
the
Declaration
contrary
to
Law
,
because
it
does
not
imply
our
Consent
to
it
;
so
we
may
Popish
Homilies
,
for
the
bare
Reading
them
will
not
imply
our
Consent
,
no
more
than
the
Reading
the
Declaration
does
:
But
whether
I
consent
to
the
Doctrine
or
no
,
it
is
certain
I
consent
to
teach
my
People
this
Doctrine
;
and
it
is
to
be
considered
,
whether
an
honest
Man
cand
do
this
.
Thirdly
,
I
suppose
no
Man
will
doubt
,
but
the
King
intends
that
our
Reading
the
Declaration
should
signifie
to
the
Nation
,
our
Consent
and
Approbation
of
it
;
for
the
Declaration
does
not
want
Publishing
,
for
it
is
sufficiently
known
already
:
but
our
Reading
it
in
our
Churches
must
serve
instead
of
Addresses
of
Thanks
,
which
the
Clergy
generally
refused
,
though
it
was
only
to
Thank
the
King
for
his
Gracious
Promises
renewed
to
the
Church
of
England
,
in
His
Declaration
,
which
was
much
more
innocent
,
than
to
publish
the
Declaration
it self
in
our
Churches
.
This
would
perswade
one
,
that
the
King
thinks
our
Reading
the
Declaration
,
to
signifie
our
Consent
,
and
that
the
People
will
think
it
to
be
so
.
And
he
that
can
satisfie
his
〈◊〉
,
to
do
an
Action
without
Consent
,
which
the
Nature
of
the
Thing
,
the
Design
,
and
intention
of
the
Command
,
and
the
Sense
of
the
People
expound
to
be
a
Consent
,
may
,
I
think
,
as
well
satisfie
himself
with
Equivocations
and
mental
Reservations
.
There
are
two
things
to
be
answered
to
this
,
which
must
be
considered
.
1.
That
the
People
understand
our
Minds
,
and
see
that
this
is
Matter
of
Force
upon
us
,
and
meer
Obedience
to
the
King
.
To
which
I
answer
,
1.
Possibly
the
People
do
understand
that
the
Matter
of
the
Declaration
is
against
our
Principles
:
But
is
this
any
Excuse
,
that
we
read
that
,
and
by
Reading
,
recommend
that
to
them
,
which
is
against
our
own
Consciences
and
Judgments
?
Reading
the
Declaration
would
be
no
Fault
at
all
,
but
our
Duty
,
wh●●
the
King
commands
it
,
did
we
approve
of
the
Matter
of
it
;
but
to
consent
to
teach
our
People
such
Doctrines
as
we
think
contrary
to
the
Laws
of
God
,
or
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
does
not
lessen
,
but
aggravate
the
Fault
,
and
the
People
must
be
very
good
natured
to
think
this
an
Excuse
.
2.
It
is
not
likely
that
all
the
People
will
be
of
a
Mind
in
this
Matter
,
some
may
excuse
it
,
others
,
and
those
it
may
be
the
most
,
the
best
,
and
the
wifest
Men
,
will
condemn
us
for
it
,
and
then
how
shall
we
justifie
our selves
against
their
Censures
?
when
the
World
will
be
divided
in
their
Opinions
,
the
plain
way
is
certainly
the
best
,
to
do
what
we
can
justifie
our selves
,
and
then
let
Men
judge
as
they
please
.
No
Men
in
England
will
be
pleased
with
our
Reading
the
Declaration
,
but
those
who
hope
to
make
great
Advantage
of
it
against
us
,
and
against
our
Church
and
Religion
:
others
will
severely
condemn
us
for
it
,
and
censure
us
as
false
to
our
Religion
,
and
as
Betrayers
both
of
Church
and
State
:
and
besides
that
,
it
does
not
become
a
Minister
of
Religion
,
to
do
any
thing
,
which
in
the
Opinion
of
the
most
charitable
Men
can
only
be
excused
;
for
what
needs
an
Excuse
,
is
either
a
Fault
,
or
looks
very
like
one
;
besides
this
,
I
say
,
I
will
not
trust
Mens
Charity
;
those
who
have
suffered
themselves
in
this
Cause
,
will
not
excuse
us
for
fear
of
suffering
;
those
who
are
inclined
to
excuse
us
now
,
will
not
do
so
when
they
consider
the
thing
better
,
and
come
to
feel
the
ill
Consequences
of
it
:
when
our
Enemies
open
their
Eyes
,
and
tell
them
what
our
Reading
the
Declaration
signified
,
which
they
will
then
tell
us
we
ought
to
have
seen
before
,
though
they
were
not
bound
to
see
it
;
for
we
are
to
guide
and
instruct
them
,
not
they
us
.
II.
Others
therefore
think
,
that
when
we
read
the
Declaration
,
we
should
publickly
profess
,
that
it
is
not
our
own
Judgment
,
but
that
we
only
Read
it
in
Obedience
to
the
King
,
and
then
our
Reading
it
cannot
imply
our
Consent
to
it
:
Now
this
is
only
Protestatio
contra
sactum
,
which
all
People
will
laugh
at
,
and
scorn
us
for
:
for
such
a
solemn
Reading
it
in
time
of
Divine
Service
,
when
all
Men
ought
to
be
most
grave
and
serious
,
and
far
from
dissembling
with
God
or
Men
,
does
in
the
Nature
of
the
thing
imply
our
Approbation
;
and
should
we
declare
the
contrary
,
when
we
read
it
,
what
shall
we
say
to
those
who
ask
u●
,
why
then
do
you
read
it
?
But
let
those
who
have
a
mind
to
try
this
way
,
which
,
for
my
part
,
I
take
to
be
a
greater
and
more
unjustifiable
Provocation
of
the
King
,
than
not
to
read
it
;
and
,
I
suppose
those
who
do
not
read
it
,
will
be
thought
plainer
and
honester
Men
,
and
will
〈◊〉
as
well
as
those
who
read
it
and
protest
against
it
:
and
yet
nothing
less
than
an
express
Protestation
against
it
will
salve
this
Matter
;
for
only
to
say
,
they
read
it
meerly
in
Obedience
to
the
King
,
does
not
express
their
Dissent
:
It
signifies
indeed
,
that
they
would
not
have
read
it
,
if
the
King
had
not
commanded
it
;
but
these
Words
do
not
signifie
,
that
they
disapprove
of
the
Declaration
,
when
their
Reading
it
,
though
only
in
Obedience
to
the
King
,
signifies
their
Approbation
of
it
as
much
as
Actions
can
signifie
a
Consent
:
let
us
call
to
mind
how
it
fared
with
those
in
King
Charles
the
First
's
Reign
,
who
read
the
Book
of
Sports
,
as
it
was
called
,
and
then
preached
against
it
.
To
return
then
to
our
Arguments
;
if
Reading
the
Declaration
in
our
Churches
be
in
the
Nature
of
the
Action
,
in
the
Intention
of
the
Command
,
in
the
Opinion
of
the
People
,
an
interpretative
Consent
to
it
,
I
think
my self
bound
in
Conscience
not
to
read
it
,
because
I
am
bound
in
Conscience
not
to
approve
it
:
It
is
against
the
Constitution
of
the
Church
of
England
,
which
is
established
by
Law
,
and
to
which
I
have
subscribed
,
and
therefore
am
bound
in
Conscience
to
Teach
nothing
contrary
to
it
,
while
this
Obligation
lasts
.
It
is
to
teach
an
unlimit●d
and
universal
Toleration
,
which
the
Parliament
in
72.
Declared
illegal
,
and
which
has
been
condemned
by
the
Christian
Church
in
all
Ages
:
It
is
to
teach
my
People
,
that
they
need
never
come
to
Church
more
,
but
have
my
free
Leave
,
as
they
have
the
King
's
,
to
go
to
a
Conventicle
or
Mass
.
It
is
to
teach
the
Dispencing
Power
,
which
alters
,
what
has
been
formerly
thought
the
whole
Constitution
of
this
Church
and
Kingdom
,
which
we
dare
not
do
,
till
we
have
the
Authority
of
Parliament
for
it
.
It
is
to
recommend
to
our
People
,
the
Choice
of
such
Persons
to
sit
in
Parliament
,
as
shall
take
away
the
Test
and
Penal
Laws
,
which
most
of
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
of
the
Nation
have
declared
their
Judgment
against
.
It
is
to
condemn
all
those
great
and
worthy
Patriots
of
their
Country
,
who
forfeited
the
dearest
thing
in
the
World
to
them
,
next
a
good
Conscience
,
viz.
The
Favour
of
their
Prince
,
and
a
great
many
honorable
and
profitable
Employments
with
it
,
rather
than
consent
to
that
Proposal
of
taking
away
the
Test
and
Penal
Paws
,
which
they
apprehend
destructive
to
the
Church
of
England
and
the
Protestant
Religion
;
and
he
who
can
in
Conscience
do
all
this
,
I
think
need
scruple
nothing
.
For
let
us
consider
further
,
what
the
Effects
and
Consequences
of
our
Reading
the
Declaration
are
likely
to
be
,
and
I
think
they
are
Matter
of
Conscience
too
,
when
they
are
evident
and
apparent
.
This
will
certainly
render
our
Persons
and
Ministry
infinitely
contemptible
,
which
is
against
that
Apostolical
Canon
,
Let
no
Man
despise
thee
,
Titus
2.15
.
That
is
,
so
to
behave
himself
in
his
Ministereal
Office
,
as
not
to
fall
under
Contempt
;
and
therefore
this
obliges
the
Conscience
,
not
to
make
our selves
ridiculous
,
nor
to
render
our
Ministry
,
our
Counsels
,
Exhortations
,
Preaching
,
Writing
,
of
no
Effect
,
which
is
a
thousand
times
worse
than
being
silenced
:
Our
Sufferings
will
preach
more
effectually
to
the
People
,
when
we
cannot
speak
to
them
:
but
he
who
for
Fear
or
Cowardise
,
or
the
Love
of
this
World
,
betrays
his
Church
and
Religion
by
undue
Compliances
,
and
will
certainly
be
thought
to
do
so
,
may
continue
to
Preach
,
but
to
no
purpose
;
and
when
we
have
rendred
our selves
ridiculous
and
contemptible
,
we
shall
then
quickly
fall
,
and
fall
unpitied
.
There
is
nothing
will
so
effectually
tend
to
the
final
Ruine
of
the
Church
of
England
,
because
our
Reading
the
Declaration
will
discourage
,
or
provoke
,
or
misguide
all
the
Friends
the
Church
of
England
has
:
can
we
blame
any
Man
for
not
preserving
the
Laws
and
the
Religion
of
our
Church
and
Nation
,
when
we
our selves
will
venture
nothing
for
it
?
Can
we
blame
any
Man
for
consenting
to
Repeal
the
Test
and
Penal
Laws
,
when
we
recommend
it
to
them
by
Reading
the
Declaration
?
Have
we
not
reason
to
expect
,
that
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
who
have
already
suffered
in
this
Cause
,
when
they
hear
themselves
condemned
for
it
in
all
the
Churches
of
England
,
will
think
it
time
to
mend
such
a
Fault
,
and
reconcile
themselves
to
their
Prince
?
and
if
our
Church
fall
this
way
,
is
there
any
reason
to
expect
that
it
should
ever
rise
again
?
These
Consequences
are
almost
as
evident
as
Demonstrations
,
and
let
it
be
what
it
will
in
it self
,
which
I
foresee
will
destroy
the
Church
of
England
and
the
Protestant
Religion
and
Interest
,
I
think
I
ought
to
make
as
much
Conscience
of
doing
it
,
as
of
doing
the
most
immortal
Action
in
Nature
To
say
that
these
mischievous
Consequences
are
not
absolutely
necessary
,
and
therefore
do
not
affect
the
Conscience
,
because
we
are
not
certain
they
will
follow
,
is
a
very
mean
Objection
;
Moral
Actions
indeed
have
not
such
necessary
Consequences
,
as
natural
Causes
have
necessary
Effects
,
because
no
moral
Causes
act
necessarily
:
Reading
the
Declaration
,
will
not
as
necessarily
destroy
the
Church
of
England
,
as
Fire
burns
Wood
,
but
if
the
Consequence
be
plain
and
evident
,
the
most
likely
thing
that
can
happen
,
if
it
be
unreasonable
to
expect
any
other
,
if
it
be
what
is
plainly
intended
and
designed
,
either
I
must
never
have
any
regard
to
Moral
Consequences
of
my
Actions
,
or
if
ever
they
are
to
be
considered
,
they
are
in
this
case
.
Why
are
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
so
extreamly
averse
to
the
Repeal
of
the
Test
and
Penal
Laws
?
Why
do
they
forfeit
the
King's
Favour
,
and
their
Honourable
Stations
,
rather
than
comply
with
it
?
If
you
say
that
this
tends
to
destroy
the
Church
of
England
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
I
ask
whether
this
be
the
necessary
consequence
of
it
?
whether
the
King
cannot
keep
his
promise
to
the
Church
of
England
if
the
Test
and
Penal
Laws
be
Repealed
?
We
cannot
say
,
but
this
may
be
:
And
yet
the
Nation
does
not
think
fit
to
try
it
;
and
we
commend
those
great
men
who
deny
it
;
and
if
the
same
questions
were
put
to
us
,
we
think
we
ought
in
Conscience
to
deny
them
our selves
:
And
are
there
not
as
high
probabilities
,
that
our
Reading
the
Declaration
will
promote
the
Repeal
of
the
Test
and
Penal
Laws
,
as
that
such
a
Repeal
will
ruine
our
Constitution
,
and
bring
in
Popery
upon
us
?
Is
it
not
as
probable
,
that
such
a
complyance
in
us
,
will
disoblige
all
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
who
have
hitherto
been
firm
to
us
,
as
that
when
the
power
of
the
Nation
is
put
into
Popish
Hands
,
by
the
Repeal
of
such
Tests
and
Laws
,
the
Priests
and
Jesuirs
may
find
some
salvo
for
the
King's
Conscience
,
and
perswade
him
to
forget
his
Promise
to
the
Church
of
England
?
and
if
the
probable
ill
consequences
of
Repealing
the
Test
and
Penal
Laws
,
be
a
good
reason
not
to
comply
with
it
,
I
cannot
see
but
that
the
as
probable
ill
consequences
of
Reading
the
Declaration
,
is
as
good
a
reason
not
to
read
it
.
The
most
material
Objection
is
,
that
the
Dissenters
,
whom
we
ought
not
to
provoke
,
will
expound
our
not
Reading
it
,
to
be
the
effect
of
a
persecuting
Spirit
:
Now
I
wonder
Men
should
lay
any
weight
on
this
,
who
will
not
allow
the
most
probable
consequences
of
our
Actions
,
to
have
any
influence
upon
Conscience
:
For
if
we
must
compare
consequences
,
to
disoblige
all
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
by
reading
it
,
is
likely
to
be
much
more
fatal
,
than
to
anger
the
Diffenters
,
and
it
is
more
likely
,
and
there
is
much
more
reason
for
it
,
that
one
should
be
offended
than
the
other
:
For
the
Dissenters
who
are
wise
and
considering
,
are
sensible
of
the
snare
themselves
,
and
though
they
desire
Ease
and
Liberty
,
they
are
not
willing
to
have
it
with
such
apparent
hazard
of
Church
and
State
:
I
am
sure
that
tho'
we
were
never
so
desirous
that
they
might
have
their
Liberty
,
(
and
when
there
is
opportunity
of
shewing
our
inclinations
without
danger
,
they
may
find
that
we
are
nations
without
danger
,
they
may
find
that
we
are
not
such
Persecutors
as
we
are
represented
)
yet
we
cannot
consent
that
they
should
have
it
this
way
,
which
they
will
find
the
dearest
Liberty
that
ever
was
granted
.
This
Sir
,
is
our
Case
in
short
,
the
Difficulties
are
great
on
both
sides
,
and
therefore
now
if
ever
we
ought
to
besiege
Heaven
with
our
Prayers
for
Wisdom
,
and
Counsel
,
and
Courage
;
that
God
would
protect
his
Church
and
Reformed
Christianity
,
against
all
the
devices
of
their
Enemies
:
Which
is
the
daily
and
hearty
Prayer
of
,
SIR
,
Your
Friend
and
Brother
.
May
22.
1●88
.
POSTSCRIPT
.
I
Have
just
now
seen
H.
Care
's
Paper
called
,
The
Publick
Occurrences
,
which
came
out
to
day
,
and
cannot
but
set
you
right
as
to
his
News
about
the
Reading
of
the
Declaration
on
Sunday
:
He
tells
you
,
That
several
Divines
of
the
Church
of
England
,
in
and
about
this
City
,
eminent
for
their
Piety
and
Moderation
,
did
yesterday
Read
his
Majesties
late
Declaration
in
their
Churches
,
according
to
the
Order
in
that
behalf
;
but
some
(
to
the
great
surprize
of
their
Parishoners
)
were
pleased
to
decline
it
.
You
in
the
Country
are
from
this
Account
to
believe
,
that
it
was
Read
here
by
the
generality
of
the
Clergie
,
and
by
the
eminent
Men
among
them
:
But
I
can
,
and
do
assure
you
,
that
this
is
one
of
the
most
impudent
Lyes
that
ever
was
Printed
:
For
as
to
this
City
which
hath
above
a
Hundred
Parishes
in
it
,
it
was
Read
only
in
Four
or
Five
Churches
,
all
the
rest
,
and
best
of
the
Clergy
refusing
it
every
where
.
I
will
spare
their
Names
who
read
it
;
but
should
I
mention
them
,
it
would
make
you
,
who
knows
this
City
,
a
little
heartily
to
deride
H.
C's
Account
of
them
.
And
for
the
Surprize
he
talks
of
,
the
contrary
of
it
is
so
true
,
that
in
Woodstreet
,
where
it
was
read
by
one
Dr.
M.
the
People
generally
went
out
of
the
Church
.
This
I
tell
you
,
that
you
may
be
provided
for
the
future
against
such
an
Impudent
Lyar
,
who
,
for
Bread
,
〈…〉
and
put
about
the
Nation
,
the
falfest
of
things
.
I
am
Yours
.
AN
ANSWER
To
the
City
Minister's
LETTER
,
from
his
Country
Friend
.
SIR
,
IT
is
not
for
me
now
to
acknowledge
my
private
Debt
to
you
for
the
favour
of
your
Letter
,
since
the
publick
is
as
much
concern'd
in
it
as
I
:
and
if
I
may
judge
of
all
by
the
compass
of
my
Neighbourhood
and
Acquaintance
,
I
may
assure
you
,
they
are
not
insensible
of
your
Obligation
,
though
they
are
ignorant
of
the
Author
.
The
Country
as
far
as
my
Intelligence
reaches
,
has
followed
the
Example
of
the
City
,
and
refused
to
read
the
Declaration
of
Indulgence
according
to
a
certain
Order
said
to
be
the
Kings
,
which
we
in
the
Country
can
scarce
believe
to
be
His.
For
it
has
neither
been
signified
to
the
Ordinaries
according
to
the
usual
manner
,
nor
could
those
that
dispersed
it
give
any
Account
whence
it
came
to
them
.
I
have
heard
indeed
that
an
Act
of
Council
concerning
it
has
been
published
in
the
Gazette
,
which
I
never
saw
,
and
if
I
had
I
should
scarce
have
thought
Authentick
:
For
I
always
took
that
Paper
as
for
its
Authority
,
to
have
been
all
of
a
piece
,
and
that
we
were
no
more
bound
to
take
notice
of
any
Order
published
there
under
any
penalty
,
than
we
are
to
believe
all
the
News
from
Poland
or
Constantinople
.
Nay
though
this
Order
had
come
to
us
in
due
form
,
yet
had
we
had
great
reason
to
suspect
something
of
surreption
and
surprize
upon
his
Majesty
in
this
matter
,
and
that
it
could
not
proceed
from
his
Majesty's
free
and
full
consent
;
for
we
cannot
yet
forget
his
repeated
professions
of
kindness
to
us
,
and
of
satisfaction
in
our
Principles
and
Duty
,
and
having
done
nothing
since
which
might
forfeit
his
goed
Opinion
,
we
are
unwilling
to
believe
that
it
is
His
Majesties
own
mind
and
pleasure
to
loud
us
with
such
an
Order
,
as
we
cannot
execute
with
any
congruity
,
safety
or
good
Conscience
I.
As
to
his
Majesties
Declaration
,
We
of
all
his
Majesties
Subjects
are
the
least
concern'd
in
it
;
and
with
all
duty
be
it
spoken
,
we
cannot
see
,
that
our
legal
Establishment
receives
any
Addition
by
this
Declaration
.
For
there
are
yet
,
thanks
be
to
God
,
no
Penal
Laws
to
which
our
Congregations
are
obnoxious
,
and
therefore
we
do
not
stand
in
need
of
any
Toleration
:
Yet
it
is
upon
us
only
that
the
Reading
of
it
is
imposed
.
An
Act
which
cannot
well
be
construed
otherwise
than
as
a
soliciting
and
tempting
our
own
people
to
forsake
our
Communion
.
If
this
Declaration
must
needs
be
read
in
any
Religious
Assemblies
'
in
reason
surely
it
should
be
in
those
,
who
wholly
owe
their
substance
to
it
.
It
would
better
have
become
the
Roman
than
the
Protestan
Chappels
.
But
in
the
Koman
Church
Indulgence
hath
another
signification
;
and
belongs
to
those
only
that
frequent
their
Churches
,
but
not
to
such
as
leave
them
:
for
with
them
this
is
the
only
sin
that
is
not
capable
of
Indulgence
.
But
the
Priests
desire
to
be
excus'd
,
lest
while
they
proclaim
Toleration
to
others
they
bring
an
Interdict
upon
themselves
.
Or
why
I
pray
,
was
not
Father
Pen
Ordered
to
publish
it
in
his
Meetings
?
Or
the
worthy
Mr.
Lob
,
the
reputed
Father
of
this
Project
;
why
had
not
he
the
benefit
of
his
own
Invention
,
and
a
Patent
for
being
the
sole
Publisher
of
it
within
his
own
Pound
?
Or
why
was
not
my
Lord
Mayor's
private
and
elect
Congregation
thought
worthy
of
so
great
a
grace
?
Surely
it
is
not
to
draw
upon
us
the
envy
of
the
Distenters
,
that
the
honour
of
publishing
this
Declaration
is
impos'd
upon
us
alone
,
when
it
belongs
to
all
other
Communions
in
the
Kingdom
,
except
our
own
:
And
it
we
refuse
it
,
I
hope
it
will
be
imputed
to
our
Modesty
,
for
we
are
not
ambitious
of
being
impertinent
or
busie
bodies
in
other
mens
matters
.
A
certain
person
much
greaten
than
he
deserves
,
but
perhaps
not
so
high
,
is
said
to
have
used
the
Words
of
Rabshaketh
upon
this
occasion
,
That
the
Church
of
England
Clergy
should
eat
their
own
Dung
.
Isa.
36.12
.
This
sentence
might
better
have
become
a
Messenger
of
the
King
of
Affyria
,
than
a
pretended
Counsellour
of
our
own
Prince
,
though
some
make
a
question
to
which
King
he
belongs
:
But
God
be
thanked
,
we
are
not
yet
so
straitly
besieg'd
as
to
be
reduc'd
to
that
extremity
,
and
though
by
the
permission
of
God
,
We
should
be
reduc'd
to
so
miserable
a
Condition
,
We
should
I
hope
,
by
the
Grace
of
God
,
be
content
to
endure
that
and
worse
extremities
if
possible
,
rather
than
Betray
or
Surrender
the
City
of
God
.
But
before
that
comes
,
it
is
possible
that
the
Throat
that
belch'd
out
this
Nasty
Insolence
,
may
be
stopp'd
with
something
which
it
cannot
swallow
.
II.
Besides
there
are
some
passages
in
the
Declaration
,
which
in
Conscience
we
cannot
read
to
our
People
,
though
it
be
in
the
King's
Name
;
for
among
others
we
are
to
Read
these
Words
:
We
cannot
but
heartily
wish
as
will
easily
be
believed
,
that
all
the
People
of
our
Dominions
were
Members
of
the
Catholick
Church
.
Our
People
know
too
well
the
English
of
this
,
and
could
not
but
be
strangely
surpriz'd
to
hear
us
tell
them
,
that
it
would
be
an
acceptable
thing
to
the
King
,
that
they
should
leave
the
Truth
and
our
Communion
,
and
turn
Papists
.
The
Wish
of
a
King
when
solemnly
Declared
,
is
no
light
insignificant
thing
,
but
has
real
influence
and
effect
upon
the
minds
of
Men.
It
was
but
a
Wish
of
Henry
the
Second
that
cut
off
F.
Becket
then
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
.
Councils
and
Courts
of
Justice
too
often
bend
to
a
King's
Wishes
,
though
against
their
own
Inclinations
,
as
well
as
against
their
Rule
:
And
can
we
imagine
that
they
can
have
no
force
at
all
upon
the
common
people
?
Therefore
we
cannot
in
Conscience
pronounce
these
words
in
the
Ears
of
the
people
whose
Souls
are
committed
to
our
Charge
.
For
we
should
hereby
lay
a
snare
before
them
,
and
become
their
Tempters
instead
of
being
their
Instructers
;
and
in
very
fair
and
reasonable
Construction
we
shall
be
understood
to
sollicite
them
to
Apostacy
,
to
leave
the
Truth
of
the
Gospel
,
for
Fables
,
and
the
mistakes
of
men
;
a
reasonable
and
decent
Worship
,
for
Superstition
and
Idolatry
;
a
true
Christian
Liberty
,
for
the
most
intollerable
Bondage
both
of
Soul
and
Body
.
If
any
will
forsake
our
Doctrine
and
Fellowship
,
which
yet
is
not
ours
but
Christs
,
at
their
own
peril
be
it
:
But
as
for
us
,
We
are
resolv'd
by
the
Grace
of
God
,
to
lay
no
stumbling
block
in
their
way
,
nor
to
be
accessary
to
their
ruin
,
that
we
may
be
able
to
declare
our
integrity
with
S.
Paul
,
That
we
are
pure
from
the
blood
of
all
Men.
III.
In
the
next
place
.
We
are
to
declare
in
the
King's
Name
,
That
from
henceforth
the
Execution
of
all
,
and
all
manner
of
Penal
Laws
,
in
matters
Ecclesiastical
,
for
not
coming
to
Church
,
or
not
receiving
the
Sacrament
,
or
for
any
other
Nonconformity
to
the
Religion
Established
,
or
for
,
or
by
Reason
of
the
Exercise
of
Religion
,
in
any
manner
whatsoever
,
be
immediately
Suspended
,
and
the
farther
Execution
of
the
said
Penal
Laws
,
and
every
of
them
is
hereby
Suspended
.
What!
All
,
and
all
manner
of
Laws
in
matters
Ecclesiastical
?
What
the
Laws
against
Fornication
,
Adultery
,
Incest
?
For
these
are
in
Ecclefiastical
matters
.
What
!
All
Laws
against
Blasphemy
,
prophaneness
,
open
Derision
of
Christian
Religion
?
Yet
these
crimes
are
punishable
by
no
other
Laws
here
,
than
such
as
have
been
made
in
favour
of
the
Established
Religion
:
How
shall
the
Lord's
day
be
observ'd
?
What
shall
hinder
covetous
men
to
plow
and
Cart
,
and
follow
their
several
Trades
upon
that
day
?
since
all
the
Laws
,
that
secure
this
observance
,
and
outward
countenance
of
respect
to
the
Christian
Religion
,
are
by
this
general
expression
laid
aside
:
Besides
these
words
,
for
not
coming
to
Church
,
or
not
receiving
the
Sacrament
,
or
for
any
other
Nonconformity
to
the
Religion
Established
,
cannot
in
Conscience
be
read
by
us
in
our
Churches
because
they
may
be
a
Temptation
to
young
unguided
people
to
neglect
all
manner
of
Religious
Worship
,
and
give
them
occasion
of
depriving
themselves
of
such
opportunities
of
grace
and
salvation
,
as
these
Penal
Laws
did
often
oblige
them
to
use
.
For
being
discharg'd
attendance
on
our
Service
,
they
are
left
at
Liberty
to
be
of
any
Religion
or
none
at
all
:
Nay
Christian
Religion
is
by
these
general
terms
left
at
discretion
,
as
well
as
the
Church
of
England
.
For
men
may
forsake
us
to
become
Jews
or
Mahometans
,
or
Pagan
Idolaters
,
as
well
as
to
be
Papists
or
Dissenters
for
any
care
taken
in
this
Declaration
to
prevent
it
.
And
even
of
such
as
pretend
to
be
Christians
,
there
either
are
or
may
be
such
Blasphemous
Sects
,
so
dishonourable
to
our
Common
Lord
and
Master
,
as
are
incapable
of
all
publick
encouragement
and
allowance
;
for
that
would
involve
the
Government
in
the
Imputation
of
those
Blasphemies
,
and
the
whole
Nation
in
that
Curse
and
Vengeance
of
God
,
which
such
provocations
may
extorts
Wherefore
it
is
not
out
of
any
unreasonable
opinion
of
our selves
,
nor
disaffection
to
Protestant
Dissenters
,
that
we
refuse
to
publish
this
Indulgence
,
but
out
of
a
tender
care
of
the
Souls
committed
to
us
,
especially
those
of
the
weaker
sort
,
to
whom
we
dare
not
propose
an
Invitation
to
Popery
,
and
much
less
any
thing
that
may
give
countenance
or
encouragement
to
Irreligion
.
It
is
said
indeed
,
that
we
are
not
required
to
approve
but
to
read
it
:
To
this
Sir
,
you
have
very
well
answer'd
,
that
Reading
was
Teaching
it
,
or
if
it
be
not
so
absolutely
in
the
nature
of
the
thing
;
yet
in
common
Construction
,
I
am
afraid
it
would
have
been
understood
.
But
we
do
not
stand
in
need
of
this
Excuse
,
for
if
there
be
any
passages
in
it
,
that
are
plain
temptations
to
Popery
or
Licentiousness
;
it
cannot
consist
with
our
duty
either
to
God
or
the
Church
to
read
them
before
our
people
.
As
for
the
dispensing
power
,
and
the
Oaths
and
Tests
required
to
qualifie
men
for
Offices
Military
and
Civil
,
I
must
leave
them
to
the
Consideration
of
those
who
nearer
concern'd
,
and
therefore
reasonably
presum'd
to
understand
them
better
.
Nor
do
I
envy
his
Majesty
the
use
of
his
Popish
Subjects
,
though
I
do
not
know
what
service
they
may
be
capable
of
doing
more
than
other
Men.
This
Nation
has
for
some
time
made
hard
shift
to
subsist
without
much
of
their
Aid
,
and
against
the
wills
of
several
of
them
:
But
now
they
are
become
the
only
necessary
men
,
and
seem
to
want
nothing
but
Number
to
fill
all
places
Military
and
Civil
in
the
Kingdom
;
in
the
mean
time
the
Odiousness
of
their
persons
,
and
the
Insolence
of
their
Behaviour
with
their
way
of
menacing
strange
things
,
makes
some
abatement
of
the
merit
of
their
service
.
Lastly
,
The
respect
which
we
have
for
his
Majesties
Service
,
will
not
permit
us
to
Read
the
Appendix
to
the
Declaration
:
Where
the
flower
of
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
of
this
Kingdom
are
something
hardly
reflected
on
,
as
persons
that
will
not
contribute
to
the
peace
and
honour
of
the
Nation
;
because
they
would
consent
to
the
taking
away
the
Laws
against
Papists
,
that
they
be
put
into
a
Condition
to
give
us
Laws
.
The
persons
here
reflected
on
,
We
know
to
be
the
chief
for
Ability
and
Interest
,
and
Inclination
to
serve
the
King
,
and
therefore
cannot
do
his
His
Majesty
that
disservice
as
to
be
publishers
of
their
disgrace
,
and
make
our selves
the
Instruments
of
alienating
from
his
Majesty
the
Affections
of
his
best
Subjects
.
Nay
we
find
in
our selves
a
strange
difficulty
to
believe
that
this
could
come
from
His
Majesty
,
who
has
experienc'd
their
faithfulness
upon
so
many
and
pressing
Occasions
.
This
could
not
well
proceed
from
any
but
a
Stranger
to
those
Honourable
persons
,
and
the
Nation
,
and
a
greater
Stranger
to
shame
and
good
manners
;
and
what
have
we
to
do
to
publish
the
Venome
and
Vitulency
of
a
Jesuit
.
A
Letter
from
a
Gentleman
in
Ireland
,
to
his
Friend
in
London
,
upon
occasion
of
a
Pamphlet
,
Entituled
,
A
Vindication
of
the
present
Government
of
Ireland
,
under
his
Excellency
,
Richard
Earl
of
Tyrconnel
.
SIR
,
AS
soon
as
the
Letter
,
Entituled
,
A
Vindication
of
the
present
Government
of
Ireland
,
&c.
came
to
my
hands
,
I
set
upon
Answering
it
with
the
same
expedition
,
and
plainness
of
Style
,
as
uses
to
accompany
naked
Truth
,
which
needs
not
the
cloathing
of
sophistical
Arguments
,
or
florid
Expressions
,
to
recommend
it
to
the
unprejudic'd
part
of
Mankind
:
And
indeed
upon
the
very
first
reading
of
every
Paragraph
of
it
,
the
slightness
of
the
Arguing
,
or
the
notorious
Falshood
of
the
Matter
of
Fact
,
did
so
evidently
appear
,
that
a
man
of
ordinary
capacity
needs
not
put
his
Natural
Talent
on
the
Rack
to
refute
them
.
The
very
first
position
of
the
paper
,
viz.
[
That
Ireland
is
in
a
better
way
of
Thriving
under
the
Government
of
a
Native
,
than
an
Englishman
;
]
(
by
which
,
I
suppose
,
you
mean
one
not
barely
so
by
Birth
,
but
by
Inclination
,
Interest
,
Education
,
Religion
,
&c.
)
is
so
false
,
that
it
contradicts
the
Experience
and
Reason
of
Mankind
,
and
disgusts
one
so
much
in
the
front
of
the
Letter
,
that
I
was
tempted
to
fling
it
away
unread
,
judging
it
not
worth
the
loss
of
so
much
time
,
if
the
rest
should
prove
of
the
same
kind
(
as
indeed
I
found
it
upon
perusal
;
)
but
having
ventured
through
it
,
I
looked
upon
my self
obliged
to
say
something
by
way
of
Answer
,
since
in
the
opinion
of
some
sort
of
Men
,
the
not
Answering
(
though
even
the
most
trifling
Pamphlet
)
is
given
out
to
be
the
Inability
of
the
party
to
reply
to
the
weight
of
such
Arguments
as
are
contained
in
it
.
I
will
not
insist
much
upon
the
constant
practice
of
all
the
predecessors
of
our
English
Kings
,
and
their
Counsellors
,
ever
since
the
Conquest
of
Ireland
,
who
made
it
an
establisht
Maxim
,
in
relation
to
that
Kingdom
,
That
none
but
an
Englishman
should
be
Chief
Governour
;
insomuch
that
(
till
within
these
two
Years
)
that
practice
gave
occasion
to
the
common
erroneous
opinion
,
That
a
man
born
in
Ireland
,
however
otherwise
qualified
,
was
thereby
incapacitated
from
being
Lord
Deputy
:
It
is
certain
,
that
long
before
the
Reformation
,
when
Matters
of
Religion
made
no
distinction
between
the
Natives
of
each
Country
,
this
was
the
settled
and
unalter'd
Rule
:
Have
we
any
reason
then
to
alter
it
,
(
now
that
Religion
is
put
into
the
Scale
,
and
become
the
additional
weight
,
which
never
fails
giving
the
advantage
to
the
side
it
espouses
and
adheres
to
)
or
rashly
to
condemn
the
wise
proceedings
of
the
Ancestours
of
our
Kings
,
and
(
contrary
to
the
opinion
of
the
World
)
judge
our
Author's
Irish
Understanding
,
better
than
all
the
English
ones
that
have
been
heretofore
?
Our
Author
will
certainly
allow
Ireland
to
be
a
conquered
Country
,
and
consequently
,
that
the
Conquerors
have
Right
to
establish
Laws
with
such
Restrictions
and
Limitations
,
as
shall
seem
fitting
and
convenient
towards
the
keeping
it
in
their
Hands
,
and
the
Welfare
of
the
Inhabitants
,
which
are
of
two
Sorts
,
the
British
Planters
,
and
the
Natives
.
I
shall
prove
,
that
it
has
been
,
and
still
is
,
the
Advantage
of
both
these
,
that
Ireland
should
be
governed
by
an
English
Man
.
By
the
way
,
I
would
have
it
understood
,
that
I
do
not
pretend
to
put
these
two
Interests
into
any
Ballance
:
I
know
the
British
Interest
does
so
far
outweigh
the
other
,
that
it
were
a
Wrong
done
it
,
to
bring
them
into
any
Competition
;
more
than
two
parts
of
three
of
the
Lands
of
Ireland
,
being
(
by
the
several
Rebellions
of
the
Irish
)
in
British
Hands
;
and
for
the
Quality
,
Temper
,
Industry
,
&c.
there
is
no
Comparison
:
besides
,
that
if
one
of
two
Parties
is
to
be
pleased
(
though
by
the
Detriment
of
the
other
)
't
is
but
just
,
that
the
Conquerors
(
who
have
Right
to
give
Law
)
should
be
indulged
;
how
much
more
when
it
is
consistent
with
the
Welfare
of
the
Irish
themselves
,
if
they
understood
their
own
Good
?
I
am
convinced
,
that
whatever
has
been
done
in
favour
of
the
Natives
,
is
pure
Grace
,
and
cannot
be
claimed
as
a
just
Debt
,
any
otherwise
,
than
since
it
has
been
confirmed
by
our
Laws
,
and
Acts
of
Parliament
:
He
that
reflects
on
1641.
will
readily
assent
to
this
,
which
makes
me
admire
at
the
pertness
of
our
Author
,
in
Capitulating
,
as
if
we
stood
upon
even
Ground
with
them
;
but
't
is
plain
,
he
considers
the
Interest
but
of
one
Party
in
that
Kingdom
,
and
though
he
names
Ireland
often
,
he
means
the
Native
Irish
Papist
only
.
But
I
proceed
;
To
prove
that
it
is
the
Interest
of
the
British
,
that
Ireland
should
be
governed
by
an
Englishman
:
Ineed
say
no
more
than
that
they
all
ardently
desire
it
;
and
People
are
the
best
Judge
of
their
own
Necessities
:
The
common
Maxim
,
That
Interest
will
not
lye
,
holds
good
here
to
some
purpose
.
The
ill
Effects
the
contrary
Method
has
had
on
their
Persons
and
Estates
,
is
but
too
visible
.
Whoever
had
seen
Ireland
four
Years
ago
,
and
would
compare
its
Condition
with
what
it
is
now
,
from
the
most
thriving
and
flourishing
Country
of
Europe
,
from
a
place
of
the
briskest
Trade
,
and
best
paid
Rents
in
Christendom
,
it
is
fallen
in
one
Year
and
a
half
's
time
,
to
Ruine
and
Desolation
:
in
the
most
frequent
Cities
,
empty
Houses
,
and
melancholly
Countenances
;
in
the
best
people'd
Counties
,
unmanur'd
neglected
Fields
,
and
Solitariness
:
Such
a
one
,
I
say
,
might
justly
exclaim
,
Heu
!
Quantum
mutatus
ab
illo
.
But
it
would
be
impertinent
to
insist
any
longer
on
this
.
I
must
now
prove
,
That
't
is
the
Advantage
of
the
very
Natives
themselves
(
who
have
long
been
uneasie
under
the
English
Government
,
and
often
endeavour'd
to
shake
it
off
)
to
be
ruled
and
guided
by
that
Nation
they
hate
so
much
.
They
are
beholding
to
us
for
reducing
them
from
a
State
of
Barbarity
,
which
left
but
little
difference
between
them
and
Brutes
:
We
taught
them
to
Live
,
to
Eat
,
Drink
,
and
Lodge
like
humane
Creatures
;
(
if
they
esteem
this
any
Advantage
,
and
do
not
really
prefer
their
Native
Wildness
to
all
the
Benefits
of
civil
Society
,
Trade
,
Agriculture
,
Merchandizing
,
Learning
,
&c.
)
and
if
the
Gentleness
of
the
English
Government
could
have
had
any
Influence
on
them
,
they
had
no
reason
to
be
discontented
at
it
:
They
had
the
equal
Protection
of
the
Laws
,
in
relation
to
their
Estates
and
Persons
;
they
bore
but
their
just
Proportion
in
all
Taxes
and
Cesses
:
Their
Lands
improved
in
Value
,
by
the
Means
of
their
British
Neighbours
,
and
their
Rents
were
much
better
paid
than
formerly
,
whilest
themselves
were
Masters
of
the
whole
Island
:
They
had
a
large
Connivance
for
the
Exercise
of
their
Religion
,
and
were
even
allowed
to
hold
a
National
Synod
of
their
own
Clergy
in
Dublin
,
Anno
1666.
The
poor
Natives
were
not
oppressed
,
when
their
severe
Land-Lords
,
the
Irish
Gentry
,
by
their
cruel
Extortions
,
Casherings
,
Duties
,
and
Days
Labour
ruined
them
;
who
as
soon
as
the
English
Manners
prevailed
among
them
(
as
they
were
introduced
with
Difficulty
enough
,
there
was
need
of
the
Authority
of
Acts
of
Parliament
to
constrain
them
for
their
own
Good
)
lived
plentifully
,
and
in
convenient
Houses
,
had
their
Share
of
the
current
Coin
,
and
proportion
of
all
other
Necessaries
,
to
the
Life
and
Well-being
of
Man
,
which
now
they
want
;
insomuch
that
several
of
them
have
been
heard
to
curse
my
Lord
Tyrconnel
;
for
to
his
Government
they
attribute
their
Misery
,
and
acknowledge
,
they
never
lived
so
well
as
under
the
Direction
of
the
English
Rulers
,
nor
expected
to
do
so
again
,
till
they
were
restored
to
the
Helm
.
See
the
Force
of
Truth
,
which
compels
the
Confession
of
it
,
even
from
the
Mouths
of
its
Adversaries
!
One
may
easily
perceive
by
our
Authers
manner
of
arguing
,
where
the
Shoo
pinches
;
he
is
really
concerned
that
Ireland
is
not
altogether
an
independent
Kingdom
,
and
in
the
Hands
of
its
own
Natives
:
he
longs
till
the
Day
,
when
the
English
Yoak
of
Boudage
shall
be
thrown
off
:
Of
this
he
gives
us
broad
Hints
,
when
he
tells
us
That
[
England
is
the
only
Nation
in
the
World
that
impedes
their
Trade
:
]
That
[
a
Man
of
English
Interest
will
never
Club
with
them
(
as
he
phrases
it
)
or
project
any
thing
which
may
tend
to
their
Advantage
,
that
will
be
the
least
Bar
or
Prejudice
to
the
Trade
of
England
.
]
Now
,
why
a
Man
of
English
Interest
(
unless
he
will
allow
none
of
that
Nation
to
be
an
able
and
just
Minister
to
his
Prince
)
should
be
partial
,
to
ruine
one
Kingdom
[
to
avoid
the
least
Inconveniency
of
the
other
]
contrary
to
the
positive
Commands
of
his
King
,
I
cannot
imagine
:
For
since
[
it
is
the
Governour
's
Duty
to
Rule
by
Law
,
and
such
Orders
as
he
shall
receive
from
His
Majesty
.
]
I
know
no
Grounds
for
our
Authors
Arraigning
the
whole
English
Nation
,
in
saying
,
That
no
one
Man
among
them
,
of
what
Perswasion
soever
,
will
be
true
,
either
to
the
Laws
,
or
his
Majesty's
positive
Orders
,
which
shall
seem
repugnant
to
the
smallest
Conveniencies
of
England
.
This
is
a
glory
reserved
only
(
as
it
seems
)
for
his
Hero
,
my
Lord
Tyrconnel
.
The
Imbargo
upon
the
West
India
Trade
,
and
the
Prohibition
of
Irish
Cattel
,
are
the
two
Instances
given
.
It
were
to
be
wished
indeed
,
for
the
Good
of
that
Kingdom
,
that
both
were
taken
off
;
and
I
question
not
but
to
see
a
Day
wherein
it
shall
seem
proper
to
the
King
,
and
an
English
Parliament
,
to
Repeal
those
Laws
;
a
Day
wherein
they
will
consider
us
as
their
own
Flesh
and
Blood
,
a
Colony
of
their
Kindred
and
Relations
,
and
take
care
of
our
Advantages
with
as
little
Grudging
and
Repining
(
I
am
sure
they
have
the
same
,
and
no
stronger
Reason
)
as
Cornwal
does
at
Yorkshire
:
There
are
Instances
in
sevral
Islands
in
the
East-Indies
,
as
far
distant
as
Ireland
is
from
England
,
that
make
up
but
one
Kingdom
,
and
govern'd
by
the
same
Laws
;
but
the
Wisdom
of
England
will
not
judge
it
time
fitting
to
do
this
,
till
we
of
Ireland
be
one
Mans
Children
,
either
in
Reality
or
Affection
;
we
wish
the
latter
,
and
have
made
many
Steps
and
Advances
towards
it
,
if
the
Natives
will
not
meet
us
half
way
,
we
cannot
help
it
,
let
the
Event
lie
at
their
own
Doors
.
But
after
all
,
I
see
not
how
those
Instances
have
any
manner
of
relation
to
the
English
Chief
Governors
in
Ireland
;
they
were
neither
the
Causes
,
Contrivers
,
nor
Promoters
of
those
Acts.
The
King
and
an
English
Parliament
did
it
without
consulting
them
;
if
they
had
,
't
is
forty
to
one
,
my
Lord
of
Ormond
and
the
Council
,
whose
Stake
is
so
great
in
Ireland
,
would
have
hindred
it
as
much
as
possible
.
Our
Author's
Argument
proves
indeed
,
That
't
is
detrimental
to
Ireland
,
to
be
a
subordinate
Kingdom
to
England
(
and
't
is
plain
,
't
is
that
he
drives
at
,
let
him
disguise
it
as
much
as
he
will
)
but
the
conclusion
he
would
prove
,
cannot
at
all
be
deduced
from
it
:
Shortly
,
I
expect
he
will
speak
plainer
,
and
in
down
right
Terms
propose
,
That
the
two
Kingdoms
may
be
governed
by
different
Kings
;
Matters
seem
to
grow
ripe
for
such
a
dilloyal
Proposition
.
If
these
Acts
(
and
not
the
Subjection
to
an
English
King
)
were
the
Grievances
,
they
would
be
so
to
the
British
there
,
as
well
as
to
the
Natives
:
but
though
we
wish
them
Repealed
,
we
do
not
repine
;
in
the
mean
time
,
if
the
British
,
who
are
the
most
considerable
Trading
part
of
that
Nation
,
and
consequently
feel
the
ill
Effects
of
those
Acts
more
sensibly
,
can
be
contented
,
why
the
Natives
should
not
acquiesce
in
it
(
unless
it
be
for
the
forementioned
Reasons
)
I
cannot
see
.
Our
Author
allows
that
there
are
different
ways
of
obeying
the
King
:
't
is
a
Point
gained
for
us
,
and
proves
there
may
be
such
a
Partiality
exercised
in
executing
his
Majesties
Commands
,
as
may
destroy
the
very
Intent
of
them
;
and
yet
(
taking
the
Matter
strictly
[
the
King
is
obeyed
]
but
a
good
Minister
will
consider
his
Masters
Intentions
,
and
not
make
use
of
a
Word
that
may
have
a
double
Sence
to
the
Ruine
of
a
Kingdom
,
nor
of
a
Latitude
of
Power
,
wherewith
he
is
intrusted
,
to
the
Destruction
of
the
most
considerable
Party
in
it
:
Far
be
it
from
us
to
think
it
was
his
Majesties
Intentions
to
depopulate
a
flourishing
Country
,
to
undo
Multitudes
of
laborious
thriving
Families
in
it
,
to
diminish
and
destroy
his
own
Revenue
,
to
put
the
Sword
into
Mad-mens
Hands
,
who
are
sworn
Enemies
to
the
British
:
No!
His
Majesty
,
who
is
willing
that
Liberty
of
Trade
as
well
as
Conscience
,
should
equally
flourish
in
all
parts
of
his
Dominions
,
that
recommends
himself
to
his
Subjects
by
his
Impartiality
in
distributing
Offices
of
Trust
;
and
from
that
Practice
raises
his
greatest
Argument
to
move
his
People
to
Repeal
the
Penal
Laws
;
never
intended
that
some
general
Commands
of
his
should
be
perverted
to
the
Destruction
of
that
People
,
his
Intention
is
to
protect
.
His
Majesty
(
Great
as
he
is
)
cannot
have
two
Consciences
,
one
calculated
for
the
Latitude
of
England
,
another
for
Ireland
.
We
ought
therefore
to
conclude
(
in
respect
to
the
King
)
that
his
Commands
have
been
ill
understood
,
and
worse
executed
;
and
this
may
be
done
(
as
our
Author
confesses
)
and
the
King
[
undoubtedly
obeyed
;
]
but
such
an
Obedience
is
no
better
than
a
Sacrifice
of
the
best
Subjects
the
King
has
in
this
Kingdom
.
Our
Author
has
given
very
good
Reasons
why
the
Natives
may
be
well
content
with
their
present
Governor
,
but
I
cannot
forbear
laughing
at
those
he
has
found
out
to
satisfie
the
poor
British
with
My
Lord
Tyrconnel's
most
Excellent
,
Charitable
,
English
Lady
:
His
high
sounding
Name
TALBOT
,
in
great
Letters
,
a
Name
that
no
less
frightens
the
Poor
English
in
Ireland
,
then
it
once
did
the
French
;
a
Name
which
because
he
is
in
possession
of
,
I
will
not
dispute
his
Title
to
,
but
I
have
been
credibly
informed
,
that
he
has
no
relation
to
that
most
Noble
Family
of
Shrewsbury
(
though
my
Lord
Tyrconnel
presumes
to
bear
the
same
Coat
of
Arms
:
)
a
Name
in
short
,
which
I
hope
in
time
Vox
&
praetereae
nihil
.
A
Second
Reason
is
drawn
from
his
[
Education
]
We
have
heard
(
and
it
has
never
yet
been
contradicted
)
that
my
Lord
Tyrconnel
from
his
Youth
upwards
,
has
constantly
born
Arms
against
the
Brittish
:
If
our
Author
will
assure
us
of
the
contrary
.
I
am
apt
to
believe
●i
.
Excellency
will
give
him
no
thanks
,
who
lays
the
foundation
of
his
Merit
upon
the
Basis
of
his
constant
adherence
to
the
I●ish
Party
:
What
use
of
Consolation
can
be
drawn
from
this
head
by
the
Brittish
,
is
beyond
my
skill
to
con●pre●●nd
.
A
third
Reason
is
drawn
from
his
Stake
in
England
;
the
Author
would
do
well
to
shew
us
,
in
what
Country
this
lies
,
that
we
may
know
where
to
find
Reprisals
hereafter
;
for
since
he
offers
this
for
our
Security
,
't
is
fit
to
enquire
into
the
Title
and
Value
of
the
Land
,
before
we
give
so
valuable
a
Consideration
.
Thus
this
great
heap
of
substantial
Reasons
,
together
with
a
large
Panegyrick
upon
his
Excellency's
fair
Face
and
good
Shapes
,
telling
us
by
the
by
,
how
he
[
was
not
kill'd
at
Drogheda
,
because
he
run
away
,
]
is
enough
,
and
more
than
enough
to
demonstrate
,
that
[
the
Brittish
have
not
the
least
cause
to
be
dejected
,
because
they
are
sufficiently
secure
:
]
But
I
will
agree
with
the
Author
in
this
,
that
he
seems
to
have
been
reserved
by
Heaven
against
the
most
critical
occasion
,
that
should
happen
in
this
Age
,
reserv'd
as
one
of
the
Vials
of
God's
Wrath
to
plague
the
People
.
'T
is
well
known
[
Self-preservation
is
allowed
by
God
and
Man
;
]
and
since
he
tells
us
,
we
are
[
People
of
a
contrary
Interest
,
]
he
gives
us
right
to
provide
for
our selves
,
and
our
Families
,
as
well
as
we
may
;
't
is
like
a
generous
Aggressor
:
First
he
declares
who
are
his
Enemies
,
then
gives
them
warning
to
put
themselves
into
a
posture
of
Defence
.
We
are
beholding
to
him
for
this
hint
,
and
,
I
hope
,
shall
make
the
right
use
of
it
.
'T
is
below
me
to
take
notice
of
the
meaness
of
the
Expression
of
[
an
honest
Man's
losing
his
Head
in
a
Crowd
,
]
and
the
nonsence
of
the
other
,
[
The
most
men
bite
at
the
stone
,
&c.
]
Dogs
indeed
use
to
do
so
with
us
;
but
this
is
only
to
let
the
World
know
what
Country
man
our
Author
is
,
and
it
may
be
't
is
the
custom
here
for
these
Men
to
imitate
those
more
rational
Creatures
.
Our
Author
seems
sensible
,
that
many
hard
hings
have
been
done
,
which
occasioned
Clamours
against
the
present
Government
;
though
I
think
our
Grievances
(
how
intollerable
soever
)
have
been
born
more
silently
,
than
any
people
since
the
Creation
:
Since
I
do
not
remember
any
one
Pamphlet
has
hitherto
come
out
,
to
represent
them
;
ours
being
of
that
nature
,
as
stupifies
us
,
and
takes
away
the
use
of
the
Tongue
and
Pen
:
Curae
leves
loquuntur
,
ingentes
stupent
:
I
say
he
is
not
willing
this
load
of
Calumny
should
rest
on
my
Lord
Tyrconnel
,
but
casts
it
on
His
Majesty
,
imagining
that
the
respect
we
bear
,
(
and
justly
)
to
our
King
,
ought
to
render
us
Tongue-ty'd
in
relation
to
the
Male-Administration
of
his
Minister
.
But
I
have
already
shewn
,
how
the
King's
Orders
may
be
stretched
,
and
perverted
.
The
very
best
and
most
cautiously
penn'd
Laws
have
a
double
edge
,
and
(
if
the
Executive
Power
be
lodg'd
in
ill
Hands
)
have
the
worst
Effect
,
even
to
the
Punishment
of
Well
doers
,
and
the
Encouragement
of
them
that
do
Ill
;
and
I
question
not
,
in
the
least
,
but
this
is
our
Case
,
and
as
little
doubt
that
our
Grievances
would
be
redrets'd
,
did
not
one
of
His
Majesties
most
Eminent
Vertues
interpose
between
us
and
His
Grace
,
I
mean
his
Constancy
to
his
old
Servants
;
and
our
Condition
is
so
much
the
more
deplorable
,
that
His
Majesty
cannot
be
a
Father
of
His
Country
without
seeming
to
desert
His
Minister
;
but
't
is
to
be
hoped
that
at
long
running
,
the
Groans
of
a
distressed
Nation
will
prevail
over
all
private
Consideration
.
Whether
the
Employment
His
Majesty
has
given
my
Lord
Tyrconnel
,
has
not
prov'd
the
occasion
of
the
Augmentation
of
his
Fortune
,
(
as
our
Author
insinuates
it
has
not
)
shall
neither
prove
the
Subject
of
this
Discourse
,
nor
Object
of
our
Envy
.
I
shall
only
say
,
if
the
report
be
true
,
that
my
Lord
owes
all
his
Estate
to
the
King's
bounty
,
't
is
ungratefully
done
to
rob
His
Majesty
of
the
Honour
and
Thanks
due
to
him
,
by
denying
it
;
much
less
is
it
our
business
to
find
fault
with
the
advancement
of
five
Relations
.
In
this
point
Authors
differ
,
for
some
speak
55
at
least
:
If
there
had
not
been
the
greatest
Partiality
in
the
World
shewed
,
we
should
never
have
open'd
our
mouths
,
if
in
an
Army
of
about
9000
English
Officers
and
Souldiers
,
there
be
not
200
left
,
(
in
a
Country
where
the
English
have
so
much
cause
to
fear
)
and
those
turn'd
out
for
the
most
part
,
without
any
cause
assign'd
,
after
the
most
ignominious
disgraceful
manner
imaginable
,
stript
naked
in
the
Field
,
their
Horses
,
Boots
,
Buff●coats
,
&c.
taken
from
them
,
giving
them
Bills
to
receive
so
much
Mony
in
Dublin
,
as
amounted
to
half
the
value
of
their
Equipage
,
and
that
not
paid
without
Charge
and
Attendance
;
have
they
not
reason
to
fear
?
It
in
a
Country
,
whose
Government
was
perfectly
in
the
English
hands
,
so
●udden
an
alteration
was
made
,
that
both
the
Courts
of
Judicature
,
and
Charters
of
their
Corporations
were
taken
from
them
without
any
fault
of
theirs
,
have
they
not
reason
to
complain
,
and
be
afraid
?
If
those
very
Arms
which
are
taken
from
them
,
be
put
into
the
hands
of
their
sworn
Ememies
,
and
their
just
Debts
paid
after
a
new
Method
,
by
beating
or
killing
the
Creditors
,
when
they
〈◊〉
their
own
?
Have
they
not
reason
to
fear
,
and
defer●
the
Kingdom
?
If
these
and
an
hundred
other
things
do
not
justifie
the
retreat
of
several
of
the
Brittish
into
England
,
I
know
not
what
shall
be
adjudged
a
sufficient
reason
.
This
our
Author
would
insinuate
,
is
caused
by
a
sullen
Combination
;
as
if
the
Gentry
of
a
Nation
could
agree
together
,
to
do
a
thing
so
contrary
to
their
visible
Interest
,
as
desert
their
Houses
and
Estates
,
to
the
loss
of
one
half
of
them
,
meerly
out
of
spite
to
the
Government
.
But
because
our
Author
is
so
good
at
his
Narratives
,
and
would
induce
the
World
to
believe
that
there
was
but
two
Regiments
disbanded
[
by
his
talking
only
of
two
]
and
in
another
place
speaking
of
[
some
Officers
]
that
were
Cashiered
.
We
shall
hereafter
give
a
faithful
Account
of
the
Proceedings
in
the
business
of
Disbanding
;
and
in
the
mean
time
affirm
,
that
his
whole
Account
of
the
Affair
at
Molingar
is
most
unsincere
.
The
English
Souldiers
were
given
to
understand
,
that
they
were
all
to
be
turned
out
,
and
the
only
Grace
his
Excellency
did
them
,
was
to
declare
before
a
long
and
tedious
March
,
that
such
as
had
a
mind
,
or
had
Settlements
in
that
Country
might
better
quit
then
,
than
hereafter
.
This
is
plainly
shewn
by
the
turning
out
(
afterwards
)
all
those
English
who
then
actually
continued
in
the
Service
;
they
were
glad
that
any
would
quit
voluntarily
,
but
those
that
did
not
,
and
after
a
publick
Tryal
,
were
willing
to
serve
his
Majesty
,
they
soon
after
turn'd
out
.
Thus
the
false
gloss
that
our
Author
puts
upon
my
Lord
Tyrconnel's
Speech
is
discover'd
:
And
I
assure
the
Reader
,
the
Memoires
I
have
by
me
are
from
such
unquestionable
hands
,
and
there
are
so
many
hundred
living
Witnesses
to
the
Truth
of
them
,
that
our
Author
will
not
have
the
Impudence
to
deny
what
may
be
prov'd
before
his
Majesty
,
if
he
require
it
.
I
shall
only
take
notice
of
the
ill
Application
of
our
Authors
Sea-Metaphor
.
Though
in
stress
of
weather
,
the
Owner
is
willing
to
make
use
of
all
hands
that
may
be
helpful
towards
the
saving
the
Vessel
,
yet
he
takes
care
to
call
for
none
whose
practice
it
hath
been
to
cut
the
Tacklings
,
and
to
steer
contrary
to
the
Pilot's
Directions
;
he
thinks
such
safer
by
far
shut
up
under
Hatches
,
then
set
at
Liberty
or
employ'd
to
do
mischief
:
As
for
his
supposition
of
30000
men
to
be
sent
out
of
Ireland
,
into
Handers
,
I
cannot
tell
what
to
make
on
't
.
Let
them
crack
the
Shell
that
hope
to
find
the
Kernel
in
it
.
For
my
part
I
despair
,
though
the
readiness
of
the
English
Souldiers
of
Ireland
,
who
at
twenty
four
hours
warning
came
into
England
to
serve
His
Majesty
in
the
time
of
Monmouth's
Rebellion
,
ought
to
have
been
remembered
to
their
advantage
,
and
might
serve
(
to
any
unprejudic'd
person
)
as
a
Pattern
of
the
Loyalty
,
and
good
Inclinations
of
all
the
Protestants
in
that
Kingdom
,
if
his
Majesty
had
had
occasion
for
them
.
Whether
the
Parliament
will
Repeal
the
Test
for
those
several
weighty
Reasons
our
Author
says
[
are
fitter
for
contemplation
than
Discourse
]
tho
methinks
it
would
be
pleasant
to
see
a
House
of
Common
sit
like
the
Brethren
at
a
silent
Meeting
,
is
not
my
Province
to
determine
:
As
likewise
,
Whether
they
will
so
much
consider
that
Grand
Reason
[
the
King
will
have
it
so
]
(
for
his
Conscience
and
theirs
may
differ
)
or
what
the
diffenters
will
do
,
I
cannot
tell
.
One
thing
I
am
sure
of
,
there
will
be
no
such
Stumbling-block
in
the
way
of
the
King's
desires
,
when
they
meet
,
as
the
present
condition
of
Ireland
;
they
will
be
apt
(
when
His
Majesty
tells
them
,
they
shall
have
their
equal
shares
in
Employments
,
when
they
have
Repealed
the
Laws
)
to
say
,
Look
at
Ireland
,
see
what
is
done
there
,
where
the
Spirit
of
Religion
appears
bare
fac'd
!
and
accordingly
compute
what
may
become
of
us
,
when
we
have
removed
our
own
legal
Fences
,
since
they
now
leap
over
those
Hedges
,
what
may
we
expect
when
they
are
quite
taken
away
!
Poyning's
Law
is
a
great
grievance
to
our
Author
,
and
here
in
one
word
,
he
discovers
that
't
is
the
dependance
this
Kingdom
has
on
England
,
he
quarrels
at
:
'T
is
fit
the
Reader
should
understand
,
that
Law
(
enacted
when
Poynings
was
Lord
Deputy
)
makes
all
the
English
Acts
of
Parliament
of
force
in
Ireland
;
we
are
therefore
so
fond
of
that
Law
,
and
cover
so
much
to
preserve
our
dependance
on
England
,
that
all
the
Arguments
our
Author
can
bring
,
shall
not
induce
us
to
part
with
it
.
I
will
not
reflect
in
the
least
on
the
Courage
of
the
Irish
,
I
know
there
are
several
brave
men
among
them
,
but
they
have
had
the
misfortune
to
fall
under
the
Consideration
of
(
as
our
Author
softens
it
,
but
the
plain
sence
is
,
been
beaten
by
)
a
warlike
Nation
:
And
,
I
question
not
,
unless
they
behave
themselves
modestly
in
their
Prosperity
,
they
will
again
fall
under
the
Consideration
of
the
same
Nation
:
't
is
better
we
should
live
in
peace
and
quietness
,
but
the
Choice
is
in
their
hands
,
and
if
they
had
rather
come
under
our
consideration
again
,
than
avoid
it
,
let
them
look
to
the
Consequence
.
Another
advantage
which
may
accrue
to
Ireland
,
by
a
Native
,
as
a
Governour
,
our
Author
reckons
to
be
,
His
personal
knowledge
of
the
Tories
,
and
their
Harbourers
,
and
his
being
thereby
better
capacitated
to
suppress
them
.
Malicious
People
would
be
apt
to
infer
from
this
Suggestion
,
that
his
Excellency
had
occasion
formerly
to
be
familiarly
acquainted
with
such
sort
of
Cattle
.
I
have
heard
indeed
,
that
one
of
our
bravest
English
Princes
,
Henry
the
—
during
the
Extravagancies
of
his
youth
,
kept
Company
with
publick
Robbers
,
and
often
shar'd
both
in
the
Danger
and
Booty
:
But
as
soon
as
the
Death
of
his
Father
,
made
way
for
his
Succession
to
the
Crown
,
he
made
use
of
his
former
acquaintance
of
their
Persons
and
Haunts
,
to
the
extirpating
and
dissolving
the
greatest
knot
of
Highway-men
,
that
ever
troubled
England
.
My
Lord
therefore
(
in
imitation
of
this
great
Prince
,
no
doubt
)
will
make
use
of
his
Experience
that
way
,
to
the
same
end
:
And
I
readily
assent
to
the
Author
,
that
no
English
Governour
can
be
so
fit
to
clear
that
Kingdom
of
Tories
,
and
that
for
the
same
reason
he
gives
us
There
are
two
other
Advantages
remaining
;
one
is
,
his
Excellency's
having
already
made
different
Parties
in
that
Kingdom
,
the
Objects
of
his
Love
and
Hatred
,
let
the
Offences
of
the
one
,
or
the
Merits
of
the
other
,
be
never
so
conspicuous
:
Whether
the
Brittish
can
draw
any
comfort
from
his
Excellency's
knowledge
of
them
this
way
,
is
fit
to
be
debated
.
The
other
is
,
the
probality
of
his
getting
the
Statute
for
benefit
of
Clergy
,
in
favour
of
Cow-Stealers
,
and
House
Robbers
Repealed
;
and
where
,
by
the
way
,
there
is
a
severe
Rebuke
given
to
our
English
Priests
,
for
their
ill-placed
Mercy
to
Irish
Offenders
:
A
fault
I
hope
they
will
be
no
more
guilty
of
.
Whether
these
Advantages
be
so
considerable
as
to
move
his
Majesty
to
continue
a
Man
(
for
other
more
weighty
Reasons
)
absolutely
destructive
to
this
Kingdom
,
or
whether
some
of
them
might
not
be
performed
by
an
English
Governour
,
His
Majesty
is
the
only
Judge
:
Only
this
I
am
sure
of
,
The
King
(
if
he
were
under
any
Obligations
to
His
Minister
)
has
fully
discharged
them
all
,
and
has
shewed
himself
to
be
the
best
of
Masters
,
in
giving
so
great
and
honourable
an
Employment
to
his
Creature
,
and
continuing
him
in
it
so
long
,
notwithstanding
the
decrease
of
his
own
Revenue
,
and
the
other
visible
bad
effects
of
his
Management
;
the
Impoverishment
of
that
Kingdom
,
amounting
to
at
least
two
Millions
of
Mony
:
And
His
Majesty
may
be
now
at
liberty
(
without
the
least
imputation
of
Breach
of
promise
to
his
Servant
)
to
restore
us
to
our
former
flourishing
condition
,
by
sending
some
English
Nobleman
among
us
,
whose
contrary
Methods
will
,
no
doubt
,
produce
different
effects
.
To
conclude
,
methinks
the
comparison
between
His
Majesty
and
Philip
of
Macedon
,
when
he
was
drunk
,
is
a
little
too
familiar
,
not
to
say
unmannerly
,
and
that
between
Antipater
,
and
my
Lord
Tyrconnel
,
is
as
great
a
Complement
to
the
latter
.
But
provided
my
Lord
be
commended
,
which
was
our
Author's
chief
design
,
he
cares
not
tho'
the
comparison
does
not
hold
good
in
all
points
;
't
is
enough
that
we
know
we
are
Govern'd
by
such
a
Prince
that
neither
practises
such
Debauches
himself
,
nor
allows
of
them
in
his
Servants
.
But
we
are
not
beholding
to
the
Author
for
the
knowledge
of
this
;
should
a
Foreigner
read
his
Pamphler
,
or
get
it
interpreted
to
him
,
he
would
be
apt
(
and
with
reason
)
to
conclude
,
that
His
Majesty
as
much
resembled
Philip
in
a
Debauch
,
as
my
Lord
Tyrconnel
doth
sober
Antipater
.
I
have
now
done
with
all
that
seems
of
any
weight
in
our
Author's
Pamphlet
;
and
can
see
nething
in
his
Postscript
that
deserves
an
Answer
.
All
that
I
will
say
is
.
That
his
Recipes
bear
no
proportion
to
our
desperate
Disease
,
and
he
will
prove
not
to
be
a
Physitian
,
but
a
pretending
Quack
,
who
by
ill
applied
Medicines
will
leave
us
in
a
worse
Condition
than
he
found
us
.
I
shall
conclude
with
telling
you
,
That
your
Letter
,
which
enclosed
the
Pamphlet
,
whereof
I
have
here
given
you
my
thoughts
,
was
more
than
a
Fortnight
on
the
way
,
or
else
you
had
received
this
sooner
,
I
am
,
Dub●●
,
1688.
SIR
,
Your
most
Humble
Servant
.
A
PLAIN
ACCOUNT
OF
THE
PERSECUTION
Laid
to
the
CHARGE
of
the
Church
of
England
.
THE
Desire
of
Liberty
to
serve
God
in
that
Way
and
Manner
which
Men
judge
to
be
most
acceptable
to
him
,
is
so
Natural
and
Reasonable
,
that
they
cannot
but
be
extreamly
provoked
against
those
who
would
force
them
to
serve
him
in
any
other
.
But
the
Conceit
withal
,
which
most
Men
have
,
that
their
Way
of
Serving
God
is
the
only
acceptable
Way
;
naturally
inclines
them
,
when
they
have
Power
,
to
use
all
Means
to
constrain
all
other
to
serve
him
in
that
way
only
.
So
that
Liberty
is
not
more
desired
by
all
,
at
one
time
,
than
it
is
denied
by
the
very
same
Persons
at
another
.
Put
them
into
different
Conditions
,
and
they
are
not
of
the
same
Mind
:
but
have
different
Inclinations
,
in
one
State
,
from
what
they
have
in
another
.
As
will
be
apparent
by
a
short
View
of
what
hath
passed
in
these
Churches
and
Kingdoms
,
within
our
Memory
.
II.
Before
the
late
Civil
Wars
,
there
were
very
grievous
Complaints
made
of
the
Bishops
;
that
they
pressed
the
Ceremonies
so
strictly
,
as
to
inflict
heavy
Censures
upon
those
called
Puritans
,
who
could
not
in
Conscience
conform
to
them
.
Now
no
sooner
had
those
very
Persons
who
thus
complaned
,
got
their
Liberty
to
do
as
they
pleased
,
but
they
took
it
quite
away
from
the
other
:
and
suquestred
all
those
who
would
not
enter
into
their
Holy
League
and
Covenant
;
for
the
reforming
all
things
according
to
the
Model
which
they
propounded
.
Nay
,
they
were
not
willing
to
bear
with
Five
Dissenting
Brethren
among
themselves
;
who
could
not
conform
to
the
Presbyterial
Government
.
And
when
these
Dissenting
Brethren
,
commonly
known
by
the
Name
of
Independants
,
had
got
a
Party
strong
enough
,
which
carried
all
before
them
;
they
would
not
allow
the
use
of
the
Common
Prayer
in
any
Parish
;
no
not
to
the
King
himself
in
his
own
Chappel
:
not
grant
to
one
of
the
old
Clergy
,
so
much
Liberty
as
to
teach
a
School
,
&c.
Which
things
I
do
not
mention
(
God
knows
)
to
reproach
those
who
were
guilty
of
them
;
but
only
to
put
them
in
mind
of
their
own
Failings
:
that
they
may
be
humbled
for
them
,
and
not
insult
over
the
Church
of
England
,
nor
severely
upbraid
them
with
that
,
which
when
time
was
,
they
acted
with
a
higher
Hand
themselves
.
If
I
should
report
all
that
the
Presbyterians
did
here
,
and
in
Scotland
,
and
all
that
the
Independants
did
here
and
in
New
England
;
it
would
not
be
thought
that
I
exceed
the
Truth
,
when
I
say
they
have
been
more
Guilty
of
this
Fault
,
than
those
whom
they
now
charge
with
it
.
Which
doth
not
excuse
the
Church
of
England
,
it
must
be
confessed
,
but
doth
in
some
Measure
mitigate
her
Fault
.
For
the
Conformable
Clergy
having
met
with
such
very
hard
Usage
in
that
disinal
Time
,
wherein
many
of
them
were
oppressed
above
Measure
;
no
wonder
if
the
Smart
of
it
,
then
fresh
in
their
Minds
,
something
imbittered
their
Spirits
;
when
God
was
preased
,
by
a
wonderful
Revolution
,
to
put
them
into
Power
again
.
III.
Then
a
stricter
Act
of
Vnifamity
was
made
,
and
several
Laws
pursuant
to
it
,
for
the
enforeing
that
Uniformity
,
by
severe
Penalties
.
But
let
it
be
remembred
that
none
were
by
those
Laws
constrained
to
come
to
Church
,
but
had
Liberty
left
them
to
serve
God
at
Home
(
and
some
Company
with
them
in
their
own
Way
.
And
let
it
be
farther
remembred
,
that
the
Re●ion
why
they
were
denied
their
Liberty
of
meeting
in
greater
Assemblies
was
,
because
such
Assemblies
were
represented
,
as
greatly
endangering
the
publick
Peace
and
Safety
:
as
the
Words
are
in
the
very
first
Act
of
this
Nature
against
●uakers
,
in
the
Year
1662.
Let
any
one
read
the
Oxford
Act
,
(
as
it
is
commonly
called
)
made
in
the
Year
1665.
and
that
at
Westminster
,
in
the
Year
16●●
.
and
he
will
find
them
intended
against
Sed●●ous
Conventicles
;
That
is
,
they
w●●●
made
them
,
were
persw●d●d
by
the
J●su●
I●terest
at
first
to
look
upon
such
Meetings
as
Nurseries
of
Sedition
,
where
bad
Principles
were
infused
into
Mens
Minds
,
destructive
to
the
Civil
Government
.
If
it
had
not
been
for
this
,
it
doth
not
appear
that
the
Contrivers
of
these
Laws
were
inclined
to
such
Severities
as
were
thereby
enacted
;
but
the
N●nconformists
might
have
enjoyed
a
larger
Liberty
in
Religion
.
It
was
not
Religion
alone
which
was
considered
,
and
prerended
,
but
the
publick
Peace
and
Settlement
,
with
respect
to
which
they
were
tyed
up
so
straitly
in
the
Exercise
of
their
Religion
.
Which
,
to
deal
clearly
,
I
do
not
believe
would
have
raught
Rebellion
;
but
this
was
constantly
insinuated
by
the
Court
Agents
;
and
it
is
no
wonder
if
the
Parliament
,
who
remembred
how
the
Ministers
of
that
Perswasion
(
though
indeed
from
the
then
Appearance
of
Popery
)
had
been
the
Principal
Incouragers
of
that
Defensive
War
against
the
King
,
were
easily
made
to
believe
that
they
still
retained
the
same
Principles
,
and
would
propagate
them
,
if
they
were
suffered
among
the
People
.
Certainly
it
is
also
,
that
the
Court
made
it
their
Care
to
have
those
Acts
passed
,
though
at
the
same
time
they
hindred
their
Execution
:
that
they
might
keep
up
both
Parties
in
the
height
of
their
Animosities
;
and
especially
that
they
might
make
the
Church
of
England
,
be
both
,
hated
and
despised
by
the
Dissenters
.
IV.
Thus
things
continued
for
some
time
,
till
wise
Men
began
to
see
into
the
Secret
;
and
think
of
a
Reconciliation
.
But
it
was
always
hindred
by
the
Court
,
who
never
thought
of
giving
Liberty
by
a
Law
,
but
only
by
the
Prerogative
,
which
could
as
cas●ly
take
it
away
.
There
was
a
time
,
for
instance
,
when
a
Comprehension
,
&c.
was
projected
by
several
great
Men
,
both
in
Church
and
State
;
for
the
taking
as
many
as
possible
into
Union
with
us
;
and
providing
Ease
for
the
rest
.
Which
so
netled
the
late
King
,
that
meeting
with
the
then
Arch-bishop
of
Canterbury
,
he
said
to
him
(
as
I
perfectly
remember
)
What
,
my
Lord
,
you
are
for
a
Comprehension
?
To
which
he
making
such
a
Reply
as
signified
,
he
heard
some
were
about
it
:
No
,
said
the
King
,
I
will
keep
the
Church
of
England
pure
and
unmixed
:
that
is
,
never
suffer
a
Reconciliation
with
the
Dissenters
.
And
when
the
Lords
and
Commons
also
had
not
many
years
ago
passed
a
Bill
for
the
Repealing
of
the
most
heavy
of
all
the
Penal
Laws
against
Dissenters
,
viz.
the
Statute
of
35
Eliz.
1.
(
which
by
the
Parliament
is
made
against
the
Wicked
and
dangerous
Practices
of
Sediti●●●
Sectaries
,
and
disloyal
Persons
)
his
late
Majesty
so
dealt
with
the
Clerk
of
the
Parliament
,
that
it
was
shuffled
away
and
could
not
be
found
;
when
it
was
to
have
been
presented
to
him
,
among
other
Bills
for
his
Royal
Consent
unto
it
.
A
notable
Token
of
the
Abhorrence
the
Court
then
had
of
all
Penal
Laws
,
and
of
their
great
Kindness
to
Dissenters
.
V.
Who
may
remember
,
if
they
please
,
that
as
once
there
was
a
time
,
when
the
Court
turned
out
,
or
chid
those
Justices
,
who
were
forward
in
the
Execution
of
the
Laws
against
Non●nformists
,
because
they
were
then
in
so
low
a
Condition
,
that
the
Court
was
afraid
the
Church
of
England
might
indeed
be
established
in
its
Uniformity
.
So
when
the
Nonconformists
were
by
some
Liberty
,
grown
stronger
,
and
set
themselves
against
the
Court
Interest
,
in
the
Election
of
Sheriffs
,
and
such
like
things
;
then
all
those
Justices
were
turned
out
who
hung
back
,
and
would
not
execute
the
Laws
against
them
;
and
Justices
pickt
out
for
the
purpose
,
who
would
do
it
severely
.
Nay
,
the
Clergy
were
called
upon
,
and
had
Orders
sent
them
,
to
return
the
Names
of
all
N●nconformisis
in
their
several
Parishes
;
that
they
might
be
proceeded
against
in
the
Courts
Ecclesiastical
.
And
here
I
cannot
forget
the
Order
made
by
the
Middlesex
Justices
,
at
the
Sessions
at
Hicks's
Hall
,
Jan.
13.
1681.
Where
they
urge
the
Execution
of
the
Act
of
22
C.
2.
against
Conventicles
,
because
in
all
probability
they
will
destroy
both
Church
and
State
.
This
was
the
reason
which
moved
them
to
call
upon
Consiables
,
and
all
other
Officers
to
do
their
Doty
in
this
Matter
:
Nay
,
to
call
upon
the
B.
of
London
himself
,
that
he
would
use
his
utmost
endeavers
,
within
his
Jurisdiction
,
that
all
such
Persons
may
be
Excommumcate
.
This
was
a
bold
stroke
,
proceeding
from
an
unusual
degree
of
Zeal
;
which
plainly
enough
signifies
,
that
the
Bishops
were
not
so
forward
as
the
Jaestices
in
the
prosecuting
of
Dissenters
.
Who
may
do
well
to
remember
that
the
House
of
Commons
,
a
little
before
this
,
had
been
so
kind
to
them
,
that
those
Justices
would
not
have
dared
to
have
been
so
severe
as
they
were
at
Hicks's
Hall
,
if
they
had
not
been
set
on
by
Directions
from
White-Hall
.
For
in
their
Order
they
press
the
Execution
of
the
Statute
1
Eliz.
and
3
Jac.
1.
for
levying
Twelve
Pence
a
Sunday
upon
all
those
that
do
not
come
to
Church
:
Whereas
the
House
of
Commons
,
Nov.
6.
1680.
had
,
Resolved
,
Nemine
Contradicente
,
That
it
is
the
Opinion
of
this
House
That
the
Acts
of
Parliament
made
in
the
Reign
of
Queen
E●z●beth
,
and
King
James
,
against
Popish
Recusants
,
ought
not
to
be
extended
against
Protestant
D●ssenters
.
VI.
Who
should
not
forget
how
backward
the
Clergy
of
London
especially
,
were
to
comply
with
this
Design
,
of
reviving
the
Execution
of
the
Laws
against
them
;
What
Courses
they
took
to
save
them
from
this
Danger
!
and
what
Hatred
they
incurred
for
being
so
kind
to
them
!
Which
in
truth
w●●
Kindness
to
themselves
;
for
now
they
saw
plainly
that
Nothing
was
intended
but
the
Destruction
of
us
both
,
by
setting
us
in
our
turns
,
one
against
the
other
.
Many
indeed
were
possessed
with
the
old
Opinion
,
that
the
Dissenters
aimed
at
the
Overthrow
of
the
Government
b●th
in
Church
and
State
:
which
made
them
the
more
readily
joyn
with
those
who
were
employed
to
suppress
them
,
by
turning
the
Loge
of
the
Laws
upon
them
.
But
both
these
were
most
industriously
promoted
by
the
Court
:
who
laboured
might
and
main
to
have
this
believed
,
that
they
who
were
called
Wings
,
intended
the
Ruine
of
the
Church
,
and
of
the
Monarchy
too
;
and
therefore
none
had
the
Court
favour
,
but
they
alone
who
were
for
the
ruining
of
them
:
all
others
were
frown'd
upon
,
and
branded
with
the
Name
of
Trimmers
;
who
they
adventured
at
last
,
to
say
were
worse
than
Whigs
.
Meerly
because
they
seeing
through
the
Design
,
desired
those
ugly
Names
of
Whig
and
Tory
might
be
laid
aside
;
and
perswaded
all
to
Moderation
,
Love
,
Vnity
,
and
Peace
.
If
any
Man
had
these
dangerous
Words
in
his
Mouth
,
he
had
a
Mark
set
upon
him
,
and
was
lookt
upon
as
an
Enemy
,
as
soon
as
he
discovered
any
Desires
of
Reconciliation
.
No
Peace
with
Dissenters
was
then
as
much
in
some
Mens
Mouths
,
as
no
Peace
with
Rome
had
been
in
others
.
They
were
all
voted
to
Destruction
;
and
it
was
an
unpardonable
Crime
so
much
as
to
mention
an
Accommodation
.
Such
things
as
these
ought
not
to
be
forgotten
.
VII
.
But
if
they
list
not
to
call
them
to
mind
,
(
though
they
be
of
fresh
Memory
)
yet
let
them
at
least
consider
what
they
have
had
at
their
Tongues
end
,
ever
since
they
knew
any
thing
:
That
the
Church
or
Rome
is
a
persecuting
Church
,
and
the
Mother
of
Persecution
,
Will
they
then
be
deluded
by
the
present
Sham
of
Liberty
of
Conscience
;
which
they
of
that
Church
pretend
to
give
?
It
is
not
in
their
Power
,
no
more
than
in
their
Spirit
:
They
neither
will
nor
can
give
Liberty
of
Conscience
;
but
with
a
Design
to
take
all
Liberty
from
us
.
That
Church
must
be
obeyed
;
and
there
it
no
middle
Choice
among
them
,
between
Turn
or
Burn
,
Conform
or
be
undone
.
What
Liberty
do
they
give
in
any
Country
where
their
Power
is
established
?
What
Liberty
can
they
give
who
have
determined
that
Hereticks
ought
to
be
rooted
out
?
Look
into
France
(
with
which
we
have
had
the
strictest
Alliance
and
Friendship
along
time
)
and
behold
,
how
at
this
Moment
they
compel
those
to
go
to
Mass
,
who
they
know
abhor
it
as
an
abominable
Idolatry
.
Such
a
violent
Spirit
now
acts
them
,
that
they
stick
not
to
prophane
their
own
most
holy
Mysteries
,
that
they
may
have
the
Face
of
an
Vniversal
Conformity
without
the
least
Liberty
.
For
the
New
Converts
,
as
they
are
called
,
poor
Wretches
,
are
known
to
be
mere
outward
Compliers
in
their
Hearts
,
abominating
that
which
they
are
forced
eternally
to
worship
.
They
declare
as
much
by
escaping
form
this
Tyranny
over
their
Consciences
,
and
bewailing
their
sinful
Compliance
;
whensoever
they
have
an
Opportunity
.
And
they
that
cannot
escape
,
frequently
protest
they
have
been
constrained
to
adore
that
,
which
they
believe
ought
not
to
be
adored
.
And
when
they
come
to
die
,
refuse
to
receive
the
Romish
Sacrament
,
and
thereupon
are
dragg'd
,
when
dead
,
along
the
Streets
,
and
thrown
like
dead
Dogs
upon
the
Dunghils
.
Unto
what
a
height
of
Rage
are
the
Spirits
of
the
Romish
Clergy
inflamed
;
that
it
perfectly
blinds
their
Eyes
,
and
will
not
let
them
see
how
they
expose
the
most
sacred
thing
in
all
their
Religion
(
the
Holy
Sacrament
,
which
they
believe
to
be
Jesus
Christ
himself
)
to
be
received
by
those
who
they
know
have
no
Reverence
at
all
for
it
,
but
utterly
abhor
it
?
For
they
force
them
,
by
all
manner
of
Violence
,
to
adore
the
Host
against
their
Will
,
and
then
to
eat
what
they
have
adored
;
though
they
have
the
greatest
reason
to
believe
,
that
those
poor
Creatures
do
not
adore
it
.
That
is
,
the
Church
of
Rome
will
have
her
Mysteries
adored
by
all
,
though
it
be
by
Hypocrites
.
None
shall
be
excused
,
but
whether
they
believe
or
not
believe
,
they
shall
be
compelled
to
do
as
that
Church
doth
.
Nothing
shall
hinder
it
;
for
the
Hatred
and
Fury
wherewith
they
are
now
transported
,
is
so
exceeding
great
,
that
it
makes
them
(
as
I
have
said
)
offer
Violence
even
to
their
own
Religion
,
rather
than
suffer
any
Body
not
to
conform
to
it
.
VIII
.
And
assure
your selves
,
they
are
very
desirous
to
extend
this
Violence
beyond
the
bounds
of
France
.
They
would
fain
see
England
also
in
the
same
Condition
,
the
Bishop
of
Valence
and
Die
,
hath
told
as
much
,
in
the
Speech
which
he
made
to
the
French
King
,
in
the
Name
of
the
Clergy
of
France
,
to
congratulate
his
glorious
Atchievements
,
in
rooting
out
the
Heresie
of
Calvin
.
In
which
he
hath
a
most
memorable
Passage
,
for
which
we
are
beholden
to
him
,
because
it
informs
us
that
they
are
not
satisfied
with
what
their
King
hath
done
there
;
but
would
have
him
think
there
is
a
further
Glory
reserved
for
him
,
of
lending
his
Help
to
make
us
such
good
Catholicks
,
as
he
hath
made
in
France
.
This
is
the
blessed
Work
they
would
be
at
,
and
if
any
among
us
be
still
so
blind
as
not
to
see
it
,
we
must
look
upon
it
as
the
just
Judgment
of
God
upon
them
for
some
other
Sins
which
they
have
committed
.
They
are
delivered
up
to
a
reprobate
Mind
,
which
cannot
discern
the
most
evident
things
.
They
declare
to
all
the
World
,
that
they
have
been
above
fifty
Years
crying
out
against
,
they
know
not
what
.
For
they
know
not
what
Popery
is
(
of
which
they
have
seemed
to
be
horribly
afraid
)
if
they
believe
that
they
of
that
Religion
,
either
can
or
will
give
any
Liberty
,
when
they
have
Power
to
establish
their
Tyranny
.
It
is
no
better
,
St.
John
himself
hath
described
that
Church
under
the
Name
of
Babylon
,
that
cruel
City
,
and
of
a
BEAST
,
which
like
a
Bear
,
tramples
all
under
its
Feet
;
and
of
another
Beast
,
which
causes
as
many
as
will
not
worship
the
Image
of
the
Beast
,
to
be
killed
;
and
that
no
man
may
buy
or
sell
,
save
such
as
have
had
his
Mark
;
i.e.
are
of
hsi
Religion
,
Rev.
13.1
,
15
,
16.
This
Character
they
will
make
good
to
the
very
end
of
their
Reign
,
as
they
have
f●●●thed
it
from
the
beginning
▪
They
cannot
alter
their
Nature
no
more
than
the
Ethiopian
change
his
Skin
,
or
the
Leopard
his
Spots
.
It
ever
was
since
the
rising
of
the
Beast
,
and
it
ever
will
be
till
its
Fall
,
a
bloody
Church
,
which
can
bear
no
Contradiction
to
her
Doctrine
and
Orders
,
but
will
endeavour
to
root
out
all
those
that
oppose
her
from
the
Face
of
the
Earth
.
Witness
the
Barbarous
Crusado's
against
the
poor
Albigenses
in
France
:
in
one
of
which
alone
Bellarmine
himself
saith
,
and
not
without
Triumph
,
there
were
killed
no
less
than
an
hundred
thousand
.
Witness
the
horrible
Butcheries
committed
in
France
,
in
England
,
and
in
the
Low
Countries
in
the
Age
before
us
;
and
in
Poland
,
the
Vallies
of
P●edmont
,
and
in
Ireland
in
this
Age
;
upon
those
who
had
no
other
Fault
but
this
,
that
the
made
the
Holy
Scriptures
,
and
the
Roman
Church
,
the
Rule
of
their
Faith
.
IX
.
But
if
you
be
ignorant
of
what
hath
been
done
and
doing
abroad
,
yet
I
hope
you
observe
what
they
do
here
at
home
.
What
do
you
think
of
the
Declaration
which
was
very
lately
imposed
to
be
read
in
all
our
Churches
?
Which
when
several
Bishops
and
their
Clergy
most
humbly
represented
,
they
could
not
in
Conscience
publish
to
the
People
in
time
of
Divine
Service
;
this
would
not
excuse
them
,
their
Petition
was
received
with
Indignation
,
and
looked
upon
as
a
Libel
;
the
Bishops
were
prosecuted
for
it
,
and
Inquiry
is
now
ordered
to
be
made
after
those
who
did
not
read
it
(
as
well
as
those
that
did
)
that
the
may
be
punished
by
the
High
Commissioners
.
Call
you
this
Liberty
of
Conscience
?
Or
do
you
imagine
you
shall
never
have
any
thing
imposed
upon
you
to
be
read
in
your
Congregations
,
which
you
c●nnot
comply
withal
?
Consider
,
I
beseech
you
,
what
will
become
of
you
when
that
time
shall
come
?
What
's
the
meaning
of
this
,
that
ever
they
are
look'd
upon
as
Offenders
,
for
following
their
Conscience
,
whose
Services
have
been
acknowledged
to
be
so
great
,
that
they
should
never
be
forgotten
?
It
ought
to
teach
Dissenters
what
they
are
to
expect
hereafter
,
when
they
have
served
them
so
far
(
by
taking
off
the
Tests
and
Penal
Laws
)
as
to
enable
them
with
safety
to
remember
all
their
former
pretended
Transgressions
.
Let
them
assure
themselves
,
the
Services
of
the
Church
of
England
are
not
now
more
certainly
forgotten
than
the
Sins
of
Dissenters
will
hereafter
,
when
they
have
got
Power
to
punish
them
,
be
most
certainly
remembred
.
Be
not
drawn
in
then
by
deccitful
Words
,
to
help
forward
your
own
Destruction
.
If
you
will
not
be
assistant
to
it
,
they
cannot
do
it
alone
;
and
it
will
be
very
strange
if
you
be
perswaded
to
lend
them
your
Help
,
when
the
Deceit
is
so
apparent
.
For
what
are
all
the
present
Pleas
for
Liberty
,
but
so
many
infamous
Libels
upon
the
Roman
Church
,
which
denies
all
Men
this
Liberty
?
While
they
declaim
so
loudly
against
Persecution
,
they
most
notoriously
reproach
Popery
,
which
subsists
by
nothing
but
Deceit
and
Cruelty
.
And
who
can
think
that
they
would
suffer
their
Church
to
be
so
exposed
and
reviled
,
as
it
is
by
such
Discourses
,
but
with
a
Design
to
cheat
heedless
People
into
its
Obedience
?
For
this
end
they
can
hear
it
proved
,
nay
,
prove
it
themselves
to
be
an
Antichristian
Church
,
when
they
prove
it
is
against
Christianity
,
nay
,
against
the
Law
of
Nature
and
Common
Reason
,
to
trouble
any
Body
for
his
Opinion
in
Religion
.
X.
Once
more
then
,
I
beseech
you
,
be
not
deceived
by
good
Words
,
if
you
love
your
Liberty
and
your
Life
.
Call
to
mind
how
our
poor
Brethren
in
France
were
lately
deluded
by
the
repeated
Protestations
which
their
King
made
,
he
would
observe
the
Edict
of
Nantes
(
which
was
the
Foundation
of
their
Liberty
)
even
then
,
when
he
was
about
to
overthrow
it
;
and
by
many
Assurances
which
were
given
them
by
those
who
came
to
torment
them
,
that
the
King
intended
to
eform
the
Church
of
France
,
as
soon
as
he
had
united
his
Subjects
.
What
he
had
done
already
against
the
Court
of
Rome
,
told
them
,
they
was
an
Instance
of
it
;
and
they
should
shortly
see
other
Matters
.
Such
ensnaring
Words
they
heard
there
daily
from
the
Mouths
of
their
armed
Prosecutors
,
who
were
ready
to
fall
upon
them
,
or
had
begun
to
oppress
them
:
And
therefore
they
would
be
arrant
Fools
here
,
if
they
did
not
give
good
words
when
they
have
no
Power
to
hurt
us
.
But
we
shall
be
far
greater
Fools
,
if
we
believe
they
will
keep
their
Word
when
they
have
got
that
Power
;
the
greatest
of
all
Fools
if
we
give
them
that
Power
.
They
have
no
other
way
but
this
,
to
wheedle
us
out
of
our
Laws
and
Liberties
.
Do
but
surrender
the
one
,
I
mean
our
Laws
,
and
they
will
soon
take
away
the
other
,
our
beloved
Liberties
.
Be
not
tempted
to
make
such
a
dangerous
Experiment
:
but
let
the
Laws
stand
as
they
are
,
because
they
are
against
them
(
as
appears
by
their
earnest
Endeavours
to
repeal
them
)
and
be
not
used
as
Tools
to
take
them
away
,
because
they
have
been
grievous
to
you
.
They
never
can
be
so
again
.
For
can
they
,
who
now
Court
you
,
have
the
Face
to
turn
them
again
upon
you
,
after
they
have
made
all
this
Noise
for
Liberty
?
And
the
Church
of
England
,
you
may
be
assured
,
will
not
any
more
trouble
you
:
but
when
a
Protestand
Prince
shall
come
,
will
joyn
in
the
Healing
of
all
our
Breaches
;
by
removing
all
things
out
of
the
way
,
which
have
long
hindred
that
blessed
Work
.
They
cannot
meet
together
in
a
Body
to
give
you
this
Assurance
(
how
should
they
,
without
the
Kings
Authority
so
to
do
?
)
but
every
particular
Person
that
I
have
discoursed
withal
,
which
are
not
a
few
(
and
you
your selves
would
do
well
to
ask
them
,
when
you
meet
them
)
profess
that
they
see
an
absolute
Necessity
of
making
an
end
of
these
Differences
that
have
almost
undone
us
:
and
will
no
longer
contend
to
bring
all
Men
to
one
Vniformity
;
but
promote
an
Vniform
Liberty
.
Do
not
imagine
I
intend
to
give
meer
Words
:
I
me●n
honestly
;
such
a
regular
Liberty
,
as
will
be
the
Beauty
and
Honour
,
not
the
Blot
and
Discredit
of
our
Religion
.
To
such
a
Temper
the
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
with
several
other
Bishops
of
his
Province
,
and
their
Clergy
,
have
openly
declared
they
are
willing
to
come
.
And
the
Bishops
and
Clergy
of
the
Church
of
England
have
never
been
know
to
act
deceitfully
Our
Religion
will
not
at
any
time
allow
them
to
equivecate
,
nor
to
give
good
Words
without
a
Meaning
,
much
less
at
such
a
time
as
this
,
when
our
Religion
is
in
great
danger
,
and
we
have
nothing
to
trust
unto
but
Gods
Protection
of
sincere
Persons
.
Let
Integrity
and
Vprightness
preserve
us
,
is
their
constant
Prayer
.
They
can
hope
for
no
Help
from
Heaven
,
if
they
should
prevaricate
with
Men.
God
they
know
would
desert
them
,
if
they
should
go
about
to
delude
their
Brethren
.
And
they
are
not
so
void
of
common
Sense
,
as
to
adventure
to
incur
his
most
high
Displeasure
,
when
they
have
nothing
to
rely
upon
but
his
Favour
.
In
short
,
Trust
to
those
who
own
you
for
their
Brethren
,
as
you
do
them
;
for
though
they
have
been
angry
Brethren
,
yet
there
is
hope
of
Reconciliation
between
such
near
Relations
.
But
put
no
Confidence
in
those
,
who
not
only
utterly
disown
any
such
Relation
to
you
,
but
have
ever
treated
you
with
an
implacable
Hatred
,
as
their
most
mortal
Enemies
;
unto
whom
it
is
impossible
they
should
be
reconciled
.
Prov.
12.19
,
20.
The
Lips
of
Truth
shall
be
established
for
ever
:
but
a
lying
tongue
is
but
for
a
m●ment
.
Lying
Lips
are
an
Abomination
to
the
Lord
;
but
they
that
deal
truly
are
his
Delight
.
Abby
and
other
Church-Lands
,
not
yet
assured
to
such
Possessors
as
are
Roman
Catholicks
;
Dedicated
to
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
of
that
Religion
.
SInce
it
is
universally
agreed
on
,
that
so
great
a
Matter
as
the
total
Alienation
of
all
the
Abby-Lands
,
&c.
in
England
,
can
never
be
made
legal
and
valid
;
and
such
as
will
satisfie
the
reasonable
Doubts
and
Scruples
of
a
religious
and
conscientions
Person
,
except
it
be
confirm'd
by
the
Supreme
Authority
in
this
Church
,
t
is
evident
that
the
Protestants
,
who
assert
the
Church
of
England
to
be
Autokephalos
,
and
such
as
allows
of
no
Foreign
Jurisdiction
or
Appeals
,
having
had
these
Lands
confirmed
to
them
by
the
King
,
as
Head
of
the
Chuech
,
the
Convocation
,
as
the
Church
Representative
,
and
by
the
King
and
Parliament
,
as
the
Supreme
Legislative
Power
in
this
Realm
,
have
these
Alienations
made
as
valid
to
them
as
any
Power
on
Earth
can
make
them
;
but
the
Members
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
who
maintain
a
Foreign
and
Supreme
Jurisdiction
,
either
in
a
General
Council
,
or
in
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
or
both
together
,
cannot
have
these
Alienations
confirm'd
to
them
,
without
the
Consent
of
one
or
both
of
these
Superior
Jurisdictions
.
If
therefore
I
shall
make
it
appear
,
that
these
Alienations
in
England
were
never
confirm'd
by
either
,
I
do
not
see
how
any
Roman
Catholick
in
England
can
,
without
Sacriledge
,
retain
them
and
his
Religion
together
.
As
to
the
first
of
these
,
since
there
hath
been
no
Council
from
the
first
Alienation
of
Abby-Lands
in
England
to
this
Day
,
that
pretends
to
be
general
,
but
that
of
Trent
;
we
need
only
look
into
that
for
the
Satisfaction
of
such
Roman
Catholicke
as
esteem
a
General
Council
above
the
Bishop
of
Rome
:
And
I
am
sure
that
that
Council
is
so
far
from
confirming
these
Abby-Lands
to
the
present
Possessors
,
that
it
expresly
denounceth
them
accursed
that
detain
them
.
Sess.
22.
Decret.
de
Ref.
Cap.
11.
Si
quem
,
&c.
If
Covetousness
,
the
Root
of
all
Evil
,
shall
so
far
possess
any
Person
whatsoever
,
whether
of
the
Clergy
or
Laity
,
though
he
be
an
Emperor
or
a
King
,
as
that
by
Force
,
Fear
or
Fraud
,
or
any
Art
or
Colour
whatsoever
,
he
presume
to
convert
to
his
own
Use
,
and
usurp
the
Jurisdiction
,
Goods
,
Estates
,
Fruits
,
Profits
or
Emoluments
whatever
,
of
any
Church
,
or
any
Benefice
,
Secular
or
Regular
,
Hospital
or
Religious
House
,
or
shall
hinder
that
the
Profits
of
the
said
Houses
be
not
received
by
those
to
whom
they
do
of
right
belong
,
let
him
lie
under
an
Anathema
till
the
said
Jurisdiction
,
Goods
,
Estates
,
Rents
and
Prosits
,
which
he
hath
possessed
and
invaded
,
or
which
have
come
to
him
any
manner
of
way
,
be
restored
to
the
Church
;
and
after
that
have
Absolution
from
the
Bishop
of
Rome
.
So
great
a
Terror
did
this
strike
into
the
English
Papists
that
were
Possessors
of
Church-Lands
,
against
whom
this
Anathema
seems
particularly
directed
,
that
many
of
the
zealous
Papists
began
to
think
of
Restitution
,
and
Sir
William
Peters
,
notwithstanding
his
private
Bull
of
Absolution
from
Pope
Ju●●us
the
Fourth
,
was
so
much
startled
at
it
,
as
that
the
very
next
Year
he
endowed
eight
new
Fellowships
in
Exeter-Colledge
in
Oxford
.
Again
,
the
same
Council
,
Sess.
25.
Decret.
de
R●f
.
c.
2
●
.
Cupiens
Sancta
Synodus
,
&c.
Decreeth
and
commandeth
,
that
all
the
Holy
Ca
〈◊〉
,
and
General
Councils
,
and
Apostolick
Sanctions
in
Favour
of
Ecclesiastical
Persons
,
and
the
Liberties
of
the
Church
,
and
against
those
that
violate
them
,
be
exactly
observed
by
eve●y
〈◊〉
;
and
doth
farther
admonish
the
Emperor
,
Kings
,
Princes
,
and
all
Persons
of
what
Estate
soever
,
that
they
would
observe
the
Rights
of
the
Church
,
as
the
Commands
of
God
,
and
defend
them
by
their
particular
Patronage
,
nor
suffer
them
to
be
invaded
by
any
Lords
or
G●ntlemen
wha●soever
;
but
severely
punish
all
those
who
hinder
the
Li●●w●●ies
,
Imm●●ities
and
Jurildictions
of
the
Church
;
and
that
they
would
imitate
those
excellent
Princes
,
who
by
their
Authority
and
Bounty
encreased
the
Revenues
of
the
Church
;
so
far
were
they
from
suffering
them
to
be
invad●●
,
and
in
this
let
every
one
sedulously
perform
his
part
,
&c.
And
now
after
so
full
and
express
Declaration
of
the
Council
of
Trent
,
I
do
not
●●e
how
any
of
those
R●man
Catholicks
,
who
esteem
a
general
Council
to
be
the
Supreme
Authority
in
the
Church
,
and
receive
the
Trent
Council
as
such
,
can
any
way
excuse
themselves
in
point
of
Conscience
from
these
heavy
Curses
that
are
there
denounc'd
against
all
those
that
detain
Church-Lands
,
especially
since
the
Papists
themselves
●eh●mently
accuse
King
Henry
the
eighth
for
sacrilegiously
robbing
of
Religious
Houses
,
and
seising
of
their
Lands
;
a
great
p●●t
of
which
Lands
are
to
this
very
day
possess'd
by
Papists
.
Now
though
there
may
be
some
Plea
for
the
Popes
Authority
,
in
the
interim
of
a
general
Council
,
and
in
such
things
wherein
they
have
made
no
determination
;
yet
in
this
matter
there
is
no
colour
for
any
pretences
,
since
the
Council
of
Trent
was
actually
assembled
within
sew
years
after
these
Alienations
,
and
expresly
condemned
the
possessors
of
Abby
Lands
,
and
after
all
this
was
all
confirm'd
and
ratified
by
the
Pope
himself
in
his
Bulla
Super
conf.
gen
.
Concil.
Trid.
A.
D.
1564.
And
tho'
we
have
here
the
Judgment
of
the
infallible
See
,
as
to
this
matter
in
the
Consirmation
of
the
Trent
Council
,
yet
because
there
be
some
that
magnifie
the
Popes
extravagant
and
unlimited
power
over
the
Church
,
and
pretend
that
he
confirm'd
the
Abby-Lands
in
England
to
the
Lay-possessors
of
them
,
I
shall
shew
.
Secondly
,
That
the
Pope
neither
hath
,
nor
pretends
to
any
such
Power
,
nor
did
ever
make
use
of
it
in
this
matter
under
debate
;
only
I
shall
premise
,
that
whereas
some
part
of
the
Canon
Law
seems
to
allow
of
such
particular
alienations
as
are
made
by
the
Clerks
and
Members
of
the
Church
,
with
the
consent
of
the
Bishop
,
yet
such
free
consent
was
never
obtained
in
England
,
and
as
to
what
was
done
by
force
,
fraud
,
and
violence
,
is
of
so
little
moment
as
to
giving
a
legal
Title
,
that
even
the
alienations
that
were
made
by
Charles
Martell
,
who
is
among
the
Papists
themselves
as
infamous
for
Sacriledge
as
King
Henry
the
Eighth
,
yet
even
his
Acts
are
said
to
be
done
by
a
Council
of
Bishops
as
is
acknowledg'd
by
Dr.
Johnston
in
his
assurance
of
Abby
Lands
,
p.
27.
I
shall
proceed
to
shew
,
First
,
That
the
Pope
hath
no
such
power
as
to
confirm
these
Alienations
,
and
this
is
expresly
determined
by
the
infallible
Pope
Damasus
in
the
Canon-Law
.
Caus.
12.9.2
.
c.
20.
The
Pope
cannot
alienate
Lands
belonging
to
the
Church
in
any
manner
,
or
for
any
necessity
whatsoever
,
both
the
buyer
and
the
seller
lie
under
an
Anathema
till
they
be
restored
,
so
that
any
Church-man
may
oppese
any
such
Alienations
,
and
again
require
the
Lands
and
Profits
so
Alienated
.
So
that
here
we
have
a
full
and
express
Determination
of
the
infallible
See
.
And
tho
in
Answer
to
this
it
is
urg'd
by
Dr.
Johnston
,
that
this
Canon
is
with
small
difference
published
by
Binius
in
the
Councils
,
and
so
as
to
confine
it
to
the
suburbicacy
Diocess
of
Rome
;
yet
that
this
Answer
is
wholly
trivial
,
will
appear
.
First
,
Because
if
the
Bishop
of
Rome
hath
no
Authority
to
confirm
such
alienations
in
his
own
peculiar
Diocess
where
he
hath
most
power
,
much
less
can
he
do
it
in
the
Provinces
where
his
power
is
less
.
Secondly
,
That
in
all
Ecclesiastical
Courts
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
it
is
not
Binius's
Edition
of
the
Councils
,
but
Gratian's
Collection
of
Canons
,
that
is
of
Authority
,
in
which
Book
these
words
are
as
here
quoted
.
Thirdly
,
Since
this
Book
of
the
Popes
Decree
hath
been
frequently
reprinted
by
the
Authority
and
Command
of
several
Popes
,
and
constantly
used
in
their
Courts
;
this
is
not
to
be
look'd
upon
as
a
Decree
of
Pope
Damasus
only
,
but
of
all
the
succeeding
Popes
,
and
in
the
opinion
of
F.
Ellis
,
(
Sermon
before
the
King
,
Decem.
5.
1686.
p.
21.
)
what
is
inserted
in
the
Canon
Law
is
become
the
whole
Judgment
of
the
whole-Church
.
Fourthly
,
It
's
absolutely
forbid
by
Pope
Gregory
the
Thirteenth
,
in
his
Bull
presixed
before
the
Canon-Law
(
A.
D.
1580.
)
for
any
one
to
add
,
or
invert
any
thing
in
that
Book
.
So
that
according
to
this
express
Determination
in
the
Popes
own
Law
,
the
Bishops
of
Rome
have
no
power
to
confirm
any
such
Alienations
as
have
been
made
in
England
,
and
agreeable
to
all
this
Pope
Julius
the
Fourth
,
(
the
very
person
that
is
pretended
to
have
confirm'd
these
Alienations
)
declar'd
to
our
English
Ambassadors
that
were
sent
upon
that
Errand
;
That
if
he
had
Power
to
grant
it
,
he
would
do
it
most
readily
,
but
his
Authority
was
not
so
large
.
F.
Paul's
H.
of
Council
of
Trent
,
Lond.
A.
D.
1629.
And
therefore
all
Confirmations
from
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
are
already
prejudg'd
to
be
invallid
,
and
of
no
force
at
all
.
Secondly
,
No
Bishop
of
Rome
did
ever
confirm
them
.
The
Breve
of
Pope
Julius
the
Third
which
gave
Cardinal
Pool
the
largest
powers
towards
the
effecting
this
,
had
this
express
limitation
,
Salvo
tamen
in
his
,
quibus
propttr
renem
magnitudinem
&
gravitatem
haec
Sancta
sedes
merito
tibi
videtur
consulenda
,
nostro
&
prefatae
sedis
beneplacito
&
confirmatione
,
i.
e.
Saving
to
us
in
these
matters
(
in
which
by
reason
of
their
weight
and
greatness
this
Holy
See
may
justly
seem
to
you
,
that
of
right
it
ought
to
be
consulted
)
the
good
pleasure
and
confirmation
of
us
and
of
the
holy
See
,
which
is
the
true
English
to
that
Latin
,
and
that
this
whole
Kingdom
did
then
so
understand
these
words
,
is
evident
from
the
Ambassadors
that
were
sent
to
Rome
the
next
Spring
,
Viz.
Viscount
Moitecute
,
Bishop
of
Ely
,
and
Sir
Edward
Carn
;
(
These
being
one
to
represent
every
state
of
the
Kingdom
,
)
to
obtain
of
him
a
Confirmation
of
all
those
Graces
which
Cardinal
Pool
had
granted
.
Burnet's
H.
Ref
p.
2.
f.
300.
So
that
in
the
esteem
of
the
whole
Nation
,
what
the
Cardinal
had
done
was
not
valid
without
the
Confirmation
of
the
Pope
himself
.
Now
this
Pope
Julius
,
and
the
next
Marcellus
both
died
before
there
is
any
pretence
of
any
Confirmation
from
Rome
;
but
this
was
at
length
done
by
Pope
Paul
the
Fourth
,
is
pretended
,
and
for
proof
of
it
three
things
are
alledged
,
First
,
The
Journals
of
the
House
of
Commons
where
are
these
words
,
After
which
was
read
a
Bill
from
the
Popes
Holiness
,
confirming
the
doing
of
my
Lord
Cardinal
,
touching
the
assurance
of
Abby
Lands
,
&c.
Secondly
,
a
Bull
of
the
same
Pope
to
Sir
Will
Peters
.
Thirdly
,
The
Decrees
of
Cardinal
Peol
,
and
his
Life
by
Dudithius
:
To
all
which
I
answer
,
First
,
That
it
s
confess'd
on
all
hands
,
that
there
is
no
such
Bull
or
Confirmation
by
Pope
Paul
the
Fourth
,
to
be
any
where
found
in
the
whole
World
,
not
any
Copy
or
Transcript
of
it
,
not
in
all
the
Bullaria
,
nor
our
own
Rolls
and
Records
,
tho'
it
be
a
matter
of
so
great
moment
to
the
Roman
Catholicks
of
England
,
and
what
cannot
be
produced
may
easily
be
denied
.
Nor
can
it
be
imagined
that
a
Journal
of
Lay-persons
that
were
parties
concerned
,
or
a
private
Bull
to
Sir
Will
,
Peters
,
or
some
hints
in
the
Decrees
and
Life
of
the
Cardinal
will
be
of
any
moment
in
a
Court
at
Rome
,
whensoever
a
matter
of
that
vast
consequence
,
as
all
the
Abby
Lands
in
England
shall
come
to
be
disputed
,
especially
if
it
be
observed
,
that
this
very
Journal
of
the
House
of
Common●
is
no
publick
Record
,
but
hath
past
through
private
hands
,
hath
been
corrupted
and
defaced
,
and
that
in
Passages
of
the
greatest
moment
,
as
are
the
words
of
W.
Hakewell
Esq
in
his
Observation
upon
them
70
Years
since
,
printed
A
D.
1641.
And
whereas
the
Journals
of
the
House
of
Lords
are
true
Records
,
and
kept
by
their
proper
Officer
;
there
is
not
one
word
to
befound
of
any
such
confirmation
,
Secondly
,
If
there
ever
was
any
such
Buil
,
it
had
this
limitation
in
it
,
that
the
Possessors
of
such
Lands
should
bestow
them
all
on
Colleges
,
Hospitals
,
parochial
Ministers
,
or
other
such
like
spiritual
Uses
?
and
this
I
prove
,
First
,
Because
the
famous
Instances
that
are
usually
given
of
the
Popes
Alienations
of
Church
Lands
,
were
only
a
changing
them
from
one
religious
Use
to
another
.
Thus
when
Pope
Clement
the
Fifth
,
A.
D.
1307.
supprest
the
Knights-Templars
in
this
Nation
,
and
seiz'd
all
their
Lands
and
Goods
,
he
gave
them
all
to
the
Hospitaller
of
St.
John
of
Jerusalem
,
and
that
was
ratified
in
Parliament
,
17.
Edw.
Second
,
which
Act
sets
forth
,
That
tho
those
Lands
were
escheated
to
the
Lords
of
the
Fee
by
the
said
Dissolution
,
yet
it
was
not
lawful
to
detain
them
.
When
Pope
Clement
the
Seventh
,
A.
D.
1528.
gave
Cardinal
Woolsey
a
Power
to
surpress
several
Monasteries
;
he
was
to
transferr
all
their
Goods
and
possessions
to
his
Collegiate
Church
at
Windsor
,
and
to
Kings
Colledge
in
Cambridge
;
and
when
the
same
Pope
gave
the
same
Cardinal
many
other
Religious
Houses
,
it
was
for
the
endowing
Christ-Church
in
Oxford
,
and
his
Colledge
in
Ipswich
:
And
to
Name
no
more
,
when
Pope
Alexander
the
seventh
,
A.
D.
1655.
suppressed
the
Order
of
the
Fratres
Cruciferi
,
he
disposed
of
all
their
House●
,
Farms
and
Rights
to
such
uses
and
pious
works
as
he
thought
fit
.
Vide
Bullar
.
Ludg.
Vol.
Vlt.
Fol.
220.
Secondly
,
When
this
very
Pope
was
attended
with
the
English
Ambassadors
that
came
to
his
Confirmation
,
the
Pope
found
fault
with
them
,
That
the
Church-yards
were
not
restored
,
saying
that
it
was
by
no
means
to
be
tolerated
,
and
that
it
was
necessary
to
render
all
even
to
a
Farthing
,
because
the
things
that
belong
to
God
,
can
never
be
applyed
to
humane
uses
,
and
he
that
withholdeth
the
least
part
of
them
,
is
in
a
continual
state
of
Damnation
;
that
if
he
had
power
to
grant
them
he
would
do
it
most
readily
,
—
but
his
Authority
was
not
so
large
as
that
he
might
prophane
the
things
that
are
dedicated
to
God
;
and
let
England
be
assured
that
this
would
be
an
Anathema
,
&c.
F.
Pauls
H.
of
the
Council
of
Trent
;
p.
392.
Sleidam
Com.
p.
779.
And
all
this
was
said
by
the
Pope
within
four
Months
of
the
pretended
Consirmation
.
Thirdly
,
The
private
Bull
to
Sir
W.
Peters
bears
date
within
two
Months
after
the
pretended
Confirmation
,
vide
.
Sir
W.
Dugdales
Eccl.
Col.
Fol.
207.
The
Title
of
which
Bull
is
this
The
Bull
of
Paul
the
Fourth
Bishop
of
Rome
,
in
which
he
confirms
to
Sir
W.
Peters
all
and
singular
the
Sales
of
several
Mannors
,
&c.
sometimes
belonging
to
Monasteries
,
which
the
said
Sir
W.
Peters
is
ready
to
assign
and
demile
to
spiritual
uses
.
Then
follows
the
Bull
it self
,
which
saith
,
That
this
Confirmation
was
humbly
desired
from
us
,
and
that
there
were
reaso●●bre
Causes
to
perswade
it
,
viz.
a
Petition
exhibited
by
the
said
Sir
W.
Peters
,
that
the
Mannors
,
&c.
belonging
to
certain
Monasteries
,
and
fold
to
him
by
King
Henry
the
Eighth
,
which
he
is
ready
to
assign
and
demise
to
spiritual
uses
,
may
be
approved
and
confirmed
to
〈◊〉
;
wherefore
the
said
Pope
doth
acquit
and
absolve
him
,
being
inclined
by
the
said
supplications
,
&c.
By
which
Bull
Sir
W.
Peters
had
no
power
given
him
to
keep
those
Lands
or
〈…〉
them
to
his
Heirs
,
but
only
to
distribute
them
to
such
Religions
uses
as
he
thought
〈◊〉
.
Now
it
is
a
〈…〉
thing
,
that
Sir
W.
〈◊〉
should
〈…〉
for
a
limited
Dispensation
,
if
the
whole
Nation
,
as
is
pretended
,
had
been
absolutely
dispensed
with
but
two
Months
before
,
without
any
limitation
at
all
:
So
that
either
there
was
no
such
General
Confirmation
,
or
else
it
was
limited
,
with
the
samo
restrictions
as
that
to
Sir
W.
Peters
,
Viz.
To
bestow
them
upon
spiritual
Uses
.
And
this
is
the
only
probable
Reason
why
in
England
this
Bull
is
wholly
suppress'd
and
lost
.
In
Confirmation
of
this
,
it
may
be
observed
,
that
Cardinal
Pool
,
notwithstanding
his
Dispensation
,
carnestly
exhorted
all
persons
by
the
Bowels
of
Christ
Jesus
,
that
not
being
unmindful
of
their
Salvation
,
they
would
at
least
out
of
their
Ecclesiastical
Goods
take
care
to
encrease
the
Endowments
of
Parsonages
and
Vicarages
,
that
the
Incumbents
may
be
commodiously
and
honestly
maintain'd
according
to
their
Quality
and
Estate
,
whereby
they
may
laudibly
exercise
the
cure
of
Souls
,
and
support
the
incumbent
Burthens
,
and
farther
urg'd
the
Judgments
that
fell
upon
Baithazar
,
for
converting
the
holy
Vessels
to
prophane
uses
.
Fourthly
,
Queen
Mary
,
who
best
understood
what
had
been
done
,
after
the
time
of
this
pretended
Confirmation
from
the
pope
,
restored
all
the
Church
Lands
that
were
then
in
the
Crown
,
saying
,
That
they
were
taken
away
contrary
to
the
Law
of
God
,
and
of
the
Church
,
and
therefore
her
conscience
did
not
suffer
her
to
detain
them
,
&c.
When
she
gave
them
to
the
pope
and
his
Legate
to
dispose
of
to
the
Honour
of
God
,
&c.
she
said
,
She
did
it
because
she
set
more
by
the
Salvation
of
her
Soul
than
ten
such
Kingdoms
.
Heylins
H.
Ref.
p.
235.
And
to
this
Act
of
Restitution
,
she
was
vehemently
press'd
by
the
Pope
and
his
Legate
.
F.
Paul's
H.
of
the
C.
of
Trent
,
p.
393.
Dudithius
in
vita
poli.
p
32.
And
these
things
thus
restored
by
the
Queen
,
were
disposed
of
by
the
Legate
to
several
Churches
,
Dudithius
,
ib.
From
all
which
it
's
evident
,
that
neither
the
Pope
,
nor
his
Legate
,
nor
Queen
Mary
knew
of
any
such
confirmations
of
these
Alienations
as
would
quiet
the
conscience
without
restoring
them
to
spiritual
uses
.
Fifthly
,
Queen
Mary
,
not
only
did
so
her self
,
but
press'd
it
vehemently
upon
her
Nobles
and
Parliament
,
that
they
would
make
full
Restitution
,
Heylyn
p.
237.
Sleidan
.
p.
791.
and
several
of
them
,
as
Sir
Thomas
,
Sir
Wylliam
Peters
,
&c.
who
had
swallowed
the
largest
morsels
of
those
Lands
did
make
some
sort
of
Restitution
,
tho'
not
to
the
Abbies
themselves
,
yet
to
Colleges
and
Religious
Uses
.
Sixthly
,
This
very
pope
Paul
the
Fourth
,
published
a
Bull
,
in
which
he
threatn'd
Excommunication
to
all
manner
of
persons
as
kept
any
Church-Lands
to
themselves
,
and
to
all
Princes
,
Noblemen
,
and
Magistrates
,
that
did
not
forthwith
put
the
same
in
Execution
.
Heylin's
Hist.
Ref.
p.
238.
So
that
by
a
new
Decree
he
retrieved
all
those
Goods
and
Ecclesiastical
Revenues
which
had
been
alienated
from
the
Church
,
since
the
time
of
Julius
the
Second
,
Ryemt's
Contin
.
p.
112.
So
improbable
a
story
is
it
,
that
this
Pope
confirmed
these
Alienations
in
England
.
And
whereas
Dr.
Johnston
,
p.
173.
hath
these
words
,
Mr.
Fox
saith
,
The
Pope
published
a
Bull
in
print
against
the
restoring
of
Abby-Lands
,
which
Dr.
Burnet
affirms
also
,
Ap.
Fol.
403.
It
is
notoriously
false
,
they
both
asserting
the
contrary
;
Dr.
Burnet's
Words
in
that
very
place
are
these
:
The
Pope
in
plain
terms
refused
to
ratifie
what
the
Cardinal
had
done
,
and
soon
after
set
out
a
severe
Bull
,
cursing
and
condemning
all
that
held
any
Church
Lands
.
Seventhly
and
lastly
,
The
succeeding
Popes
have
been
clearly
of
this
opinion
.
Pope
Pius
the
Fourth
,
who
immediately
succeeded
this
Paul
,
confirm'd
the
Counoil
of
Trent
,
and
therein
damned
all
the
detainers
of
Church-Lands
;
and
tho
he
was
much
importuned
to
confirm
some
Alienations
made
by
the
King
of
France
to
pay
the
debts
of
the
Crown
,
yet
he
absolutely
refused
it
,
F.
Pauls
H.
C.
Trent.
713.
Pope
Innocent
the
Tenth
,
first
protested
against
the
Alienations
of
Church
Lands
in
Germany
,
that
were
made
at
the
great
Treaty
of
Munster
and
Osnaburg
.
A.
D.
1648.
and
when
that
would
not
do
,
by
his
Bull
,
Nov.
26.
in
the
very
same
Year
,
damns
all
those
that
should
dare
to
retain
the
Church-Lands
,
and
declares
the
Treaty
void
.
Infirmnentum
pacis
,
&c.
&
Innocentii
10
me
declaratio
nullitatis
.
Artic.
&c.
and
all
their
late
Popes
in
the
Bulla
caenae
do
very
solemnly
,
Damn
and
Excommunicate
all
who
usurp
any
Jurisdiction
,
Fruits
,
Revenues
,
and
Emoluments
belonging
to
any
Ecclesiastical
person
upon
account
of
any
Churches
,
Monasteries
,
or
other
Ecclesiastical
Benefices
,
or
who
,
upon
any
occasion
or
cause
,
Sequester
the
said
Revenues
without
the
Express
leave
of
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
or
others
,
having
lawful
power
to
do
it
,
&c.
And
tho
upon
Geod-Friday
there
is
published
a
general
Absolution
,
yet
out
of
that
are
expresly
excluded
all
those
who
possess
any
Church
Lands
or
Goods
,
who
are
still
left
under
the
sentence
of
Excommunication
.
Toleti
Instr
.
Sacerd.
and
his
Explicatio
casuum
in
Bulla
caenae
Dni
reserva
.
From
which
consideration
it
's
evident
,
that
it
never
was
the
design
of
the
Pope
to
confirm
the
English
Church
Lands
to
the
Lay-possessors
,
but
that
he
always
urg'd
the
necessity
of
restoring
of
them
to
religious
uses
;
in
order
to
which
,
the
papists
prevailed
to
have
the
statute
of
Mortmain
repealed
for
20
Years
.
In
Queen
Elizabeth's
Reign
the
factious
party
that
was
manag'd
wholy
by
Romish
●missaries
,
demanded
to
have
Abbtes
and
such
Religious
Houses
restored
for
their
Vse
,
and
A.
D.
1585.
in
their
petition
to
the
Fa●hament
,
they
set
it
down
as
a
〈◊〉
Doctrine
,
that
things
once
dedicated
to
Sacred
Vses
ought
so
to
remain
by
the
Word
of
God
for
ever
,
and
ought
not
to
be
converted
to
any
private
Vse
,
Bishop
Bancrofts
Sermon
at
p.
c.
A.
D.
1588.
p.
25.
And
that
the
Church
of
Rome
is
still
gaping
after
these
Lands
,
is
evident
from
many
of
their
late
Books
,
as
the
Religion
of
M.
Luther
,
lately
printed
at
Oxford
,
p.
15.
The
Monks
wrote
Anathema
upon
the
Registers
and
Donations
belonging
to
Monasteries
;
the
weight
and
effect
of
which
curses
are
both
felt
and
dreaded
to
this
day
.
To
this
End
,
the
Monasti●●●
Anglicanum
is
so
diligently
preserved
in
the
Vatican
,
and
other
Libraries
in
the
popish
Countries
;
and
especially
this
appears
from
the
obstinate
refusal
of
this
present
Pope
to
confirm
these
Alienations
,
tho
it
be
a
matter
so
much
controverted
,
and
which
would
be
of
that
vast
Use
towards
promoting
their
Religion
in
this
Kingdom
.
If
therefore
the
Bishops
of
Rome
did
never
confirm
these
Alienations
of
Church-Lands
,
but
earnestly
and
strictly
required
their
Restitution
;
if
they
have
declared
in
their
Authentick
Canons
,
that
they
have
no
power
to
do
it
,
and
both
they
and
the
last
general
Council
pronounce
an
heavy
Curse
and
Anathema
against
all
such
as
detain
them
:
Then
let
every
one
that
possesseth
these
Lands
,
and
yet
own
either
of
these
Foreign
Jurisdictions
,
consider
,
that
here
is
nothing
left
to
excuse
him
from
Sacriledge
,
and
therefore
with
his
Estate
he
must
derive
a
curse
to
his
posterity
.
There
is
scarcely
any
Papist
but
that
is
forward
to
accuse
King
Henry
the
8th
.
of
Sacriledge
,
and
yet
never
reflects
upon
himself
who
quietly
possesseth
the
Fruits
of
it
,
without
Restitution
,
either
let
them
not
accuse
him
,
or
else
restore
themselves
.
Now
whatever
opinions
the
papists
may
have
of
these
things
in
the
time
of
health
,
yet
I
must
desire
to
remember
what
the
Jesuits
proposed
to
Cardinal
Pool
in
Doctor
Pary's
Days
,
Viz.
That
if
he
would
encourage
them
in
England
,
they
did
not
doubt
but
that
by
dealing
with
the
Consciences
of
those
who
were
dying
,
they
should
soon
recover
the
greatest
part
of
the
Goods
of
the
Church
.
Dr.
Burnet's
Hist.
Vol.
2.
p.
328.
Not
to
mention
that
whensoever
the
Regulars
shall
grow
numerous
in
England
,
and
by
consequence
burthensome
to
the
few
Nobility
and
Gentry
of
that
perswasion
,
they
will
find
it
necessary
for
them
to
consent
to
a
Restitution
of
their
Lands
,
that
they
may
share
the
burthen
among
others
.
For
so
vast
are
the
Burthens
and
Payments
that
that
Religion
brings
with
it
,
that
it
will
be
found
at
length
an
advantagious
Bargain
to
part
with
all
the
Church
Lands
to
indemnifie
the
rest
.
And
I
am
confident
that
the
Gentry
of
England
that
are
Papists
,
have
found
greater
Burthens
and
Payments
since
their
Religion
hath
been
allow'd
,
than
ever
they
did
for
the
many
years
it
was
forbid
;
and
this
charge
must
daily
encrease
so
long
as
their
Clergy
daily
grows
more
numerous
,
and
their
few
Converts
are
most
of
them
of
the
meanest
Rank
,
and
such
as
want
to
be
provided
for
:
And
that
's
no
easie
matter
to
force
Converts
,
may
appear
from
that
Excellent
Observation
of
the
great
Emperour
Charles
the
Fifth
,
who
told
Queen
Mary
,
That
by
endeavouring
to
compel
others
to
his
own
Relegion
,
he
had
tired
and
spent
himself
in
vain
,
and
purchas'd
nothing
by
it
,
but
his
own
dishonour
.
Card.
Pool
in
Heylin's
Hist.
Ref.
p.
217.
And
to
conclude
this
Discourse
,
had
the
Act
of
Pope
Julius
the
Third
by
his
Legate
Cardinal
Pool
,
in
confirming
of
the
Alienation
of
Church
Lands
in
England
,
been
as
valid
as
is
by
some
pretended
?
yet
what
shall
secure
us
from
an
Act
of
Resumption
?
That
very
Pope
after
that
pretended
Grant
to
Cardinal
Pool
,
published
a
Bull
,
in
which
he
Excommunicated
all
that
kept
Abby-Lands
or
Church
Lands
,
Burnet's
Hist.
Vol.
2.
p.
3●9
.
by
which
all
former
Grants
,
had
there
been
any
,
were
cancell'd
.
His
Successor
,
Pope
Paul
the
Fourth
,
retrieved
all
the
Goods
and
Ecclesiastical
Revenues
that
had
been
alienated
from
the
Church
,
since
the
time
of
Julius
the
Second
;
and
the
chief
Reasons
that
are
given
why
the
Popes
may
not
still
proceed
to
an
Act
of
Resumption
of
these
Lands
in
England
,
amount
only
to
this
,
That
they
may
stay
for
a
fair
opportunity
,
when
it
may
be
done
without
disturbing
the
peace
of
the
Kingdom
.
From
all
which
it
's
evident
,
that
the
detaining
of
Abby-Lands
,
and
other
Church-Lands
,
from
the
Monks
and
Friars
,
is
altogether
inconsistent
with
the
Doctrine
and
Principles
of
the
Romish
Religion
,
The
King's
Power
in
Ecclesiastical
Matters
truly
stated
.
HIS
present
Majesty
having
erected
an
High-Commission
Court
to
enquire
of
,
and
make
redress
in
,
Ecclesiastical
Matters
,
&c.
Q.
Whether
such
a
Commission
,
as
the
Law
now
stands
,
be
good
or
not
?
And
I
hold
that
the
Commission
is
not
good
.
And
to
maintain
my
Opinion
herein
,
I
shall
,
in
the
first
place
,
briefly
consider
,
what
Power
the
Crown
of
England
had
in
Ecclesiastical
or
Spiritual
Matters
(
for
I
take
them
to
be
synonymous
Terms
)
before
17
Car.
1.
ca.
11.
And
,
Secondly
,
I
shall
particularly
consider
the
Act
of
17
Car.
1.
ca.
11.
And
Thirdly
,
I
shall
consider
13
Car.
2.
ca.
12.
And
by
that
time
I
have
fully
considered
these
three
Acts
of
Parliament
,
it
will
plainly
appear
,
that
the
Crown
of
England
hath
now
no
Power
to
erect
such
a
Court.
I
must
confess
,
and
do
agree
,
That
by
the
Common
Law
all
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
was
lodged
in
the
Crown
;
and
the
Bishops
,
and
all
Spiritual
Persons
derived
their
Jurisdiction
from
thence
:
And
I
cannot
find
that
there
were
any
Attempts
by
the
Clergy
to
divest
the
Crown
of
it
,
till
William
the
First
's
Time
,
and
his
Successors
down
to
King
John
,
the
Pope
obtained
four
Points
of
Jurisdiction
.
First
,
Sending
of
Legates
into
England
.
Secondly
,
Drawing
of
Appeals
to
the
Court
of
Rome
.
Thirdly
,
Donation
of
Bishopricks
,
and
other
Ecclesiastical
Benefices
.
And
Fourthly
,
Exemption
of
Clerks
from
the
Secular
Power
.
Which
four
Points
were
gained
within
the
space
of
an
hundred
and
odd
Years
;
but
with
all
the
Opposition
imaginable
of
the
Kings
and
their
People
;
and
the
Kingdom
never
came
to
be
absolutely
inslaved
to
the
Church
of
Rome
till
King
John's
Time
,
and
then
both
King
and
People
were
,
and
so
continued
to
be
in
a
great
measure
in
Henry
the
Third's
Time
;
and
so
would
in
all
likelihood
have
continued
,
had
not
wise
Edward
the
First
opposed
the
Pope's
Usurpation
,
and
made
the
Statute
of
Mortmain
:
But
that
which
chiefly
brake
the
Neck
of
this
,
was
,
That
after
the
Pope
and
Clergy
had
endeavoured
in
Edward
the
Second's
Time
,
and
in
the
beginning
of
Edward
the
Third
,
to
usurp
again
;
Edward
the
Third
did
resist
the
Usurpation
,
and
made
the
Statutes
of
Provisors
,
25
Ed.
3.
and
27
Ed.
3.
And
Richard
the
Second
backed
those
Acts
with
16
Rich.
2.
ca.
5.
and
kept
the
Power
in
the
Crown
by
them
Laws
,
which
being
interrupted
by
Queen
Mary
(
a
bloody
Bigot
of
the
Church
of
Rome
)
during
her
Reign
,
there
was
an
Act
made
in
1
Eliz-ca
.
1.
which
is
Intituled
,
Keeble's
Stat.
An
Act
to
restore
to
the
Crown
the
ancient
Jurisdiction
over
the
Estate
Ecclesiastical
and
Spiritual
,
and
abolishing
all
foreign
Powers
repugnant
to
the
same
,
From
which
Title
I
collect
three
things
.
First
,
That
the
Crown
had
anciently
a
Jurisdiction
over
the
Estate
Ecclesiastical
and
Spiritual
.
Secondly
,
That
that
Jurisdiction
had
for
some
time
been
at
least
suspended
,
and
the
Crown
had
not
exercised
it
.
Thirdly
,
That
this
Law
did
not
introduce
a
new
Jurisdiction
,
but
restored
the
old
;
but
with
restoring
the
old
Jurisdiction
to
the
Crown
,
gave
a
Power
of
delegating
the
Exercise
of
it
.
And
as
a
Consequence
from
the
whole
,
that
all
Jurisdiction
that
is
lodged
in
the
Crown
,
is
subject
nevertheless
to
the
Legislative
Power
in
the
Kingdom
.
I
shall
now
consider
what
Power
this
Act
of
1
Eliz.
1.
declares
to
have
been
anciently
in
the
Crown
,
and
that
appears
from
Sect.
16
,
17
,
18.
of
the
same
Act.
Section
16.
Abolisheth
all
Foreign
Authority
in
Cases
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
in
these
Words
:
And
to
the
intent
that
all
the
Vsurped
and
Foreign
Power
and
Authority
,
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
may
for
ever
be
clearly
extinguished
,
and
never
to
be
used
or
obeyed
within
this
Realm
,
or
any
other
Your
Majesties
Dominions
or
Countries
.
(
2
:
)
May
it
please
Your
Highness
,
that
it
may
be
further
Enacted
by
the
Authority
aforesaid
,
that
no
Foreign
Prince
,
Person
,
Prelate
,
State
or
Potentate
Spiritual
or
Temporal
,
shall
at
any
time
after
the
last
Day
of
this
Session
of
F●●liament
,
use
,
enjoy
,
or
exercise
any
manner
of
Power
,
Jurisdiction
,
Superiority
,
Authority
,
Preheminence
or
Priviledge
Spiritual
or
Ecclesiastical
within
this
Realm
,
or
within
any
other
Your
Majesties
Dominions
or
Countries
that
now
be
,
or
hereafter
shall
be
,
but
from
thenceforth
the
same
shall
be
clearly
Abolished
out
of
this
Realm
,
and
all
other
Your
Highness's
Dominions
for
ever
;
any
Statute
,
Ordinance
,
Custom
,
Constitutions
,
or
any
other
Matter
or
Cause
whatsoever
to
the
contrary
in
any
wise
notwithstanding
.
And
after
the
said
Act
hath
abolished
all
Foreign
Authority
,
in
the
very
next
Section
,
Sect.
17.
It
annexeth
all
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
to
the
Crown
in
these
Words
:
And
that
also
it
may
likewise
please
your
Heghness
,
That
it
may
be
Established
and
Enacted
by
the
Authority
aforesaid
,
That
such
Jurisdictions
,
Priviledges
,
Superiorities
,
and
Preheminencies
,
Spiritual
and
Ecclesiastical
,
as
by
any
Spiritual
or
Ecclesiastical
Power
or
Authority
hath
heretofore
been
,
or
may
lawfully
be
exercised
,
or
used
for
the
Visitation
of
the
Ecclesiastical
State
and
Persons
,
and
for
Reformation
,
Order
and
Correction
of
the
same
,
and
of
all
manner
of
Errors
,
Heresies
,
Schisms
,
Abuses
,
Offences
,
Contempts
and
Enormities
shall
for
ever
,
by
Authority
of
this
present
Parliament
,
be
Vnited
and
Annexed
to
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Realm
.
From
these
Words
,
That
such
Jurisdiction
,
&c.
as
by
any
Spiritual
or
Ecclesiastical
Power
or
Authority
had
then-to-fore
been
exercised
or
used
,
were
annexed
to
the
Crown
;
I
observe
,
That
the
Four
things
aforesaid
,
wherein
the
Pope
had
incroached
,
were
all
restored
to
the
Crown
;
and
likewise
all
other
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
that
had
been
exercised
or
used
in
this
Kingdom
,
and
did
thereby
become
absolutely
vested
in
the
Crown
.
Then
Section
18.
Gives
a
Power
to
the
Crown
to
assign
Commissioners
to
excrcise
this
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
in
these
Words
:
And
that
Your
Highness
,
Your
Heirs
and
Successors
,
Kings
or
Queens
of
this
Realm
,
shall
have
full
Power
and
Authority
,
by
Virtue
of
this
Act
,
by
Letters
Patents
under
the
Great
Seal
of
England
,
to
Assign
,
Name
,
and
Authorize
,
when
,
and
as
often
as
Your
Highness
,
Your
Heirs
or
Successors
shall
think
meet
and
convenient
,
and
for
such
,
and
so
long
time
as
shall
pleass
Your
Highness
,
your
Heirs
or
Successors
,
such
Person
or
Persons
,
being
natural
born
Subjects
to
Your
Highness
,
Your
Heirs
or
Successors
,
as
Your
Majesty
,
Your
Heirs
or
Successors
shall
think
meet
to
Exercise
,
Vse
,
Occupy
and
Execute
under
Your
Highness
,
Your
Heirs
and
Succ●ssors
,
all
manner
of
Jurisdictions
,
Priviledges
and
Preheminencies
in
any
wise
touching
or
concerning
any
Spiritual
or
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
within
these
Your
Realms
of
England
and
Ireland
,
or
any
other
Your
Highness's
Dominions
and
Countries
;
(
2.
)
and
to
visit
,
Reform
,
Redress
,
Order
,
Correct
and
Amend
all
such
Errors
,
Heresies
,
Schisms
,
Abuses
,
Offences
,
Contempts
and
Enormities
whatsoever
,
which
by
any
manner
of
Spiritual
or
Ecclesiastical
Power
,
Authority
or
Jurisdiction
can
,
or
may
lawfully
be
Reformed
,
Ordered
,
Redressed
,
Corrected
,
Restrained
and
Amended
,
to
the
pleasure
of
Almighty
God
,
the
Increase
of
Vertue
,
and
the
Conservation
of
the
Peace
and
Vnity
of
this
Realm
;
(
3.
)
And
that
such
Person
or
Persons
so
to
be
Named
,
Assigned
,
Authorised
and
Appointed
by
Your
Highness
,
Your
Heirs
or
Successors
,
after
the
said
Letters
Patents
to
him
or
them
made
and
delivered
,
as
is
aforesaid
,
shall
have
full
Power
and
Authority
,
by
Vertue
of
this
Act
,
and
of
the
said
Letters
Patents
under
Your
Highness
.
Your
Heirs
and
Successors
,
to
exercise
,
use
and
execute
all
the
premisses
,
according
to
the
Tenor
and
Effect
of
the
said
Letters
Patents
,
any
matter
or
cause
to
the
contrary
in
any
wise
notwithstanding
.
So
that
,
I
take
it
,
that
all
manner
of
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
was
in
the
Crown
by
the
Common
Law
of
England
,
and
declared
to
be
so
by
the
said
Act
of
1
Eliz.
1.
and
by
that
Act
,
a
Power
given
to
the
Crown
to
assign
Commissioners
to
exercise
this
Jurisdiction
;
which
was
accordingly
done
by
Queen
Elizabeth
,
and
a
High
Commission
Court
was
by
her
erected
;
which
sate
and
held
Plea
of
all
Causes
,
Spiritual
and
Ecclesiastical
,
during
the
Reign
of
Queen
Elizabeth
,
King
James
the
First
,
and
King
Charles
the
First
,
till
the
17th
.
Year
of
his
Reign
.
Which
leads
me
to
consider
the
Statute
of
17
Car.
1.
ca.
11.
which
Act
recites
the
Title
of
1
Eliz.
ca.
1.
and
Sect.
18.
of
the
same
Act
,
and
recites
further
,
Section
2.
That
whereas
by
colour
of
some
Words
in
the
aforesaid
Branch
of
the
said
Act
,
whereby
Commissioners
are
authorised
to
execute
their
Commission
according
to
the
Tenor
and
Effect
of
the
Kings
Letters
Patents
,
and
by
Letters
Patents
grounded
thereupon
,
the
said
Commissioners
have
to
the
great
and
insufferable
Wrong
and
Oppression
of
the
Kings
Subjects
,
used
to
Fine
and
Imprison
them
,
and
to
exercise
other
Authority
,
not
belonging
to
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
restored
by
that
Act
,
and
divers
other
great
Mischiefs
and
Inconveniences
have
also
ensued
to
the
Kings
Subjects
,
by
occasion
of
the
said
Branch
,
and
Commissions
issued
thereupon
,
and
the
Executions
thereof
:
Therefore
for
the
repressing
and
preventing
of
the
aforesaid
Abuses
,
Mischiefs
and
Inconveniences
in
time
to
come
,
(
by
Sect.
3.
the
said
Clause
in
the
said
Act
1
Eliz.
1.
is
Repealed
with
a
Non
obstante
to
the
said
Act
,
in
these
Words
:
)
Be
it
Enacted
by
the
Kings
most
excellent
Majesty
,
and
the
Lords
and
Commons
in
this
present
Parliament
Assembled
,
and
by
the
Authority
of
the
same
,
That
the
aforesaid
Branch
,
Clause
,
Article
or
Sentence
contained
in
the
said
Act
,
and
every
Word
,
Matter
and
thing
contained
in
that
Branch
,
Clause
,
Article
or
Sentence
,
shall
from
henceforth
be
Repealed
,
Annulled
,
Revoked
,
Annihilated
and
utterly
made
Void
for
ever
;
any
thing
in
the
said
Act
to
the
contrary
in
any
wise
notwithstanding
.
And
in
Sect.
5.
of
the
same
Act
,
it
is
Enacted
,
That
from
and
after
the
first
of
August
(
in
the
said
Act
mentioned
)
all
such
Commissions
shall
be
void
,
in
these
Words
,
And
be
it
further
Enacted
,
That
from
and
after
the
said
first
Day
of
August
,
no
new
Court
shall
be
erected
,
ordained
or
appointed
within
this
Realm
of
England
,
or
Dominion
of
Wales
,
which
shall
or
may
have
the
like
Power
,
Jurisdiction
or
Authority
as
the
said
High
Commission
Court
now
hath
,
or
pretendeth
to
have
;
but
that
all
and
every
such
Letters
Patents
,
Commissions
and
Grants
,
made
or
to
be
made
by
his
Majesty
,
his
Heirs
and
Successors
;
and
all
Powers
and
Authorities
,
granted
or
pretended
,
or
mentioned
to
be
granted
thereby
;
And
all
Acts
,
Sentences
,
and
Decrees
,
to
be
made
,
by
virtue
or
Colour
thereof
,
shall
be
utterly
void
,
and
of
none
effect
.
By
which
Act
then
,
the
Power
of
Exercising
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
by
Commissioners
,
under
the
Broad-Seal
,
is
so
taken
away
,
that
it
provides
no
such
Power
shall
ever
for
the
future
be
Delegated
by
the
Crown
,
to
any
Person
or
Persons
whatsoever
.
Let
us
then
in
the
last
place
consider
,
Whether
the
Act
of
13
Car.
2.
ca.
12
hath
restored
this
Power
or
not
?
And
for
this
,
I
take
it
,
that
it
is
not
restored
by
the
said
Act
,
or
any
Clause
in
it
;
and
to
make
this
evident
,
I
shall
first
set
down
the
whole
Act
,
and
then
consider
it
in
the
several
Branches
of
it
,
that
relate
to
this
Matter
:
The
Act
is
Entituled
,
An
Act
for
Explanation
of
a
Clause
contained
in
an
Act
of
Parliament
made
in
the
17th
.
Year
of
the
Late
King
Charles
,
Entituled
,
An
Act
for
Repeal
of
a
Branch
of
Statute
,
in
Primo
Elizabethae
;
c●ncerning
Commissioners
for
Causes
Ecclesiastical
.
The
Act
it self
runs
thus
,
Whereas
in
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
made
in
the
Seventeenth
Year
of
the
Late
King
Charles
,
Intituled
,
An
Act
for
Repeal
of
a
Branch
of
a
Stature
primo
Elizabethae
,
concerning
Commissioners
for
Causes
Ecclesiastical
,
It
is
(
amongst
other
things
)
Enacted
,
that
no
Arch-bishop
,
Bis●●p
or
Vicar-General
,
nor
any
Chancellor
,
nor
Commissary
of
any
Arch-Bishop
,
Bishop
or
Vicar-General
,
nor
any
Ordinary
whatsoever
,
nor
any
other
Spiritual
or
Ecclesiastical
Judge
,
Officer
,
or
Minister
of
Justice
,
nor
any
other
Person
or
Persons
whatsoever
,
exercising
Spiritual
or
Ecclesiastical
Power
,
Authority
,
or
Jurisdiction
,
by
any
Grant
,
Lisence
,
or
Commission
of
the
Kings
Majesty
,
His
Heirs
,
or
Successors
,
or
by
any
Power
or
Authority
derived
from
the
King
,
his
Heirs
or
Successors
,
or
otherwise
,
shall
(
from
and
after
the
First
Day
of
August
which
then
should
be
in
the
Year
of
our
Lord
God
,
1641.
)
Award
,
Impose
or
Inflict
any
Pain
,
Penalty
,
Fine
,
Amercement
,
Imprisonment
,
or
other
Corporal
Punishment
upon
any
of
the
Kings
Subjects
,
for
any
Contempt
,
Misdemeanor
,
Crime
,
Offence
,
Matter
or
Thing
whatsoever
,
belonging
to
Spiritual
or
Ecclesiastical
Cognizance
or
Jurisdiction
:
(
2.
)
Whereupon
some
Doubt
hath
been
made
that
all
ordinary
Power
of
Coertion
,
and
proceeding
in
Causes
Ecclesiastital
were
taken
away
,
whereby
the
ordinary
Course
of
Justice
in
Causes
Ecclesiastical
hath
been
obstructed
.
(
3.
)
Be
it
therefore
Declared
and
Enacted
by
the
Kings
most
Excellent
Majesty
,
by
,
and
with
the
Advice
and
Consent
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
in
this
present
Parliament
Assembled
,
and
by
the
Authority
thereof
,
That
neither
the
said
Act
,
nor
any
thing
therein
contained
,
doth
or
shall
take
away
any
ordinary
Power
or
Authority
from
any
of
the
said
Arch-Bishops
,
Bishops
,
or
any
other
Person
or
Persons
,
named
as
aforesaid
,
but
that
they
and
every
of
them
,
exercising
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
,
may
proceed
,
determine
,
Sentence
,
execute
and
exercise
all
manner
of
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
,
and
all
Censures
and
Coertions
appertaining
and
belonging
to
the
same
,
before
any
making
of
the
Act
before
recited
,
in
all
Causes
and
Matters
belonging
to
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
,
according
to
the
Kings
Majesties
Ecclesiastical
Laws
,
used
and
practised
in
this
Realm
,
in
as
ample
Manner
and
Form
as
they
did
and
might
lawfully
have
done
before
making
of
the
said
Act.
Sect.
2.
And
be
it
further
Enacted
by
the
Authority
aforesaid
,
That
the
afore
recited
Act
of
Decimo
Septimo
Car.
and
all
the
Matters
and
Clauses
therein
contained
(
excepting
what
concerns
the
High
Commission
Court
,
or
the
new
Erection
of
some
such
like
Court
by
Commission
)
shall
be
and
is
thereby
repealed
to
dlintents
and
purposes
whatsoever
,
any
thing
,
clause
or
sentence
in
the
said
Act
contained
to
the
contrary
●●ithstanding
.
Sect.
3.
Provided
always
,
and
it
is
hereby
Enacted
,
That
neither
this
Act
,
nor
any
thing
herein
con●●ined
,
shall
extend
,
or
be
construed
to
ravive
,
or
give
Force
to
the
said
Branch
of
the
said
Statute
wade
in
the
said
First
Year
of
the
Reign
of
the
said
Late
Queen
Elizabeth
,
mentioned
in
the
said
Act
if
Parliament
made
in
the
Seventeenth
Year
of
the
Reign
of
the
said
King
Charles
;
but
that
the
said
Branch
of
the
said
Statute
,
made
in
the
said
First
Year
of
the
Reign
of
the
said
Late
Queen
Elizabeth
,
scall
stand
and
be
Repealed
in
such
sort
as
if
this
Act
had
never
been
made
.
Sect.
4.
Provided
always
,
and
it
is
hereby
Enacted
,
That
it
shall
not
be
lawful
for
any
Arch-bishop
,
Bishop
,
Vicar-General
,
Chancellor
,
Commissary
,
or
any
other
Spiritual
or
Ecclesiastical
Judge
,
Officer
,
or
Minister
,
or
any
other
person
having
or
exercising
Spiritual
or
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
,
to
Tender
or
Administer
unto
any
Person
whatsoever
,
the
Oath
usually
called
Ex
Officio
,
or
any
other
Oath
whereby
such
person
,
to
whom
the
same
is
tendred
or
administred
,
may
be
charged
or
compelled
to
confess
or
accuse
,
or
to
purge
him
or
herself
of
any
Criminal
matter
or
thing
,
whereby
he
or
she
may
be
liable
to
Censure
or
Punishment
;
any
thing
in
this
Statute
,
or
any
other
Law
,
Custom
or
Vsage
heretofore
to
the
contrary
hereof
in
any
wise
notwithstanding
.
Sect.
5.
Provided
always
,
That
this
Act
,
or
any
thing
therein
contained
,
shall
not
extend
,
or
be
construed
to
extend
,
to
give
unto
any
Arch
Bishop
,
Bishop
,
or
any
other
Spiritual
or
Ecclesiastical
Judge
,
Officer
,
or
other
person
or
persons
aforesaid
,
any
Power
or
Authority
to
Exercise
,
Execute
,
Inflict
or
Determine
any
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
,
Censure
or
Coertion
,
which
they
might
not
by
Law
have
done
before
the
Year
of
our
Lord
1639.
(
2.
)
Nor
to
abridge
or
diminish
the
Kings
Majesties
Supremacy
in
Ecclefiastical
Matters
and
Affairs
,
nor
to
confirm
the
Canons
made
in
the
Year
1640.
nor
any
of
them
,
nor
any
other
Ecclesiastical
Laws
or
Canons
not
formerly
confirmed
,
allowed
or
enacted
by
Parliament
,
or
by
the
established
Laws
of
the
Land
,
as
they
stood
in
the
Year
of
our
Lord
,
1639.
From
the
Title
of
the
Act
,
and
the
Act
it self
considered
,
I
gather
.
First
,
That
it
is
an
Explanatory
Act
of
the
17th
.
of
Car.
1.
as
to
one
particular
Branch
of
it
,
and
not
introductive
of
any
new
Law
.
Secondly
,
That
the
Occasion
of
making
it
was
not
from
any
Doubt
that
did
arise
,
Whether
the
High
Commission
Court
were
taken
away
?
or
whether
the
Crown
had
Power
to
erect
any
such
like
Court
for
the
future
,
but
from
a
Doubt
that
was
made
,
that
all
ordinary
Power
of
Coertion
,
and
Proceedings
in
Causes
Ecclefiastical
was
taken
away
,
whereby
Justice
in
Ecclesiastical
Matters
was
obstructed
;
and
this
Doubt
did
arise
from
a
Clause
in
17
Car.
1.
ca.
11.
Sect.
4.
herein
mentioned
to
be
recited
in
the
said
Act
of
13
Car.
2.
ca.
12.
Thirdly
,
That
this
Statute
of
13
Car.
2.
ca.
12.
as
appears
upon
the
Face
of
it
,
was
made
to
the
intent
the
ordinary
Jurisdiction
which
the
Bishops
and
other
Ecclesiastical
Persens
had
always
exercised
under
the
Crown
,
might
not
be
infringed
;
but
not
to
restore
to
the
Crown
the
power
of
Delegating
the
Exercise
of
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
by
Letters
Patents
to
Lay
persons
or
any
others
,
and
as
to
this
,
nothing
can
be
plainer
,
than
the
Words
of
the
Act
it self
,
Sect.
2.
Whereby
17
Car.
1.
is
repealed
,
but
takes
particular
care
to
except
what
concerned
the
High
Commission
Court
,
or
the
new
Erection
of
some
such
Court
by
Commission
.
Neither
did
the
Law-makers
think
this
Exception
in
that
Statute
of
13
Car.
2.
ca.
12.
Sect.
2.
to
be
sufficient
,
but
to
put
the
Matter
out
of
all
doubt
,
in
the
Third
Section
of
the
same
Statute
,
It
is
provided
and
Enacted
,
That
neither
that
Act
,
nor
any
thing
therein
contained
,
should
extend
or
be
construed
to
revive
,
or
give
force
to
the
Branch
of
1
Eliz.
1.
Sect.
18.
but
that
the
same
Branch
sh●●●
stand
absolutely
Repealed
.
And
if
so
,
then
the
power
of
the
Crown
to
delegate
the
Exercise
of
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
is
wholly
taken
away
;
for
it
was
vested
in
the
Crown
by
1
Eliz.
1.
and
taken
away
by
17
Car.
1.
ca.
11.
and
is
in
no
manner
restored
by
13
Car.
2.12
.
or
any
other
.
But
there
may
arise
an
Objection
from
the
Words
in
the
Statute
of
13
Car.
2.
ca.
12.
that
saith
,
That
that
Act
shall
not
extend
to
abridge
or
diminish
the
Kings
Majesties
Supremacy
in
Ecclesiastical
Matters
and
Affairs
.
Whence
some
Men
would
gather
,
that
the
same
power
still
remains
in
the
Crown
that
was
in
it
before
,
17
Car.
1.
ca.
11.
To
which
Objection
I
give
this
Answer
,
That
every
Law
is
to
be
so
constructed
,
that
it
may
not
be
Felo
de
se
,
and
that
for
the
Honour
of
the
Legislators
,
King
,
Lords
and
Comment.
Now
I
would
appeal
to
the
Gentlemen
themselves
,
that
assert
this
Doctrine
,
Whether
they
can
so
construe
the
Act
of
13
Car.
2.
ca.
12.
as
they
pretend
to
do
,
without
offering
Vi●lence
to
their
own
Reason
?
For
when
the
1
Car.
1.
ca.
11.
had
absolutely
repealed
the
Branch
of
1
Eliz.
1.
that
vested
the
power
in
the
Crown
of
Delegating
the
Exercise
of
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
,
and
Enacts
,
That
no
such
Commission
shall
be
for
the
future
;
and
the
Act
of
13
Car.
2.
ca.
12.
Repeals
the
17
Car.
1.
ca.
12.
except
what
relates
to
that
particular
Branch
,
there
can
no
more
of
the
Kings
Supremacy
in
Ecclesiastical
Matters
and
Affairs
,
be
saved
by
the
saving
in
the
13
Car.
2.
ca.
12.
but
what
was
left
in
the
Crown
by
17
Car.
1.
ca.
11.
And
now
I
hope
I
have
sufficiently
evinced
,
That
all
the
Proceedings
before
the
Ecclesiastical
Commissioners
are
CORAM
NON
JVDICE
;
and
therefore
have
sufficient
Reason
to
believe
,
That
the
same
would
never
have
been
set
on
foot
by
his
present
Majesty
(
who
had
always
the
Character
of
JAMES
the
Just
,
and
hath
promised
upon
his
Royal
Word
,
That
he
will
invade
no
Mans
Property
)
had
he
not
been
advised
thereunto
by
them
who
are
better
versed
in
the
Canons
of
the
Church
of
ROME
,
than
in
the
Laws
that
relate
to
the
CROWN
and
CHURCH
of
ENGLAND
.
A
LETTER
,
Writ
by
Mijn
Heer
Fagel
,
Pensioner
of
Holland
,
to
Mr.
James
Stewart
,
Advocate
;
Giving
an
Account
of
the
Prince
and
Princes
of
Orange's
Thoughts
concerning
the
Repeal
of
the
Test
,
and
the
Penal
Laws
.
SIR
,
I
Am
extream
sorry
,
that
my
ill
health
hath
so
long
hindred
me
from
Answering
those
Letters
,
in
which
you
so
earnestly
desired
to
know
of
me
,
what
their
Highnesses
thoughts
are
concerning
the
repeal
of
the
Penal
Laws
,
and
more
particularlarly
of
that
concerning
the
Test
:
I
beg
you
to
assure
your self
,
that
I
will
deal
very
plainly
with
you
in
this
matter
,
and
without
reserve
,
since
you
say
that
your
Letters
were
writ
by
the
King's
knowledge
and
allowance
.
I
must
then
first
of
all
assure
you
very
positively
,
that
their
Highnesses
have
often
declared
,
as
they
did
it
more
particularly
to
the
Marquiss
of
Albeville
,
His
Majesties
Envoy
Extraordinary
to
the
States
,
that
it
is
Their
Opinion
,
That
no
Christian
ought
to
be
persecuted
for
his
conscience
,
or
be
ill
used
because
he
differs
from
the
publick
and
Established
Religion
;
And
therefore
,
They
can
consent
,
that
the
Papists
in
England
,
Scotland
and
Ireland
be
suffered
to
continue
in
their
Religion
,
with
as
much
Liberty
as
is
allowed
them
by
the
States
in
these
Provinces
;
in
which
it
cannot
be
denied
,
that
they
enjoy
a
full
Liberty
of
conscience
.
And
as
for
the
Dissenters
,
Their
Highnesses
do
not
only
consent
,
but
do
heartily
approve
of
their
having
an
entire
Liberty
,
for
the
full
exercise
of
their
Religion
,
without
any
trouble
or
hindrance
;
so
that
none
may
be
able
to
give
them
the
least
disturbance
upon
that
account
.
And
their
Highnesses
are
very
ready
,
in
case
his
Majesty
shall
think
fit
to
desire
it
,
to
declare
their
willingness
to
concur
in
the
setling
and
confirming
this
Liberty
,
and
as
far
as
it
lies
in
them
,
they
will
protect
and
defend
it
,
and
according
to
the
Language
of
Treaties
,
They
will
confirm
it
with
their
Guaranty
,
of
which
you
made
mention
in
yours
.
And
if
his
Majesty
shall
think
fit
further
to
desire
their
concurrence
in
the
repealing
of
the
Penal
Laws
,
they
are
ready
to
give
it
;
provided
always
that
those
Laws
remain
still
in
their
full
vigour
,
by
which
the
Roman
Catholicks
are
shut
out
of
both
Houses
of
Parliament
,
and
out
of
all
publick
Employments
,
Ecclesiastical
,
Civil
and
Military
.
As
likewise
all
those
other
Laws
,
which
confirm
the
Protestant
Religion
and
which
secures
it
against
all
the
attempts
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
.
But
their
Highnesses
cannot
agree
to
the
repeal
of
the
Test
,
or
of
those
other
Penal
Laws
last
mentioned
,
that
tend
to
the
security
of
the
Protestant
Religion
;
since
the
Roman
Catholicks
receive
no
other
prejudice
from
these
,
then
the
being
excluded
from
Parliaments
,
or
from
publick
Employments
.
And
that
by
them
the
Protestant
Religion
is
covered
from
all
the
Designs
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
against
it
,
or
against
the
publick
safety
;
and
neither
the
Test
nor
these
other
Laws
can
be
said
to
carry
in
them
any
severity
against
the
Roman
Catholicks
upon
account
of
their
Consciences
:
They
are
only
provisions
qualifying
men
to
be
Members
of
Parliament
,
or
to
be
capable
of
bearing
Office
;
by
which
they
must
declare
before
God
and
Men
,
that
they
are
for
the
Protestant
Religion
.
So
that
indeed
,
all
this
amounts
to
no
more
than
a
securing
the
Protestant
Religion
from
any
prejudices
that
it
may
receive
from
the
Roman
Catholicks
.
Their
Highnesses
have
thought
and
do
still
think
,
that
more
than
this
ought
not
to
be
ask'd
,
or
expected
from
them
:
since
by
this
means
,
the
Roman
Catholicks
and
their
posterity
will
be
for
ever
secured
from
all
trouble
in
their
Persons
or
Estates
,
or
in
the
Exercise
of
their
Religion
;
and
that
the
Roman
Catholicks
ought
to
be
satisfied
with
this
,
and
not
to
disquiet
the
Kingdom
because
they
cannot
be
admitted
to
sit
in
Parliament
,
or
to
be
in
Employments
;
or
because
those
Laws
in
which
the
Security
of
the
Protestant
Religion
does
chiefly
consist
,
are
not
repealed
,
by
which
they
may
be
put
in
a
condition
to
overturn
it
.
Their
Highnesses
do
also
believe
,
that
the
Dissenters
will
be
fully
satisfied
when
they
shall
be
for
ever
covered
from
all
danger
of
being
disturbed
,
or
punished
for
the
free
Exercise
of
their
Religion
,
upon
any
sort
of
pretence
whatsoever
.
Their
Highnesses
having
declared
themselves
so
positively
in
these
matters
,
it
seems
very
plain
to
me
,
that
They
are
far
from
being
any
hindrance
to
the
Freeing
Dissenters
from
the
Severity
of
Penal
Laws
;
since
they
are
ready
to
use
their
utmost
endeavours
for
the
Establishing
of
it
:
Nor
do
They
at
all
press
the
denying
to
the
Roman
Catholicks
the
Exercise
of
their
Religion
,
provided
it
be
managed
modestly
,
and
without
Pomp
or
Ostentation
.
As
for
my
own
part
,
I
ever
was
and
still
am
very
much
against
all
those
,
who
would
persecute
any
Christian
because
he
differs
from
the
publick
and
established
Religion
:
And
I
hope
by
the
Grace
of
God
to
continue
still
in
the
same
mind
;
for
since
that
Light
with
which
Religion
illuminates
our
minds
,
is
according
to
my
sense
of
things
,
purely
an
effect
of
the
Mercy
of
God
to
us
,
we
ought
then
,
as
I
think
,
to
render
to
God
all
possible
Thanks
for
his
Goodness
to
us
:
and
to
have
pity
for
those
who
are
still
shut
up
in
Error
,
even
as
God
has
pitied
us
,
and
to
put
up
most
earnest
prayers
to
God
,
for
bringing
those
into
the
way
of
Truth
,
who
stray
from
it
,
and
to
use
all
gentle
and
friendly
methods
for
reducing
them
to
it
.
But
I
confess
,
I
could
never
comprehend
how
any
that
profess
themselves
Christians
,
and
that
may
enjoy
their
Religion
freely
and
without
any
disturbance
,
can
judge
it
lawful
for
them
to
go
about
to
disturb
the
Quiet
of
any
Kingdom
or
State
,
or
to
overturn
Constitutions
,
that
so
they
themselves
may
be
admitted
to
Employments
,
and
that
those
Laws
in
which
the
Security
and
Quiet
of
the
established
Religion
consists
,
should
be
shaken
.
It
is
plain
,
that
the
Reformed
Religion
is
by
the
Grace
of
God
,
and
by
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
enacted
both
by
King
and
Parliament
;
the
publick
and
established
Religion
,
both
in
England
,
Scotland
and
Ireland
;
and
that
it
is
provided
by
those
Laws
,
that
none
can
be
admitted
either
to
a
place
in
Parliament
,
or
to
any
publick
Employment
except
those
that
do
openly
declare
,
that
they
are
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
not
Roman
Catholicks
;
and
it
is
also
provided
by
those
Laws
,
that
the
Protestant
Religion
shall
be
in
all
time
coming
secured
from
the
Designs
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
against
it
:
In
all
which
I
do
not
see
,
that
these
Laws
contain
any
Severity
,
either
against
the
Persons
or
Estates
of
those
who
cannot
take
those
Tests
,
that
are
contrary
to
the
Roman
Catholick
Religion
,
all
the
inconveniences
that
can
redound
to
them
from
thence
,
is
that
their
Persons
,
their
Estates
,
and
even
the
Exercise
of
their
Religion
being
assured
to
them
,
only
they
can
have
no
share
in
the
Government
,
nor
in
Offices
of
Trust
,
as
long
as
their
Consciences
,
do
not
allow
them
to
take
these
Tests
:
and
they
are
not
suffered
to
do
any
thing
that
is
to
the
prejudice
of
the
Reformed
Religion
.
Since
,
as
I
have
already
told
you
.
Their
Highnesses
are
ready
to
concur
with
his
Majesty
for
the
Repeal
of
those
Penal
Laws
,
by
which
Men
are
made
liable
to
fines
or
other
Punishments
.
So
I
see
there
remains
no
difficulty
concerning
the
Repealing
the
Penal
Laws
,
but
only
this
,
that
some
would
have
the
Roman
Catholicks
render'd
capable
of
all
publick
Trusts
and
Employments
,
and
that
by
consequence
,
all
those
should
be
repealed
that
have
secured
the
Protestant
Religion
against
the
designs
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
,
where
others
at
the
same
time
are
not
less
earnest
to
have
those
Laws
maintained
in
their
full
and
due
vigour
;
and
think
,
that
the
chief
Security
of
the
established
Religion
consists
in
the
preserving
of
them
Sacred
and
unshaken
.
It
is
certain
,
that
there
is
no
Kingdom
,
Common-Wealth
,
or
any
constituted
Body
or
Assembly
whatsoever
,
in
which
there
are
not
Laws
made
for
the
Safety
thereof
;
and
that
provide
against
all
Attempts
whatsoever
,
that
disturb
their
peace
,
and
that
prescribe
the
Conditions
and
Qualities
that
they
judge
necessary
for
all
that
shall
bear
Employments
in
that
Kingdom
,
State
or
Corporation
:
And
no
man
can
pretend
,
that
there
is
any
Injury
done
him
,
that
he
is
not
admitted
to
Imployments
when
he
doth
not
satisfie
the
Conditions
and
Qualities
required
.
Nor
can
it
be
denied
,
that
there
is
a
great
difference
to
be
observed
in
the
conduct
of
those
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
towards
one
another
:
The
Roman
Catholicks
not
being
satisfied
to
exclude
the
Reformed
from
all
places
of
Profit
or
of
Trust
,
they
do
absolutely
suppress
the
whole
Exercise
of
that
Religion
,
and
persecute
all
that
profess
it
;
and
this
they
do
in
all
those
places
where
it
is
safe
and
without
danger
,
to
carry
on
that
rigour
.
And
I
am
sorry
that
we
have
at
this
present
so
many
deplorable
Instances
of
this
severity
before
our
Eyes
,
that
is
at
the
same
time
put
in
practice
in
so
many
different
places
.
I
would
therefore
gladly
see
one
single
good
reason
to
move
a
Protestant
that
fears
God
,
and
that
is
concerned
for
his
Religion
,
to
consent
to
the
Repealing
of
those
Laws
that
have
been
enacted
by
the
Authority
of
King
and
Parliament
,
which
have
no
other
tendency
but
to
the
security
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
to
the
restraining
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
from
a
capacity
of
overturning
it
;
these
Laws
inflict
neither
Fines
nor
Punishments
,
and
do
only
exclude
the
Roman
Catholicks
from
a
share
in
the
Government
,
who
by
being
in
Employments
must
needs
study
to
encrease
their
party
,
and
to
gain
to
it
more
Credit
and
Power
,
which
by
what
we
see
every
day
,
we
must
conclude
,
will
be
extreamly
dangerous
to
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
must
turn
to
its
great
prejudice
:
Since
in
all
places
,
those
that
are
in
publick
Employments
,
do
naturally
Favour
that
Religion
of
which
they
are
,
either
more
or
less
.
And
who
would
go
about
to
perswade
me
or
any
man
else
to
endeavour
to
move
Their
Highnesses
,
whom
God
hath
honoured
so
far
as
to
make
them
the
Protectors
of
his
Church
,
to
approve
of
,
or
to
consent
to
things
so
hurtful
,
both
to
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
to
the
publick
Safety
.
Nor
can
I
,
Sir
,
with
your
good
leave
,
in
any
way
,
grant
what
you
apprehend
,
That
no
prejudice
will
thereby
redound
to
the
Reformed
Religion
.
I
know
it
is
commonly
said
,
that
the
number
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
in
England
and
Scotland
is
very
inconsiderable
;
and
that
they
are
possessed
only
of
a
very
small
number
of
the
places
of
Trust
:
Tho
even
as
to
this
,
the
case
is
quite
different
in
Ireland
:
Yet
this
you
must
of
necessity
grant
me
,
that
if
their
numbers
are
small
,
then
it
is
not
reasonable
that
the
publick
Peace
should
be
disturbed
on
the
account
of
so
few
persons
,
especially
when
so
great
a
favour
may
be
offered
to
them
;
such
as
the
free
Exercise
of
their
Religion
would
be
:
And
if
their
numbers
are
greater
,
then
there
is
so
much
the
more
reason
to
be
afraid
of
them
;
I
do
indeed
believe
that
Roman
Catholicks
,
as
things
at
present
stand
,
will
not
be
very
desirous
to
be
in
publick
Offices
and
Imployments
,
nor
that
they
will
make
any
attempts
upon
the
Reformed
Religion
both
because
this
is
contrary
to
Law
,
and
because
of
the
great
inconveniencies
that
this
may
bring
at
some
other
time
both
on
their
Persons
and
their
Estates
:
yet
if
the
Restraints
of
the
Law
were
once
taken
off
,
you
would
see
them
brought
into
the
Government
,
and
the
chief
Offices
and
Places
of
Trust
would
be
put
in
their
hands
,
nor
will
it
be
easie
to
his
Majesty
to
resist
them
in
this
,
how
stedfast
soever
he
may
be
;
for
they
will
certainly
press
his
hard
in
it
,
and
they
will
represent
this
to
the
King
,
as
a
matter
in
which
his
Conscience
will
be
concerned
;
and
when
they
are
possessed
of
the
publick
Offices
,
what
will
be
left
for
the
Protestants
to
do
,
who
will
find
no
more
the
support
of
the
Law
,
and
can
expect
little
Encouragement
from
such
Magistrates
?
And
on
the
other
hand
,
the
advantages
that
the
Roman
Catholicks
would
find
in
being
thus
set
loose
from
all
restraints
,
are
so
plain
,
that
it
were
a
loss
of
time
to
go
about
the
proving
it
.
I
neither
can
nor
will
doubt
of
the
sincerity
of
his
Majesties
intentions
,
and
that
he
has
no
other
design
before
him
in
this
matter
,
but
that
all
his
Subjects
may
enjoy
in
all
things
the
same
Rights
and
Freedom
.
But
plain
Reason
,
as
well
as
the
Experience
of
all
Ages
,
the
present
as
well
as
the
past
,
shews
,
that
it
will
be
impossible
for
Roman
Catholicks
and
Protestants
,
when
they
are
mixed
together
in
places
of
Trust
and
publick
Employments
,
to
live
together
peaceably
,
or
to
maintain
a
good
Correspondence
together
.
They
will
be
certainly
always
jealous
of
one
another
;
For
the
Principles
and
the
Maxims
of
both
Religions
are
so
opposite
to
one
another
,
that
in
my
opinion
I
do
not
see
how
it
will
be
in
the
power
of
any
Prince
or
King
whatsoever
,
to
keep
down
those
Suspitions
and
Animosities
,
which
will
be
apt
to
arise
upon
all
occasions
.
As
for
that
which
you
apprehend
,
that
the
Dissenters
shall
not
be
delivered
from
the
Penal
Laws
,
that
are
made
against
them
,
unless
at
the
same
time
the
Test
be
likewise
repealed
:
This
will
be
indeed
a
great
unhappiness
to
them
;
but
the
Roman
Catholicks
are
only
to
blame
for
it
,
who
will
rather
be
content
that
they
and
their
Posterity
should
lie
still
under
the
weight
of
the
Penal
Laws
,
and
exposed
to
the
hatred
of
the
whole
Nation
;
than
he
still
restrained
from
a
capacity
of
attempting
any
thing
against
the
Peace
and
the
Security
of
the
Protestant
Religion
.
And
be
deprived
of
that
small
advantage
(
if
it
is
at
all
to
be
reckoned
one
)
of
having
a
share
in
the
Government
and
publick
Enjoyments
;
since
in
all
places
of
the
World
this
has
been
always
the
priviledge
of
the
Religion
that
is
established
by
Laws
;
and
indeed
these
Attempts
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
ought
to
be
so
much
the
more
suspected
and
guarded
against
by
Protestants
in
that
they
see
that
Roman
Catholicks
,
even
when
liable
to
that
Severity
of
Penal
Laws
,
do
yet
endeavour
to
perswade
his
Majesty
,
to
make
the
Protestants
,
whether
they
will
or
not
,
dissolve
the
Security
which
they
have
for
their
Religion
:
And
to
clear
a
way
for
bringing
in
the
Roman
Ca●●●licks
to
the
Government
,
and
to
publick
Employments
:
In
which
case
there
would
remain
no
relief
for
them
but
what
were
to
be
expected
from
a
Roman
Catholick
Government
.
Such
then
will
be
very
unjust
to
Their
Highnesses
,
who
shall
blame
them
for
any
inconveniency
that
may
arise
from
thence
;
since
they
have
declared
themselves
so
freely
on
this
Subject
,
and
that
so
much
to
the
advantage
even
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
.
And
since
the
Settlements
of
matters
sticks
at
this
single
point
,
that
Their
Highnesses
cannot
be
brought
to
consent
to
things
that
are
so
contrary
to
Laws
already
in
being
,
and
that
are
so
dangerous
and
so
hurtful
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
as
the
admitting
of
Roman
Catholicks
to
a
share
in
the
Government
,
and
to
places
of
Trust
,
and
the
repealing
of
those
Laws
,
that
can
have
no
other
effect
but
the
Securing
of
the
Protestant
Religion
from
all
the
Attempts
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
against
it
,
would
be
.
You
Write
,
That
the
Roman
Catholicks
in
these
Provinces
are
not
shut
out
from
Employments
and
places
of
Trust
;
But
in
this
you
are
much
mistaken
.
For
our
Laws
are
express
,
excluding
them
by
name
from
all
share
in
the
Government
,
and
from
all
Employments
either
of
the
Policy
or
Justice
of
our
Country
.
It
is
true
,
I
do
not
know
of
any
express
Law
,
that
shuts
them
out
of
Military
Employments
;
that
had
indeed
been
hard
,
since
in
the
first
Formation
of
our
State
they
joyned
with
us
in
defending
our
publick
Liberty
,
and
did
us
eminent
service
during
the
Wars
;
therefore
they
were
not
shut
out
from
those
Military
Employments
,
for
the
publick
sifety
was
no
way
endanger'd
by
this
,
both
because
their
numbers
that
served
in
our
Troops
were
not
great
,
and
because
the
States
could
easily
prevent
any
Inconvenience
that
might
arise
out
of
that
;
which
could
not
have
been
done
so
easily
,
if
the
Roman
Catholicks
had
been
admitted
to
a
share
in
the
Government
,
and
in
the
Policy
or
Justice
of
our
State
.
I
am
very
certain
of
this
,
of
which
I
could
give
very
good
proofs
that
there
is
nothing
which
Their
Highnesses
desire
so
much
,
as
that
his
Majesty
may
reign
happily
,
and
in
an
intire
Confidence
with
his
Subjects
and
that
his
Subjects
being
perswaded
of
his
Majesties
fatherly
affection
to
them
,
may
be
ready
to
make
him
all
the
returns
of
duty
that
are
in
their
Power
:
But
their
Highnesses
are
convinced
in
their
Consciences
,
that
both
the
Protestant
Religion
and
the
safety
of
the
Nation
,
would
be
exposed
to
most
certain
Dangers
,
if
either
the
Tests
,
or
those
other
Penal
Laws
,
of
which
I
have
made
frequent
mention
,
should
be
repealed
;
Therefore
they
cannot
consent
to
this
,
nor
concur
with
his
Majesties
Will
;
for
they
believe
they
should
have
much
to
Answer
for
to
God
,
if
the
consideration
of
any
present
advantage
should
carry
them
to
consent
and
concur
in
things
which
they
believe
would
be
not
only
dangerous
but
mischievous
to
the
Protestant
Religion
.
Their
Highnesses
have
ever
paid
a
most
profound
duty
to
his
Majesty
,
which
they
will
always
continue
to
do
;
for
they
consider
themselves
bound
to
it
,
both
by
the
Laws
of
God
and
of
Nature
:
But
since
the
matter
that
is
now
in
hand
,
relates
not
to
the
making
of
new
Laws
,
but
to
the
total
Repealing
of
those
already
made
both
by
King
and
Parliament
;
they
do
not
see
how
it
can
be
expected
of
them
,
that
they
should
consent
to
such
a
Repeal
,
to
which
they
have
so
just
an
aversion
,
as
being
a
thing
that
is
contrary
to
the
Laws
and
Customs
of
all
Christian
States
,
whether
Protestants
,
or
Papists
,
who
receive
none
to
a
share
in
the
Governments
,
or
to
publick
Employments
,
but
those
who
profess
the
publick
and
established
Religion
,
and
that
take
care
to
secure
it
against
all
attempts
whatsoever
.
I
do
not
think
it
necessary
to
demonstrate
to
you
how
much
their
Highnesses
are
devoted
to
his
Majesty
,
of
which
they
have
given
such
real
Evidences
as
are
beyond
all
verbal
ones
;
and
they
are
resolved
still
to
continue
in
the
same
Duty
,
and
Affection
;
or
rather
to
encrease
it
,
if
that
is
possible
.
I
am
,
SIR
,
Yours
,
&c.
Nov.
4.
1687.
Reflexions
on
Monsieur
Fagel's
Letter
.
SIR
,
I
Shall
endeavour
to
Answer
yours
as
fully
and
briefly
as
possible
.
1.
You
desire
to
know
whether
the
Letter
I
sent
you
be
truly
Monsieur
Fagel's
or
not
.
2.
Whether
their
Highnesses
gave
him
Commission
to
Write
it
.
3.
How
far
the
Dissenters
may
rely
on
their
Highnesses
word
.
4.
What
effects
it
has
on
all
sorts
of
People
.
Sir
,
Roman
Catholicks
may
be
pardoned
if
they
endeavour
to
make
that
Letter
pass
for
an
Imposture
,
it
is
their
Interest
so
to
do
,
and
they
are
seldom
wanting
to
promote
that
,
let
the
methods
be
never
so
indirect
which
they
are
forced
to
make
use
of
:
It
does
indeed
spoil
many
hopeful
Projects
of
theirs
.
But
how
any
Protestant
among
us
can
really
doubt
the
truth
of
it
,
is
strange
to
me
.
Some
things
carry
their
own
evidence
along
with
them
,
I
take
this
Letter
to
be
one
of
that
kind
.
I
do
not
desire
you
to
believe
me
upon
my
bare
affirmation
that
I
know
it
to
be
genuine
,
(
tho
this
be
most
true
)
but
shall
offer
,
my
Reasons
to
convince
you
that
it
cannot
be
otherwise
.
First
,
The
Letter
is
like
its
Author
,
the
matter
is
weighty
,
the
Reasoning
solid
,
the
Stile
grave
,
full
and
clear
,
like
that
of
a
Lawyer
:
It
has
an
Air
all
over
,
which
as
well
shews
the
Religion
and
Temper
of
its
Writer
,
as
the
Matter
and
Method
of
it
do
his
Capacity
and
Judgment
.
Now
all
these
Qualities
make
up
the
Character
of
Monsieur
Fagel
.
Secondly
,
There
are
the
same
grounds
to
believe
this
Letter
to
be
M.
Fagel's
as
there
are
to
believe
any
thing
you
have
not
seen
,
Viz.
The
constant
Asseverations
of
Persons
of
undoubted
Credit
that
come
from
Holland
,
who
all
agree
in
it
,
and
assure
us
of
it
.
M.
Fagel
own'd
it
to
several
English
Gentlemen
,
and
many
both
here
and
in
Holland
knew
two
Months
ago
that
such
a
Letter
was
written
;
a
Forgery
would
before
this
time
have
been
detected
,
especially
such
a
one
as
ruines
the
Designs
of
the
Triumphing
Party
.
Thirdly
,
It
was
written
by
M.
Fagel
in
answer
to
Letters
from
Mr.
Stewart
,
sent
by
his
Majesties
special
Orders
,
and
Mr.
Stewart
had
both
an
English
and
Latin
Copy
sent
him
:
Therefore
the
English
Copy
is
not
called
a
Translation
,
but
it
is
a
sort
of
Original
:
For
you
are
not
to
doubt
but
the
matter
was
ordered
so
,
that
her
Royal
Highness
might
peruse
it
as
well
as
his
Majesty
.
In
the
next
place
,
you
would
know
whether
their
Highnesses
gave
Order
to
Monsieur
Fagel
to
write
it
.
I
wish
Sir
;
you
would
take
the
pains
to
read
the
Letter
over
again
,
and
consider
who
this
Monsieur
Fagel
is
;
He
is
Pensionary
of
Holland
,
and
first
Minister
of
State
,
raised
to
that
Dignity
by
the
Prince's
Favour
,
he
Answers
Letters
written
to
him
,
which
are
ordered
by
his
Majesty
to
be
Communicated
to
their
Highnesses
,
In
his
Answer
,
he
gives
an
Account
of
their
Highnesses
Opinions
about
the
Repeal
of
the
Penal
Laws
and
Test
;
matters
of
a
National
Concern
,
and
of
the
greatest
Importance
.
Now
you
must
have
a
strange
Opinion
of
Monsieur
Fagel
,
if
you
think
him
capable
of
so
great
an
indiscretion
(
or
rather
Imposture
)
as
to
write
such
a
Letter
of
his
own
Head
.
The
Letter
it self
Demonstrates
,
that
whoever
writ
it
is
no
Fool
,
and
the
Circumstances
I
have
marked
show
that
he
is
no
Knave
.
And
indeed
the
Substance
of
it
is
not
new
,
it
only
repeats
to
his
Majesty
the
same
Answer
which
the
Prince
and
Princess
had
formerly
given
to
his
Majesties
Envoy
there
.
In
short
,
you
may
leave
the
whole
Matter
to
this
plain
Issue
:
If
this
Letter
be
a
false
one
,
it
will
be
disowned
;
if
a
true
one
,
it
will
be
owned
.
Their
Highnesses
love
not
to
do
things
that
will
not
bear
the
Light
.
It
is
evident
,
they
did
not
intend
the
Matter
of
it
should
be
a
Secret
,
having
told
it
to
Monsieur
D'
Albeville
,
as
often
as
he
(
in
his
discreet
Way
)
necessitated
them
to
do
it
.
But
how
it
came
to
be
printed
,
I
cannot
inform
you
justly
;
however
you
shall
have
my
Conjecture
.
I
remember
,
as
soon
as
it
was
noised
about
Town
,
that
Mr.
Stewart
had
received
a
Letter
of
such
a
Nature
from
Monsieur
Fagle
,
care
was
taken
,
that
the
Writer
of
the
common
News
Letters
,
which
are
dispersed
over
the
Kingdom
,
should
insert
in
them
,
that
their
Highnesses
had
declared
themselves
for
the
Repeal
of
the
Test
.
This
Pia
Fraus
might
,
I
suppose
,
give
occasion
to
the
printing
of
the
Letter
,
as
the
Wisdom
and
Policy
of
our
States-men
(
in
putting
Mr.
Stewart
on
writting
such
Letters
)
had
procured
〈◊〉
:
I
say
Letters
,
for
Monsieur
Fagel
had
five
or
six
on
that
Subject
,
before
he
answered
,
so
unwilling
were
they
in
Holland
to
return
an
Answer
,
since
they
could
not
give
one
that
was
pleasing
,
or
do
any
thing
that
looked
like
medling
.
The
third
thing
you
desired
to
be
satisfied
in
,
is
,
Whether
the
Dissenters
may
re●y
on
their
Highnesses
Word
.
I
am
as
apt
to
mistrust
Princes
Promises
,
as
you
are
.
But
shall
now
give
you
my
Reasons
,
why
I
think
the
Dissenters
may
safely
do
it
.
And
at
the
same
time
,
because
of
the
Affinity
of
the
Matter
,
I
will
tell
you
why
I
think
we
may
all
rely
on
their
Highness
for
our
Civil
Liberties
,
as
well
as
the
Dissenters
may
do
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
.
Much
of
what
I
have
to
say
is
equally
applicable
to
them
both
,
yet
because
I
know
you
have
had
an
Account
of
Her
Royal
Highness
,
better
than
I
can
give
you
,
I
shall
for
the
most
part
,
speak
only
of
the
Prince
.
My
first
Reason
is
the
certainest
of
all
Reasons
,
That
it
will
be
His
Highnesses
Interest
to
settle
Matters
at
Home
,
which
only
can
be
done
by
a
Legal
Tolleration
or
Comprehension
in
Matters
of
Religion
;
and
by
restoring
the
Civil
Liberties
of
the
Nation
,
so
much
invaded
of
late
.
That
this
will
be
his
Interest
is
evident
,
if
his
Designs
lye
abroad
,
as
it
's
certain
they
do
.
Designs
at
home
and
abroad
at
the
same
time
,
are
so
inconsistent
,
that
we
see
his
Majesty
,
tho
raised
above
his
Fears
at
home
by
his
late
Victory
;
and
invited
abroad
by
all
that
can
excite
his
Appetite
for
Glory
,
cannot
reconcile
them
:
The
Truth
is
,
one
that
would
undertake
it
,
is
in
the
same
Condition
with
Officers
that
beat
their
Men
to
make
them
fight
,
they
have
Enemies
before
and
behind
.
But
you
may
happily
object
,
that
Princes
do
not
always
follow
their
true
Interests
,
of
which
it
is
not
difficult
in
this
Age
to
give
several
fatal
Instances
.
I
answer
,
That
it
is
to
be
presumed
that
Princes
,
as
well
as
other
Men
,
will
follow
their
Interests
till
the
contrary
appear
;
and
if
they
be
of
an
Age
to
have
taken
their
Fold
,
and
have
till
such
an
Age
kept
firm
to
their
Interests
,
the
Presumption
grows
strong
;
but
if
their
Inclinations
,
the
Maxims
of
their
Families
,
the
Impressions
of
their
Education
,
and
all
their
other
Circumstances
to
side
with
their
Interest
,
and
lead
them
the
same
way
,
it
is
hardly
credible
they
should
ever
quit
it
.
Now
this
being
the
present
Case
,
we
have
all
the
certainty
that
can
be
had
in
such
Matters
.
The
Prince
of
Orange
has
above
these
15
years
given
so
great
proof
of
his
Firmness
and
Resolution
,
as
well
as
of
his
Capacity
and
Conduct
in
opposing
the
Grand
Ravisher
(
I
may
add
the
Betrayers
too
)
of
Liberty
and
Religion
,
that
he
is
deservedly
(
by
all
impartial
Men
)
owned
to
be
the
Head
of
the
Protestant
Interest
:
A
Headship
,
which
no
Princes
but
the
Kings
of
England
should
have
,
and
none
but
they
would
be
without
it
.
Now
one
may
rationally
conclude
,
That
when
the
Prince
shall
joyn
to
his
present
Possession
of
this
Headship
,
a
more
natural
Title
,
by
being
in
a
greater
Capacity
to
act
,
he
will
not
degrade
himself
,
nor
lay
aside
Designs
and
Interests
,
which
ought
to
be
the
Glory
of
England
,
as
they
are
indeed
the
Glory
of
his
Family
,
acquired
and
derived
to
him
by
the
Blood
of
his
Ancestors
,
and
carried
on
and
maintained
by
himself
with
so
much
Honour
and
Reputation
.
I
might
add
here
,
That
the
Prince
is
a
Man
of
a
sedate
,
even
Temper
,
full
of
Thoughts
and
Reflections
:
one
that
precipitates
neither
in
Thinking
,
Speaking
,
nor
Acting
;
is
cautious
in
resolving
and
promising
,
but
firm
to
his
Resolutions
,
and
exact
in
observing
his
Word
:
Inform
your self
,
and
you
'll
find
this
a
part
of
his
Character
,
and
conclude
from
hence
what
may
be
presumed
from
his
Inclinations
.
Now
as
to
the
Maxims
of
his
Family
,
let
us
compare
them
a
little
where
it
may
be
decently
done
.
The
French
King
broke
his
Faith
to
his
Protestant
Subjects
,
upon
this
single
Point
of
Vain
glory
,
that
he
might
shew
the
World
he
was
greater
than
most
of
his
Predecessors
;
who
tho
they
had
the
same
Inclinations
,
were
not
potent
enough
to
pursue
them
effectually
,
as
he
has
done
to
the
everlasting
Infamy
of
his
Name
and
Reign
.
The
Maxims
of
the
French
Kings
have
been
,
how
to
outvie
each
other
in
Robbing
their
Neighbours
,
and
Oppressing
their
Subjects
by
Perfidiousness
and
Cruelty
.
But
those
of
the
Family
of
Orange
,
on
the
contrary
,
have
been
,
to
Rescue
Europe
from
its
Oppressors
,
and
maintain
the
Protestant
Interest
,
by
Vertue
,
Truth
,
Honour
and
Resolution
;
knowing
that
such
Methods
are
as
necessary
to
make
Protestant
Princes
and
States
flourish
,
as
Vice
and
Oppression
are
to
maintain
Popish
Government
.
No
Popish
Prince
in
Europe
can
pretend
to
have
kept
his
Word
to
his
Protestant
Subjects
,
as
the
Princes
of
Orange
have
always
done
to
their
Popish
Subjects
at
Orange
,
and
elsewhere
;
and
the
Papists
have
often
broke
their
Word
to
that
Family
,
and
have
been
and
are
its
declared
Enemies
;
and
tho
the
Princes
two
Great
Grand-Fathers
,
Admiral
Coligny
,
and
Prince
William
,
were
assassinated
by
the
Authority
,
and
with
the
Approbation
of
that
whole
Party
,
yet
it
cannot
be
made
appear
,
that
ever
the
Princes
of
that
Family
failed
in
keeping
their
Word
,
even
to
such
Enemies
,
or
used
their
own
Popish
Subjects
the
worse
for
it
,
in
making
distinction
between
them
and
their
other
Subjects
,
or
influenced
the
States
to
use
theirs
so
:
I
say
the
States
,
who
a
low
their
R.
C.
Subjects
all
the
Priviledges
of
their
other
Subjects
,
only
they
are
kept
by
a
Test
from
having
any
share
in
the
Government
,
which
is
truly
a
Kindness
done
them
,
considering
that
ill-natured
humour
of
destroying
all
those
that
differ
from
them
,
which
is
apt
to
break
out
when
that
Religion
is
in
Power
.
Now
the
〈◊〉
of
England
may
justly
expect
all
sort
of
Protection
and
Countenance
from
the
Succe●●●●
〈…〉
it's
their
Turn
to
give
it
,
they
have
a
legal
Right
to
it
,
and
impartial
Dissenters
〈…〉
●●●ledge
,
that
of
late
they
have
deserved
it
.
But
as
〈…〉
Protestant
Dissenters
,
I
think
no
honest
Man
amongst
them
will
apprehend
,
that
their
〈…〉
,
who
keep
their
Word
to
their
Popish
Enemies
,
will
break
it
to
Protestant
Subject●
〈…〉
from
the
publick
Establishment
.
The
next
thing
I
am
to
make
good
,
is
,
That
his
Highnesses
Education
must
have
infused
such
Principles
as
side
with
his
Interest
:
There
must
be
a
fatal
Infection
in
the
English
Crown
,
if
Matters
miscarry
in
his
Highnesses
Hands
,
his
Veins
are
full
of
the
best
Protestant
Blood
in
the
World
.
The
Reformation
in
France
grew
up
under
the
Conduct
and
Influence
of
Coligni
.
Prince
William
founded
the
Governmtnt
of
the
United
Netherlands
on
the
Basis
of
Property
and
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
his
Highness
was
bred
,
and
lives
in
that
State
which
subsists
and
flourishes
by
adhering
steadily
to
the
Maxims
of
its
Founder
.
He
himself
,
both
in
his
publick
and
private
Concerns
,
as
well
in
the
Government
of
his
Family
,
and
of
such
Principalities
as
belong
to
him
,
as
in
that
of
the
Army
,
and
in
the
Dispensing
of
that
great
Power
which
the
States
have
given
him
,
has
as
great
regard
to
Justice
,
Vertue
and
true
Religion
,
as
may
compleat
the
Character
of
a
Prince
,
qualified
to
make
those
he
governs
happy
.
It
does
not
indeed
appear
,
that
their
Highnesses
have
any
share
of
that
devouring
Zeal
which
hath
so
long
set
the
World
on
Fire
,
and
tempted
thinking
Men
to
have
a
Notion
of
Religion
it self
,
like
that
we
have
of
the
ancient
Paradice
,
as
if
it
had
never
been
more
than
an
interced
Blessing
,
but
all
who
have
the
Honour
to
know
their
Highnesses
and
their
Inclinations
in
Matters
of
Religion
,
are
fully
satisfied
they
have
a
truly
Christian
Zeal
,
and
as
much
as
is
consistent
with
Knowledge
and
Charity
.
As
to
his
Highnesses
Circumstances
,
they
will
be
such
when
his
Stars
make
way
for
him
,
as
may
convince
our
Scepticks
,
that
certain
persons
,
times
and
things
,
are
prepared
for
one
another
.
I
know
not
why
we
may
not
hope
,
that
as
his
Predecessors
broke
the
York
of
the
House
of
Austria
from
off
the
Neck
of
Europe
;
The
Honour
of
breaking
that
of
the
House
of
Bourbon
is
reserved
for
him
.
I
am
confident
the
Nation
will
heartily
joyn
with
him
in
his
just
Resentments
.
Resentments
which
they
have
with
so
much
Impatience
long'd
to
find
,
and
have
miss●d
with
the
greatest
Indignation
in
the
Hearts
of
their
Monarchs
.
His
Highness
has
at
present
,
a
greater
Influence
on
the
Councils
of
the
most
part
of
the
Princes
of
Christendom
,
than
possibly
any
King
of
England
ever
had
.
And
this
acquired
〈…〉
weight
of
his
own
personal
Merit
,
which
will
no
doubt
grow
up
to
a
glorious
Authority
,
when
it
is
cloathed
with
Sovereign
Power
.
May
I
here
mention
(
to
lay
the
Jealousies
of
the
most
unreasonable
of
your
Friends
)
that
his
Highness
will
have
only
a
borrowed
Title
,
which
we
may
suppose
will
make
him
more
cautious
in
having
Designs
at
Home
,
and
his
wanting
Children
(
to
our
great
Misfortune
)
will
make
him
less
solicitous
to
have
such
Designs
.
But
after
all
,
it
must
be
acknowledged
,
that
in
Matters
of
this
Nature
,
the
Premises
may
seem
very
strong
,
and
yet
the
Conclusion
not
follow
.
Humane
Infirmities
are
great
,
Temptations
to
Arbitrariness
are
strong
,
and
often
both
the
Spirit
and
Flesh
weak
.
Such
fatal
Mistakes
have
been
made
of
late
,
that
the
Successors
themselves
may
justly
pardon
Mens
jealousies
.
A
Widow
that
has
had
a
bad
Husband
,
will
cry
on
her
Wedding-day
,
though
she
would
be
married
with
all
her
Heart
.
But
I
am
confident
you
will
grant
to
me
,
that
in
the
Case
of
the
present
Successors
,
the
Possibilities
are
as
remote
,
and
the
Jealousies
as
ill
grounded
,
and
that
there
is
as
much
to
ballance
them
,
as
ever
there
was
to
be
found
in
the
prospect
of
any
Successors
to
the
Crown
of
England
.
Now
may
I
add
,
To
conclude
the
Reasons
that
I
have
given
you
,
why
we
may
depend
on
their
Highnesses
,
that
I
know
considerable
Men
,
who
after
great
Enquiry
and
Observation
,
do
hope
that
their
Highnesses
(
being
every
way
so
well
qualified
for
such
an
end
)
are
predestinated
(
if
I
may
speak
so
)
to
make
us
happy
in
putting
an
end
to
our
Differences
,
and
in
fixing
the
Prerogative
,
and
in
recovering
the
Glory
of
the
Nation
,
which
is
so
much
sunk
,
and
which
now
(
when
we
were
big
with
Expectations
)
we
find
sacrificed
to
unhappy
partialities
in
matters
of
Religion
.
The
last
thing
you
desire
to
know
,
is
,
What
Effect
this
Letter
has
had
?
But
it
is
not
yet
old
enough
for
me
to
judge
of
that
,
I
can
better
tell
you
what
Effects
it
ought
to
have
.
I
find
the
moderate
wise
Men
of
all
Perswasions
are
much
pleased
with
it
.
I
know
Roman
Catholiks
that
wish
to
God
Matters
were
setled
on
the
Model
given
in
it
;
they
see
the
great
Difficulty
of
getting
the
Test
Repealed
:
And
withal
,
they
doubt
whether
it
is
their
Interest
that
it
should
be
repealed
or
not
:
They
fear
needy
violent
Men
might
get
into
Employments
who
would
put
his
Majesty
on
doing
things
that
might
ruine
them
and
their
posterity
.
They
are
certainly
in
the
right
of
it
.
It
is
good
to
provide
for
the
worst
.
A
Revolution
will
come
with
a
Witness
;
and
its
like
it
may
come
before
the
Prince
of
Wales
be
of
Age
to
manage
an
unruly
Spirit
,
that
I
fear
will
accompany
it
.
Humane
Nature
can
hardly
digest
what
it
is
already
necessitated
to
swallow
,
such
provocations
even
alters
mens
Judgments
.
I
find
that
Men
,
who
otherways
hate
severity
,
begin
to
be
of
Opinion
that
Queen
Elizabeths
Lenity
to
the
R.
C's
proves
now
Cruelty
to
the
Protestants
.
The
whole
Body
of
Protestants
in
the
Nation
,
was
lately
afraid
of
a
Popish
Successor
,
and
when
they
reflected
on
Queen
Maries
Reign
,
thought
we
had
already
sufficient
Experience
of
the
Spirit
of
that
Religion
;
and
took
Self
preservation
to
be
a
good
Argument
for
preventing
a
second
Tryal
.
But
now
a
handful
of
Roman
Catholicks
,
perhaps
reflecting
on
Queen
Elizabeths
Reign
,
are
not
,
it
seems
,
afraid
of
Protestant
Successors
.
But
if
some
Protestants
at
that
time
,
from
an
Aversion
to
the
Remedy
,
hop'd
that
the
Disease
was
not
so
dangerous
as
it
proves
.
I
am
confident
at
present
,
all
Protestants
are
agreed
,
that
henceforward
the
Nation
must
be
saved
,
not
by
Faith
.
And
therefore
I
would
advise
the
R.
C's
.
to
consider
that
Protestants
are
still
Men
,
that
late
Experiences
at
home
,
and
the
Cruelties
of
Popish
Princes
abroad
,
has
given
us
a
very
terrible
Idea
of
their
Religion
.
That
Opportunity
is
precious
and
very
slippery
,
and
if
they
let
the
present
Occasion
pass
by
,
they
can
hardly
ever
hope
that
it
will
be
possible
for
them
to
recover
it
.
That
their
Fathers
and
Grand-fathers
would
have
thought
themselves
in
Heaven
to
have
had
such
an
Offer
as
this
is
,
in
any
of
the
four
last
Reigns
,
and
therefore
,
that
they
had
better
be
contented
with
Half
a
Loaf
,
than
no
Bread
.
I
mean
,
it
will
be
their
Wisdom
to
embrace
this
Golden
Occasion
of
putting
themselves
on
a
Level
with
all
other
English
Men
,
at
least
as
to
their
private
Capacity
;
and
to
disarm
once
for
all
,
the
severity
of
those
Laws
;
which
if
ever
they
should
come
to
be
in
good
earnest
executed
by
a
Protestant
Successor
,
will
make
England
too
hot
for
them
:
And
therefore
I
should
particularly
advise
those
among
them
,
who
have
the
Honour
to
approach
his
Majesty
,
to
use
their
Credit
to
prevail
with
him
to
make
this
so
necessary
a
step
in
Favour
of
the
Nation
;
since
the
Successors
have
advanced
two
Thirds
of
the
way
for
effecting
so
good
and
pious
a
Work
.
Then
,
and
not
till
then
,
the
R.
C's
may
think
themselves
secured
,
and
his
Majesty
may
hope
to
be
great
by
translating
Fear
and
Anger
from
the
Breasts
of
his
Subjects
,
to
the
Hearts
of
his
Own
and
the
Nations
Enemies
.
But
if
an
evil
Genius
(
which
seems
to
have
hovered
over
us
now
a
long
time
)
will
have
it
otherwise
;
if
I
were
a
R.
C.
I
could
meddle
no
more
,
but
live
quiet
at
home
,
and
caress
my
Protestant
Neighbours
;
and
in
so
doing
,
I
should
think
my self
better
secured
against
the
Resentments
of
the
Nation
,
than
by
all
the
Forces
,
Forts
,
Leagues
,
Garranties
,
and
even
Men
Children
,
that
His
Majesty
may
hope
to
leave
behind
him
.
As
for
the
Protestant
Dissenters
,
I
am
confident
the
Body
of
them
will
continue
to
behave
themselves
like
Men
,
who
,
to
their
great
Honour
have
ever
preferred
the
Love
of
their
Country
and
Religion
to
all
Dangers
and
Favours
whatsoever
,
but
there
are
both
weak
and
interested
Men
among
all
great
Numbers
;
I
would
have
them
consider
how
much
the
state
of
things
is
altered
,
upon
the
coming
out
of
this
Letter
,
for
if
hitherto
they
have
been
too
forward
in
giving
Ear
to
Proposals
on
this
Mistake
,
that
they
could
never
have
such
a
favorable
Juncture
,
for
getting
the
Laws
against
them
repealed
:
I
hope
now
they
are
undeceived
,
since
the
Successors
have
pawn'd
their
Faith
and
Honour
for
it
,
which
I
take
to
be
a
better
security
(
as
Matters
go
at
present
)
than
the
so
much
talked
of
Magna
Charta
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
would
be
,
tho
got
in
a
legal
way
,
for
our
Judges
have
declared
,
That
Princes
can
dispense
with
the
Obligation
of
Laws
,
but
they
have
not
yet
given
their
Opinion
,
that
they
can
dispense
with
the
Honour
of
their
Word
;
nor
have
their
Highnesses
any
Confessor
to
supply
such
an
Omission
.
However
it
is
not
to
be
charged
on
their
Highnesses
,
if
such
a
Magna
Charta
be
not
at
present
given
them
,
provided
the
Test
be
let
alone
;
but
I
fear
the
Roman
Catholicks
Zeal
will
have
all
or
nothing
;
and
the
Test
too
must
be
repealed
by
wheedling
the
Dissenters
to
joyn
with
willing
Sheriffs
in
violating
the
Rights
of
Elections
,
which
are
the
Root
of
the
Liberties
of
England
;
prudent
way
of
recommending
their
Religion
to
all
true
English
Men.
But
if
any
of
the
Dissenters
be
so
destitute
of
Sense
and
Honesty
,
as
to
prefer
a
Magna
Charta
,
so
obtained
,
Void
and
Null
in
it self
,
to
their
own
Honour
and
Conscience
,
to
the
Love
and
Liberties
of
their
Countrey
,
to
the
present
Kindness
of
all
good
Men
,
and
their
Countenance
at
another
time
,
and
above
all
,
to
the
Favour
and
Word
of
the
Successors
,
who
have
now
so
generously
declared
themselves
for
them
:
We
may
pronounce
,
that
they
are
Men
abandoned
to
a
reprobate
Sence
,
who
will
justly
deserve
Infamy
and
the
hatred
of
the
Nation
at
present
,
and
its
Resentments
hereafter
.
Is
it
possible
,
that
any
Dissenter
,
who
either
deserves
or
loves
the
Reputation
of
an
honest
Man
,
can
be
prevailed
with
by
any
pretences
of
Insinuations
,
how
plausible
soever
,
to
make
so
odious
and
pernicious
a
Bargain
,
as
that
of
buying
a
precarious
pretended
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
at
the
price
of
the
Civil
Liberties
of
their
Country
,
and
at
the
price
of
removing
that
,
which
under
God
,
is
the
most
effectual
Bar
to
keep
us
from
the
Dominion
of
a
Religion
,
that
would
,
as
soon
as
it
could
,
force
us
to
abandon
our
own
,
or
reduce
us
to
the
miserable
Condition
of
those
of
our
Neighbours
,
who
are
glad
to
forsake
all
they
have
in
the
World
,
that
they
may
have
their
Souls
and
Lives
for
a
Prey
.
As
for
the
Church
of
England
,
their
Clergy
have
of
late
opposed
themselves
to
Popery
,
with
so
much
Learning
,
Vigor
,
Danger
and
Success
,
that
I
think
all
honest
Dissenters
will
lay
down
their
Resentments
against
them
,
and
look
on
that
Church
,
as
the
present
Bulwark
and
Honour
of
the
Protestant
Religion
.
I
wish
those
high
Men
among
them
,
who
have
so
long
appropriated
to
themselves
,
the
Name
and
Authority
of
the
Church
of
England
,
and
have
been
made
Instruments
to
bring
about
Designs
,
of
which
their
present
Behaviour
convinces
me
,
they
were
ignorant
,
as
I
suppose
many
of
the
Dissenters
are
,
whose
turn
it
is
now
to
be
the
Tools
.
I
say
,
I
wish
such
Men
would
consider
,
to
what
a
pass
they
have
brought
Matters
by
their
Violences
,
or
rather
the
Violences
of
these
whose
Property
they
were
,
and
at
length
be
wise
;
They
cannot
but
be
sensible
of
the
Advantages
they
receive
by
this
Letter
.
I
suppose
they
apprehend
(
I
am
sure
they
ought
to
do
it
)
that
the
Ruine
of
their
Church
is
resolv'd
on●
But
if
the
Dissenters
upon
this
Letter
withdraw
themselves
,
the
R.
C's
.
have
neither
Hearts
to
keep
firm
to
such
a
Resolution
,
nor
Hands
to
execute
it
.
Since
therefore
they
themselves
have
unhappily
brought
their
Church
into
such
Precepices
by
provoking
the
Dissenters
,
it
is
in
a
particular
manner
their
Duty
,
as
well
as
their
Interest
,
to
endeavour
to
soften
them
,
by
assisting
the
Letter
,
and
promoting
the
Design
of
it
.
But
if
the
old
Leaven
still
remain
,
and
they
continue
to
argue
as
formerly
,
if
the
Surplice
be
parted
with
,
the
Church
of
England
is
lost
;
if
the
Penal
Laws
be
repealed
,
the
Test
w●●
follow
:
and
comfort
themselves
with
this
most
Christian
Reflection
,
that
the
R.
C●●
will
〈◊〉
accept
of
what
is
offered
them
;
such
Men
deserve
all
the
Misery
that
is
preparing
for
them
,
and
will
perish
without
Pity
,
and
give
thinking
Men
occasion
to
remember
the
Prove●●
,
But
a
Fool
(
or
a
Zealot
)
in
a
Mortar
,
yet
his
Foolishness
will
not
depart
from
him
.
But
the
Disse●●●●
ought
not
to
be
much
concerned
at
this
,
they
have
their
own
Bigots
,
and
the
Church
●●●land
theirs
,
there
will
be
Tools
whilst
there
are
Workmen
.
This
is
a
time
for
Wisdom
to
be
justified
of
her
Children
,
when
honest
Men
〈…〉
off
minding
the
lesser
Interests
of
this
or
that
particular
Church
,
and
joyn
in
〈…〉
common
Interests
of
the
Protestant
Religion
.
And
to
conclude
,
I
would
〈…〉
of
the
Dissenters
to
make
use
of
their
best
Judgment
on
this
so
critical
an
Occusion
,
wh●●
they
will
do
,
in
my
Opinion
,
in
keeping
close
to
the
Contents
of
this
Letter
,
by
ends
〈◊〉
to
obtain
in
a
fair
and
legal
way
,
such
a
Liberty
to
all
Perswasions
,
as
is
the
〈◊〉
Right
of
Free
men
,
and
as
our
Protestant
Successors
declare
themselves
willing
to
joyn
in
;
and
it
those
who
have
an
equal
,
nay
,
a
greater
Interest
than
themselves
,
will
not
agree
to
such
a
Liberty
,
because
they
will
be
Masters
or
nothing
;
the
Dissenters
will
have
the
Comfort
of
having
discharged
their
own
Consciences
,
as
prudent
Men
and
good
Christians
ought
to
do
,
and
may
safely
trust
God
with
the
Event
.
Sir
,
I
thought
I
had
made
an
end
,
but
looking
your
Letter
over
again
,
I
find
I
have
forgot
to
answer
a
Reason
or
two
you
give
,
why
you
doubt
whether
the
Letter
be
truly
Mr.
Fagels
:
You
are
informed
(
you
say
)
that
such
and
such
Great
Men
doubted
of
it
;
but
some
might
as
well
pretend
to
doubt
of
the
Truth
of
that
Letter
(
though
they
knew
it
to
be
true
)
as
believe
her
Majesty
to
be
with
Child
,
almost
before
she
knew
it
her self
;
and
that
she
was
quick
,
when
the
Embryo
,
as
Anatomists
say
,
is
not
much
above
an
inch
long
;
I
don't
think
that
Popish
Successors
,
like
certain
Weeds
,
grow
faster
than
others
:
The
Persons
you
name
may
Trim
,
and
presume
on
their
Merit
,
least
they
might
be
thought
capable
of
Resentment
.
A
dangerous
Reflection
.
I
say
their
Merit
:
you
have
seen
a
long
Relation
of
the
great
Services
some
(
when
they
were
in
Power
)
did
their
Highnesses
;
it
is
bound
up
with
a
Relation
of
the
true
Causes
of
their
Sufferings
for
their
(
or
rather
their
Highnesses
)
Religion
.
You
know
even
how
one
of
them
the
last
Summer
payed
them
his
Reverence
with
all
the
Respect
and
Humility
of
a
due
distance
,
and
with
the
same
Caution
with
which
the
Invincible
Monarch
fights
out
of
Canon
Shot
.
But
Sir
,
though
the
Character
of
a
Trimmer
be
ordinarily
the
Character
of
a
prudent
Man
,
there
are
Times
and
Seasons
when
it
is
not
the
Character
of
an
honest
Man
.
I
acknowledge
,
that
since
their
Highnesses
Marriage
,
nothing
has
hapned
so
much
for
the
Good
of
the
Protestant
Interest
as
this
Letter
of
Mr.
Fagels
,
and
if
I
had
been
either
the
Writer
or
Adviser
of
it
,
I
should
be
very
proud
of
it
,
and
think
the
Nation
much
in
my
Debt
.
But
Sir
,
that
was
not
a
very
good
Reason
to
make
you
doubt
of
it
,
for
a
good
Cause
will
have
its
time
,
though
not
so
often
as
a
bad
one
,
which
hath
ordinarily
the
Majority
of
its
side
.
I
am
confident
at
present
we
have
all
the
reason
in
the
World
to
expect
it
,
for
my
own
part
,
though
I
am
neither
young
nor
strong
,
I
hope
to
live
to
see
a
Day
of
Jubilee
in
England
for
all
that
deserve
it
;
when
honest
Men
shall
have
the
same
Pleasure
in
thinking
on
these
Times
,
that
a
Woman
happily
delivered
hath
in
reflecting
on
the
Pain
and
Danger
she
was
in
.
But
Knaves
shall
remember
them
,
as
I
am
told
,
the
damned
do
their
Sins
,
Cursing
both
them
and
themselves
:
SIR
,
I
am
Yours
.
January
the
12th
.
1688.
Animadversions
upon
a
pretended
Answer
to
Mijn
Heer
Fagel's
Letter
.
SIR
,
I
Have
been
so
far
hitherto
from
thinking
,
that
the
pretended
Answer
to
the
Excellent
Letter
of
Mijn
Heer
Fagel
deserved
a
Reply
,
that
I
judged
it
would
have
been
a
disgrace
offered
to
the
Judgment
of
persons
of
the
most
ordinary
Intellectuals
,
as
well
as
the
Witnessing
not
only
a
great
measure
of
self-denial
,
but
the
submitting
of
my self
to
a
severe
mortification
and
pennance
,
to
bestow
one
upon
it
.
For
as
it
argues
a
mean
Opinion
of
mankind
,
to
believe
that
they
should
need
any
assistance
,
save
what
their
own
Reason
furnisheth
them
with
,
in
order
to
their
preservation
from
being
imposed
upon
,
by
so
weak
,
foolish
,
incoherent
and
self-contradictious
a
Paper
;
so
't
is
both
the
rendring
one
mean
and
cheap
,
and
the
inflicting
upon
himself
a
most
uneasie
chastisement
,
to
waste
his
time
and
employ
his
thoughts
in
animadverting
upon
,
and
exposing
so
trifling
and
despicable
an
Author
.
But
seeing
I
am
told
,
that
not
only
he
who
is
commonly
supposed
to
have
had
the
presumption
and
indiscretion
to
write
the
Answer
,
has
also
the
vanity
to
value
himself
upon
it
;
but
that
there
are
others
,
whose
wit
,
candour
,
and
ingenuity
are
much
of
a
size
with
his
,
who
do
improve
our
silence
in
reference
unto
it
,
tho'
arising
from
the
contempt
and
neglect
which
all
wise
men
have
for
it
,
to
countenance
themselves
in
a
belief
,
and
to
obtrude
an
Opinion
upon
others
,
of
its
containing
something
nervous
and
considerable
;
I
shall
therefore
account
my self
for
once
,
so
much
a
debtor
both
to
the
vain
,
and
to
the
unwise
,
as
to
bestow
a
few
such
Reflections
upon
it
,
as
may
serve
to
rectifie
the
Judgments
of
the
one
,
and
both
to
correct
the
folly
,
and
to
abate
the
pride
and
swelling
confidence
of
the
other
.
And
indeed
the
Author
's
concealing
his
Name
,
may
make
us
justly
suspect
,
that
we
are
not
to
look
for
truth
,
strength
,
nor
candor
in
that
Paper
,
especially
when
he
writes
not
only
in
Justification
of
the
proceedings
of
his
Majesty
of
Great
Brittain
,
which
is
enough
to
shield
him
from
all
severe
Attacks
,
provided
that
he
had
conducted
himself
as
became
a
wise
and
an
honest
man
:
But
in
that
he
enters
the
lists
against
a
person
of
Mijn
Heer
Fagel's
quality
,
and
whose
Letter
not
only
had
his
Name
affixed
to
it
,
and
was
beautified
with
all
those
impressions
of
clearness
,
gravity
,
strength
,
prudence
and
Religion
,
which
became
the
greatness
of
the
Subject
,
and
whereunto
the
having
been
able
to
return
an
Answer
,
that
had
the
umbrage
and
appearance
of
Reason
,
would
have
given
a
reputation
to
the
Undertaker
;
but
which
had
been
also
penned
by
the
Command
and
Authority
of
their
Serene
Highnesses
the
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
,
in
order
to
declare
their
Opinion
in
a
matter
of
the
greatest
importance
that
ever
English
Protestants
were
concerned
in
,
and
from
Principles
of
Conscience
and
Justice
hath
given
that
assurance
and
satisfaction
,
which
all
peaceable
and
good
men
either
stood
in
need
of
,
or
could
desire
.
And
as
this
Authors
venturing
abroad
in
the
fashion
of
an
Incognito
,
was
not
without
reason
,
seeing
he
might
thereby
hope
not
only
to
treat
Mijn
Heer
Fagel
without
regard
to
truth
or
ingenuity
,
but
that
with
the
less
hazard
both
to
his
person
and
reputation
,
he
might
arraign
the
Justice
and
Fidelity
of
these
States
,
and
charge
them
with
a
violation
of
the
Fundamental
Articles
,
upon
which
their
Government
was
at
first
erected
;
so
he
must
not
take
it
amiss
,
if
upon
encountring
him
in
the
dark
,
I
not
only
fail
in
paying
him
the
deference
which
he
may
conceive
due
unto
him
,
but
handle
him
unsuitably
to
the
Post
he
is
said
to
possess
.
Tho'
I
am
not
without
apprehension
,
that
if
he
bear
the
Character
which
is
vulgarly
ascribed
to
him
;
and
if
the
greatest
indication
of
the
wisdom
and
integrity
of
Princes
,
be
the
prudence
and
sincerity
of
their
Ministers
,
but
that
we
may
thence
come
under
a
necessity
of
entertaining
meaner
thoughts
than
we
otherwise
would
,
both
of
the
Moral
and
Intellectual
Capacity
of
him
,
to
whom
this
Gentleman
is
indebred
both
for
his
Titles
,
and
the
Function
he
is
exalted
unto
.
Whereas
on
the
other
hand
,
besides
many
signal
Evidences
,
which
have
filled
all
Europe
with
admiration
of
the
admirable
Wisdom
,
inflexible
Integrity
,
eminent
Vertues
,
Religious
tho'
calm
and
discreet
Zeal
,
and
steddy
and
impartial
Justice
of
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
;
our
Ideas
of
him
as
a
person
under
whose
Government
,
Conduct
and
Shadow
all
good
men
may
promise
themselves
happiness
,
are
not
a
little
heightned
by
the
consideration
of
the
excellent
Qualities
of
Monsieur
Fagel
,
whose
advancement
as
Pensionary
of
Holland
,
to
the
first
Ministry
in
that
State
,
is
owing
to
the
Princes
Grace
and
Recommendation
.
Which
Eminent
Trust
,
as
he
hath
all
along
discharged
with
Honour
to
his
Highness
,
Reputation
to
himself
,
and
to
the
Satisfaction
of
those
who
are
interested
in
the
Affairs
of
that
Republick
;
so
by
nothing
hath
he
more
merited
an
universal
esteem
and
praise
from
all
Protestants
,
and
acquitted
himself
more
worthily
towards
God
and
their
Serene
Highnesses
,
than
by
that
Letter
wherein
he
was
honoured
to
declare
their
thoughts
,
and
in
which
he
hath
with
so
much
wisdom
,
moderation
and
convincing
light
,
expressed
both
their
Highnesses
Sentiments
,
and
his
own
,
as
well
concerning
the
English
Laws
,
the
Papists
may
,
and
the
Dissenters
ought
to
be
favoured
with
the
Repeal
of
,
as
concerning
those
,
which
no
wise
Non-conformist
desires
to
have
rescinded
,
and
which
to
humour
the
Papists
with
the
Abrogation
of
,
were
no
less
than
to
expose
the
Nation
to
ruine
,
and
to
lay
the
Reformed
Religion
open
to
be
totally
subverted
.
Now
this
Excellent
Letter
,
and
which
hath
produced
all
the
good
Effects
that
honest
men
long'd
for
,
but
knew
not
before
how
to
compass
,
our
Anonymous
Answerer
is
pleased
with
an
Indignation
and
angry
Resentment
,
and
in
hopes
to
exasperate
his
Majesty
of
Great
Britain
against
their
Serene
Highnesses
,
to
stile
a
kind
of
Manifest
in
reference
to
most
important
Affairs
,
which
even
Mr.
Stewart
,
who
in
obedience
to
the
injunctions
of
his
Soveraign
,
had
with
so
much
importunity
sollicited
their
Highnesses
Opinion
about
the
Repeal
of
the
Penal
and
Test
Laws
,
he
says
,
could
not
have
expected
.
And
of
whom
to
testifie
his
exact
and
intimate
knowledge
,
and
to
recompence
him
for
the
unfortunate
service
he
had
been
employed
in
,
and
to
encourage
his
readiness
to
future
drudgery
,
he
is
pleased
by
a
creation
of
his
own
,
as
being
the
Substitute
of
the
Fountain
of
Honour
,
to
confer
the
Title
of
Dr.
upon
.
But
certainly
had
this
Anonymous
Writer
the
sense
and
prudence
of
an
ordinary
man
,
he
would
not
under
the
present
conjuncture
of
Affairs
,
talk
of
Manifests
,
nor
put
people
in
mind
of
them
at
a
season
,
when
most
persons
of
all
ranks
and
qualities
are
so
much
disgusted
,
and
when
they
at
Whitehall
are
so
lavish
in
their
provocations
towards
some
,
who
if
they
were
not
strangely
fortified
against
all
tincture
of
Resentment
,
are
known
to
be
capable
of
doing
them
irreparable
prejudice
,
and
who
by
such
a
Manifest
as
there
is
cause
enough
to
emit
,
might
not
only
disturb
their
proceedings
,
but
with
the
greatest
facility
blow
up
at
once
both
all
their
hopes
and
projections
.
I
would
fain
know
of
this
modest
and
discreet
Gentleman
,
whether
if
their
Highnesses
had
ordered
a
Letter
to
be
written
,
declarative
of
their
Opinion
for
the
Abrogation
of
the
Tests
,
by
what
name
he
would
have
judged
it
worthy
to
be
called
,
and
whether
if
he
had
bestowed
upon
it
the
Title
of
a
Manifest
,
he
would
have
thereby
intended
to
fasten
upon
it
an
imputation
of
presumption
and
reproach
?
All
good
men
have
reason
mightily
to
bewail
their
Highnesses
condition
,
seeing
according
to
this
rate
of
proceeding
towards
them
,
it
is
in
the
power
of
the
Papal
Ecclesiasticks
in
England
,
when
they
please
,
to
prevail
upon
the
King
to
reduce
them
to
the
uneasie
circumstances
,
either
of
offending
against
their
Consciences
,
or
of
displeasing
him
.
For
there
is
no
more
requisite
towards
the
bringing
them
into
this
unhappy
Dilemma
,
but
that
Father
Peters
,
or
any
other
of
the
Tribe
who
have
an
Ascendency
over
his
Majesty
,
do
persuade
him
to
desire
their
Highnesses
Thoughts
,
in
reference
to
such
particulars
,
wherein
it
is
neither
consistent
with
their
Religious
Principles
,
nor
agreeable
with
their
Honour
,
to
comply
with
his
Majesties
Judgment
and
Inclinations
.
For
if
in
prudence
they
decline
the
returning
of
an
Answer
,
they
are
sure
not
only
to
be
censured
,
as
guilty
of
neglect
,
incivility
and
rudeness
,
but
they
do
thereby
administer
an
advantage
to
their
Enemies
,
of
diffusing
reports
to
their
prejudice
thro'
the
Nation
,
as
if
they
approved
all
those
Court-methods
,
which
for
no
other
reason
,
save
upon
the
meer
motives
of
respect
and
wisdom
,
they
avoided
openly
to
disallow
.
And
if
on
the
other
hand
,
they
suffer
themselves
to
be
overcome
by
importunities
,
and
thereupon
give
an
Answer
agreeable
to
the
Dictates
of
their
own
minds
,
but
which
is
found
to
interfere
with
the
prepossessions
wherewith
his
Majesty
is
imbued
,
then
their
Lot
is
,
to
have
it
called
by
the
unkind
and
ignominious
Title
of
a
Manifest
.
One
would
think
that
Letter
ought
to
have
been
mentioned
by
a
softer
name
,
if
we
do
but
consider
its
being
written
not
only
with
the
utmost
modesty
that
becomes
the
Relation
Their
Highnesses
stand
in
to
the
King
,
and
which
is
any
ways
agreeable
to
their
own
quality
,
but
that
it
is
enforced
with
all
the
Reasons
,
that
may
serve
to
demonstrate
that
their
Opinion
is
the
result
of
conviction
and
judgment
,
and
not
the
effect
of
humour
,
nor
a
sentiment
they
are
meerly
determined
unto
by
their
interest
.
But
we
see
no
Term
is
too
hard
to
be
bestowed
upon
a
Paper
that
hath
so
much
prejudiced
the
Priests
in
their
designs
,
and
laid
so
great
an
obstruction
in
the
way
of
those
methods
,
which
they
had
proposed
to
themselves
,
for
the
robbing
England
of
the
Protestant
Religion
.
And
whereas
our
Author
tells
us
,
that
tho'
Mr.
Stewart
did
not
account
himself
obliged
to
answer
Monsieur
Fagel's
Letter
yet
one
who
extreamly
esteems
and
honoureth
Mr.
Stewart
,
thinks
the
Publick
too
much
concerned
,
not
to
have
the
weakness
of
the
reasonings
in
it
detected
,
and
to
have
it
made
appear
that
the
inferences
deduced
from
them
are
no
ways
convincing
.
I
can
easily
believe
that
Mr.
Stewart
did
not
judge
himself
obliged
to
answer
the
Pensionary's
Letter
,
and
all
men
do
account
it
a
piece
of
wisdom
in
him
to
forbear
endeavouring
it
.
For
tho'
he
be
much
better
qualified
for
such
an
undertaking
than
our
Author
,
yet
he
could
not
but
be
sensible
that
it
was
not
to
be
attempted
with
any
hope
of
success
.
And
if
our
Author
had
been
endow'd
with
any
measure
of
discretion
,
he
would
have
applied
himself
to
any
other
Employment
,
rather
than
have
betaken
himself
to
writing
,
being
a
thing
which
Nature
never
intended
him
for
,
and
especially
upon
a
Subject
so
far
above
the
reach
of
his
understanding
,
and
against
a
discourse
of
that
solid
and
well-digested
strength
,
that
even
the
Reverend
Fathers
,
whose
Letter-carrier
he
used
to
be
(
if
we
be
not
strangely
mistaken
in
the
Gentleman
)
had
so
much
wit
as
not
to
attack
it
.
As
knowing
that
notwithstanding
all
their
Art
in
Sophistry
,
they
must
have
come
off
baffled
;
and
that
their
false
colours
would
have
been
easily
detected
,
by
the
beams
of
that
light
,
which
dart
themselves
forth
in
all
the
parts
of
that
excellent
Paper
.
And
I
dare
farther
say
,
that
as
Mr.
Stewart
will
never
much
value
himself
,
upon
the
being
esteemed
by
one
either
of
this
Gentleman
's
Religious
Principles
,
or
of
his
intellectual
Accomplishments
;
so
I
can
never
think
that
he
can
be
so
much
degenerated
from
what
he
formerly
was
,
as
to
obtain
the
approbation
of
his
mind
,
to
return
any
considerable
degree
of
honour
to
a
person
who
upon
all
accounts
does
so
little
merit
it
,
unless
it
be
that
he
may
possibly
challenge
it
by
vertue
of
an
undeserved
Title
,
and
of
a
Character
that
he
is
exceeding
ill
qualified
for
.
However
,
seeing
Fools
will
be
medling
,
tho'
they
are
sure
to
come
by
the
worst
,
I
shall
reduce
all
I
have
to
say
in
Castigation
of
this
vain
and
presumptuous
man
,
to
the
seven
following
heads
.
(
1.
)
His
Falsifications
in
reference
to
several
parts
of
Mijn
Heer
Fagel's
Letter
.
(
2.
)
His
Injustice
to
Their
Highnesses
the
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
,
and
the
hidden
spleen
he
every
where
ventureth
to
express
against
them
.
(
3.
)
His
slanderous
Calumnies
against
the
States
of
these
Provinces
,
and
how
he
studies
to
excite
their
Roman
Catholick
Subjects
to
disturb
the
Peace
and
Tranquillity
of
this
Country
.
(4)
His
Shameless
Impudence
in
endeavouring
to
impose
upon
the
World
,
as
if
the
Protestant
Dissenters
in
England
,
were
concluded
by
Their
Highnesses
to
stand
hereafter
involved
in
the
same
rank
and
condition
with
the
Papists
.
(
4.
)
His
Publishing
the
Villany
of
the
Romish
Church
,
and
proclaiming
the
Injustice
and
Dishonour
of
the
most
Eminent
Papal
Monarchs
,
while
he
pretends
to
commend
and
justifie
the
proceeding
of
his
Majesty
of
Great
Brittain
.
(
6.
)
His
egregious
Ignorance
in
relation
to
Government
,
Laws
,
Customs
,
and
matters
of
Fact
.
(
Lastly
)
The
signal
Ingratitude
of
the
Papists
towards
Their
Royal
Highnesses
for
all
that
Grace
,
Favour
and
Ease
,
which
they
were
willing
to
have
allowed
unto
them
.
As
to
the
first
,
'T
is
known
to
be
a
received
Principle
among
the
Casuists
of
the
Society
,
that
it
is
at
most
but
a
venial
sin
,
to
detract
from
,
misrepresent
,
and
calumniate
those
whom
they
either
take
to
be
their
Enemies
,
or
do
conceive
to
have
done
them
any
ways
a
prejudice
.
And
tho'
the
Opinion
authorising
such
a
practice
,
be
condemned
by
a
Bull
of
the
present
Pope
bearing
date
Anno
1679
yet
our
Author
is
more
a
Vassal
to
the
Ignatian
Order
,
than
upon
the
Authority
of
one
whom
the
Jesuites
do
so
little
value
,
to
forbear
putting
a
Doctrine
into
exercise
,
which
he
hath
been
so
well
instructed
in
by
these
Reverend
Fathers
,
and
especially
when
he
finds
it
so
conduceable
to
his
design
and
interest
.
What
can
be
remoter
from
Truth
as
well
as
Ingenuity
,
than
to
charge
Monsieur
Fagel
with
confining
the
name
of
Protestants
in
England
,
only
to
those
of
the
Conformable
Communion
,
and
with
excluding
the
Dissenters
from
the
glorious
priviledge
of
that
appellation
?
For
tho'
it
be
true
,
that
thro'
the
hatred
and
violence
of
the
late
King
and
his
present
Majesty
to
the
Fanaticks
,
and
by
vertue
of
their
Commands
to
a
Company
of
Mercenary
,
timorous
and
servile
Justiciaries
and
Officers
it
hath
some
time
come
to
pass
that
the
Laws
which
were
originally
enacted
,
and
only
intended
against
Papists
,
have
been
executed
upon
Dissenters
;
yet
all
men
know
that
to
have
been
a
perversion
of
Justice
,
seeing
in
all
the
Statutes
to
the
Penalties
whereof
they
were
made
obnoxious
,
they
are
still
considered
and
acknowledged
for
Protestants
,
and
made
liable
to
sufferings
by
no
other
Title
than
that
of
persons
differing
from
the
Church
of
England
,
in
matter
of
Discipline
,
and
about
Forms
and
Rites
of
External
Worship
.
Nor
is
there
one
word
in
Mijn
Heer
Fagel's
Letter
,
whereby
they
are
precluded
from
that
stile
,
or
any
ways
represented
as
unworthy
of
it
.
While
they
stand
obnoxious
to
several
Laws
,
in
which
the
Members
of
the
Church
of
England
have
no
concernment
,
nor
are
in
any
danger
from
;
it
was
impossible
to
avoid
the
giving
them
a
name
by
which
they
might
be
distinguished
from
those
of
the
Legal
and
National
Communion
.
And
so
tender
hath
the
Pensionary
been
of
charactering
them
by
any
offensive
or
harsh
denomination
,
that
he
hath
not
so
much
as
once
in
his
whole
Letter
called
them
Fanaticks
,
tho'
it
be
an
appellation
that
hath
been
vulgarly
affixed
to
them
;
but
he
hath
chosen
always
to
denominate
them
by
the
name
of
Dissenters
,
which
is
not
only
the
softest
Term
they
can
be
described
by
,
but
that
which
themselves
have
elected
as
the
stile
by
which
they
are
willing
to
be
discriminated
from
their
fellow
Protestants
,
with
whom
they
differ
in
some
few
and
little
particulars
.
And
many
of
them
being
people
,
whose
Principles
are
coincident
and
agreeable
with
theirs
of
the
Legal
Establishment
in
Holland
,
in
whose
Fellowship
Monsieur
Fagel
is
known
to
be
;
it
could
not
have
entred
into
the
thoughts
of
any
save
one
of
our
Authors
Intellectuals
and
Integrity
,
either
to
charge
upon
him
or
so
much
as
to
imagine
,
that
he
should
be
so
injurious
to
himself
and
to
the
Dutch
Churches
,
as
to
preclude
those
from
the
list
of
Protestants
.
But
whether
this
calumnious
charge
and
falsification
,
be
the
fruit
of
an
Irish
Understanding
,
or
of
Papal
Sincerity
,
or
the
effect
of
both
,
I
shall
leave
others
to
judge
,
who
may
possibly
know
this
Author
,
better
than
I
pretend
to
do
.
Only
this
I
shall
add
,
that
he
proceeds
with
the
same
wit
and
honesty
as
he
hath
begun
.
For
from
Their
Highnesses
declaring
that
they
cannot
agree
to
the
Repeal
of
the
Tests
,
and
Monsieur
Fagel's
thereupon
saying
,
that
these
Laws
inflict
not
any
mulct
or
penalty
upon
the
Roman
Catholicks
,
but
that
they
are
only
means
of
securing
the
Reformed
Religion
,
thro'
containing
provisions
by
which
men
are
to
be
accounted
qualified
for
Members
of
Parliament
,
and
to
bear
publick
Offices
;
our
Author
does
by
a
strange
kind
of
falsification
and
calumny
,
fasten
upon
him
his
having
affirmed
.
That
the
Non-conformists
are
to
be
accounted
dangerous
Enemies
of
the
State
,
and
not
to
be
admitted
into
any
Publick
Employments
.
He
must
either
be
of
a
very
unusual
and
perverse
frame
of
mind
,
or
extreamly
ignorant
of
the
nature
of
those
Laws
,
and
the
Terms
wherein
they
are
enacted
,
otherways
it
is
impossible
he
should
imagine
how
the
Dissenters
are
capable
of
receiving
prejudice
by
them
.
Seeing
all
required
by
those
Laws
toward
the
qualifying
persons
to
sit
in
Parliament
,
and
to
exercise
Offices
in
Church
and
State
,
is
only
to
declare
that
they
do
believe
there
is
not
any
Transubstantiation
in
the
Sacrament
of
the
Lord's
Supper
,
or
in
the
Elements
of
Bread
and
Wine
,
at
or
after
the
Consecration
by
any
persons
whatsoever
;
and
that
the
Invocation
of
the
Virgin
Mary
,
or
any
other
Saint
;
and
the
Sacrifice
of
the
Mass
,
as
they
are
now
used
in
the
Church
of
Rome
,
are
Superstitious
and
Idolatrous
.
And
this
Declaration
the
Non-conformists
are
of
all
people
,
the
most
inclinable
and
forward
to
make
,
and
therefore
very
far
by
vertue
of
those
Statutes
from
standing
incapable
of
any
Trust
,
Office
,
and
Employment
,
that
other
Subjects
are
admitted
unto
.
Nor
hath
there
been
a
Protestant
Dissenter
since
the
first
hour
that
these
Laws
were
enacted
,
that
ever
scrupled
to
take
the
Tests
,
or
that
was
precluded
from
Office
and
Employment
for
refusing
them
.
But
on
the
contrary
,
several
of
the
most
famous
Dissenters
,
such
as
Sir
John
Hartop
,
Alderman
Love
,
and
Mr.
Eyles
,
persons
who
at
all
times
have
kept
at
the
greatest
distance
from
Communion
with
the
Church
of
England
,
by
reason
of
her
Forms
and
Ceremonies
,
are
known
to
have
chearfully
made
the
Declaration
contained
in
the
Test
Laws
,
and
thereupon
to
have
sit
as
Members
in
divers
Parliaments
.
And
as
a
further
demonstration
of
the
impudence
and
dishonesty
of
our
Author
in
this
particular
,
it
is
not
unworthy
of
remark
,
that
tho'
the
King
hath
taken
upon
him
to
dispense
with
the
Tests
,
and
to
prohibit
the
requiring
them
;
yet
the
Dissenters
,
who
have
since
that
time
,
been
preferred
to
publick
Trusts
,
continue
still
to
take
them
,
and
go
to
the
respective
Courts
,
where
by
Law
the
Declaration
is
enjoined
to
be
exacted
,
and
there
demand
the
being
admitted
to
make
it
.
Tho'
in
the
mean
season
they
cannot
be
unsensible
,
that
it
is
the
thing
in
the
World
whereby
they
most
highly
offend
his
Majesty
;
it
being
both
a
proclaiming
the
Illegality
of
that
Authority
which
he
challengeth
of
dispensing
with
Laws
;
and
a
defeating
,
so
far
as
lieth
in
them
,
his
great
design
as
well
as
artifice
,
for
the
introducing
of
Popery
,
which
his
Soul
is
so
much
in
travel
with
.
And
were
not
this
Author
both
a
person
of
a
most
depraved
Conscience
,
and
destitute
of
all
common
sense
,
he
would
never
have
slandered
Monsieur
Fagel
,
and
so
egregiously
perverted
his
plain
meaning
,
as
to
tell
us
,
that
tho'
he
be
a
Hollander
and
a
Non-conformist
,
yet
he
thanks
God
for
the
Test
Laws
,
by
which
his
Non-conforming
Brethren
in
England
,
of
what
degree
and
quality
soever
they
be
,
stand
excluded
from
Publick
Employments
.
For
every
one
that
will
be
so
kind
to
himself
,
and
so
just
to
the
Pensionary
,
as
to
read
his
Letter
,
will
immediately
discern
that
there
is
not
one
word
in
it
,
upon
which
to
superstruct
this
calumny
and
accusation
;
seeing
he
therein
affirms
in
repeated
and
emphatical
Terms
,
that
all
contained
in
,
and
designed
by
the
Test
Laws
,
is
the
securing
the
Reformed
Religion
,
thro'
the
having
provided
,
that
none
be
allowed
to
sit
in
Parliament
,
nor
admitted
to
Publick
Offices
,
except
they
declare
that
they
are
of
the
Reformed
,
and
not
of
the
Roman
Catholick
Religion
.
So
that
how
Monsieur
Fagel's
Non-conformity
Brethren
in
England
,
should
come
to
be
affected
by
these
Laws
so
as
to
receive
any
prejudice
by
them
,
is
that
which
none
but
a
person
of
our
Author's
wit
,
integrity
and
candor
,
could
have
had
the
faculty
either
to
conceive
or
alledge
.
But
that
we
may
come
to
the
second
particular
;
there
is
the
less
reason
to
wonder
at
this
Gentleman's
calumniating
Mijn
Heer
Fagel
,
and
affixing
dull
,
tho'
malicious
Forgeries
of
his
own
unto
him
,
if
we
do
but
consider-with
what
petulancy
and
injustice
he
treats
Their
Serene
Highnesses
,
and
at
the
gate
of
their
own
Court
assumeth
the
confidence
to
misrepresent
,
lessen
and
asperse
them
.
The
nearness
which
those
Princes
stand
in
to
the
ascending
the
English
Throne
,
and
the
joyful
prospect
which
all
Protestants
have
of
it
,
exciteth
a
discontent
and
rage
in
our
Author
,
which
he
knows
not
how
either
to
suppress
or
govern
.
For
not
to
mention
what
we
learn
of
the
kindness
of
Roman
Catholicks
to
an
Heir
,
professing
the
Reformed
Religion
,
from
the
proceedings
of
Sixtus
Quintus
,
and
the
Papists
in
France
towards
Henry
4.
we
are
sufficiently
instructed
what
good
will
they
bear
to
a
Protestant
Successor
,
by
the
Bull
which
Clement
8.
published
about
the
End
of
Queen
Elizabeth's
Reign
.
For
the
Supream
and
Infallible
Head
does
therein
ordain
,
That
when
it
should
happen
to
that
miserable
Woman
to
die
,
they
should
admit
none
to
the
Crown
,
quantumque
propinquitate
sanguinis
niterentur
,
nisi
ejusmodi
essent
qui
fidem
Catholicam
non
modo
tolerarent
,
sed
omni
ope
ac
studio
promoverent
,
&
more
majorum
jurejurando
se
id
praestituros
susciperent
;
whatsoever
Right
and
Title
they
should
have
thereunto
,
by
vertue
of
their
next
affinity
in
blood
,
unless
they
should
first
swear
not
only
to
tolerate
,
but
to
advance
and
establish
the
Romish
Religion
.
Nor
can
I
avoid
being
filled
with
fear
and
reverence
to
the
safety
of
some
certain
persons
,
when
I
remember
how
Cardinal
Baronius
commends
Irene
for
murdering
the
Emperor
her
Son
,
because
he
was
against
the
Worship
of
Images
,
and
not
only
calls
it
Justitiae
zelum
,
a
righteous
zeal
but
adds
,
Christum
docuisse
,
summum
pietatis
genus
esse
in
hoc
adversus
filium
esse
fidelem
,
That
Christ
hath
taught
the
perfiction
of
Religion
in
such
a
case
to
consist
in
fidelity
to
the
Church
,
tho'
by
destroying
one
that
was
both
her
Son
and
her
Soveraign
.
'T
is
a
high
piece
of
injustice
in
our
Author
towards
Their
Highnesses
,
and
calculated
for
no
other
end
but
to
alienate
his
Majesties
affections
from
them
,
when
he
tells
us
,
that
the
thing
aimed
at
in
the
writing
of
the
Pensionary's
Letter
,
as
well
as
that
pursued
in
the
manner
of
publishing
it
,
was
to
obstruct
the
King's
righteous
&
pious
designs
,
and
to
render
them
unpracticable
.
For
the
Letter
being
written
in
obedience
to
the
Command
of
Their
Highnesses
,
&
to
declare
their
Opinion
in
reference
to
the
several
matters
,
about
which
it
treateth
;
it
plainly
follows
that
tho'
Mijn
Heer
Fagel
be
accountable
for
the
manner
of
cloathing
and
delivering
their
thoughts
,
and
for
the
Order
and
Method
in
which
things
are
digested
,
and
possibly
for
the
ratiocinations
by
which
they
are
supported
and
enforced
,
yet
that
the
Prince
and
Princess
are
the
persons
who
are
alone
responsible
for
the
End
unto
which
it
was
intended
.
And
it
appears
to
have
been
so
far
from
their
intentions
,
thereby
to
obstruct
and
defeat
any
pious
and
just
designs
of
his
Majesty
;
that
nothing
can
be
more
visible
,
than
that
as
it
is
admirably
adapted
to
the
giving
ease
and
security
to
all
his
Protestant
Subjects
,
so
it
offereth
means
for
relieving
the
Papists
from
the
severe
Laws
to
which
they
are
liable
,
and
for
the
granting
them
a
Warranty
in
a
legal
way
for
the
exercise
of
their
Religion
.
Nor
doth
it
discourage
any
kind
of
favour
towards
them
,
save
that
which
the
concession
whereof
,
would
not
only
be
inconsistent
with
the
peace
and
safety
of
those
of
the
Reformed
Religion
in
England
,
but
which
might
enflame
the
Nation
to
such
Resentments
,
as
would
in
all
likelihood
both
endanger
his
Majesties
Person
and
Crown
,
and
come
at
last
to
issue
in
the
reducement
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
to
worse
circumstances
,
than
they
have
hitherto
been
acquainted
with
.
But
to
proceed
with
our
Author
,
to
whom
it
is
so
natural
to
act
foolishly
,
and
with
sauciness
and
injustice
,
that
neither
the
Character
he
is
said
to
bear
,
nor
the
Quality
of
the
Persons
of
whom
he
speaks
,
can
either
restrain
his
intemperance
,
or
correct
his
rudeness
and
indiscretion
.
For
Monsieur
Fagel
having
said
,
that
he
believes
there
are
many
Roman
Catholicks
,
who
under
the
present
state
of
Affairs
,
will
not
be
very
desirous
to
be
in
Publick
Offices
and
Employments
,
nor
use
any
attempts
against
those
of
the
Reformed
Religion
;
and
that
not
only
because
they
know
it
to
be
contrary
to
Law
,
but
lest
it
should
at
some
other
time
,
prove
prejudicial
to
their
Persons
and
States
.
Our
Author
is
so
unjust
as
well
as
imprudent
,
as
to
call
this
a
menacing
not
only
of
all
the
Non-conformists
and
Roman
Catholicks
in
England
,
but
a
threatning
of
his
Majesty
,
and
an
insulting
over
him
:
And
from
thence
he
takes
occasion
to
add
,
that
he
hopes
God
will
inable
his
Majesty
to
repress
and
prevent
the
effects
of
these
menaces
,
and
furnish
him
with
means
of
mortifying
those
who
do
thus
threaten
and
insult
over
him
.
It
certainly
argues
a
strange
weakness
and
distemper
of
mind
,
to
call
so
modest
and
soft
an
expression
,
both
a
menacing
of
the
King
and
of
all
his
Catholick
Subjects
,
when
I
dare
say
,
it
proclaimeth
the
sense
of
all
among
the
Papists
who
are
endowed
with
any
measure
of
Wisdom
,
and
is
nothing
else
save
a
Declaration
of
the
measure
,
by
which
they
do
at
this
day
regulate
and
conduct
themselves
.
But
the
injustice
of
our
Author
towards
Their
Highnesses
in
his
Reflections
upon
the
forementioned
expression
of
the
Pensionary's
,
is
his
intending
them
by
the
persons
that
do
threaten
his
Majesty
and
insult
over
him
.
For
did
he
take
Mijn
Heer
Fagel
for
the
only
guilty
person
in
reference
to
this
Phrase
which
he
miscalls
a
Menace
,
it
would
be
a
strange
detracting
in
him
from
the
Power
and
Glory
of
his
Majesty
of
Great
Brittain
,
to
wish
him
sufficient
means
whereby
to
shun
the
effects
of
a
Gentleman
's
threatning
,
whose
highest
Figure
in
the
World
is
meerly
to
be
a
Minister
in
a
Republick
.
Nor
would
he
bring
down
his
Master
to
so
low
a
level
,
as
to
make
it
the
highest
Object
of
his
Hopes
,
concerning
so
great
a
Monarch
,
that
he
shall
be
able
to
mortifie
a
person
,
who
whatsoever
his
Merit
be
,
yet
his
Fortune
is
to
fill
no
sublimer
a
Post
.
So
that
it
can
be
no
other
save
the
Prince
and
Princess
,
whom
our
Author
in
his
usual
way
of
injustice
,
petulancy
and
indiscretion
does
here
character
,
represent
and
intend
.
And
what
he
thereupon
means
by
the
Kings
having
power
in
his
hands
,
and
by
his
hoping
that
God
would
furnish
him
with
means
by
which
he
may
mortifie
them
,
is
not
a
matter
of
difficult
penetration
,
even
by
persons
of
the
most
ordinary
capacities
.
For
the
several
methods
that
have
been
projected
,
and
are
still
carrying
on
,
for
the
debarring
them
from
the
Succession
to
the
Imperial
Crowns
of
England
,
Scotland
and
Ireland
,
to
which
they
have
so
Just
and
Hereditary
a
Right
,
are
sufficient
to
detect
unto
us
what
our
Author
intends
,
and
serve
as
a
Key
whereby
to
open
the
scope
,
and
meaning
of
his
Expressions
.
But
whatsoever
the
Papal
and
Jesuitick
Endeavours
may
be
,
for
the
obstructing
and
preventing
their
Ascending
the
Thrones
of
Great
Brittain
,
I
dare
say
that
all
the
effects
they
will
have
,
will
be
only
the
discovering
the
folly
and
malice
of
those
that
attempt
it
,
and
that
they
can
never
be
able
to
compass
and
accomplish
it
.
For
as
their
Highnesses
have
both
that
interest
in
the
Love
and
Veneration
of
all
Protestants
,
and
so
indisputable
a
Title
,
that
it
is
impossible
they
should
be
precluded
either
by
Force
,
or
in
a
way
to
which
their
Enemies
may
affix
the
Name
of
Legal
;
so
there
is
no
great
cause
to
apprehend
or
fear
,
their
being
supplanted
by
their
King
's
having
Male
Issue
of
a
vigour
to
live
,
considering
both
his
Majesties
condition
and
the
Queens
,
which
is
such
that
they
can
never
communicate
bona
stamina
vitae
.
And
for
the
Papists
being
able
to
Banter
a
suppositious
Brat
upon
the
Nation
,
(
tho'
there
are
many
among
them
villanous
enough
to
attempt
it
)
we
have
not
only
the
watchfulness
of
Divine
Providence
to
rely
upon
for
preventing
it
,
but
there
are
many
faithful
and
waking
Eyes
that
will
be
ready
and
industrious
to
discover
the
Cheat.
And
if
the
People
once
perceive
,
that
there
hath
been
a
contrivance
carried
on
for
putting
so
base
an
affront
upon
a
noble
and
generous
Kingdom
,
and
of
committing
so
horrid
a
wrong
against
such
Vertuous
and
Excellent
Princes
;
I
do
not
know
but
that
their
Resentment
of
it
may
rise
so
high
,
as
that
all
who
are
discovered
to
have
been
accessory
unto
it
,
may
undergo
the
like
fate
that
they
of
old
did
,
who
were
found
to
have
been
conscious
and
contributory
unto
the
thrusting
the
Eunuch
Smerdis
into
the
Persian
Throne
.
Nor
do
I
in
the
least
doubt
but
that
the
same
Righteous
,
Wise
and
Merciful
God
,
who
prevented
the
like
villany
when
designed
in
the
time
of
Queen
Mary
,
and
which
was
advanced
so
far
,
that
some
Priests
had
the
wickedness
and
impudence
,
both
to
give
thanks
in
the
publick
Churches
for
her
Majesties
safe
delivery
of
a
Prince
,
and
also
to
describe
the
Beauty
and
Features
of
the
Babe
,
tho'
all
she
had
gone
with
amounted
only
to
a
Tympany
of
Wind
and
Water
;
I
say
that
I
do
not
question
,
but
that
the
same
God
will
out
of
his
Immense
Grace
and
Sapience
,
find
ways
and
methods
,
of
which
there
are
many
within
the
compass
of
his
Infinite
Understanding
,
by
which
so
hellish
a
piece
of
villany
,
if
there
be
any
such
projected
and
promoting
,
may
be
brought
into
light
and
disappointed
.
And
truly
when
I
consider
the
Christian
and
Royal
Vertues
wherewith
their
Highnesses
are
imbued
,
and
how
they
are
furnished
,
with
all
the
Moral
,
Intellectual
and
Religious
accomplishments
,
that
are
requisite
for
adapting
them
to
weild
Scepters
,
and
which
render
them
not
only
so
agreeable
to
the
necessities
and
desires
of
all
good
people
,
but
so
admirably
qualified
to
answer
both
the
present
posture
of
Affairs
in
Europe
,
and
the
Exigencies
of
those
that
are
oppressed
and
afflicted
;
I
grow
into
a
confidence
,
that
as
the
Church
of
God
both
in
Brittain
and
elsewhere
,
and
the
circumstances
in
which
so
many
Countreys
are
involved
,
do
bespeak
and
crave
their
Exaltation
to
the
Thrones
of
the
Brittish
Dominions
,
so
that
they
are
both
destined
of
God
unto
them
,
and
will
in
due
time
be
safely
conducted
thither
.
Nor
can
I
avoid
pleasing
my self
with
those
joyful
and
hopeful
thoughts
,
when
I
reflect
upon
the
various
steps
of
Divine
Providence
,
by
which
they
are
brought
into
that
nearness
of
legally
inheriting
these
Crowns
.
Certainly
there
is
a
voice
that
speaketh
loud
to
this
purpose
,
not
only
in
Gods
denying
a
Legitimate
Issue
to
the
Late
King
,
and
in
his
taking
away
from
time
to
time
all
the
Lawful
Male
Off-spring
of
his
present
Majesty
,
but
in
the
uniting
their
Highnesses
in
Marriage
,
even
to
the
crossing
a
certain
Persons
Inclinations
,
whom
I
forbear
to
Name
,
as
well
as
to
the
disgusting
of
a
Neighbouring
Monarch
,
and
to
the
defeating
the
busie
endeavours
of
the
Popish
Party
.
But
I
must
return
to
our
Author
,
whose
Injustice
to
their
Highnesses
,
and
his
malice
against
their
Honour
,
Interest
and
Reputation
,
knows
neither
end
nor
bounds
.
For
upon
Monsieur
Fagel's
having
ask'd
,
Who
would
go
about
to
advise
him
or
any
man
else
,
to
endeavour
to
perswade
their
Highnesses
,
whom
God
has
so
far
honoured
,
as
to
make
them
,
Defenders
of
his
Church
,
to
approve
and
promote
things
so
dangerous
and
hurtful
both
to
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
to
the
publick
safety
,
as
the
Repealing
of
the
Test
Laws
would
be
;
our
Author
does
hereupon
,
with
his
wonted
Friendship
,
Equity
,
and
Candor
to
those
Excellent
Princes
,
tells
us
that
he
hath
not
met
with
so
bold
a
Declaration
as
this
of
calling
them
the
Protectors
of
Gods
Church
,
and
that
the
ascribing
it
to
them
,
is
a
detracting
from
the
Honour
of
Kings
and
Monarchs
,
who
will
not
Abdicate
from
themselves
to
any
other
so
glorious
a
Title
.
And
in
pursuance
of
his
rancour
towards
their
Highnesses
,
he
runs
out
in
his
way
of
Wit
and
Learning
into
a
most
silly
and
impertinent
Discourse
about
the
Nature
of
a
Church
,
and
accuseth
the
Prince
and
Princess
,
as
if
by
having
this
Character
conferred
upon
them
,
they
had
a
design
to
usurp
from
his
Majesty
of
Great
Brittain
the
stile
of
Defenders
of
the
Faith
,
and
to
challenge
to
themselves
the
being
the
Protectors
of
the
Church
of
England
.
Surely
this
Gentleman
does
by
vertue
of
his
Popish
Zeal
and
Irish
Understanding
,
believe
that
no
Titles
are
due
to
Princes
in
reference
to
the
Church
of
God
,
but
what
are
derived
from
the
Papal
Chair
.
Whereas
I
dare
say
,
that
Monsieur
Fagel
in
bestowing
this
Title
upon
Their
Highnesses
,
did
not
dream
of
the
Roman
Pontif
,
but
had
been
taught
it
by
God
Almighty
,
whom
I
take
to
be
the
Supream
and
true
Fountain
of
Honour
,
who
is
pleased
to
character
such
Princes
as
do
cherish
and
favour
his
Church
,
by
the
Name
of
Nursing
Fathers
and
Nursing
Mothers
,
which
is
the
term
that
the
Pensionary
useth
in
reference
to
their
Highnesses
.
And
as
it
is
their
own
merit
,
which
according
to
the
Tenor
of
the
Divine
Creation
,
hath
entitled
them
to
this
glorious
stile
;
so
they
are
neither
to
be
ridicul'd
nor
hectored
out
of
that
duty
,
of
countenancing
and
supporting
the
Reformed
Religion
,
nor
to
be
deterred
by
bold
and
empty
words
from
those
compassionate
,
generous
,
and
Princely
Offices
to
sincere
Orthodox
Believers
,
by
which
they
have
deserved
it
.
And
while
others
glory
in
the
enjoyment
of
the
Titles
of
most
Christian
and
most
Catholick
Kings
,
which
their
Vassalage
to
the
See
of
Rome
,
their
contributing
to
the
Exaltation
of
the
Triple
Crown
,
and
their
being
the
Popes
Executioners
in
the
shedding
the
Blood
of
Saints
,
hath
procured
unto
them
,
't
is
enough
for
their
Highnesses
to
be
by
the
Suffrage
of
all
true
Protestants
,
and
that
agreeably
to
the
Doctrine
and
Authority
of
the
Sacred
Scriptures
,
had
in
esteem
,
and
reverenced
for
Nutritii
and
Protectors
of
Gods
Church
.
Nor
do
they
appropriate
this
stile
to
themselves
,
tho'
they
account
it
the
brightest
among
all
their
Titles
,
but
they
acknowledge
it
to
belong
equally
to
many
others
,
and
are
afflicted
at
nothing
more
,
than
that
all
Potentates
may
not
justly
claim
a
share
in
it
.
And
as
the
Pensionary's
ascribing
it
unto
their
Highnesses
was
out
of
no
design
to
usurp
upon
the
King
of
Englands
Title
of
Defender
of
the
Faith
,
nor
to
affix
any
Authority
unto
them
over
that
Church
,
so
it
will
be
no
presumption
to
add
,
that
all
of
the
Reformed
Religion
in
that
Kingdom
,
how
much
soever
differing
in
little
and
circumstantial
things
among
themselves
,
are
yet
so
far
sensible
of
the
obligations
they
are
under
to
Their
Highnesses
,
and
of
the
benefits
they
have
all
the
Assurance
to
expect
from
them
hereafter
,
that
without
meaning
ill
either
to
the
King
or
to
any
one
else
,
they
will
unanimously
join
in
stiling
them
Defenders
of
the
Christian
Reformed
Faith
,
and
Protectors
of
Gods
Church
professing
the
Protestant
Religion
.
And
they
will
easily
know
with
whom
they
are
to
be
angry
,
and
against
whom
to
direct
their
Resentments
.
Mijn
Heer
Fagel
had
said
,
that
if
the
Dissenters
cannot
during
his
Majesties
Reign
be
eased
from
the
Penal
Laws
,
unless
the
Tests
be
also
abrogated
,
that
this
will
be
an
unhappiness
unto
them
,
but
for
which
the
Roman
Catholicks
are
only
to
be
blamed
,
who
chuse
rather
to
be
contented
,
that
they
and
their
Posterity
should
remain
still
obnoxious
to
the
Penal
Laws
,
and
exposed
to
the
hatred
of
the
whole
Nation
,
than
be
restrained
from
a
capacity
of
attempting
any
thing
against
the
peace
and
security
of
the
Reformed
Religion
.
Our
Author
whose
envy
and
injustice
against
Their
Highnesses
,
is
not
yet
fully
spent
,
doth
in
his
imprudent
and
indiscreet
way
obtrude
from
hence
upon
the
World
,
that
the
Nonconformists
as
well
as
the
Roman
Catholicks
may
hereby
see
where
their
true
Interest
stands
,
and
that
they
are
extreamly
obliged
to
those
in
whose
Name
this
advice
is
given
,
for
the
Consolation
afforded
them
in
the
condition
under
which
they
are
stated
by
Law
.
Which
is
as
much
as
if
he
should
harangue
the
Nonconformists
into
discontentment
against
the
Prince
and
Princess
,
by
assuring
them
that
they
are
to
hope
for
no
relief
against
the
Penal
Laws
by
any
favour
of
theirs
.
Whereas
the
Dissenters
are
not
only
told
that
their
Highnesses
are
willing
to
consent
,
but
that
they
do
fully
approve
,
that
they
should
have
an
entire
Liberty
for
the
full
exercise
of
their
Religion
,
without
being
obnoxious
to
receive
any
prejudice
,
trouble
,
or
molestation
upon
that
account
.
So
that
the
heat
which
our
Author
would
enflame
the
Dissenters
unto
against
their
Highnesses
,
ought
to
turn
and
spend
it self
against
the
Papists
,
who
rather
than
part
with
the
Tests
which
the
Nonconformists
are
as
much
concerned
to
have
maintained
as
they
of
the
National
Communion
can
be
,
are
resolved
to
keep
all
the
Penal
Laws
in
force
,
and
to
leave
the
Dissenters
under
the
dread
and
apprehension
of
them
.
But
this
they
may
be
fully
perswaded
of
,
that
if
they
can
escape
the
edge
of
them
during
this
Kings
Reign
,
they
will
be
in
no
danger
from
them
,
in
case
the
Nation
come
once
to
be
so
happy
as
to
see
their
Highnesses
seated
on
the
Throne
.
For
as
much
as
they
have
not
only
their
word
,
which
was
hitherto
never
violated
,
laid
to
pledge
for
their
relief
and
ease
,
but
in
that
their
Interest
as
well
as
their
Principles
will
oblige
them
to
be
compassionate
and
tender
to
all
sorts
of
Protestants
,
and
if
they
cannot
be
so
Fortunate
as
to
unite
them
,
yet
to
exercise
equal
kindness
and
favour
towards
them
.
Having
examined
what
our
Author
in
his
impertinent
way
venteth
in
unjust
Reflections
against
their
Highnesses
;
and
having
in
some
measure
chastned
him
for
them
,
tho'
not
to
the
Degree
he
does
deserve
;
I
come
now
in
the
third
place
to
call
him
to
an
account
for
his
calumniating
the
States
of
these
Provinces
,
and
for
his
endeavouring
to
possess
the
minds
of
their
Popish
Subjects
with
dissatisfaction
and
prejudice
towards
them
.
And
if
he
be
the
person
whom
most
men
take
him
for
,
tho'
he
may
have
herein
acted
suitably
to
himself
,
yet
he
hath
behaved
disagreeably
to
his
character
,
and
unworthy
of
the
Post
,
which
his
Master
hath
placed
him
in
.
Nor
need
we
from
henceforth
to
doubt
,
but
that
he
does
all
the
ill
Offices
he
can
between
his
Majesty
of
Great
Brittain
and
this
Government
,
seeing
he
hath
by
slanders
destitute
of
all
Foundation
,
most
maliciously
studied
to
raise
differences
betwixt
them
and
their
own
Subjects
.
And
if
the
Intelligence
which
he
transmits
to
Whitehall
,
be
as
equally
distant
from
truth
and
sincerity
,
as
the
Memoirs
are
which
he
hath
here
published
,
we
may
easily
conjecture
what
little
credit
ought
to
be
given
unto
it
,
tho'
at
the
same
time
we
cannot
but
discern
the
end
that
it
must
be
shappen
and
designed
unto
.
Nor
was
there
the
least
occasion
administred
by
mijn
Heer
Fagel
in
his
Letter
,
by
which
our
Author
could
be
provoked
to
attack
these
States
,
with
so
much
rudeness
,
injustice
,
and
falshood
,
as
he
hath
done
in
his
Answer
.
For
all
that
the
Pensionary
had
said
,
and
which
it
seems
threw
our
Author
into
a
raging
fit
,
was
only
that
their
Highnesses
could
consent
that
the
Papists
in
England
,
Scotland
and
Ireland
,
should
be
suffered
to
exercise
their
Religion
with
as
much
freedom
,
as
is
allowed
them
in
these
Provinces
,
in
which
they
enjoy
a
full
liberty
of
Conscience
.
And
as
the
time
hath
been
,
and
may
hereafter
come
,
Wherein
the
English
Roman
Catholicks
would
have
thought
,
and
may
again
account
such
a
Liberty
for
a
happiness
;
so
I
do
not
understand
if
the
condition
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
in
these
Countreys
,
be
as
our
Author
describes
it
,
with
what
consistency
either
to
Reason
or
with
themselves
,
the
Papists
in
England
,
should
have
so
often
heretofore
in
their
Pleas
for
a
Toleration
,
have
made
the
Liberty
vouchsafed
their
Brethren
in
these
Provinces
,
not
only
a
motive
for
their
own
being
capable
of
Indulgence
,
but
to
have
represented
it
as
the
largest
measure
of
the
freedom
they
desired
,
and
which
they
would
have
been
thankful
for
.
Seeing
this
Gentleman
according
to
his
accustomed
manner
of
truth
and
ingenuity
takes
upon
him
to
assure
us
,
That
as
there
can
be
no
greater
persecution
,
than
what
the
Papists
undergo
in
the
exercise
of
their
Religion
,
in
Guelderland
,
Freesland
,
Zeland
,
and
the
Province
of
Groningue
;
so
that
the
Liberty
which
they
even
enjoy
in
Holland
,
is
so
mean
and
inconsiderable
,
that
it
doth
not
deliver
them
from
being
subject
to
daily
fines
and
molestations
.
Surely
this
man
is
either
very
unacquainted
with
what
is
done
upon
the
account
of
Religion
in
other
parts
of
the
World
,
or
else
he
must
needs
think
,
that
the
most
brutal
severities
to
some
,
are
Acts
of
Merit
;
while
gentle
restrictions
upon
others
,
are
mortal
Crimes
,
otherwise
he
could
never
write
at
this
ignorant
and
extravagant
rate
,
wherein
all
persons
must
discern
his
folly
as
well
as
insincerity
and
neglect
of
truth
.
For
we
have
too
many
deplorable
evidences
daily
before
our
Eyes
,
besides
those
which
arrive
with
us
by
reports
of
unquestionable
credit
,
of
a
stranger
kind
of
Persecution
exercised
towards
those
of
the
Reformed
Religion
in
France
and
Piedmont
,
than
any
which
the
Roman
Catholicks
in
these
Provinces
can
be
alledged
to
be
under
,
except
it
be
by
one
of
our
Author's
veracity
and
discretion
.
Neither
needs
there
any
other
Refutation
of
the
calumny
with
which
he
asperseth
the
Supream
and
Subordinate
Magistrates
of
this
Country
in
reference
to
the
treating
their
Popish
Subjects
with
horrid
Severities
,
nor
a
clearer
proof
that
those
of
the
Romish
Communion
,
do
esteem
themselves
to
be
in
a
condition
of
peace
,
freedom
and
ease
under
this
Government
,
than
that
of
their
behaviour
during
the
late
War
carried
on
by
the
French
King
against
these
States
,
which
he
gave
out
both
at
Rome
and
at
several
other
Courts
in
Europe
,
to
have
been
undertaken
in
favour
,
and
for
the
restoring
of
the
Roman
Catholick
Religion
,
For
had
they
lain
under
that
grievous
persecution
,
and
those
tragical
hardships
in
the
practice
of
it
,
which
our
Author
would
impose
the
belief
of
upon
the
World
;
they
would
not
have
failed
to
welcome
that
Monarch
as
their
happy
Deliverer
,
and
would
have
united
in
a
general
Insurrection
against
the
States
,
for
their
having
been
Tyrannous
over
them
.
But
instead
of
that
,
most
of
them
acquitted
themselves
with
the
same
Zeal
for
the
support
of
this
Government
,
and
in
defence
of
their
Country
,
that
other
Subjects
did
.
Which
demonstrates
beyond
all
controul
,
that
they
do
not
judge
themselves
to
be
in
so
wretched
and
miserable
circumstances
,
as
this
bold
and
calumnious
Person
represents
them
to
be
.
And
whereas
Monsieur
Fagel
in
justification
of
the
necessity
of
preserving
the
Test
Laws
by
which
the
Papists
are
precluded
from
Employments
and
Places
of
Trust
,
and
to
rectifie
a
mistake
in
Mr.
Stewart
about
his
conceiving
the
Roman
Catholicks
to
continue
capable
of
bearing
publick
Offices
in
this
Commonwealth
,
had
said
,
that
by
the
Laws
of
this
Republick
they
are
expresly
shut
out
from
all
the
Employments
both
of
Policy
and
Justice
.
Our
Author
does
hereupon
with
the
highest
Injustice
,
and
with
all
the
acrimony
he
can
,
accuse
the
States
,
not
only
of
departing
from
the
express
Terms
of
the
Pacification
of
Gant
,
but
of
violating
the
Articles
of
the
Vnion
at
Utrecht
,
which
was
the
Foundation
upon
which
this
Government
was
both
originally
erected
and
doth
still
subsist
.
And
with
his
wonted
degree
of
knowledge
and
prudence
he
further
adds
,
That
the
Provinces
,
and
most
of
the
Cities
,
would
not
have
entred
into
the
foresaid
Vnion
,
but
upon
condition
that
they
of
the
Roman
Catholick
Religion
should
at
all
times
possess
the
Government
.
And
particularly
that
Amsterdam
,
had
it
stipulated
unto
them
,
under
the
Guaranty
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
that
none
of
the
Reformed
Religion
should
be
allowed
a
Place
to
assemble
in
,
either
within
the
Walls
,
or
without
,
so
far
as
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
City
did
extend
.
One
would
have
little
expected
,
that
a
person
living
in
the
Communion
of
the
Romish
Church
,
as
our
Author
professeth
himself
to
do
,
should
upbraid
these
States
with
the
violation
of
Articles
,
relating
unto
a
Grant
made
unto
any
for
their
Security
in
the
free
Exercise
of
their
Religion
,
at
a
season
when
Popish
Soveraigns
not
only
account
it
their
glory
to
break
all
Laws
,
Oaths
and
Edicts
,
by
which
Protestants
had
their
Religion
,
together
with
many
other
Rights
and
Priviledges
,
established
and
confirmed
unto
them
,
but
who
with
a
salvageness
and
barbarity
which
scarce
any
Age
can
parallel
,
seek
to
extirpate
their
Religion
and
destroy
them
.
And
all
this
attempted
and
pursued
against
them
,
not
only
without
their
being
guilty
of
any
crime
,
by
which
they
might
have
deserved
to
lose
the
favour
of
their
Princes
,
and
to
forfeit
protection
in
the
free
exercise
of
their
Religion
,
and
their
safety
as
to
their
Persons
and
Estates
,
which
had
been
sworn
unto
them
,
and
secured
by
Authentick
Laws
:
But
when
one
of
the
chiefest
motives
unto
it
,
was
their
Loyalty
,
and
the
Merit
that
they
had
laid
upon
their
respective
Soveraigns
,
which
by
a
new
way
of
gratitude
was
thought
fit
to
be
thus
recompensed
and
rewarded
.
And
if
we
be
not
,
as
I
have
formerly
said
,
strangely
deceived
in
the
Person
and
Character
of
our
Author
,
this
charge
upon
the
States
of
these
Provinces
,
is
the
effect
of
a
most
prodigious
folly
,
as
well
as
of
inveterate
malice
,
in
that
his
Master
contrary
both
to
the
Laws
of
the
Realms
,
his
often
repeated
Promises
,
and
his
Coronation
Oath
,
assumes
a
power
of
introducing
those
into
Offices
,
who
by
the
Statutes
of
the
Land
stand
precluded
from
them
,
and
of
thrusting
them
out
,
who
alone
are
the
Person
that
are
legally
capable
of
them
.
Which
manner
of
proceeding
in
his
Majesty
,
hath
besides
the
injustice
that
attends
it
towards
all
that
are
laid
aside
,
a
signal
piece
of
ingratitude
accompanying
it
to
many
of
them
,
as
having
been
the
Persons
,
whose
Zeal
for
his
Person
brought
him
to
the
Throne
,
and
whose
courage
maintained
him
in
it
.
But
I
shall
not
think
it
enough
meerly
to
have
exposed
his
imprudence
and
indiscretion
in
the
forementioned
accusation
against
the
whole
Governing
Body
of
this
Country
;
but
I
shall
likewise
shew
it
to
be
false
,
slanderous
,
and
unjust
in
every
part
and
branch
of
it
.
And
that
I
may
act
with
more
truth
and
candour
than
our
Author
hath
done
,
I
do
acknowledge
,
that
at
the
first
commencement
of
the
War
against
the
King
of
Spain
,
for
the
defence
of
the
Laws
and
Priviledges
of
these
and
the
neighbouring
Provinces
,
that
not
only
they
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
but
likewise
the
Roman
Catholicks
,
took
Arms
and
hazarded
their
Lives
and
Estates
in
that
just
quarrel
.
And
I
do
also
grant
that
thereupon
there
was
Liberty
of
Conscience
allowed
and
established
by
several
Treaties
,
in
the
vertue
of
which
,
both
parties
were
to
be
equally
tolerated
,
and
the
one
not
to
disturb
or
disquiet
the
other
.
Nor
was
there
ever
any
thing
done
by
way
of
Ordinance
or
Law
,
to
lessen
or
restrain
the
liberty
of
the
Papists
,
nor
to
abridge
,
much
less
deprive
them
,
of
any
Power
,
Jurisdiction
and
Authority
that
they
possessed
,
so
long
as
they
remained
faithful
in
the
common
cause
,
and
behaved
themselves
with
Equity
,
Justice
and
Peace
towards
those
who
had
withdrawn
from
the
Roman
Communion
.
But
such
was
the
ascendency
of
the
Priests
over
the
Roman
Catholicks
,
and
so
powerful
was
their
influence
upon
them
,
that
in
a
little
time
they
not
only
hindred
and
molested
the
Protestants
in
the
exercise
of
their
Religion
,
and
committed
many
unjust
and
cruel
severities
against
them
,
but
they
proceeded
to
various
attempts
of
betraying
the
Rights
and
Civil
Liberties
of
the
whole
Country
,
and
of
enslaving
it
both
to
the
Tyranny
of
the
King
of
Spain
,
and
to
the
bloudy
and
cruel
Inquisition
.
So
that
from
hence
it
became
a
matter
of
necessity
rather
than
at
first
of
choice
,
that
the
Government
should
be
disposed
into
Protestant
hands
;
and
that
the
liberty
of
the
Papists
,
should
have
those
limits
and
regulations
given
unto
it
,
as
might
render
it
both
consistent
with
the
peace
,
freedom
,
and
safety
of
those
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
with
the
preservation
of
the
Civil
Rights
and
Priviledges
of
these
Provinces
.
This
is
the
account
,
which
all
who
have
written
with
any
knowledge
and
integrity
of
the
Transactions
of
those
Times
,
do
give
us
of
the
many
Changes
and
Revolutions
that
fell
out
in
reference
to
Religion
,
till
all
matters
both
concerning
it
,
and
the
Political
Government
of
these
Countreys
came
to
be
established
in
the
Form
and
Way
,
wherein
they
do
still
continue
and
subsist
.
And
this
I
do
undertake
to
make
good
by
all
publick
,
Authentick
,
and
approved
Histories
,
if
our
Author
shall
have
the
confidence
to
insist
upon
the
justification
of
his
criminations
,
And
all
that
I
shall
at
present
direct
men
unto
for
the
confirmation
of
what
I
have
said
,
is
that
admirable
Apology
of
William
I.
Prince
of
Orange
,
whom
his
present
Highness
,
does
in
Wisdom
,
Steddiness
,
and
true
temperate
Christian
Zeal
so
signally
imitate
,
and
which
that
great
Prince
,
who
was
the
first
and
happy
Founder
of
this
Republick
,
published
in
defence
of
himself
,
and
of
those
actings
,
for
which
the
slavish
and
mercenary
Factors
of
Rome
and
Spain
had
traduced
and
aspersed
him
.
But
let
us
advance
to
a
particular
Examination
of
those
matters
of
Fact
,
upon
which
our
Author
challengeth
these
States
for
violating
their
Faith
with
their
Roman
Catholick
Subjects
.
And
the
things
he
is
pleased
to
specifie
,
are
their
departing
from
the
Terms
of
the
Pacification
of
Gant
,
and
their
breaking
the
Articles
of
the
Vnion
agreed
unto
at
Utrecht
,
1597.
Nor
am
I
unwilling
to
acknowledge
,
that
soon
after
the
Pacification
concluded
at
Gant
,
there
were
several
indecent
and
undiscreet
things
done
contrary
to
the
purport
and
tendency
of
it
,
both
by
those
of
the
Romish
,
and
by
them
of
the
Reformed
Religion
.
Which
proceeded
from
the
Superstitious
Fury
of
the
former
,
and
the
imprudent
Zeal
of
the
latter
.
Yet
it
is
certain
,
that
the
ground
of
its
coming
to
be
rendred
wholly
ineffectual
,
arose
from
a
design
of
the
King
of
Spain's
,
under
the
cloak
and
palliation
of
that
Treaty
,
to
subvert
the
Civil
Rights
and
Priviledges
of
all
the
Provinces
,
to
the
Defence
and
Preservation
of
which
the
Roman
Catholicks
as
well
as
Protestants
were
sworn
and
bound
by
the
said
Pacification
.
For
after
that
Philip
II.
had
in
compliance
with
the
necessity
of
this
Affairs
,
consented
unto
,
and
ratified
all
the
Terms
,
Provisions
and
Conditions
,
which
both
the
Papists
and
the
Reformed
had
in
that
Pacification
,
League
and
Confederacy
,
insisted
upon
,
and
agreed
to
adhere
unto
;
it
was
soon
after
discovered
by
Letters
intercepted
to
Don
John
,
who
was
at
that
time
constituted
Governour
over
the
Low
Countreys
,
that
all
which
Philip
aim'd
at
,
was
thro
the
having
rendred
them
secure
by
the
Ratification
of
that
Treaty
,
to
take
advantages
whereby
to
enslave
them
,
and
under
the
Covert
of
it
,
to
provide
himself
of
means
,
by
which
he
might
be
established
in
an
unbounded
Tyranny
over
them
.
So
that
by
reason
of
what
was
detected
in
those
Letters
,
and
from
Don
John's
proceeding
to
possess
himself
of
Namur
,
and
his
endeavouring
to
corrupt
and
debauch
the
German
Troops
,
which
were
in
the
States
service
,
and
paid
by
them
,
together
with
the
defection
of
many
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
from
all
the
Terms
of
that
Pacification
;
the
War
came
again
to
be
revived
against
the
King
of
Spain
,
and
all
that
had
been
agreed
unto
at
Gant
,
was
rendred
ineffectual
and
overthrown
.
And
I
would
fain
know
of
our
Learned
and
Wise
Author
,
how
the
States
of
the
Seven
Provinces
are
more
guilty
of
the
violation
of
that
Pacification
,
by
making
the
Protestant
Religion
,
to
be
that
of
the
publick
Establishment
,
within
their
Territories
and
Jurisdiction
;
than
the
King
of
Spain
,
and
the
States
of
the
Spanish
Netherlands
,
are
in
their
denying
a
Toleration
of
the
Protestant
Religion
in
those
Provinces
;
seeing
I
am
sure
it
was
agreed
and
sworn
unto
in
that
Pacification
.
And
as
for
the
Union
concluded
at
Vtrecht
,
the
Terms
whereof
our
Author
upbraids
these
States
with
a
departure
from
:
It
will
be
no
difficult
matter
to
shew
how
his
knowledge
and
sincerity
are
in
reference
to
this
particular
of
one
measure
and
piece
.
For
tho'
diverse
of
the
Provinces
,
which
entred
into
that
Union
,
did
thereby
enjoy
a
Liberty
of
chusing
and
determining
which
of
the
two
Religions
should
have
the
stamp
of
the
publick
establishment
within
their
own
Jurisdictions
;
yet
it
was
then
and
there
ordained
,
that
the
Protestant
Religion
alone
should
be
publickly
professed
,
and
have
the
protection
of
the
Laws
in
the
Provinces
of
Holland
and
Zealand
.
And
as
the
other
Provinces
were
left
to
do
,
as
they
should
judge
best
for
the
peace
and
safety
of
their
respective
Territories
,
and
the
support
and
defence
of
the
Union
;
so
it
is
a
thing
wherein
all
that
have
written
with
any
integrity
,
do
agree
,
that
the
alterations
which
were
afterwards
made
in
these
Provinces
,
or
in
reference
unto
them
,
concerning
Religion
,
were
either
resolved
and
decreed
in
the
Provincial
Assemblies
of
the
States
of
those
several
Provinces
,
or
else
in
the
meetings
of
the
States-General
,
where
not
only
the
Deputies
of
those
several
Provinces
were
present
and
consenting
,
but
behoved
to
have
the
approbation
of
their
Principals
,
in
order
to
the
rendring
those
Alterations
legal
and
binding
.
Nor
is
it
unworthy
to
be
observed
,
that
the
chief
occasion
for
shutting
the
Roman
Catholicks
out
of
the
Government
,
and
for
depressing
the
Romish
Religion
from
being
Dominant
,
arose
from
the
Papists
themselves
,
in
that
not
only
contrary
to
their
stripulations
and
promises
,
they
were
found
in
the
verture
of
a
malice
imbib'd
from
their
Religion
,
to
be
upon
all
occasions
committing
violences
and
outrages
against
the
Reformed
,
but
in
that
the
Roman
Catholick
Magistrates
,
and
many
others
of
that
Communion
,
were
discovered
to
retain
too
great
an
inclination
to
Spain
,
and
to
be
ready
to
abandon
and
betray
the
Freedom
and
Civil
Rights
of
their
Countrey
,
instead
of
continuing
stedfast
and
faithful
in
the
defence
of
them
,
as
they
had
covenanted
and
sworn
.
In
a
word
,
as
neither
the
Articles
of
the
Union
at
Vtrecht
,
nor
any
other
Terms
agreed
upon
,
before
the
Abdication
of
the
King
of
Spain
,
which
was
not
until
Anno
1581.
can
be
called
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
the
Government
of
this
Republick
,
tho'
they
may
be
stiled
conditions
upon
which
such
and
such
Provinces
Associated
for
mutual
defence
against
the
Spanish
Power
and
Tyranny
;
so
it
is
undeniable
,
that
by
reason
of
the
many
dangers
they
found
themselves
exposed
unto
,
and
the
hazards
they
had
run
of
being
betrayed
again
into
the
hands
of
the
Spaniard
,
through
their
having
suffered
the
Magistracy
to
remain
any
wherein
Papists
,
and
thro'
their
having
allowed
the
Roman
Catholick
Religion
to
be
publickly
preached
and
exercised
,
they
thereupon
re-assumed
and
gave
a
new
frame
unto
their
Union
in
the
Year
1583.
in
which
it
was
agreed
and
enacted
by
all
the
Provinces
,
that
from
that
time
forward
,
the
Reformed
Religion
should
alone
be
openly
professed
and
preached
,
and
that
none
but
Protestants
should
from
that
time
be
admitted
to
any
Office
of
Policy
and
Justice
in
the
Government
.
And
as
this
is
the
true
Fundamental
Law
upon
which
this
State
hath
since
so
happily
subsisted
and
flourished
;
so
there
can
be
nothing
objected
against
the
Justice
of
it
,
but
what
will
lye
against
all
States
of
the
World
,
who
have
always
changed
and
moulded
their
Laws
,
as
they
have
been
necessitated
in
order
to
self-preservation
.
And
so
remote
from
all
truth
,
is
our
Author
's
affirming
the
Roman
Catholicks
to
have
been
upon
these
Alterations
brought
under
Persecution
;
that
Sir
William
Temple
,
whom
the
World
will
much
sooner
believe
than
this
Gentleman
,
tho'
possibly
he
may
bear
the
same
character
which
that
worthy
person
once
did
,
does
assure
us
in
his
excellent
Observations
upon
the
United
Provinces
of
the
Netherlands
.
That
no
Papist
can
here
complain
of
being
pressed
in
his
Conscience
,
of
being
restrained
from
his
own
manner
of
Worship
in
his
House
,
or
obliged
to
any
other
abroad
,
and
that
all
such
,
who
ask
no
more
than
to
serve
God
and
save
their
own
Souls
,
have
as
much
Freedom
,
Ease
and
Security
as
they
can
desire
.
Yea
it
is
demonstrable
that
the
Roman
Catholicks
enjoy
advantages
under
this
Government
,
which
they
have
not
in
Popish
States
.
In
that
being
suffered
to
exercise
their
Relgion
so
far
as
is
necessary
to
attain
all
the
ends
of
it
,
if
it
be
capable
of
affording
them
any
whereon
they
can
hereafter
find
themselves
happy
;
they
are
delivered
from
the
Tyranny
of
Priests
over
their
Persons
and
Estates
,
and
hindred
from
being
in
a
condition
to
do
that
ill
to
others
,
which
the
Doctrines
of
their
Church
would
both
tempt
them
unto
and
justifie
them
in
.
And
as
to
that
which
our
Author
says
of
the
injustice
done
to
the
City
of
Amsterdam
,
and
of
the
violating
the
Conditions
towards
the
Roman
Catholicks
there
,
upon
which
under
the
guaranty
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
they
came
into
the
Vnion
;
he
is
mistaken
in
that
whole
matter
,
and
betrays
only
his
ignorance
,
infidelity
,
or
both
.
For
the
Conditions
which
he
mentioneth
,
were
the
result
of
an
Agreement
made
Anno
1578.
when
upon
the
Nassovian
Army's
coming
before
their
City
to
attack
them
,
they
abandoned
the
Party
and
Interest
of
the
King
of
Spain
,
whom
they
had
till
that
time
adhered
unto
,
and
came
into
an
Alliance
with
the
rest
of
the
Towns
of
the
Province
,
to
oppose
him
in
defence
of
the
Priviledges
of
these
Countreys
.
And
as
this
was
a
year
before
the
Vnion
concluded
at
Vtrecht
,
into
which
Amsterdam
entred
at
the
same
time
that
Gelderland
,
Zutphen
,
Holland
,
Zealand
,
and
Utrecht
did
;
so
they
joined
in
the
Vnion
upon
the
same
Terms
,
that
the
other
Towns
of
their
own
Province
had
agreed
unto
.
Nor
could
the
Prince
of
Orange
be
Guaranty
in
reference
to
the
conditions
specified
in
the
Vnion
;
forasmuch
as
tho
the
Act
of
Vnion
was
signed
Jan.
23.
1579.
yet
the
Prince
did
not
sign
it
till
the
May
following
.
And
that
the
Roman
Catholick
Magistrates
,
came
to
be
divested
of
the
Government
,
contrary
to
the
Articles
made
with
them
when
they
forsook
the
party
of
the
King
of
Spain
,
they
have
none
to
blame
for
it
but
themselves
,
nor
was
there
that
injustice
in
it
which
our
Author
does
imagine
.
For
not
being
satisfied
to
remain
disobedient
and
refractory
to
an
Edict
and
Decree
of
the
Arch-Duke
Matthias
and
the
Council
of
State
,
who
Anno
1578.
had
appointed
,
that
wheresoever
there
were
a
hundred
Families
of
those
professing
the
Reformed
Religion
,
that
they
should
there
be
allowed
a
Church
or
Chappel
for
the
exercise
of
their
Worship
;
they
not
only
broke
all
their
capitulations
made
with
the
Protestants
,
thro
oppressing
them
in
various
,
severe
,
unjust
,
method's
,
and
in
denying
them
a
decent
and
convenient
place
in
which
they
might
bury
their
dead
,
but
they
were
found
to
be
still
inclining
to
the
Spanish
Interest
,
and
ready
to
espouse
it
upon
the
first
convenient
opportunity
.
And
therefore
the
Protestants
,
who
were
by
much
the
majority
,
partly
to
relieve
themselves
from
the
sufferings
which
were
daily
inflicted
upon
them
contrary
to
stipulations
and
Articles
,
and
partly
to
prevent
the
mischiefs
which
would
have
ensued
to
the
whole
Country
,
should
that
City
have
been
betrayed
again
into
the
power
and
hands
of
the
Spaniards
,
assumed
the
Government
to
themselves
,
and
eased
the
other
party
of
the
Trust
,
which
they
had
so
unwisely
and
unrighteously
managed
.
Nor
can
our
Author
deny
,
but
that
since
they
took
on
them
the
Ruling
Authority
,
they
have
exercised
it
with
all
the
moderation
that
can
be
expressed
.
And
have
been
so
far
from
returning
to
the
Roman
Catholicks
,
the
like
measures
which
themselves
had
met
with
,
that
they
have
in
no
one
thing
given
them
cause
to
complain
,
unless
they
should
quarrel
that
they
are
kept
out
of
capacity
of
doing
the
mischief
,
their
priests
would
otherway's
be
ready
to
excite
them
unto
,
and
which
their
Religion
would
countenance
them
in
.
But
it
is
now
time
that
I
should
proceed
to
the
fourth
thing
,
for
which
I
promised
to
call
our
Anonymous
Answerer
to
an
account
.
And
were
he
not
of
a
singular
Forehead
,
and
of
a
peculiar
complexion
from
all
others
;
he
could
not
have
had
the
impudence
to
endeavour
to
deceive
the
world
into
a
belief
,
that
the
Protestant
Dissenters
in
England
,
stand
listed
by
their
Highnesses
into
the
same
rank
with
the
Papists
,
and
that
they
are
hereafter
to
expect
,
to
be
shut
up
into
the
same
state
and
condition
.
Certainly
he
must
either
have
an
Antipathy
woven
into
his
nature
against
all
truth
and
sincerity
,
or
else
thro
having
long
accustomed
himself
to
the
misreporting
of
persons
and
to
the
giving
false
representations
of
things
,
he
must
at
last
have
acquired
an
incurable
Habit
,
otherwise
it
were
impossible
to
prevaricate
to
that
degree
from
truth
,
in
every
thing
he
medleth
with
,
and
which
he
undertaketh
to
say
.
For
Mijn
Heer
Fagel
having
declared
,
that
the
reason
why
their
Highnesses
can
not
agree
to
the
Repeal
of
the
Test
Laws
,
is
because
they
are
of
no
other
tendency
,
than
to
secure
the
Reformed
Religion
from
the
designs
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
,
and
that
they
contain
only
conditions
and
provisions
,
whereby
men
may
be
qualified
to
be
Members
of
Parliament
,
and
to
bear
publick
Offices
.
Our
Author
hereupon
tells
us
.
That
the
Nonconformists
as
well
as
the
Roman
Catholicks
,
do
apprehend
that
they
receive
a
great
deal
of
damage
,
by
those
Laws
,
and
do
account
them
extremely
prejudicial
to
their
Persons
and
Families
.
And
where
as
Monsieur
Fagel
had
said
,
that
he
would
be
glad
to
hear
one
good
Reason
,
whereby
a
Protestant
fearing
God
,
and
concerned
for
his
Religion
,
could
be
prevailed
upon
to
consent
to
the
Repealing
of
these
Laws
which
have
been
enacted
by
the
Authority
of
King
and
Parliament
,
and
that
have
no
other
tendency
save
the
providing
for
the
safety
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
the
hindring
Roman
Catholicks
from
being
in
a
capacity
to
subvert
it
.
Our
Author
in
way
of
reflection
upon
this
,
tells
us
,
that
it
is
not
only
a
Childish
demand
,
but
that
it
is
to
be
hop'd
that
the
pensionary
will
from
hence
be
brought
to
acknowledg
,
how
trifling
and
weak
all
those
Reasons
are
,
by
which
he
would
preclude
the
Nonconformists
as
well
as
the
Roman
Catholicks
from
publick
Employments
.
So
that
by
these
and
many
other
passages
equally
false
and
disingenuous
in
our
Author
's
pretended
Answer
,
which
for
brevity's
sake
I
forbear
to
mention
,
it
is
apparent
that
he
endeavours
to
perswade
the
world
into
a
belief
,
that
the
Dissenters
are
staed
by
their
Highnesses
in
the
same
rank
and
condition
with
the
Papists
,
and
are
to
expect
to
be
treated
in
the
same
manner
,
in
case
it
please
the
Almighty
God
to
bring
Their
Highnesses
to
the
Throne
.
One
would
wonder
at
this
sudden
and
strange
change
in
the
opinion
and
conduct
of
the
Papists
towards
the
Nonconformists
;
that
they
who
were
represented
by
them
a
while
ago
'
as
unfit
to
live
in
His
Majesties
Dominions
;
should
now
come
to
be
accounted
the
Kings
best
and
most
Faithful
Subjects
,
and
worthy
to
be
advanced
to
the
chief
Trusts
and
Employ's
'T
is
but
a
few
years
since
,
that
all
the
Laws
enacted
against
them
,
were
judged
to
be
too
few
and
gentle
,
and
therefore
they
had
Laws
executed
upon
them
,
to
which
the
Legislators
had
never
made
them
obnoxious
;
but
now
the
Roman
Catholicks
are
become
so
tender
of
their
ease
and
safety
,
that
out
of
pure
kindness
unto
them
,
if
any
will
be
so
foolish
as
to
believe
it
,
they
must
have
Laws
abrogated
,
which
in
the
worst
times
,
and
during
the
most
illegal
and
barbarous
procedures
against
them
,
they
were
never
affected
with
nor
suffered
the
least
prejudice
by
.
And
whereas
it
was
the
only
way
for
persons
heretofore
to
make
their
Court
at
St.
James's
,
by
declaiming
against
the
Dissenters
as
Rebels
and
Traitors
,
and
by
putting
them
into
a
salvage
Dress
,
to
be
run
upon
as
beasts
of
prey
;
it
is
now
grown
the
only
method
of
becoming
gracious
at
Whitehall
,
to
proclaim
their
Loyalty
,
and
to
cry
them
up
for
the
only
people
in
whom
his
Majesty
,
with
safety
to
his
Person
and
Crown
,
can
repose
a
confidence
.
But
under
all
the
Shapes
which
the
Papists
do
assume
,
they
may
be
easily
discovered
to
retain
the
same
malice
to
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
only
to
act
those
various
and
opposite
parts
,
in
order
the
better
to
subvert
it
.
And
the
Dissenters
being
harassed
and
oppressed
before
,
and
indulged
and
caressed
now
,
was
upon
the
same
motive
of
hatred
unto
it
,
and
in
subserviency
to
its
extirpation
.
The
method's
are
altered
,
but
the
design
is
one
,
and
tho
they
have
changed
their
Tools
,
yet
they
remain
constant
in
the
pursuance
of
the
same
End
.
While
they
of
the
Church
of
England
were
found
compliant
with
the
ways
,
which
the
Factors
for
Rome
thought
serviceable
thereunto
,
they
were
not
only
the
Favourites
of
the
Court
and
of
the
whole
Popish
party
,
but
were
gratified
,
at
least
as
was
pretended
,
with
a
rigorous
execution
of
the
Penal
Laws
upon
Dissenters
.
But
there
remaining
several
steps
to
be
taken
for
the
introduction
of
Popery
,
and
the
extirpation
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
which
they
of
the
National
Communion
would
not
go
along
with
them
in
,
they
are
forced
to
shift
Instruments
,
and
to
betake
themselves
to
the
Nonconformists
;
whose
assistance
the
better
to
engage
,
they
have
not
only
suspended
all
the
Penal
Laws
,
to
which
the
Dissenters
were
liable
,
but
have
endeavoured
to
fill'
them
with
jealousy
and
apprehension
of
danger
from
the
Test
Acts
,
tho
at
the
same
time
they
know
that
Nonconformists
never
either
did
,
or
could
receive
prejudice
by
them
.
Only
they
are
sensible
,
that
if
they
could
work
up
that
easie
people
into
such
a
belief
,
they
should
thereby
not
only
obtain
their
concurrence
and
abettment
,
for
the
rescinding
of
those
Laws
,
that
are
at
present
the
only
great
remaining
Fence
about
our
Religion
,
and
upon
the
abrogation
whereof
nothing
could
hinder
the
Papists
from
getting
into
a
condition
to
extirpate
it
;
but
make
them
a
formed
and
united
Body
with
themselves
against
the
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
,
who
have
with
so
much
Wisdom
,
Courage
and
Integrity
,
declared
that
they
are
against
the
having
them
repealed
.
And
as
the
Dissenters
cannot
have
so
far
renounced
all
regard
both
to
honesty
and
to
a
good
name
,
as
to
be
fond
of
being
herded
with
the
Papists
,
or
thank
our
Author
for
it
;
so
they
must
be
become
void
of
all
sense
and
understanding
,
if
they
suffer
themselves
to
be
either
wheedled
or
frighted
into
an
opinion
of
their
being
subject
to
receive
any
dammage
by
the
Tests
;
it
being
so
expresly
contrary
both
to
the
Terms
of
those
Laws
,
and
to
their
own
experience
.
Nor
can
they
be
so
far
abandoned
of
God
,
nor
prove
so
treacherous
to
the
Nation
,
Posterity
and
the
whole
Protestant
Interest
thro'
Europe
,
as
to
cooperate
to
the
Repeal
of
them
,
by
destroying
that
great
Fence
about
the
Reformed
Religion
in
England
,
and
to
put
the
Papists
into
capacity
both
of
subverting
it
there
and
every
where
else
.
And
setting
aside
a
few
mercenary
fellows
among
them
,
there
is
no
ground
to
fear
,
after
we
have
had
so
many
proofs
of
their
zeal
for
the
Protestant
Religion
and
English
Liberties
,
in
the
worst
of
times
and
under
the
greatest
Temptations
,
that
they
should
at
this
season
,
when
all
others
behave
themselves
with
so
much
Integrity
and
Courage
,
be
accessory
to
so
villanous
a
thing
.
The
ill
success
which
the
Court
hath
met
with
in
the
several
Towns
and
City's
,
since
the
late
Regulation
of
the
Corporations
,
sufficiently
shews
,
that
the
Dissenters
who
were
put
into
Magistracy
,
in
hopes
by
them
to
have
compassed
the
packing
of
a
Parliament
,
are
no
less
careful
of
preserving
the
Test
Laws
,
than
they
of
the
Church
of
England
Communion
were
,
who
were
displaced
to
make
way
for
them
.
And
to
discover
the
grossness
of
the
abuse
,
which
our
Author
,
without
regard
to
Truth
or
Ingenuity
,
endeavours
to
put
upon
them
,
as
if
they
were
judged
by
their
Highnesses
to
be
incapable
of
Trusts
and
Employments
,
or
any
ways
concluded
to
stand
under
those
restraints
by
the
Test
,
which
the
Roman
Catholicks
do
;
there
is
not
one
word
in
Mijn
Heer
Fagel's
Letter
,
whereby
they
are
said
to
be
subject
unto
them
,
or
by
which
there
is
any
ground
administred
of
fancying
they
are
put
into
the
same
rank
with
the
Papists
,
and
whereby
to
fear
that
they
may
hereafter
come
to
be
treated
accordingly
.
But
in
stead
of
this
,
they
are
expresly
told
,
that
Their
Highnesses
do
both
allow
and
desire
the
abrogation
of
all
the
Penal
Laws
against
Dissenters
,
and
the
having
them
freed
from
the
severity
of
them
;
and
that
they
do
not
only
consent
but
heartily
approve
of
their
having
an
entire
liberty
granted
them
for
the
full
exercise
of
their
Religion
,
without
any
trouble
or
hindrance
,
or
being
left
exposed
to
the
least
molestation
or
inconvenience
upon
that
account
.
And
to
testifie
how
far
the
Nonconformists
are
from
being
in
the
least
menaced
by
those
Laws
,
it
is
again
Declared
,
that
the
only
reason
why
their
Highnesses
refuse
to
consent
to
the
having
them
repealed
,
is
,
because
that
they
have
no
other
tendency
,
save
to
Secure
the
Reformed
Religion
from
the
Designs
of
the
Papists
,
by
containing
provisions
in
the
vertue
of
which
,
those
only
may
be
kept
out
of
Office
who
can
not
testifie
that
they
are
of
the
Reformed
,
and
not
of
the
Roman
Catholick
Religion
.
Which
as
it
is
the
highest
evidence
imaginable
,
of
their
own
stedfastness
and
integrity
in
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
of
the
compassion
and
love
which
they
equally
bear
to
all
who
profess
it
,
and
how
careful
they
will
at
all
times
be
to
have
it
maintained
and
supported
;
so
it
is
the
putting
such
a
merit
upon
all
Protestants
,
that
it
should
engage
their
prayers
for
their
happy
extation
to
the
Throne
,
and
make
them
ambitious
as
well
as
willing
and
ready
to
hazard
their
lives
and
Fortunes
,
for
the
securing
the
Succession
unto
them
,
if
any
should
be
so
wicked
as
to
go
about
to
preclude
them
.
But
I
must
pay
a
further
attendance
upon
our
Author
,
and
accompany
him
to
the
fifth
particular
which
I
promised
to
consider
;
namely
that
according
to
his
own
foolish
and
incoherent
way
of
writing
,
while
he
pretends
to
commend
and
justify
the
proceeding
of
His
Majesty
of
Great
Brittain
,
he
publisheth
the
villany
of
the
Papal
Church
,
and
proclaims
the
dishonour
and
injustice
of
diverse
Eminent
Monarchs
and
Princes
of
the
Romish
Communion
.
His
Panegyricks
upon
the
King
of
England
,
are
so
many
just
Satyr's
upon
the
Church
of
Rome
,
the
Monarch
of
France
,
and
the
Duke
of
Savoy
,
&c.
For
if
it
be
becoming
a
Christian
,
to
be
of
a
contrary
judgment
to
those
who
are
for
persecuting
such
as
differ
from
the
publick
and
established
Religion
,
and
if
it
be
a
sentiment
worthy
of
a
Royal
mind
,
that
none
ought
to
be
oppressed
for
their
Consciences
in
Divine
Matters
;
what
characters
of
irreligion
,
ignominy
,
wickedness
,
are
due
unto
them
,
who
judge
it
to
be
meritorious
to
destroy
sincere
Christians
,
for
no
other
pretended
Crime
,
save
that
they
cannot
believe
as
the
Pope
and
the
Church
of
Rome
do
.
Surely
our
Author
must
either
be
extreamly
ignorant
of
the
Doctrine
of
his
own
Church
,
and
of
the
bloody
and
barbarous
practices
pursuant
thereunto
,
both
at
this
day
,
and
for
many
ages
past
;
or
else
he
must
be
the
most
unsincere
miscreant
that
ever
writ
,
or
at
best
be
guilty
of
the
inconsistency
and
folly
as
to
continue
in
the
Communion
of
a
Church
,
whose
Articles
of
Faith
he
condemns
as
Antichristian
,
and
whose
practices
according
to
the
Terms
made
necessary
for
Salvation
,
he
abhorreth
both
as
unworthy
of
Royal
Minds
,
and
contrary
to
Christian
Piety
.
But
tho
nothing
can
render
a
false
man
honest
,
or
a
foolish
Man
wise
,
yet
seeing
something
may
be
done
towards
the
curing
a
person's
ignorance
if
he
be
teachable
,
or
at
least
to
shew
his
obstinacy
,
and
that
the
fault
is
in
his
will
,
not
in
his
Understanding
,
if
he
will
not
learn
and
be
convinced
;
I
shall
therefore
both
acquaint
him
a
little
with
the
Doctrine
of
that
Church
,
and
briefly
put
him
in
remembrance
,
how
these
of
the
Romish
Fellowship
have
therefore
persecuted
Christians
,
and
still
continue
so
to
do
,
only
for
differing
from
the
publick
and
established
Religion
.
As
to
the
first
,
it
is
sufficiently
known
that
according
to
the
judgment
of
the
Church
of
Rome
we
are
Hereticks
,
and
that
Heresie
being
Crimen
laesae
Majestatis
Divinae
,
we
are
therefore
the
worst
of
Traitors
,
and
liable
to
the
Penalties
of
the
greatest
High
Treason
.
And
thereupon
we
are
not
only
declared
to
be
infamous
and
sentenced
to
be
deprived
of
all
Honor
and
Dignity
,
and
to
be
incapable
of
all
Offices
,
and
have
our
Estates
confiscated
and
seised
;
but
we
are
condemned
to
be
burnt
,
and
if
that
cannot
conveniently
be
effected
,
it
is
both
made
lawful
and
meritorious
to
extirpate
us
by
War
or
Massacre
,
as
shall
be
best
and
most
safe
for
the
Church
of
Rome
.
In
order
whereunto
,
not
only
all
Laws
made
for
our
Security
are
declared
to
be
null
,
and
that
no
promises
made
unto
us
,
ought
to
be
kept
;
but
all
Princes
,
that
neglect
to
destroy
and
extirpate
us
,
are
proclaimed
to
be
deposed
.
And
sutable
hereunto
has
their
carriage
been
for
many
ages
to
such
as
differ
from
them
in
Articles
of
Faith
,
and
will
not
joyn
in
their
Superstitions
and
Idolatries
.
In
proof
where
of
I
neither
need
to
insist
upon
the
infinite
Murders
,
committed
by
the
Inquisition
,
the
most
Devilish
Engine
of
Cruelty
that
ever
the
World
was
acquainted
with
,
nor
to
reflect
so
far
backward
as
the
Parisian
and
Irish
Massacres
,
or
the
infinite
Slaughters
perpetrated
heretofore
in
France
,
Germany
,
and
the
Low
Countreys
,
&c.
seeing
we
have
such
fresh
and
doleful
evidences
of
the
mercy
and
gentleness
of
the
Papal
Church
,
in
the
ungrateful
,
inhumane
,
perjurious
,
and
salvage
persecutions
executed
so
lately
in
France
and
Piedmont
.
If
it
be
the
effect
of
Royal
and
Paternal
affection
in
the
King
of
England
to
his
Subjects
,
that
all
he
endeavoureth
,
is
to
treat
them
as
becomes
a
common
Father
,
without
making
any
distinction
between
one
and
another
,
as
our
Author
is
pleased
to
call
it
in
his
Testimony
concerning
him
;
what
cruel
Parents
must
many
Princes
of
the
Roman
Communion
be
,
who
act
with
that
difference
towards
their
people
,
that
while
they
cherish
and
embrace
some
,
they
tear
out
the
Bowels
,
and
suck
the
blood
of
others
?
And
if
no
Society
destitute
of
such
tender
and
Christian
affections
,
can
merit
the
name
of
a
Church
,
we
hence
learn
where
to
fasten
the
character
of
being
the
Mother
of
Harlots
.
In
that
we
not
only
know
whose
Doctrine
it
is
,
that
whom
She
cannot
convert
,
She
ought
to
destroy
;
but
that
we
have
observed
her
,
to
have
been
in
all
Ages
drunk
with
the
Blood
of
Saints
.
All
the
commendations
our
Author
bestows
upon
the
King
of
England
;
are
not
only
either
so
many
accusations
of
His
Majesties
insincerity
in
the
Papal
Faith
,
or
infallible
indications
that
both
the
King
(
pardon
the
expression
)
and
his
Minister
,
are
Hypocritical
Dissemblers
;
but
they
are
stabbing
and
twinging
Satyr's
against
Mother
Church
,
and
the
Holy
Father
,
and
against
his
Brittanick
Majesties
dear
Brother
and
Ally
the
French
King
.
Nor
can
we
be
guilty
either
of
Crime
or
Indecency
,
in
the
worst
we
can
say
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
and
the
Most
Christian
King
;
seeing
we
have
in
equivalent
Terms
a
President
for
it
,
both
from
so
good
a
Catholick
,
and
so
wise
a
Minister
of
a
great
Monarch
,
as
our
honourable
Author
is
.
And
tho
I
begin
to
grow
weary
of
conversing
with
so
impertinent
a
man
,
yet
I
am
bound
to
wait
upon
him
a
little
longer
,
and
while
the
Reader
can
reap
no
advantage
by
any
thing
he
says
,
to
see
whether
it
be
not
possible
to
lay
hold
of
an
occasion
from
his
Ignorance
and
Folly
,
to
communicate
things
that
may
be
more
solid
and
instructive
.
The
sixth
thing
therefore
whereof
I
accused
him
,
and
for
which
I
promised
to
call
him
to
an
account
,
is
his
egregious
ignorance
in
relation
to
Government
,
Laws
,
Customs
,
and
matters
of
Fact
,
Mijn
Heer
Fagel
tells
us
,
that
the
Test
Laws
being
enacted
by
King
and
Parliament
for
the
Security
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
the
Roman
Catholicks
receiving
no
prejudice
by
them
,
but
being
meerly
restrained
from
getting
into
a
condition
to
subvert
it
,
therefore
Their
Highnesses
could
not
consent
to
their
Repeal
.
And
he
further
adds
,
that
there
is
no
Kingdom
,
Common-wealth
,
or
any
constituted
Body
and
Society
,
in
which
there
are
not
Laws
made
for
the
safety
thereof
,
which
not
only
provide
against
all
attempts
that
may
disturb
their
peace
,
but
which
prescribe
such
conditions
as
they
judge
necessary
,
for
the
discerning
who
are
qualified
to
bear
Employments
.
To
which
he
again
subjoins
,
that
there
is
a
great
difference
between
the
conduct
of
these
of
the
Reformed
Religion
towards
Roman
Catholicks
,
which
is
moderate
,
and
only
to
prevent
their
getting
into
a
capacity
to
do
hurt
;
and
that
of
those
of
the
Roman
Catholick
Religion
towards
the
Reformed
,
who
not
being
satisfied
to
exclude
them
from
places
of
Trust
,
do
both
suppress
the
whole
Exercise
of
their
Religion
and
severely
persecute
all
that
profess
it
.
And
he
finally
adds
,
that
both
Reason
and
the
Experience
of
the
present
,
as
well
as
past
Ages
do
shew
,
that
it
is
impossible
for
Roman
Catholicks
,
and
those
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
when
joyned
together
in
places
of
Trust
,
and
publick
Employment
,
to
maintain
a
good
Correspondence
,
live
in
mutual
peace
,
and
to
discharge
their
Offices
quietly
and
to
the
publick
Good
.
Now
from
these
several
passages
,
which
carry
their
own
evidence
along
with
them
,
our
Author
takes
occasion
both
to
vent
his
foolish
and
ridiculous
Politicks
,
and
to
proclaim
his
ignorance
in
History
and
of
the
most
obvious
matters
of
Fact
.
However
we
shall
have
the
patience
to
hearken
to
what
he
hath
been
pleased
to
say
,
and
shall
examine
it
piece
by
piece
,
as
we
go
along
.
And
the
first
thing
he
does
is
to
acquaint
us
with
a
mighty
Mystery
of
State
,
and
which
none
but
so
great
a
Minister
could
have
been
able
to
have
revealed
;
namely
,
that
tho
the
King
and
Parliament
upon
the
first
Revolution
with
respect
to
Religion
,
and
the
introducing
and
setting
up
the
Reformed
Religion
,
thought
fit
to
make
those
Laws
which
they
judged
necessary
for
its
preservation
;
yet
that
it
does
not
follow
that
his
present
Majesty
and
a
Parliament
would
be
of
the
same
mind
,
but
that
they
might
enact
Laws
of
a
differing
Nature
from
the
former
,
and
re-establish
Religion
into
the
same
State
,
in
which
it
was
before
the
Reformed
Doctrine
and
Worship
was
set
up
.
We
are
much
obliged
to
our
Author
for
this
discovery
,
though
I
must
add
,
that
this
it
is
to
trust
a
Fool
with
secrets
,
for
he
will
be
sure
to
be
blabbing
.
For
tho
he
subjoin
,
that
he
will
not
say
that
matters
would
be
pushed
so
far
;
yet
he
hath
already
told
us
enough
,
to
make
us
understand
both
what
his
own
hopes
are
,
and
what
is
designed
by
the
Papal
party
,
if
they
could
compass
a
Parliament
of
a
Complexion
and
Temper
to
their
mind
.
But
there
are
two
fatal
things
,
which
lye
in
their
way
.
One
is
,
that
neither
progressing
nor
closeting
,
bribing
nor
threatning
,
can
prove
effectual
to
give
them
the
slenderest
ground
of
confidence
of
their
obtaining
a
Parliament
of
that
mould
and
constitution
.
And
the
second
is
,
that
all
the
Members
must
take
the
Tests
,
before
they
can
be
a
Legal
Parliament
;
and
then
there
is
little
probability
,
that
they
who
can
make
the
Declaration
required
in
these
Laws
,
will
be
inclinable
to
Repeal
them
;
especially
at
a
season
,
when
their
own
safety
as
well
as
that
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
renders
it
so
necessary
to
have
them
maintained
.
Whatsoever
any
Body
of
men
,
by
what
name
soever
they
be
called
,
or
within
what
walls
soever
they
assemble
,
shall
attempt
to
do
,
without
first
having
taken
the
Tests
;
is
ipso
facto
null
and
void
in
Law
,
and
will
serve
to
no
Legal
purpose
,
but
to
make
themselves
obnoxious
to
the
severest
punishments
,
which
the
Justice
of
a
provoked
and
betrayed
Nation
can
be
able
to
inflict
upon
them
.
So
that
we
do
not
doubt
what
the
King
would
do
,
for
the
re-establishing
Popery
and
banishing
the
Protestant
Religion
,
could
he
get
a
Parliament
to
his
mind
;
but
our
hope
is
that
he
will
not
,
and
the
better
to
prevent
it
,
we
will
endeavour
to
keep
our
Test
Laws
.
But
to
go
on
with
our
Author
,
who
with
his
accustomed
ignorance
,
but
personating
here
the
wisdom
of
a
Solon
or
a
Lycurgus
,
takes
upon
him
to
instruct
us
,
that
as
nothing
can
be
called
the
fundamental
Law
of
a
Kingdom
or
a
Republick
,
but
what
was
enacted
at
the
commencement
of
that
State
or
Society
,
before
any
alterations
could
fall
out
in
it
with
reference
to
Religion
;
so
nothing
deserves
the
name
of
such
a
Law
save
that
which
is
to
the
advantage
and
benefit
of
all
the
Subjects
.
It
were
not
amiss
here
to
enquire
,
by
what
Authority
our
Author
fastens
on
Mijn
Heer
Fagel
this
Term
of
Fundamental
Law
in
reference
to
the
Tests
;
seeing
he
never
used
it
in
his
Letter
much
less
applyed
it
to
such
a
purpose
.
But
falsifying
is
so
natural
to
this
Gentleman
,
that
he
could
not
avoid
it
,
even
when
he
might
have
been
sensible
,
that
he
would
not
escape
the
being
challenged
for
it
.
There
is
a
Countrey
in
the
world
,
that
is
said
to
bear
no
poysonous
animal
,
nor
had
it
need
,
seeing
if
any
number
of
the
Natives
be
of
the
mould
and
frame
that
some
are
,
there
are
brutal
and
venemous
Creatures
enough
in
it
,
tho
there
be
neither
Toad
nor
Serpent
there
.
But
may
not
the
Test
Laws
answer
the
end
they
were
designed
unto
,
of
being
a
Fence
about
Religion
,
tho
they
be
none
of
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
the
Government
.
It
is
not
the
name
that
alone
gives
value
to
a
Law
;
but
the
Sanction
of
the
Legislative
Authority
,
and
the
usefulness
of
it
to
the
publick
good
.
A
Statute
,
that
was
occasioned
by
a
necessity
arising
in
reference
to
the
publick
Safety
,
ought
as
much
to
be
stood
by
and
upheld
while
that
necessity
continues
,
as
if
it
were
an
original
Law
and
Coaeval
with
the
Constitution
.
And
if
it
was
the
indispensable
dependance
of
the
Welfare
and
Safety
of
the
Community
upon
such
and
such
Provisions
at
first
,
that
gave
them
the
Name
of
Fundamental
Laws
;
I
am
sure
,
that
under
our
present
Circumstances
,
we
may
call
the
Test
Laws
absolutely
needful
,
if
we
assume
not
the
vanity
to
stile
them
Fundamental
.
Besides
I
would
fain
know
of
our
Author
,
that
if
all
Laws
lye
exposed
to
an
easie
Abrogation
,
that
are
not
coaeval
with
the
Kingdom
;
what
will
then
become
of
the
Magna
Charta
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
which
his
Majesty
not
only
promiseth
,
but
undertakes
to
make
irrepealable
?
And
withal
may
not
some
Laws
be
as
necessary
to
the
being
and
preservation
of
a
State
under
the
notion
of
Protestant
;
as
others
are
to
its
being
and
subsistence
under
the
consideration
of
an
embodied
and
formed
Society
?
Every
Society
is
bound
to
use
all
necessary
means
to
preserve
it self
,
and
while
it
maketh
no
provisions
in
order
thereunto
,
that
derive
inconvenience
upon
others
,
unless
it
be
only
to
keep
them
from
being
able
to
do
hurt
;
it
would
be
a
wickedness
as
well
as
a
folly
to
neglect
them
.
In
a
word
,
as
the
making
no
Laws
necessary
for
the
Safety
of
a
people
under
any
knowledge
of
God
they
may
be
grown
up
into
,
but
what
were
coaeval
with
their
first
formation
into
a
Kingdom
or
Republick
,
were
the
weakning
and
undermining
the
Security
of
the
Christian
Religion
in
all
parts
of
the
world
where
it
hath
obtained
to
be
embraced
and
setled
;
so
by
the
same
reason
that
it
is
lawful
to
make
provisions
for
the
preservation
of
Christianity
in
a
State
professing
the
Gospel
of
Jesus
Christ
;
it
is
also
lawful
to
make
the
like
provisions
for
the
Security
of
the
Reformed
Religion
in
these
Kingdoms
and
Common-wealths
,
which
have
judged
it
to
be
their
duty
to
God
,
and
their
Souls
,
to
receive
and
establish
it
.
And
for
our
Author
's
saying
,
that
no
Law
deserves
to
be
called
Fundamental
,
save
that
which
is
to
the
benefit
and
advantage
of
all
the
Subjects
;
it
is
wholly
impertinent
to
the
case
for
which
it
is
alledged
,
and
does
no
way's
attack
or
weaken
what
the
Pensionary
had
said
.
For
as
the
Laws
contended
for
to
be
maintained
,
were
never
stiled
Fundamental
;
so
many
thousands
may
have
benefit
by
a
Law
;
whom
nevertheless
all
persons
of
sense
and
wisdom
will
account
unfit
to
be
advanced
to
publick
Trusts
.
As
no
man
will
judge
it
unreasonable
to
require
that
all
who
are
held
capable
of
publick
employments
,
should
have
some
degree
of
wit
and
understanding
;
so
I
think
it
is
very
reasonable
that
they
should
be
qualified
with
so
much
honesty
,
as
to
be
well
affected
to
the
Government
as
it
is
by
Law
established
.
And
to
speak
properly
it
is
not
the
Law
that
makes
the
Papists
uncapable
of
Offices
and
Employments
,
it
only
declares
they
shall
not
be
admitted
,
because
they
were
incapable
before
,
and
had
made
themselves
unfit
to
be
trusted
,
partly
through
their
dependance
upon
a
forraign
power
,
that
is
at
enmity
with
the
State
,
and
seeks
to
subvert
it
,
and
partly
by
reason
of
that
principle
which
they
are
possessed
with
,
of
its
being
their
duty
to
destroy
us
whensoever
they
can
.
And
as
it
's
a
great
favour
vouchsafed
by
the
Government
,
to
suffer
such
to
live
under
it
,
as
stand
so
ill
affected
to
it
,
and
want
only
means
to
overthrow
it
;
so
if
the
Roman
Catholicks
will
not
be
content
with
the
first
without
the
latter
,
it
will
be
a
great
temptation
upon
the
Kingdom
to
deprive
them
of
the
Priviledge
they
have
,
because
they
would
not
be
content
with
it
,
unless
they
might
obtain
that
which
the
Nation
could
not
grant
,
without
being
Felo
de
se
,
and
without
abandoning
the
means
both
of
our
safety
here
,
and
Happiness
hereafter
And
whereas
our
Author
takes
the
confidence
to
tell
us
,
That
there
are
many
States
and
Cities
in
Germany
,
where
without
the
giving
occasion
to
any
disturbance
,
the
Government
is
shared
between
Papists
and
Protestants
,
and
where
both
those
of
the
Roman
Catholick
and
Reformed
Religion
,
do
equally
partake
in
publick
Trusts
and
Employments
:
He
must
pardon
me
if
I
not
only
say
,
he
is
mistaken
,
but
that
it
is
a
down-right
Falsehood
,
and
that
herein
he
betrays
his
wonted
ignorance
,
or
at
least
gives
us
a
new
discovery
of
the
insincerity
that
is
natural
to
him
.
Nor
would
he
have
vented
this
in
so
general
Terms
,
but
that
he
did
foresee
if
he
should
have
condescended
to
particulars
,
how
easy
it
would
have
been
for
persons
of
very
ordinary
acquaintance
either
with
History
or
the
World
,
to
have
both
contradicted
and
refuted
him
.
And
if
there
were
some
one
or
other
small
City
,
where
by
reason
of
the
Fewness
of
those
of
one
Religion
to
exercise
the
Government
,
and
to
take
care
of
the
Welfare
of
the
Society
,
those
of
the
other
Religion
are
sometimes
received
into
Employments
,
in
order
to
prevent
the
inconveniencies
which
the
want
of
a
competent
number
of
Magistrates
would
be
attended
with
,
and
where
the
Jealousie
and
Fear
of
being
swallowed
up
by
some
envious
and
potent
Neighbour
,
may
lay
them
under
a
necessity
of
agreeing
better
together
than
otherwise
they
would
or
than
the
principles
of
some
of
them
incline
them
unto
;
must
we
thence
conclude
that
it
ought
to
be
so
in
a
great
Kingdom
,
where
there
is
so
vast
a
number
of
Protestants
admirably
qualified
with
Wisdom
,
Interest
,
and
Estates
,
to
discharge
all
the
Offices
of
the
Government
,
and
to
manage
the
universal
care
of
the
Society
,
without
running
the
hazard
of
the
many
mischiefs
,
that
would
accompany
the
taking
the
Papists
into
partnership
with
them
?
Nor
could
Mijn
Heer
Fagel
in
representing
what
is
safe
or
unsafe
to
so
great
and
noble
a
Nation
,
take
notice
of
what
is
practised
upon
necessity
in
some
mean
Town
or
Corporation
,
(
supposing
that
it
were
there
as
our
Author
alledgeth
)
without
transgressing
against
all
the
Rules
both
of
prudence
and
decency
.
But
as
the
Pensionary
had
no
where
in
his
Letter
affirmed
,
that
there
were
not
any
States
or
Cities
,
in
which
the
Protestants
and
Papists
bear
Office
in
Government
together
;
but
had
only
said
,
that
Reason
and
Experience
do
shew
us
,
how
impossible
it
will
be
for
them
when
joyned
together
in
places
of
Trust
and
publick
Employments
,
to
maintain
a
good
Correspondence
,
and
to
live
peaceably
with
one
another
;
so
this
is
found
to
be
so
just
a
truth
,
and
so
pertinently
observed
,
that
in
all
the
places
where
it
hath
been
practised
(
tho
not
in
Germany
,
as
our
Author
ignorantly
suggests
)
they
have
not
only
lived
in
continual
heats
and
dissentions
,
but
have
often
come
to
open
Hostility
against
each
other
.
Nor
hath
it
meerly
fallen
out
thus
in
private
,
and
particular
States
within
themselves
,
but
the
like
evils
have
often
followed
and
ensued
where
more
States
have
associated
into
Union
for
the
common
preservation
of
the
Generality
;
and
where
the
Government
hath
been
in
some
in
the
hands
of
Protestants
,
and
in
others
executed
by
Roman
Catholicks
.
Of
this
we
have
diverse
Examples
in
the
Cantons
of
Switzerland
,
where
thro
the
Magistrates
being
in
some
Cantons
of
the
Reformed
,
and
in
others
of
the
Roman
Catholick
Religion
,
they
have
not
only
been
often
hindred
from
joyning
and
acting
vigorously
,
as
they
ought
to
have
done
,
for
the
interest
of
all
,
and
the
benefit
of
the
common
Confederation
and
Union
;
but
they
have
sometimes
come
to
open
ruptures
,
and
have
been
embarqued
in
War
against
one
another
.
And
forasmuch
as
our
Author
makes
bold
to
say
,
That
there
was
never
any
Christian
Kingdom
,
where
the
Religion
that
the
Prince
professeth
,
and
which
had
in
former
ages
been
.
Dominant
,
was
so
far
laid
aside
and
banished
,
that
his
Subjects
professing
the
same
with
himself
,
were
shut
out
and
precluded
from
Trusts
and
Employments
.
I
will
take
the
freedom
to
tell
him
,
that
it
is
so
gross
and
palpable
a
Falsehood
,
that
none
but
a
person
of
his
ignorance
and
impudence
,
would
have
had
the
face
to
have
asserted
it
.
For
there
are
Christian
Kingdoms
that
have
done
more
than
this
amounts
unto
,
and
who
to
prevent
the
danger
of
having
Papists
preferred
to
Trusts
and
Employments
,
in
case
a
Prince
of
their
Religion
should
come
to
the
Throne
,
have
been
so
wise
as
to
declare
Roman
Catholicks
incapable
either
of
obtaining
or
keeping
the
Soveraignty
.
And
it
was
in
the
vertue
of
such
a
Law
,
and
by
reason
of
the
dread
of
it
,
that
Christina
Queen
of
Sweden
,
upon
the
having
taken
up
a
resolution
to
turn
Papist
,
chose
to
demit
her
Crown
before
she
declared
her self
,
as
knowing
that
immediately
after
such
a
Declaration
she
would
have
been
deposed
from
the
Throne
,
and
possibly
not
have
had
so
liberal
an
allowance
assigned
her
afterwards
,
as
by
that
conduct
she
did
obtain
.
Nor
is
it
unknown
to
any
,
except
it
be
to
such
as
our
Author
is
for
natural
and
acquired
accomplishments
,
that
there
were
not
only
Laws
in
Scotland
for
precluding
a
Popish
Prince
from
coming
to
the
Government
,
but
that
the
same
thing
was
imployed
in
the
English
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
,
as
being
Oaths
of
such
a
frame
and
nature
that
it
had
been
most
incongruous
to
impose
them
upon
Subjects
to
a
King
of
the
Roman
Catholick
Religion
.
And
tho
these
two
Nations
did
not
improve
the
advantage
which
they
had
by
means
of
their
legal
provisions
,
to
hinder
the
present
King
from
inheriting
the
Crowns
of
the
respective
Realms
;
yet
those
Laws
serve
to
inform
us
,
how
far
some
Christian
Kingdoms
thought
it
lawful
to
go
,
and
to
what
heighth
to
Act
,
not
only
against
Popish
Subjects
,
but
against
Catholick
Princes
themselves
.
Yea
the
time
was
,
that
the
very
Papists
were
so
far
from
condemning
the
having
men
of
their
Religion
debarred
from
Trusts
and
Employments
in
Protestant
Kingdoms
under
a
Popish
Prince
,
that
they
made
the
Test
Laws
by
which
they
are
shut
out
from
Offices
and
Declared
incapable
of
them
,
the
great
Argument
against
the
necessity
of
having
the
Bill
passed
for
excluding
the
Duke
of
York
from
the
Crown
,
and
improved
them
as
the
main
Engine
for
allaying
the
fears
of
the
Nation
,
under
the
apprehensions
they
had
of
his
being
a
Roman
Catholick
,
and
coming
to
the
Throne
.
But
by
their
different
Language
now
from
what
it
was
then
,
all
Englishmen
understand
how
far
they
are
to
be
believed
in
other
cases
:
and
whether
the
many
promises
which
they
do
make
at
this
time
,
in
order
to
a
further
design
,
and
the
putting
a
new
Trick
upon
the
Nation
,
ought
to
be
depended
on
by
them
whom
they
have
already
deceived
.
And
whereas
upon
Mijn
Heer
Fagel's
having
observed
that
the
conduct
of
Roman
Catholicks
is
much
more
severe
towards
Protestants
,
than
that
of
those
of
the
Reformed
Religion
towards
Papists
,
our
Author
is
pleased
to
reply
,
that
in
order
to
judge
as
we
should
of
that
different
procedure
,
we
are
to
consider
whether
it
be
not
less
just
,
to
banish
a
Religion
that
had
been
so
long
dominant
as
the
Roman
Catholick
had
been
;
than
to
withstand
the
introduction
of
a
new
Religion
that
would
depress
and
supplant
the
old
.
All
I
shall
say
in
reference
to
this
,
is
that
as
it
does
not
weaken
,
but
in
effect
acknowledge
what
the
Pensionary
had
said
;
so
by
justifying
what
the
Papists
did
,
to
prevent
the
bringing
in
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
which
he
stiles
new
;
he
forewarns
us
what
we
are
to
expect
they
will
be
ready
to
do
,
for
the
reintroducing
the
Papal
Religion
,
to
which
he
gives
the
character
of
old
.
Nor
is
it
at
all
pertinent
to
the
present
case
,
which
of
the
Religions
is
the
oldest
,
or
which
is
the
newest
;
but
all
contended
for
is
that
the
method's
of
the
one
,
have
been
,
and
still
are
,
more
severe
and
sanguinary
,
than
the
methods
of
those
of
the
other
.
And
as
we
believe
our
Religion
to
be
as
ancient
,
as
Jesus
Christ
and
his
Apostles
;
so
no
prescription
of
time
for
Popery's
having
been
in
possession
,
can
deprive
that
which
has
the
Divine
Authority
to
warrant
it
,
from
a
right
of
re-entrance
.
There
remains
only
one
thing
to
be
spoken
unto
,
of
all
that
I
undertook
to
discipline
and
correct
our
Author
for
,
and
that
is
the
signal
ingratitude
of
the
Papists
,
and
particularly
of
this
Gentleman
,
to
their
Highnesses
,
for
all
that
Liberty
,
Favour
,
and
ease
which
Their
Highnesses
were
willing
to
have
had
allowed
unto
them
.
And
that
we
may
the
more
fully
have
an
Idea
of
their
unthankfulness
,
we
are
to
consider
both
the
extent
of
that
Liberty
which
Their
Highnesses
were
contented
to
have
had
bestowed
upon
them
,
and
the
obligations
they
would
have
come
under
for
the
rendring
it
hereafter
inviolable
.
And
all
this
not
only
at
a
season
,
when
many
of
the
Papists
carry
it
so
undutifully
towards
their
Highnesses
,
but
at
a
time
when
they
of
the
Reformed
Religion
are
so
unhumanely
persecuted
by
several
Popish
Princes
in
other
parts
of
the
world
.
It
had
not
been
an
unreasonable
desire
that
before
the
Papists
had
been
so
importunate
to
have
all
Penal
Laws
against
them
in
Protestant
Nations
rescinded
and
taken
away
;
that
they
should
have
declared
themselves
,
and
improved
their
interest
,
for
the
Abrogation
of
all
such
Laws
as
are
in
force
against
those
of
the
Reformed
Religion
in
Popish
Countries
.
And
if
their
Highnesses
had
insisted
upon
such
a
stipulation
,
before
They
would
have
given
their
consent
for
the
Repeal
of
the
Penal
Laws
against
Roman
Catholicks
in
England
,
it
had
been
no
more
than
what
was
agreeable
to
the
Rules
of
Wisdom
and
Justice
.
But
their
Highnesses
not
thinking
it
fit
to
suffer
their
own
mercy
to
be
restrained
by
reason
of
the
want
of
Christian
bowels
in
others
,
took
the
first
opportunity
put
into
their
hands
,
of
testifying
their
readiness
to
consent
to
the
Repeal
of
all
those
Laws
against
Papists
in
England
,
Scotland
and
Ireland
,
by
which
they
are
made
liable
to
fines
or
other
punishments
.
And
that
those
which
they
can
not
agree
to
the
rescinding
of
,
are
only
such
by
which
the
Reformed
Religion
is
covered
from
the
designs
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
against
it
,
and
by
which
they
are
restrained
from
getting
into
a
condition
to
overturn
it
.
One
would
think
that
this
should
have
been
received
as
a
most
special
favour
,
and
have
obliged
them
to
very
hearty
acknowledgments
.
Especially
when
the
Prince
and
Princess
were
willing
to
confirm
both
this
and
a
Liberty
for
the
private
Exercise
of
their
Religion
with
their
Guaranty
.
But
in
stead
of
any
symptoms
of
gratitude
,
there
is
nothing
to
be
heard
of
from
many
of
them
,
or
to
be
met
with
in
our
Answerer
,
but
what
proclaims
their
dissatisfaction
,
anger
,
and
revenge
.
For
besides
all
the
ill
returns
,
we
have
already
taken
notice
of
in
this
wrathful
and
unthankful
man
;
he
tells
us
,
that
all
which
Their
Highnesses
declare
themselves
ready
to
consent
unto
amounts
only
to
the
abolishing
some
cruel
Laws
,
by
which
Romish
Ecclesiasticks
stood
condemned
to
death
,
for
no
other
reason
save
their
being
Priests
;
and
in
the
vertue
of
which
,
other
persons
were
banished
and
deprived
of
their
Estates
,
meerly
for
being
Roman
Catholicks
;
all
which
was
a
higher
degree
of
barbarity
than
was
ever
practised
among
the
most
salvage
Nations
.
Now
not
to
trouble
my self
about
what
kind
of
entertainment
,
Romish
Priests
and
Lay
Papists
have
met
with
among
those
Nations
,
which
our
Author
stiles
Barbarous
,
tho
it
will
be
found
infinitely
more
severe
,
than
any
thing
that
was
ever
inflicted
upon
them
in
England
,
Scotland
or
Ireland
,
by
reason
of
their
Religion
,
or
upon
the
score
of
any
Ecclesiastical
Character
:
I
would
only
know
of
this
modest
and
veracious
Gentleman
,
what
he
thinks
of
the
barbarous
and
innumerable
Cruelties
,
that
were
perpetrated
in
all
ages
and
places
heretofore
,
and
which
are
at
this
day
committed
upon
peaceable
and
sincere
Christians
,
for
no
other
crime
but
that
they
could
not
,
and
to
this
day
cannot
believe
as
the
Church
of
Rome
doth
,
nor
continue
in
Communion
with
so
idolatrous
and
villanous
a
Society
.
Whatsoever
measure
of
severity
hath
been
any
where
exercised
towards
Papists
,
it
was
but
according
to
the
President
themselves
had
set
,
in
their
dealing
with
them
whom
they
stile
Hereticks
,
and
in
which
the
Copy
comes
vastly
below
the
Original
.
But
then
that
which
wholly
alters
the
case
,
is
,
that
whereas
the
Papists
persecute
and
destroy
Christians
,
meerly
upon
the
account
of
Religion
;
there
were
never
any
severe
,
much
less
Sanguinary
Laws
enacted
against
them
,
save
by
reason
of
their
Crimes
against
the
State
,
and
for
being
Enemies
and
Traitors
to
the
Government
.
Popery
was
never
persecuted
in
England
as
it
is
a
false
and
erroneous
Belief
;
but
as
it
binds
men
to
the
owning
of
a
forraign
,
usurped
,
and
unlawful
Jurisdiction
.
'T
is
neither
for
their
believing
Transubstantiation
,
nor
for
their
Worshipping
Images
,
that
Papists
are
adjudged
to
penalties
or
death
;
but
because
they
adhere
to
a
forreign
Enemy
,
and
are
treacherous
to
their
Countrey
.
Could
they
have
been
but
good
Subjects
;
their
being
bad
Christians
would
never
have
prejudiced
them
.
And
indeed
while
they
continue
to
hold
that
the
Pope
can
depose
Protestant
Soveraigns
,
and
absolve
Subjects
from
their
Allegiance
to
them
,
and
that
it
is
lawful
to
cut
the
Throats
of
all
whom
they
stile
Hereticks
,
and
that
all
Laws
made
for
our
security
are
null
and
void
,
as
being
enacted
by
an
incompetent
and
unlawful
Authority
,
it
would
seem
according
to
the
exact
measures
of
wisdom
and
reason
,
that
all
lenity
and
favour
towards
them
,
were
not
only
a
supererogating
in
Mercy
,
but
an
indiscretion
in
Policy
.
But
then
to
let
such
into
the
Government
,
were
plainly
to
betray
the
State
,
and
wilfully
to
abandon
both
it
and
our selves
to
be
destroyed
and
ruined
.
Nor
is
there
so
much
danger
in
advancing
Robbers
and
Newgate
Fellons
to
Employments
,
as
there
would
be
in
preferring
Papists
,
especially
if
Jesuiced
and
Bigotted
,
into
Civil
Offices
in
a
Reformed
Kingdom
.
And
therefore
seeing
they
will
not
thankfully
accept
and
quietly
acquiesce
in
what
is
offered
,
and
that
rather
from
an
exurberancy
of
Generosity
and
Mercy
,
than
from
Maxims
of
prudence
,
and
obligations
arising
from
duty
;
it
is
best
to
leave
them
,
to
steer
their
own
course
,
and
to
pursue
those
Methods
,
which
will
infallibly
issue
in
their
disadvantage
,
to
say
no
worse
.
All
ways
of
Gentleness
and
Moderation
towards
them
,
do
only
encourage
their
making
the
bolder
claims
,
and
the
proceeding
further
in
their
usurpations
.
The
giving
them
an
inch
,
provokes
them
to
take
an
ell
,
and
they
grow
enraged
because
we
will
not
tamely
suffer
it
.
If
they
act
as
they
do
,
while
the
Chain
hangs
still
about
their
necks
?
what
are
we
to
expect
if
it
should
be
wholly
taken
off
,
&
they
left
loose
to
exert
the
malignity
which
their
Religion
inspires
them
with
?
For
not
being
contented
to
invade
and
usurp
all
sorts
of
Employments
and
places
of
Trust
in
defiance
of
the
Test
Laws
;
they
have
assumed
that
confidence
,
as
to
make
those
very
Laws
which
were
intentionally
enacted
and
designed
to
keep
Papists
out
of
Office
and
Power
,
the
ground
and
occasion
of
incapacitating
and
shutting
out
Protestants
.
And
whereas
none
are
by
Law
to
be
admitted
into
Employments
without
making
the
Declarations
contained
in
the
Tests
;
none
are
now
to
be
continued
,
save
they
who
shall
both
refuse
to
take
them
,
and
withal
promise
to
give
their
votes
for
the
Election
of
such
persons
into
Parliament
,
as
shall
be
willing
to
Abrogate
and
Repeal
them
.
Which
is
not
only
such
a
piece
of
Chicannery
in
it self
,
but
such
an
Assault
upon
the
Legislative
Authority
,
that
it
is
hard
to
speak
of
it
,
without
more
than
usual
emotion
of
mind
,
and
the
having
ones
indignation
strangely
excited
and
enflamed
.
However
all
I
shall
allow
my self
at
present
to
say
,
shall
be
only
to
advise
all
sort
of
persons
to
take
care
what
they
do
,
there
being
no
Dispensing
power
lodged
in
the
King
,
in
reference
to
Penal
,
and
much
less
in
relation
to
the
Test
Laws
.
Of
this
we
have
a
clear
and
uncontrollable
proof
in
the
proceedings
of
the
Parliament
1673.
when
the
House
of
Commons
voted
the
Declaration
of
the
late
King
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
to
be
both
a
violation
of
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
and
an
altering
of
the
Legislative
power
.
Which
is
the
more
remarkable
,
in
that
it
was
not
only
done
by
the
most
obsequious
Parliament
that
ever
any
King
of
England
had
,
and
of
which
many
of
the
Members
were
his
hired
and
brib'd
Pensioners
,
but
that
they
did
thus
adjudge
,
both
after
the
King
had
acquainted
them
by
a
solemn
Speech
at
the
opening
of
the
Session
,
that
he
was
Resolved
to
adhere
to
his
Declaration
,
and
had
endeavoured
to
Hector
them
into
a
departure
from
their
Vote
,
by
telling
them
in
an
Answer
which
he
made
to
one
of
their
Addresses
,
that
they
had
questioned
a
power
in
the
Crown
,
which
had
never
been
disputed
in
the
Reign
of
any
of
his
Predecessors
,
and
which
belonged
unto
him
as
a
prerogative
inseparable
from
the
Soveraignty
.
Yet
notwithstanding
both
all
this
,
and
his
applying
himself
in
a
Speech
to
the
House
of
Lords
to
have
engaged
them
to
stand
by
him
against
the
Commons
,
he
was
necessitated
upon
the
Commons
insisting
,
that
there
was
never
any
such
Dispensing
power
vested
in
the
Crown
,
nor
claimed
or
exercised
by
any
of
his
Predecessors
;
and
that
the
assuming
it
was
a
changing
of
the
Constitution
,
and
an
altering
of
the
Legislative
Authority
;
and
upon
the
Lords
declining
to
stand
by
him
,
and
their
advising
him
to
give
liberty
by
way
of
Bill
to
be
passed
into
a
Law
;
I
say
he
was
necessitated
to
take
his
Declaration
off
from
the
File
,
tear
the
Seal
from
it
,
and
to
assure
both
Houses
in
a
Speech
he
made
to
them
,
March
8.
that
what
he
had
done
in
taking
upon
him
to
Suspend
the
Penal
Laws
,
should
not
for
the
future
be
drawn
either
into
consequence
or
Example
.
In
brief
,
if
the
Papists
will
not
so
far
consult
their
own
interest
,
and
comply
with
our
safety
,
as
to
be
contented
with
an
ease
from
Penalties
,
and
an
Indulgence
to
be
ratified
into
a
Law
for
the
private
exercise
of
their
Religion
;
it
is
the
indispensable
duty
of
all
Protestants
,
of
what
party
or
perswasion
soever
they
be
,
to
unite
together
in
withstanding
their
endeavours
and
attempts
for
obtaining
more
.
We
have
a
laudable
example
in
the
carriage
of
all
that
pretended
to
Christianity
,
when
they
were
brought
into
a
condition
somewhat
parallel
with
ours
in
one
of
the
first
Centuries
.
For
tho
the
Orthodox
had
been
persecuted
by
the
Arrians
under
Constantius
,
and
some
of
the
Arrians
harshly
enough
treated
at
least
,
as
they
thought
for
a
while
under
Constantine
;
yet
upon
Julian's
coming
to
the
Throne
,
both
parties
were
so
far
from
embracing
his
offers
in
order
to
revenge
their
wrongs
upon
one
another
,
that
they
resolved
at
that
season
if
not
wholly
to
silence
their
Disputes
,
yet
to
forbear
all
those
harsh
Terms
,
that
had
enflamed
their
heats
and
animosities
.
To
which
I
shall
add
but
this
one
thing
more
,
and
would
beg
of
the
Dissenters
,
that
they
may
seriously
consider
it
,
namely
that
as
the
Donatists
were
the
only
party
of
Christians
that
made
Addresses
to
Julian
,
and
received
favours
from
him
;
so
they
thereby
became
infamous
,
and
were
often
afterwards
reproached
with
it
.
Thus
Sir
,
I
have
studyed
to
do
what
you
required
of
me
,
and
if
it
be
my
misfortune
not
to
have
acquitted
my self
answerably
to
your
expectations
;
yet
the
doing
it
as
well
,
as
the
being
bound
up
to
an
Author
,
that
administers
so
little
occasion
for
valuable
thoughts
,
would
allow
,
gives
me
the
satisfaction
of
having
approved
my self
,
SIR
,
Your
Obedient
Servant
.
Some
Reflections
on
a
Discourse
,
called
,
Good
Advice
to
the
Church
of
England
,
&c.
SIR
,
I
Have
,
at
last
,
procured
a
sight
of
the
Book
,
stiled
,
Good
Advice
to
the
Church
of
England
,
Roman
Catholick
and
Protestant
Dissenter
;
and
of
the
Three
Letters
from
a
Gentleman
in
the
Countrey
to
his
Friend
in
London
;
which
,
as
they
are
written
by
one
and
the
same
person
,
so
he
endeavours
,
in
all
of
them
,
to
make
it
appear
to
be
the
Duty
,
Principles
,
and
Interest
of
the
parties
mentioned
,
to
Abolish
the
Penal
Laws
and
Tests
.
Now
though
I
'm
daily
in
expectation
of
seeing
such
an
Answer
returned
to
those
Papers
,
as
will
both
give
the
Author
cause
to
wish
he
had
been
otherways
imploy'd
when
he
wrote
them
,
and
make
the
Court-Faction
asham'd
of
the
Elogies
they
have
heapt
upon
him
for
his
service
;
yet
it
may
not
be
amiss
in
the
mean
time
,
to
shew
,
in
a
very
few
Pages
,
that
't
is
not
any
considerable
strength
in
those
Discourses
,
which
hath
given
them
a
Reputation
,
but
the
Interest
of
some
to
have
every
thing
accounted
unanswerable
that
is
published
in
favour
of
their
Designs
,
and
the
folly
and
weakness
of
others
,
which
makes
them
believe
that
to
be
nervous
,
in
whose
success
they
imagine
their
case
to
be
wrapt
up
and
involved
.
I
think
it
is
universally
acknowledged
,
and
I
'm
sure
it
can
be
demonstratively
proved
,
that
they
are
written
by
a
Quaker
;
and
this
ought
to
render
us
jealous
both
of
the
motives
influencing
unto
it
,
and
of
the
end
to
which
they
are
designed
to
be
subservient
.
For
first
,
the
affinity
of
several
of
the
Religious
Principles
of
that
party
,
with
some
of
the
material
Doctrines
of
the
Roman
Church
,
may
,
notwithstanding
the
Charity
which
we
retain
towards
the
Bulk
of
them
,
make
us
justly
apprehensive
,
that
one
or
more
of
their
Leaders
are
intirely
in
the
Interest
of
the
Church
of
Rome
.
For
as
the
Popish
Emissaries
know
how
to
put
themselves
into
all
shapes
,
for
the
increasing
and
heightning
divisions
among
Protestants
,
and
for
the
exposing
as
well
as
supplanting
of
our
Religion
;
so
the
design
promoted
in
the
foresaid
Papers
,
of
destroying
all
the
Legal
Fences
against
Popery
,
and
of
letting
the
Papists
into
the
Legislative
and
whole
Executive
Power
of
the
Government
,
gives
the
World
too
much
ground
to
suspect
out
of
whose
mint
and
forge
writings
of
this
stamp
and
mettle
do
proceed
?
Secondly
,
It
should
not
a
little
contribute
to
augment
our
Jealousie
,
that
they
who
without
being
false
to
their
Religious
Tenets
,
cannot
joyn
to
assist
Protestants
,
in
case
the
Papists
should
attempt
to
cut
our
Throats
,
or
endeavour
to
impose
their
Religion
upon
the
Nation
by
Military
force
;
should
,
of
all
men
,
study
to
overthrow
that
Security
which
we
have
,
by
the
Test
Laws
,
whose
whole
tendency
is
onely
to
prevent
the
Papists
,
from
getting
into
a
condition
to
extirpate
our
Religion
,
and
destroy
us
.
Is
it
not
enough
that
they
have
rob'd
the
Kingdom
of
the
Aid
of
so
many
as
they
have
leavened
with
their
Doctrine
,
in
case
the
King
,
upon
despairing
to
establish
Popery
by
a
Parliament
,
should
imploy
his
Janizaries
to
compel
us
to
receive
it
,
and
should
set
upon
the
converting
Protestants
in
England
,
in
the
way
that
the
French
Monarch
hath
converted
the
Huguenots
;
but
that
over
and
above
this
,
they
should
be
doing
all
they
can
,
to
deprive
us
of
all
the
Legal
Security
,
whereby
we
may
be
preserved
from
the
Power
of
the
Papists
?
Surely
't
were
not
Charity
and
good
Nature
,
but
stupidity
and
folly
,
not
to
suspect
the
tendency
of
such
a
design
,
when
we
find
it
pursued
and
carried
on
by
a
person
that
stiles
himself
a
Quaker
.
But
then
,
when
besides
this
,
we
find
that
't
is
Mr.
William
Pen
,
who
is
the
Author
of
those
Papers
,
and
the
great
Instrument
in
advancing
this
projection
,
we
have
the
more
cause
to
suspect
some
sinistrous
thing
at
the
bottom
of
it
.
For
first
,
he
is
under
those
Obligations
to
His
Majesty
,
which
,
as
they
may
put
a
biass
upon
his
Understanding
,
so
they
afford
ground
enough
to
Protestants
to
look
upon
him
no
otherways
than
as
one
Retained
against
them
.
'T
was
through
his
present
Majesties
Intercession
with
the
late
King
,
that
he
obtained
the
Proprietorship
of
Pensilvania
,
and
from
his
Bounty
that
he
had
the
Propriety
of
Three
whole
Counties
bordering
upon
it
superadded
thereunto
.
And
as
this
cannot
be
but
a
strong
Obligation
upon
so
grateful
a
person
as
Mr.
Pen
,
why
he
should
effectually
serve
the
King
,
and
make
his
Will
,
in
a
very
great
degree
,
the
measure
of
his
actings
;
so
it
ought
to
be
an
Inducement
to
others
to
be
the
more
jealous
of
all
he
say's
,
and
not
to
surrender
themselves
too
easily
either
to
his
Magisterial
Dictates
upon
the
one
hand
,
or
to
his
smooth
Flatteries
upon
the
other
.
He
must
have
either
laid
a
mighty
merit
upon
the
two
Royal
Brothers
,
of
both
whose
Religion
we
are
at
last
convinced
,
or
he
must
have
come
under
Obligations
,
of
doing
them
very
considerable
service
,
in
reference
to
that
which
they
were
most
fond
of
compassing
;
otherways
we
have
little
cause
to
think
,
that
he
would
have
been
singled
out
from
all
the
rest
of
the
Kingdom
,
to
be
made
the
object
of
so
special
favour
,
and
of
so
eminent
liberality
.
For
though
there
might
be
a
debt
owing
to
his
Father
Sir
William
Pen
,
yet
they
must
be
extreamly
weak
,
who
conceive
there
was
no
other
motive
to
the
forementioned
Donation
,
save
Honour
and
Justice
in
the
two
Royal
Brothers
,
for
having
it
discharged
.
Seeing
many
of
the
noblest
Families
in
England
,
who
had
spent
their
Blood
,
and
wasted
their
Estates
in
fighting
for
the
Crown
,
while
Sir
William
Pen
was
all
along
ingaged
against
it
,
were
not
only
left
without
all
kind
of
Compensation
,
for
what
they
had
eminently
acted
,
and
as
eminently
suffered
in
behalf
of
the
Monarchy
,
but
could
never
get
to
be
reimbursed
one
farthing
of
the
vast
Sums
,
which
they
had
lent
the
late
King
and
his
Father
upon
the
security
of
the
Royal
Faith
.
Secondly
,
Mr.
Pen
hath
too
far
detected
himself
in
these
very
Discourses
,
not
to
give
us
ground
to
suspect
what
they
are
calculated
for
,
and
whereunto
they
are
subservient
.
For
besides
his
justifying
the
King's
turning
so
many
Gentlemen
of
the
Church
of
England
out
of
all
Office
and
Imploy
,
by
saying
,
they
are
not
fit
to
be
trusted
,
who
are
out
of
the
King's
Interest
;
he
further
tells
us
,
that
the
King
being
mortal
,
it
is
not
good
sense
,
that
he
should
leave
the
power
in
those
hands
,
that
to
his
face
shew
their
aversion
to
the
Friends
of
his
Communion
.
(
Letter
first
.
)
For
as
this
implies
no
less
,
than
that
they
ought
to
have
the
whole
Legal
and
Military
Power
of
the
three
Kingdoms
put
into
their
hands
,
that
they
may
be
in
a
condition
to
preclude
the
right
Heir
from
Succession
to
the
Crown
,
or
prescribe
such
Laws
to
her
as
they
please
,
in
case
they
should
think
fit
to
admit
her
;
so
a
very
small
measure
of
Understanding
,
will
serve
to
instruct
us
,
what
the
Papists
esteem
to
be
an
aversion
to
them
,
and
in
what
manner
,
had
they
the
power
in
their
hands
,
they
think
themselves
obliged
to
treat
us
upon
that
account
.
And
as
we
have
had
occasion
to
know
too
much
of
his
Majesties
Temper
and
Design
,
as
well
as
to
whose
Guidance
he
hath
implicitely
resigned
himself
,
not
to
be
sensible
what
he
esteems
his
Interest
;
so
we
need
no
other
evidence
what
it
amounts
unto
to
be
in
it
,
than
the
seeing
so
many
displaced
from
all
share
in
the
administration
,
whose
Quality
gives
them
a
Right
,
and
their
Abilities
a
fitness
for
the
chiefest
and
most
honourable
Trusts
;
and
whom
as
the
King
,
by
reason
of
their
services
to
himself
as
well
as
the
Crown
,
cannot
lay
aside
without
the
highest
ingratitude
;
so
their
known
Loyalty
to
his
person
,
and
zeal
for
the
grandure
of
the
Monarchy
is
such
,
that
nothing
could
take
them
off
from
concurring
in
his
Councils
,
and
promoting
his
Designs
,
but
the
conviction
they
are
under
,
of
their
tendency
to
the
subversion
of
Religion
,
and
the
altering
of
the
Legal
Government
.
And
as
we
have
reason
to
suspect
what
the
foresaid
Papers
are
intended
to
promote
,
both
upon
the
account
of
the
Author's
being
Quaker
,
and
because
not
onely
of
the
many
Obligations
he
is
under
to
His
Majesty
,
but
his
being
so
intirely
in
his
Interest
,
as
appears
by
his
influence
into
Councils
,
the
great
stroke
he
hath
in
all
Affairs
,
and
from
his
being
one
of
the
King
's
principal
Confidents
;
so
upon
looking
into
those
Discourses
,
we
find
several
things
obtruded
on
us
for
truth
,
and
proposed
in
order
to
wheedle
and
insnare
us
into
an
abrogation
of
the
Laws
enacted
for
our
security
,
which
to
every
ones
knowledge
are
so
palpably
false
,
that
we
have
all
the
ground
that
may
be
,
both
to
question
and
suspect
his
sincerity
,
and
to
conclude
,
that
his
Masters
do
not
purpose
to
confine
themselves
within
the
bounds
that
he
is
pleased
to
chalk
out
for
them
;
and
which
he
undertakes
they
shall
be
contented
with
for
their
allotment
.
For
what
can
be
remoter
from
Truth
?
than
that
the
Test
Laws
were
designed
as
a
preamble
to
the
Bill
of
Exclusion
,
(
as
he
phrases
it
,
Letter
first
)
and
that
they
were
contrived
to
exclude
the
Duke
of
York
from
the
Crown
,
(
as
he
expresseth
it
,
p.
15.
of
his
Good
Advice
,
&c.
)
when
it
is
most
certain
,
that
as
the
Test
in
73.
was
made
long
before
there
were
,
or
could
be
any
thoughts
of
it
,
and
was
enacted
by
a
Parliament
against
whose
Loyalty
there
can
be
no
exception
;
so
there
was
a
clause
in
the
last
Test
Act
,
by
which
it
was
provided
,
that
he
should
not
be
obliged
to
take
it
.
Again
,
what
can
be
more
repugnant
to
experience
,
than
that
the
King
onely
desires
ease
for
those
of
his
Religion
;
(
Good
Adv.
p.
44.
)
and
that
the
Papists
desire
no
more
than
a
Toleration
,
and
are
willing
upon
those
Terms
,
to
make
a
perpetual
peace
with
the
Church
of
England
,
(
Good
Advice
,
p.
17.
)
For
do
we
not
daily
see
Protestants
turned
out
of
all
Places
of
Trust
,
Authority
and
Command
;
and
Papists
advanced
into
all
Offices
Military
and
Civil
;
Could
the
King
have
been
contented
with
a
Non-execution
of
the
Laws
against
those
of
his
Communion
,
and
could
they
have
been
satisfied
with
such
an
Indulgence
,
and
have
modestly
improved
it
?
'T
is
not
improbable
but
that
such
a
behaviour
,
would
have
so
far
prevailed
upon
the
ingenuity
and
good
nature
of
the
generality
of
Protestants
,
that
without
needing
to
have
been
importuned
,
they
would
have
repealed
all
the
Penal
Laws
against
Roman
Catholicks
.
But
the
methods
which
have
been
pursued
by
his
Majesty
and
them
,
shews
,
both
that
they
aim
at
no
less
than
the
Domination
,
and
that
we
must
be
very
willing
to
be
deceived
,
if
we
either
credit
Mr.
Pen
,
or
suffer
our selves
to
be
influenced
by
him
,
after
his
obtruding
upon
us
for
truths
,
matters
,
which
our
very
senses
inable
us
to
refute
.
It
may
justly
make
us
question
his
sincerity
,
and
beget
a
suspition
in
all
thinking
people
,
of
the
sinistrous
design
these
Papers
are
adapted
unto
,
when
we
find
him
endeavouring
to
cajole
the
Nation
to
an
abrogation
of
the
Laws
,
by
which
our
Religion
and
Safety
are
secured
,
by
telling
us
.
That
the
King's
word
is
enough
for
us
to
rely
upon
,
if
they
were
gone
,
(
Good
Advice
,
p.
49.
)
and
that
he
could
easily
pack
a
Parliament
for
Repealing
them
,
if
he
did
not
seek
a
more
lasting
and
more
agreeable
security
to
his
Friends
,
(
Letter
third
,
p.
12.
)
and
that
if
they
were
abolished
,
't
is
below
the
Glory
of
our
King
,
to
use
ways
so
unlike
the
rest
of
his
open
and
generous
principles
,
as
to
endeavour
to
get
a
Parliament
afterwards
returned
,
that
is
not
duly
chosen
(
Letter
second
,
p.
15.
)
and
that
he
is
a
Prince
of
that
Honour
,
Conscience
and
generoas
nature
,
as
not
by
invading
the
Rights
of
the
Church
of
England
,
to
become
guilty
of
an
injustice
and
irreligion
,
he
hath
so
often
,
so
solemnly
and
earnestly
spoken
against
(
Letter
second
,
p.
11.
)
He
must
needs
take
us
to
be
strangely
unacquainted
with
the
whole
Tenor
of
the
King's
Actings
in
England
,
as
well
as
in
Scotland
and
Ireland
,
and
to
be
persons
of
very
weak
understandings
,
and
of
an
easie
belief
,
if
he
think
we
are
to
be
imposed
upon
,
and
decoy'd
by
such
Topicks
as
these
,
to
absolish
the
Tests
:
or
that
after
what
we
have
seen
and
felt
contradictory
to
those
Panegyricks
,
and
inconsistent
with
those
beautiful
and
lofty
Characters
fastned
upon
his
Majesty
,
we
should
believe
Mr.
Pen
to
mean
nothing
but
well
and
honestly
towards
the
Protestant
Interest
,
in
what
he
so
earnestly
solliciteth
the
Church
of
England
and
the
Dissenters
in
the
forementioned
Papers
to
concurr
and
consent
unto
.
I
do
acknowledge
,
that
what
he
hath
said
about
Liberty
,
due
to
men
in
matters
of
meer
Religion
,
and
by
way
of
rebuke
unto
,
and
reflection
upon
the
Wisdom
and
Justice
of
those
,
that
either
are
,
or
have
been
for
persecution
,
is
very
strong
and
convincing
;
but
I
must
withall
add
,
that
it
is
all
at
this
time
very
needless
and
impertinent
.
For
the
Church
of
England
is
so
sensible
of
the
Iniquity
,
as
well
as
folly
of
that
Method
,
that
there
is
no
ground
to
suspect
She
will
ever
be
guilty
of
it
for
the
future
.
They
,
whom
no
Arguments
could
heretofore
convert
,
the
Court
(
whose
Tools
they
were
in
that
mischievous
and
Unchristian
work
,
and
by
whom
they
were
instigated
to
all
the
severities
which
they
are
now
blamed
for
)
by
objecting
it
to
them
as
their
Reproach
and
Disgrace
,
and
by
seeking
to
improve
the
resentments
of
those
who
had
suffered
by
Penal
Laws
,
to
become
an
united
party
with
the
Papists
for
their
subversion
,
hath
brought
them
at
once
to
be
asham'd
of
what
they
did
,
and
to
Resolutions
of
promoting
all
Christian
Liberty
for
the
time
to
come
.
And
should
there
be
any
peevish
and
ill-natur'd
Ecclesiasticks
,
who
,
upon
a
turn
of
Affairs
,
would
be
ready
to
reassume
their
former
principles
,
and
pursue
their
wonted
course
;
we
may
be
secure
against
all
fear
of
their
being
successful
in
it
,
not
only
by
finding
the
Majority
as
well
as
the
more
learned
,
both
of
the
dignified
and
inferior
Clergy
,
unchangeably
fixed
and
determined
against
it
,
but
by
having
the
whole
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
and
those
Noble
Princes
whose
right
it
will
be
next
to
ascend
the
Throne
,
fully
possessed
with
all
the
generous
and
Christian
purposes
we
can
desire
,
of
making
provision
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
by
a
Law
.
Nor
can
I
forbear
to
subjoyn
how
surprizing
it
ought
to
be
to
all
Protestants
,
that
while
Mr.
Pen
expresseth
so
much
charity
for
the
Papists
,
he
entertaineth
so
little
for
the
Church
of
England
.
He
would
perswade
us
,
that
if
the
Penal
and
Test
Laws
were
abrogated
,
the
Papists
would
be
so
far
afterward
from
seeking
to
shake
the
Constitution
of
the
Church
of
England
,
or
from
breaking
in
upon
the
Liberty
that
is
now
vouchsafed
unto
Dissenters
,
or
from
endeavouring
to
make
their
Religion
National
;
that
they
would
not
onely
be
contented
with
a
bare
Toleration
,
but
that
upon
their
enjoyment
of
ease
by
Law
,
they
would
turn
good
Countrymen
,
and
come
in
to
the
Interest
of
the
Kingdom
,
(
Letter
first
.
)
Whereas
at
the
same
time
,
he
would
have
us
believe
,
that
all
the
Protestations
of
those
in
the
Communion
of
the
Church
of
England
for
exercising
Moderation
in
time
to
come
,
are
but
the
Language
of
their
fear
,
that
their
promises
are
not
to
be
trusted
,
(
Good
Advice
,
p.
54.
)
and
that
the
Dissenters
deserve
to
be
begged
for
Fools
,
should
they
be
satisfied
with
any
less
assurance
,
than
the
abolition
of
the
Penal
and
Test
Laws
,
(
ibid.
p.
55.
)
'T
is
enough
,
not
onely
to
excite
our
Jealousie
,
but
to
stir
up
severer
passions
,
to
be
told
at
a
season
when
we
know
what
the
Catholicks
are
doing
in
France
,
and
in
most
other
places
where
they
have
any
power
,
that
the
Papists
through
having
burnt
their
fingers
with
persecution
,
may
be
grown
so
wise
as
to
do
so
no
more
;
and
yet
to
have
it
asserted
in
the
same
Page
,
that
they
who
can
be
prevailed
upon
to
believe
,
that
the
Church
of
England
is
sorry
for
what
She
hath
done
,
and
that
she
will
not
be
guilty
of
such
a
thing
again
,
have
little
reason
to
quarrel
at
the
unaccount
ableness
of
Transubstantiation
.
(
Good
Advice
,
p.
8.
)
Nor
is
it
becoming
one
who
stiles
himself
a
Protestant
,
no
more
than
it
is
consistent
with
Truth
,
to
extenuate
our
being
scandal'd
at
the
severity
upon
Protestants
in
France
,
by
affirming
,
that
he
can
parallel
some
of
the
severest
passages
in
that
Kingdom
,
out
of
the
Actions
of
some
Members
of
the
Church
of
England
in
cool
Blood
,
(
ibid.
p.
7.
)
And
though
I
have
all
the
kindness
imaginable
for
Mr.
Pen's
Person
,
and
am
loath
to
think
otherways
of
him
,
as
to
his
Religious
Principles
,
than
as
his
avowed
profession
discovers
him
;
yet
these
,
and
diverse
passages
more
of
that
kind
,
together
with
the
accession
he
must
necessarily
have
had
to
the
apprehension
and
imprisonment
of
Mr.
Gray
.
&c.
for
abandoning
the
Benedictine
Order
;
are
things
I
can
neither
reconcile
to
the
title
he
assumes
,
nor
to
his
many
Discourses
for
Repealing
the
Test
Laws
.
And
to
speak
freely
,
considering
the
Nature
of
our
Laws
against
Papists
,
and
that
it
was
their
manifold
Treasons
,
and
onely
our
care
to
preserve
our selves
,
that
both
gave
the
first
rise
unto
them
,
and
has
necessitated
their
continuance
;
I
know
neither
how
to
construe
that
Assertion
of
Mr.
Pen's
(
Good
Advice
,
p.
13.
)
that
the
Principle
which
the
Church
of
England
acts
by
,
justifies
the
King
of
France
and
the
Inquisition
;
nor
that
other
,
(
Letter
first
)
of
there
having
been
eight
times
more
Laws
made
for
ruining
men
for
their
Conscience
,
since
the
Church
of
England
came
to
be
the
National
Establishment
,
than
were
all
the
time
that
Popery
was
in
the
Chair
.
Nor
can
this
be
designed
to
any
other
end
,
but
the
giving
the
Church
of
Rome
the
commendation
of
Mercy
and
Moderation
above
a
Protestant
Church
.
For
as
't
is
certain
,
that
the
one
Law
of
Burning
and
Extirpating
Hereticks
,
was
a
thousand
fold
worse
,
and
hath
produced
infinitely
more
Sanguinary
effects
,
than
all
the
Laws
and
Rigours
that
the
Church
of
England
can
be
charged
with
;
so
there
is
nothing
can
be
falser
,
than
that
either
her
Principle
,
or
Practice
,
do
parallel
or
justifie
the
barbarous
and
brutal
severities
of
the
French
King
,
and
the
Inquisition
.
Moreover
,
were
all
Protestants
agreed
,
that
Liberty
,
in
meer
matters
of
Religion
,
should
be
immediately
granted
in
a
Legal
way
;
yet
I
do
not
see
how
the
Papists
should
pretend
to
any
benefit
by
it
,
or
be
able
to
lay
a
just
claim
to
a
share
in
it
.
So
that
the
foundation
which
Mr.
Pen
goes
upon
,
of
mens
having
a
Right
to
be
indulged
in
matters
of
Religion
,
is
too
narrow
to
support
the
structure
he
raiseth
upon
it
.
For
though
there
may
be
some
things
retained
in
Popery
,
which
may
be
called
matters
of
Religion
;
yet
in
the
bulk
and
complex
of
it
,
it
is
a
Conjuration
against
all
Religion
,
and
a
Conspiracy
against
the
Peace
of
Societies
,
and
the
Rights
of
Mankind
.
'T
is
one
of
the
Crimes
,
as
well
as
the
Miseries
of
this
Age
,
that
out
of
a
dread
of
some
,
and
in
complacence
to
others
,
we
have
avoided
representing
Popery
in
its
native
colours
,
and
calling
it
by
the
Names
properly
due
unto
it
.
But
I
have
always
thought
,
that
't
is
better
fail
in
our
Courtship
to
Men
,
than
in
our
duty
to
God
,
and
fidelity
to
the
Interest
of
Jesus
Christ
,
and
the
safety
of
Mankind
.
Nor
do
I
doubt
but
that
they
will
be
better
approved
in
the
Great
day
of
Account
,
who
Character
Persons
,
Doctrines
and
Practices
as
the
Scripture
doth
,
than
they
,
who
that
they
may
accommodate
themselves
unto
,
and
be
acceptable
with
the
world
,
speak
of
them
in
a
softer
stile
.
Now
if
either
Blasphemies
against
God
,
or
Tyrannies
over
Men
;
if
either
the
defacing
the
Ideas
of
a
Deity
,
or
corrupting
the
Principles
of
Vertue
,
and
Moral
Honesty
;
if
either
the
subverting
the
foundations
of
natural
Religion
,
or
the
overthrowing
the
most
essential
Articles
of
the
Christian
Faith
;
if
either
the
most
avowed
and
bold
affronts
offered
to
heaven
,
or
the
bloodiest
and
most
brutal
outrages
executed
against
the
best
of
men
;
if
all
these
be
sufficient
to
preclude
a
party
from
the
benefit
of
Liberty
due
to
people
in
Religious
Matters
,
I
am
sure
,
none
have
reason
to
challenge
it
in
behalf
of
the
Papists
,
nor
cause
to
complain
,
if
it
be
denied
them
.
Can
there
be
any
thing
more
unreasonable
,
than
that
they
should
claim
a
Toleration
in
a
Protestant
State
,
whose
Principles
not
only
allow
,
but
oblige
them
to
destroy
us
,
as
soon
as
their
power
inables
them
to
do
it
?
Is
not
the
Doctrine
of
the
Pope's
Supremacy
,
and
his
having
a
Right
to
Depose
Kings
,
and
absolve
Subjects
from
their
Allegiance
,
together
with
that
of
breaking
Faith
to
Hereticks
,
and
the
extirpating
all
those
who
cannot
believe
as
the
Church
of
Rome
doth
,
mighty
inducements
to
those
whom
they
have
baptized
with
that
Name
,
and
to
whom
they
long
to
exercise
that
courtesie
,
for
the
Repealing
of
the
Penal
and
Test
Laws
against
Papists
?
Nor
are
these
Principles
falsely
charged
upon
them
,
but
they
are
the
Oracular
Decisions
of
their
General
Councils
and
Popes
,
whom
they
stile
Infallible
.
So
that
Mr.
Pen's
Book
and
Letters
,
which
seem
to
have
been
written
not
so
much
in
favour
of
Dissenting
Protestants
,
as
of
Roman
Catholicks
,
can
little
advantage
the
latter
,
even
allowing
the
Principle
which
he
goes
upon
,
and
admitting
all
he
hath
said
for
Mens
Right
to
Liberty
in
meer
matters
of
Religion
,
to
be
unanswerable
.
And
his
telling
us
(
Good
Adv.
p.
42.
)
that
Violence
and
Tyranny
are
not
natural
consequences
of
Popery
,
does
onely
discover
his
kindness
to
Rome
,
and
the
little
Friendship
and
care
he
hath
for
the
Protestant
Interest
.
For
we
know
both
the
Principles
of
their
Religion
too
well
,
and
have
at
all
times
experienced
,
and
do
at
this
day
feel
the
effects
of
them
too
sensibly
,
to
be
deluded
by
this
kind
of
Sophistry
,
and
imposed
upon
by
so
palpable
a
Falsehood
,
to
abandon
the
means
of
our
safety
.
Wheresoever
any
Popish
Rulers
Act
with
Gentleness
and
Moderation
towards
those
whom
their
Church
hath
declared
Hereticks
;
't
is
either
because
there
are
Political
Reasons
for
it
,
as
might
be
easily
shewed
in
reference
to
all
those
States
and
Governments
which
he
mentions
,
or
because
there
are
some
Princes
of
the
Roman
Communion
,
in
whom
the
Dictates
of
Humane
Nature
are
more
prevalent
than
those
of
their
Religion
.
But
should
the
gentle
Temper
of
the
English
Nation
,
sway
them
beyond
the
strict
obligations
of
duty
,
and
make
them
willing
to
Repeal
the
Penal
Laws
against
Papists
;
yet
to
do
it
in
their
present
Circumstances
,
and
at
such
a
conjuncture
as
this
,
were
the
highest
act
of
folly
in
the
world
,
and
a
betraying
both
their
own
safety
and
that
of
their
Religion
.
Had
the
Roman
Catholicks
forbore
to
assume
a
liberty
till
it
had
been
legally
given
them
;
they
had
been
the
more
capable
objects
of
such
a
Grace
;
but
to
bestow
it
upon
them
after
they
have
in
contempt
and
defiance
of
all
our
Laws
taken
it
,
't
were
to
justify
their
usurpation
,
and
approve
their
crime
.
Could
they
have
been
contented
with
the
private
practice
of
their
Worship
,
and
the
non-exaction
of
the
penalties
to
which
our
Statutes
make
them
liable
,
without
leaping
into
all
Offices
of
Trust
and
Command
,
and
invading
our
Seats
of
Judicature
,
our
Churches
,
and
our
Universities
;
their
modesty
might
have
wrought
much
upon
the
generosity
and
candor
of
all
sort
of
Protestants
;
but
their
audacious
wresting
all
power
into
their
hands
,
and
their
laying
aside
all
those
that
have
either
any
zeal
for
our
Civil
Rights
,
or
for
the
Protestant
Religion
,
is
enough
to
kindle
our
further
indignation
,
in
stead
of
influencing
us
to
thoughts
of
moderation
and
lenity
.
And
should
we
once
begin
to
cancel
our
Laws
,
according
to
the
measure
and
proportion
,
that
they
break
them
and
usurp
upon
them
,
no
man
can
tell
where
that
will
terminate
;
and
they
will
be
sure
to
turn
it
into
an
encouragement
to
further
attempts
.
For
having
,
in
compliance
with
their
Impudence
,
and
to
absolve
them
from
the
guilt
of
their
Crimes
and
Treasons
,
abrogated
the
Laws
against
Popery
;
they
will
not
fail
,
in
a
little
while
,
to
betake
themselves
to
the
same
Methods
,
for
obtaining
the
abolition
of
all
the
Laws
for
Protestancy
.
'T
is
but
for
the
King
to
declare
,
that
he
will
have
all
his
Subjects
to
be
of
his
own
Religion
;
and
then
by
the
Logick
of
the
late
Cant
,
which
he
used
in
his
Speech
to
the
Council
at
Windsor
,
That
they
who
are
not
for
him
,
are
against
him
;
we
must
immediately
either
turn
Papists
,
or
be
put
into
the
same
List
with
them
,
and
be
thought
worthy
of
the
same
Royal
Displeasure
,
which
they
are
become
obnoxious
unto
,
who
cannot
find
it
to
be
their
duty
and
interest
to
destroy
the
Tests
.
And
Mr.
Pen's
Argument
of
being
afraid
of
His
Majesties
and
the
Papists
power
,
and
yet
to
provoke
it
,
(
Good
Advice
,
p.
43.
)
will
hold
in
the
one
case
as
well
as
in
the
other
.
Nor
do
I
see
but
that
the
Court
may
improve
another
Topick
of
his
against
us
(
Ibid.
p.
44.
)
viz.
That
we
were
ill
Courtiers
by
setting
him
up
,
first
to
give
him
Roast-meat
,
and
then
to
beat
him
with
the
Spit
,
by
refusing
to
be
of
his
Religion
.
To
which
I
may
add
,
that
the
brutal
severities
exercised
towards
Protestants
in
France
and
Piedmont
,
are
but
ill
inducements
to
prevail
upon
a
Reformed
Nation
to
give
Liberty
to
Papists
.
'T
is
an
Axiom
founded
in
the
light
of
Nature
,
as
well
as
an
Oracle
of
Revelation
,
That
with
what
measure
any
do
mete
unto
others
,
it
shall
be
measured
to
them
again
;
and
that
whatsoever
any
would
that
we
should
do
to
them
,
they
should
do
so
to
us
.
Would
the
Papists
once
perswade
Catholick
Rulers
to
give
Indulgence
to
those
of
our
Religion
;
it
would
be
an
argument
that
they
acted
sincerely
in
their
pleading
against
Penal
Laws
for
matters
of
Religion
;
and
would
mightily
prevail
upon
all
of
the
Reformed
Communion
to
Repeal
such
Statutes
as
are
Enacted
against
them
.
But
while
they
continue
and
increase
their
Persecution
against
us
in
all
places
where
they
have
power
;
I
do
not
see
how
they
can
reasonably
expect
,
that
we
should
believe
them
either
to
be
just
or
honest
,
or
to
deserve
any
measure
of
lenity
.
Reprizals
are
the
onely
methods
,
whereby
to
bring
them
to
peaceable
and
equal
Terms
.
Had
Protestant
Princes
and
States
,
given
Papal
Soveraigns
to
understand
,
that
they
would
act
upon
the
same
square
that
they
do
;
and
retaliate
upon
those
of
the
Romish
Faith
,
whatsoever
should
be
inflicted
because
of
Religion
upon
those
of
ours
;
I
have
ground
to
think
that
the
Clergy
in
France
and
Savoy
,
would
have
had
more
discretion
,
than
to
have
been
Instrumental
in
stirring
up
the
late
Persecutions
,
and
of
instigating
Rulers
to
such
unparallelled
Barbarities
.
'T
is
not
many
years
since
a
Prince
in
Germany
begun
to
treat
Protestants
with
an
unjust
severity
,
and
to
Banish
them
his
Countrey
,
contrary
to
his
word
and
the
Stipulation
he
had
made
with
them
;
but
upon
the
Duke
of
Brandenburg's
both
threatning
and
beginning
to
do
so
by
the
Roman
Catholicks
in
his
Dutchy
of
Cleve
,
the
other
Prince
immediately
forbare
his
rigour
,
and
the
Protestants
had
fair
Quarter
allowed
them
.
And
therefore
if
Mr.
Pen
and
his
Catholick
Friends
,
in
stead
of
reproaching
the
Church
of
England
of
justifying
by
her
principle
the
King
of
France
and
the
Inquisition
,
would
prevail
for
abolishing
the
one
,
and
for
putting
an
end
to
Persecution
by
the
other
,
they
would
thereby
do
more
for
inclining
the
Nations
to
Tolerate
Papists
,
than
either
by
all
their
invidious
Satyrs
against
the
conformable
Clergy
,
or
by
their
Panegyricks
upon
a
Popish
Monarch
and
the
Romish
Church
.
In
the
mean
time
,
't
is
most
unreasonable
for
them
to
demand
or
expect
,
and
unwise
as
well
as
unseasonable
,
for
British
Protestants
to
consent
to
the
Abrogation
of
the
Tests
,
and
the
Repealing
of
the
Penal
Laws
against
Papists
.
Moreover
,
though
't
is
possible
that
we
might
defend
our selves
against
the
dangers
that
might
ensue
upon
it
,
had
we
a
Prince
of
our
own
Religion
on
the
Throne
,
yet
it
would
be
to
surrender
our selves
unto
their
power
,
and
to
expose
our selves
to
their
Discretion
,
should
we
venture
to
do
it
while
a
Papist
of
His
Majesties
humour
hath
the
weilding
of
the
Scepter
.
One
of
the
main
Arguments
,
by
which
Mr.
Pen
would
perswade
us
against
all
apprehension
of
danger
from
the
Papists
,
in
case
the
Test
and
Penal
Laws
were
abolished
,
is
the
inconsiderableness
of
their
number
in
comparison
of
Protestants
,
(
Good
Advice
,
p.
49.
)
And
yet
if
there
be
so
many
ill
Men
in
the
Nation
,
as
he
intimates
(
Letter
3d.
p.
12.
)
who
being
of
no
Religion
,
are
ready
,
upon
the
motives
of
worldly
Interest
,
to
take
upon
them
the
profession
of
any
,
were
it
not
for
fear
of
being
at
one
time
or
another
called
to
an
account
:
I
do
not
see
but
that
as
the
Papists
through
having
the
King
on
their
side
,
are
already
possessed
of
what
he
stiles
the
Artificial
Strength
of
the
Kingdom
,
why
they
may
not
,
in
a
short
while
,
were
those
Laws
once
destroyed
,
by
which
the
Atheistical
and
profane
sort
of
Men
are
kept
in
awe
,
come
to
obtain
too
much
of
the
natural
strength
of
it
,
and
raise
their
number
to
a
nearer
equality
to
that
of
Protestants
.
And
though
they
should
never
multiply
to
any
near
proportion
,
yet
we
may
easily
imagine
,
what
a
few
hands
may
be
able
to
do
,
when
Authorized
by
a
Popish
Soveraign
,
and
seconded
by
a
well-disciplin'd
Army
commanded
by
Roman
Catholicks
,
could
they
once
get
to
have
a
share
in
the
Legislation
,
and
to
be
legally
stated
in
all
places
of
Trust
and
Power
.
What
need
we
had
of
a
legal
security
for
our
Religion
,
in
case
of
a
Papists
coming
to
inherit
the
Crown
,
not
onely
the
late
King
,
who
thorowly
knew
his
Brothers
temper
and
bigottry
,
but
those
Loyal
Zealots
,
who
,
with
an
unhappy
vigour
,
opposed
the
Bill
of
Exclusion
,
were
sensible
of
;
and
therefore
besides
all
the
security
which
we
have
for
our
Religion
by
the
Statutes
in
force
,
they
offered
many
other
provisions
for
its
protection
,
and
several
of
them
very
threatning
to
the
Monarchy
,
which
we
might
have
had
established
into
Laws
,
if
through
our
pursuit
of
the
point
of
Exclusion
,
we
had
not
been
so
improvident
as
to
despise
and
reject
them
.
He
that
dares
attempt
so
much
as
he
hath
done
,
in
opposition
unto
,
and
defiance
of
all
our
Laws
;
what
will
he
not
have
the
confidence
to
undertake
,
and
be
in
a
condition
to
accomplish
,
if
these
obstructions
were
out
of
his
way
.
The
Penal
Laws
cannot
prejudice
the
Papists
in
this
King's
Reign
,
seeing
he
can
connive
at
the
non-execution
of
them
;
and
the
Repeal
of
them
now
,
cannot
benefit
the
Papists
when
he
is
gone
,
because
if
they
do
not
behave
themselves
modestly
,
we
can
either
re-establish
them
,
or
enact
others
which
they
will
be
as
little
fond
of
.
But
their
abrogation
at
this
time
,
would
infallibly
prejudice
us
,
and
would
prove
to
be
the
pulling
up
of
the
Sluces
,
and
the
throwing
down
the
Dikes
,
which
stem
the
deluge
that
is
breaking
in
upon
us
,
and
which
hinder
the
threatning
waves
from
overflowing
us
.
And
whereas
Mr.
Pen
would
obtrude
upon
weak
and
credulous
Men
,
That
if
these
Laws
were
Repealed
,
the
King
is
willing
to
give
us
other
for
our
security
,
and
that
he
would
onely
exchange
the
security
,
and
not
destroy
it
,
(
Letter
2d
,
p.
11.
)
he
must
pardon
us
,
if
we
do
not
easily
believe
him
,
after
what
we
know
of
his
Majesties
natural
Genius
,
and
Religious
Bigottry
,
and
after
what
we
have
seen
and
experienced
in
the
whole
course
of
his
Government
.
And
if
there
be
no
other
way
of
giving
the
King
an
opportunity
of
Keeping
his
word
with
the
Church
of
England
,
in
preserving
her
,
and
maintaining
our
Religion
,
but
the
Repealing
of
the
Penal
and
Tests
Laws
,
as
he
intimates
unto
us
(
Good
Adv.
p.
50.
)
we
have
not
found
the
Royal
Faith
so
sacred
and
inviolable
in
other
instances
,
as
to
rob
our selves
of
a
Legal
defence
and
protection
,
for
to
depend
upon
the
precarious
one
of
a
bare
promise
,
which
his
Ghostly
Fathers
,
whensoever
they
find
it
convenient
,
will
tell
him
it
was
unlawful
to
make
,
and
which
he
can
have
a
Dispensation
for
the
breaking
of
,
at
what
time
he
pleaseth
.
Nor
do
we
remember
,
that
when
he
pledged
his
Faith
unto
us
,
in
so
many
Promises
,
that
the
parting
with
our
Laws
was
declared
to
be
the
condition
,
upon
which
he
made
,
and
undertook
to
perform
them
.
Neither
can
any
have
the
confidence
to
alledge
it
,
without
having
recourse
to
the
Papal
Doctrine
of
Mental
Reservation
.
Which
being
one
of
the
Principles
of
that
Order
,
under
whose
conduct
he
is
,
makes
us
justly
afraid
to
rely
upon
his
word
without
further
Security
.
However
,
we
do
hereby
see
,
with
what
little
sincerity
Mr.
Pen
Writes
:
and
what
small
regard
he
hath
to
His
Majesty's
honour
,
when
he
tells
the
Church
of
England
,
That
if
She
please
and
like
the
terms
of
giving
up
the
Penal
and
Test
Laws
against
Papists
,
that
then
the
King
will
perform
his
word
with
her
(
Good
Adv.
p.
17.
)
but
that
otherways
,
it
is
She
who
breaks
with
him
,
and
not
he
with
her
,
(
ib
p.
44.
)
Though
something
may
be
said
,
for
the
Repealing
of
all
Penal
Laws
,
in
reference
to
every
perswasion
that
is
called
Religion
,
how
incongruously
soever
it
may
claim
that
Name
;
yet
't
is
inconsistent
with
the
safety
of
all
Civil
Government
,
and
a
plain
betraying
of
the
Civil
Liberties
,
as
well
as
the
established
Religion
in
Great
Brittain
,
not
to
allow
the
precluding
those
from
places
of
Trust
,
of
whose
fidelity
we
can
have
no
assurance
.
And
therefore
as
all
that
Mr.
Pen
hath
alledged
for
abolishing
the
Tests
is
miserably
silly
;
so
he
hath
thereby
too
manifestly
detected
the
small
regard
he
bears
to
the
safety
of
the
Kingdoms
and
the
Protestant
cause
,
not
to
be
suspected
in
every
thing
else
which
he
hath
more
plausibly
and
reasonably
asserted
.
For
as
all
Governments
have
an
unquestionable
Right
to
use
means
whereby
to
preserve
themselves
;
so
't
is
not
onely
lawful
,
but
expedient
,
that
they
should
have
Tests
,
by
which
it
may
be
known
,
who
are
fit
to
be
trusted
with
the
Legislative
and
Executive
power
.
Without
this
no
Constitution
can
subsist
,
nor
Subjects
be
in
any
security
under
it
.
Neither
can
any
Reasons
be
advanced
against
the
Test
Laws
,
but
what
are
of
equal
force
against
exacting
Oaths
of
Allegiance
,
and
Promises
of
Fidelity
from
those
,
whom
the
Government
thinks
meet
to
Employ
.
One
might
think
,
that
Mr.
Pen
should
allow
as
much
to
the
Parliament
of
England
,
as
he
challengeth
to
himself
in
his
Government
of
Pensilvania
.
For
I
find
,
that
not
onely
such
shall
be
precluded
from
a
share
in
the
Government
there
,
who
shall
either
be
convicted
of
ill
Fame
and
unsober
Coversation
,
or
who
shall
not
acknowledge
Jesus
Christ
to
be
the
Son
of
God
,
and
Saviour
of
the
World
,
(
Chap.
2d
.
of
their
Constitutions
and
Laws
)
but
that
none
shall
be
either
chosen
into
Office
,
or
so
much
as
admitted
to
choose
,
but
who
solemnly
declare
and
promise
Fidelity
to
William
Pen
and
his
Heirs
:
(
Chap.
57.
)
This
I
take
not
onely
to
be
equivalent
unto
,
but
something
more
than
our
Tests
do
amount
unto
.
For
whereas
there
may
be
several
whom
the
Quakers
may
judge
persons
of
unsober
Conversation
;
who
may
be
true
to
the
Civil
Interest
of
their
Country
,
and
willing
,
to
the
utmost
of
their
power
,
to
preserve
the
Peace
,
and
promote
the
Prosperity
of
it
;
we
have
no
ground
to
believe
the
like
of
Papists
,
in
relation
to
the
welfare
and
safety
of
a
Protestant
State
.
And
that
not
onely
because
they
acknowledge
a
Forraign
Jurisdiction
inconsistent
with
,
and
paramount
to
ours
;
but
because
they
are
obliged
by
the
Principles
of
their
Religion
,
whensoever
they
find
themselves
able
,
to
destroy
and
extirpate
us
.
I
'm
sure
that
the
Motives
which
in
73
,
and
78
enforced
to
the
Enacting
of
the
Test
Laws
,
do
at
this
season
plead
more
effectually
for
the
continuing
them
.
Nor
had
we
so
much
cause
then
of
being
afraid
of
Popery
,
or
to
be
apprehensive
of
having
our
Religion
overturned
by
Papists
,
which
were
the
Inducements
to
the
making
of
those
Laws
,
as
we
have
ground
to
dread
it
at
this
time
,
and
to
be
jealous
of
it
under
the
present
conjuncture
.
And
the
more
that
the
Roman
Catholicks
,
and
their
Advocates
press
to
have
these
Laws
abolished
,
the
more
fear
they
excite
in
us
of
their
design
if
they
knew
how
to
effect
it
,
and
make
us
the
more
resolved
to
hazard
all
we
have
to
maintain
them
.
For
as
no
Papist
is
prejudiced
by
them
in
his
person
or
property
;
so
they
are
the
most
innocent
and
moderate
security
we
can
have
for
the
preservation
of
our selves
and
of
our
Religion
.
Nor
could
any
thing
justifie
the
Wisdom
of
the
Nation
in
being
without
them
so
long
,
but
that
we
were
not
till
then
suspicious
of
the
Religion
of
the
Regnant
Prince
,
nor
apprehensive
before
of
the
misfortune
of
having
a
Popish
Successor
.
And
whereas
Mr.
Pen
tells
us
,
that
it
were
ridiculous
to
talk
of
giving
liberty
of
Conscience
,
and
at
the
same
time
imagine
that
the
Tests
ought
to
be
continued
:
(
Good
Adv.
p.
59.
)
We
may
not
onely
reply
,
that
Liberty
of
Conscience
has
no
Relation
to
Mens
being
admitted
unto
Civil
Trusts
,
but
that
the
same
is
practised
in
several
States
and
Governments
both
Popish
and
Protestant
,
and
in
Pensilvania
it self
,
where
I
suppose
Liberty
of
Conscience
is
allowed
.
For
as
we
find
freedom
vouchsafed
to
Men
in
matters
of
Religion
,
both
in
Holland
,
and
in
diverse
Protestant
States
in
Germany
,
without
their
being
capable
of
Claiming
a
share
in
the
Magistracy
;
so
though
the
Protestant
Religion
be
tolerated
in
Collen
,
yet
it
is
with
a
preclusion
of
all
of
that
Religion
from
Authority
.
Whatsoever
else
Mr.
Pen
says
upon
this
head
,
is
so
despicably
weak
,
that
as
I
neither
judge
it
worthy
to
be
taken
notice
of
,
nor
have
Room
to
do
it
;
so
I
am
confident
,
that
be
his
Religion
what
it
will
,
which
by
reason
of
his
late
Papers
I
have
more
Reason
to
suspect
than
ever
,
he
writes
as
much
against
his
conscience
and
Judgment
,
as
against
the
Pattern
and
Example
which
he
hath
set
us
in
Pensilvania
.
I
confess
,
the
Dissenters
are
under
more
temptations
,
than
other
Protestants
,
to
wish
for
,
and
to
endeavour
the
Abrogation
of
the
Penal
Laws
.
And
as
this
makes
them
to
be
the
more
particularly
applied
unto
by
the
Court
for
the
promoting
of
it
;
so
it
renders
them
the
more
liable
to
be
influenced
by
Discourses
of
the
nature
and
complexion
that
Mr.
Pen's
are
of
.
But
I
hope
they
will
consider
,
that
the
preservation
of
the
Protestant
Religion
to
themselves
,
their
posterity
,
and
the
Kingdom
;
is
more
valuable
than
a
little
temporal
ease
,
and
which
they
onely
hold
by
the
precarious
tenure
of
the
King's
word
.
Surely
they
cannot
be
so
infatuated
,
as
to
think
that
the
Papists
love
them
,
or
that
they
will
trust
them
any
longer
,
than
they
have
occasion
to
use
them
.
I
would
think
,
that
it
should
both
make
them
blush
to
find
themselves
coupled
with
Roman
Catholicks
in
Courts
and
Employments
,
while
their
fellow
Protestants
are
shut
out
,
and
make
them
jealous
,
that
they
are
onely
made
use
of
for
some
mischievous
and
sinistrous
end
.
They
can
never
hope
to
lay
such
a
merit
upon
the
Court
,
as
the
Church
of
England
hath
done
;
and
her
reward
may
forewarn
them
what
they
are
to
expect
,
when
they
have
done
the
job
that
is
allotted
for
them
.
His
Majesties
sincerity
in
giving
liberty
to
Dissenting
Protestants
,
may
be
easily
guessed
at
,
by
his
ordering
26
poor
Scots
Dissenters
to
be
sent
to
the
Barbadoes
for
slaves
;
and
this
both
since
the
Emitting
of
his
First
Proclamation
for
a
Toleration
,
and
without
the
having
any
thing
objected
to
them
,
but
what
concerned
their
Consciences
in
matters
of
Religion
.
The
Terms
upon
which
Phanaticks
are
to
enjoy
his
Majesties
favour
,
and
how
long
they
are
to
expect
the
continuance
of
that
mighty
Grace
,
we
have
declared
by
himself
,
as
they
stand
recorded
in
my
Lord
Melfort's
Letter
to
the
Presbyterian
Ministers
in
Scotland
.
Namely
,
That
he
intends
to
continue
their
Liberty
,
if
he
have
suitable
encouragement
and
concurrence
from
them
in
their
Doctrine
and
Practice
,
and
if
they
concur
with
him
in
removing
of
the
Penal
Laws
.
This
is
the
Task
that
they
are
indulged
and
preferred
for
,
and
't
is
a
wonder
that
they
do
not
foresee
that
their
destiny
will
be
one
and
the
same
,
in
case
they
have
once
done
it
,
as
if
they
do
it
not
.
This
is
the
Fountain
of
all
his
Majesties
friendship
to
them
;
and
the
glorious
assertion
of
its
having
been
always
his
Principle
,
that
Conscience
ought
not
to
be
constrained
,
and
that
none
ought
to
be
persecuted
for
meer
matters
of
Religion
,
is
at
last
dwindled
into
this
,
that
he
will
give
them
Liberty
so
long
as
they
will
concurr
and
cooperate
with
him
in
his
introducing
of
Popery
,
and
till
they
have
destroyed
the
Laws
by
which
our
own
Religion
is
fenced
about
and
defended
.
Certainly
it
is
high
time
to
consider
,
what
this
is
which
is
exacted
of
them
,
and
what
hazard
they
not
onely
expose
the
Nation
and
the
Gospel
unto
,
but
what
guilt
they
derive
upon
themselves
if
they
undertake
and
pursue
it
.
Nor
can
they
promote
the
Repealing
of
the
Penal
Laws
against
Papists
,
and
the
Test
Statutes
;
without
running
themselves
under
the
guilt
of
Perjury
,
and
the
making
themselves
chargeable
before
God
,
with
all
the
blood
that
was
shed
in
the
War
between
King
Charles
I.
and
the
Parliament
.
For
as
one
of
the
Articles
of
the
Solemn
League
and
Covenant
was
,
to
endeavour
to
extirpate
Popery
;
so
the
countenance
and
incouragement
which
that
Prince
gave
to
Papists
,
was
a
main
ingredient
in
the
State
of
the
Quarrel
for
which
they
drew
their
Swords
against
him
,
and
in
the
assertion
whereof
so
many
thousands
lost
their
lives
.
Can
they
now
be
willing
to
act
in
direct
opposition
to
that
Covenant
,
which
rather
than
renounce
and
disclaim
the
obligatory
force
of
,
many
of
them
have
suffered
so
much
?
or
would
they
have
the
guilt
of
all
the
blood
lye
upon
them
,
which
was
shed
in
the
former
long
and
fatal
War
?
I
'm
perswaded
that
many
,
who
are
most
forward
,
to
pursue
the
Abrogation
of
the
Tests
and
Penal
Laws
against
Papists
,
never
gave
themselves
leave
to
think
what
they
are
hurried
unto
.
Mr.
Pen
tells
them
,
he
will
beg
them
for
Fools
if
they
do
it
not
,
(
Good
Advice
,
p.
54.
)
and
I
dare
take
upon
me
to
say
,
that
they
are
most
Execrable
Knaves
and
Villains
,
if
they
do
it
.
Is
it
possible
they
should
be
so
deprived
of
all
understanding
,
as
not
to
perceive
themselves
meerly
trick't
upon
,
and
made
use
of
for
Tools
to
promote
a
Design
which
others
have
the
wisdom
and
integrity
not
to
be
instrumental
in
;
when
Jeffreys
,
who
a
while
ago
,
said
on
the
Bench
,
Shew
me
a
Fanatick
,
and
I
will
shew
you
a
Knave
,
and
that
't
was
impossible
to
be
a
Fanatick
,
and
not
to
be
a
Rebel
;
should
now
caress
them
as
his
Majesties
best
and
most
Loyal
Subjects
,
and
tell
them
,
upon
their
being
advanced
to
Offices
,
That
he
is
glad
to
find
honest
men
come
to
be
employed
,
which
was
the
Complement
he
lately
bestowed
upon
Sir
John
Shorter
.
'T
is
likely
they
may
be
told
,
that
if
they
will
fall
in
with
the
Papists
for
destroying
the
Church
of
England
,
that
they
shall
be
secured
from
the
Resentments
of
the
next
Heir
,
by
having
the
Monarchy
made
dissolvable
into
a
Republick
upon
his
Majesties
death
.
And
this
would
seem
to
be
what
Mr.
Pen
intends
,
when
he
tells
us
,
that
such
a
Bargain
will
be
driven
with
the
Kingdom
,
as
will
make
the
Church
of
England
think
,
that
half
a
Loaf
had
been
better
,
than
no
Bread
;
(
Good
Adv.
p.
43.
)
and
that
one
year
will
shew
the
Trick
,
and
mightily
deceive
her
,
and
the
opportunity
of
her
being
preserved
lost
,
and
another
Bargain
driven
mightily
to
her
disadvantage
,
(
Ibid.
p.
42.
)
But
as
it
will
be
impossible
for
Papists
and
Dissenters
,
should
they
conspire
together
,
to
be
able
to
effect
it
,
considering
the
interest
which
her
integrity
in
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
her
tenderness
for
the
Rights
and
Liberties
of
the
Kingdoms
,
have
justly
acquired
unto
her
;
so
it
were
both
the
most
foolish
,
as
well
as
criminal
thing
,
which
any
,
pretending
themselves
Protestants
,
can
be
guilty
of
,
to
be
in
any
measure
accessory
unto
it
.
For
as
there
is
nothing
in
reference
to
their
own
Religious
Liberties
,
and
the
Priviledges
of
the
Nation
,
which
they
may
not
undoubtedly
expect
,
from
her
Justice
as
well
as
from
her
Mercy
and
Moderation
;
so
there
is
no
means
left
within
our
view
,
either
to
give
a
lasting
Peace
and
a
firm
settlement
to
Three
distracted
Kingdoms
,
or
to
bring
the
Protestant
Interest
into
such
a
condition
,
as
may
ballance
the
Papal
grandure
in
Europe
,
and
give
check
to
the
rage
of
Persecution
in
all
places
,
but
her
happy
advancement
to
the
Thrones
of
Great
Brittain
and
Ireland
,
when
it
shall
please
God
to
remove
his
Majesty
.
Until
which
time
,
I
hope
all
who
call
themselves
Protestants
,
will
submit
to
the
worst
of
fate
,
rather
than
to
fall
under
the
Curse
of
this
Age
,
and
Ignominy
,
with
all
that
shall
come
after
,
for
becoming
an
United
Party
with
the
Church
of
Rome
,
in
any
of
her
Designs
,
how
plausible
soever
they
may
appear
.
The
Ill
Effects
of
Animosities
.
'T
IS
long
since
the
Court
of
England
,
under
the
Authority
of
the
late
King
and
his
Brother
,
was
embark'd
in
a
design
of
subverting
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
of
introducing
and
establishing
Popery
.
For
the
two
Royal
Brothers
being
in
the
time
of
their
Exile
seduced
by
the
Caresses
and
Importunities
of
their
Mother
,
allured
by
the
Promises
and
Favours
of
Popish
Princes
,
and
being
wheedled
by
the
Crafts
and
Arts
of
Priests
and
Jesuites
,
who
are
cunning
to
deceive
,
and
know
how
to
prevail
upon
persons
that
were
but
weakly
established
in
the
Doctrine
,
and
wholly
strangers
to
the
practice
and
power
of
the
Religion
they
were
tempted
from
;
they
not
only
abjured
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
became
reconciled
to
the
Church
of
Rome
;
but
by
their
Example
,
and
the
Influence
which
they
had
over
those
that
depended
upon
them
,
both
for
present
Subsistence
,
and
future
Hopes
,
they
drew
many
that
accompanied
them
in
their
Banishment
,
to
renounce
the
Doctrine
,
Worship
,
and
Communion
of
the
Church
of
England
,
though
in
the
War
between
Charles
the
First
and
the
Parliament
,
they
had
pretended
to
fight
for
them
in
equal
conjunction
with
the
Prerogatives
of
the
Crown
.
So
that
upon
the
Restoration
in
the
year
1660
,
they
were
not
only
moulded
and
prepared
themselves
for
promoting
the
desires
of
the
Pope
and
his
Emissaries
,
but
they
were
furnished
with
a
stock
of
Gentlemen
,
out
of
whom
they
might
have
a
supply
of
Instruments
,
both
in
Parliament
and
elsewhere
,
to
co-operate
with
and
under
them
in
the
methods
that
should
be
judged
most
proper
and
subservient
to
the
Extirpation
of
Protestancy
,
and
the
bringing
the
Nation
again
into
a
Servitude
to
the
Triple
Crown
.
And
besides
the
Obligations
that
the
Principles
of
the
Religion
to
which
they
had
revolted
,
laid
them
under
for
eradicating
the
established
Doctrine
and
Worship
,
they
had
bound
themselves
unto
it
,
by
all
the
Promises
and
Oaths
which
persons
are
capable
of
having
prescribed
unto
,
and
exacted
of
them
.
Nor
can
any
now
disbelieve
his
late
Majesty's
having
lived
and
died
a
Papist
,
who
hath
either
heard
what
he
both
said
and
did
,
when
under
the
prospect
of
approaching
Death
,
and
past
hope
of
acting
a
part
any
longer
on
the
present
Stage
,
or
who
have
seen
and
read
the
two
Papers
left
in
his
Closet
,
which
have
been
since
published
to
the
World
,
and
attested
for
Authentick
by
the
present
King
.
And
had
we
been
so
just
to
our selves
,
as
to
have
examined
the
whole
course
of
his
Reign
,
both
in
his
Alliances
Abroad
,
and
his
most
Important
Counsels
and
Actions
at
Home
;
or
had
we
hearkened
to
the
Reports
of
those
who
knew
him
at
Collen
and
in
Flanders
,
we
had
been
long
ago
convinced
of
what
Religion
he
was
.
Nor
were
his
many
repeated
Protestations
of
his
Zeal
for
Protestancy
,
but
in
order
to
delude
the
Nation
,
till
insensibly
as
to
us
,
and
with
safety
to
himself
,
he
had
overturned
the
Religion
which
he
pretended
to
own
,
and
had
introduced
that
which
he
inveighed
against
.
And
while
with
the
highest
asseverations
he
disclaimed
the
being
what
he
really
was
,
and
with
most
sacred
and
tremendous
Oaths
,
professed
the
being
what
he
was
not
,
his
Religion
might
in
the
mean
time
have
been
traced
through
all
the
signal
Occurrences
of
his
Government
,
and
have
been
discerned
,
written
in
Capital
Letters
,
through
all
the
material
Affairs
wherein
he
was
engaged
,
from
the
Day
he
ascended
the
Throne
,
till
the
Hour
he
left
the
World
.
His
entring
into
two
Wars
against
the
Dutch
,
without
any
provocation
on
their
part
,
or
ground
on
his
,
save
their
being
a
Protestant
State
;
his
being
not
only
conscious
unto
,
but
interposing
his
Commands
,
as
well
as
Encouragements
for
the
burning
of
London
.
His
concurrence
in
all
the
parts
of
the
Popish
Plot
,
except
that
which
the
Jesuites
,
with
a
few
others
,
were
involved
in
against
himself
,
his
stifling
that
Conspiracy
,
and
delivering
the
Roman
Catholicks
from
the
Dangers
into
which
it
had
cast
them
.
His
being
the
Author
of
so
many
forged
Plots
,
which
he
caused
to
be
charged
on
Protestants
.
His
constant
Confederacies
with
France
,
to
the
disobliging
his
people
;
the
betraying
of
Europe
;
the
neglect
of
the
reformed
in
that
Kingdom
,
and
the
encouraging
the
Design
carried
on
against
them
for
their
Extirpation
.
His
entailing
the
Duke
of
York
upon
the
Nation
,
contrary
to
the
Desires
and
Endeavours
of
three
several
Parliaments
,
and
that
not
out
of
Love
to
his
person
,
but
Affection
to
Popery
,
which
he
knew
that
Gentleman
would
introduce
and
establish
:
All
these
,
besides
many
other
things
which
might
be
named
,
were
sufficient
Evidences
of
the
late
King's
Religion
,
and
of
the
Design
he
was
engaged
in
for
the
Subversion
of
Ours
.
So
that
it
would
fill
a
sober
person
with
amazement
,
to
think
,
that
after
all
this
,
there
should
be
so
many
sincere
Protestants
and
true
English
Men
,
who
not
only
believed
the
late
King
to
be
of
the
reformed
Religion
,
but
with
an
insatiableness
thirsted
after
the
Blood
of
those
that
durst
otherwise
represent
him
.
And
had
it
not
been
for
his
receiving
Absolution
and
Extream
Unction
from
a
Popish
Priest
at
his
Death
;
and
for
what
he
left
in
writing
in
the
two
Papers
found
in
his
strong
Box
,
he
would
have
still
passed
for
a
Prince
who
had
lived
and
died
a
cordial
and
zealous
Protestant
,
and
whosoever
had
muttered
any
thing
to
the
contrary
,
would
have
been
branded
for
a
Villain
and
an
execrable
person
.
But
with
what
a
scent
and
odor
must
it
recommend
his
Memory
to
them
,
to
consider
his
having
not
onely
lived
and
died
in
the
Communion
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
in
contradiction
to
all
his
publick
Speeches
,
solemn
Declarations
,
and
highest
Asseverations
to
his
People
in
Parliament
;
but
his
participating
,
from
time
to
time
,
of
the
Sacrament
,
as
Administred
in
the
Church
of
England
,
while
,
in
the
interim
,
he
had
Abjured
our
Religion
,
stood
reconciled
to
the
Church
of
Rome
,
and
had
obliged
himself
by
most
sacred
Vows
,
and
was
endeavouring
,
by
all
the
Frauds
and
Arts
imaginable
,
to
subvert
the
established
Doctrin
and
Worship
,
and
set
up
Heresy
and
Idolatry
in
their
room
.
And
it
must
needs
give
them
an
abhorrent
Idea
and
Character
of
Popery
,
and
a
loathsom
representation
of
those
trusted
with
the
Conduct
and
Guidance
of
the
Consciences
of
Men
in
the
Roman
Communion
,
that
they
should
not
onely
dispense
with
,
and
indulge
such
Crimes
and
Villanies
,
but
proclaim
them
Sanctified
and
Meritorious
from
the
end
which
they
are
calculated
for
,
and
levelled
at
.
And
for
his
dear
Brother
,
and
renowned
Successor
,
who
possessed
the
Throne
after
him
,
I
suppose
his
most
partial
Admirers
,
who
took
him
for
a
Prince
,
not
onely
merciful
in
his
Temper
,
and
imbued
with
all
gracious
Inclinations
to
our
Laws
,
and
the
Rights
of
the
Subject
,
but
for
one
Orthodox
in
his
Religion
,
and
who
would
prove
a
zealous
Defender
of
the
Doctrine
,
Worship
and
Discipline
of
the
Church
established
by
Law
,
are
before
this
time
both
undeceived
,
and
filled
with
Resentments
for
his
having
abused
their
Credulity
,
deceived
their
Expectations
,
and
reproached
all
their
Gloryings
and
Boastings
of
him
.
For
as
it
would
have
been
the
greatest
Affront
they
could
have
put
upon
the
King
,
to
question
his
being
of
the
Roman
Communion
,
or
to
detract
from
his
Zeal
for
the
introduction
of
Popery
,
notwithstanding
his
own
antecedent
Protestations
,
as
well
as
the
many
Statutes
in
force
for
the
preservation
of
the
Reformed
Religion
;
so
I
must
take
the
liberty
to
tell
them
,
that
his
Apostacy
is
not
of
so
late
Date
as
the
World
is
made
commonly
to
believe
.
For
though
it
was
many
Years
concealed
,
and
the
contrary
pretended
and
dissembled
;
yet
it
is
most
certain
,
that
he
Abjured
the
Protestant
Religion
,
soon
after
the
Exilement
of
the
Royal
Family
,
and
was
reconciled
to
the
Romish
Church
at
St.
Germains
in
France
.
Nor
were
several
of
the
then
suffering
Bishops
and
Clergy
ignorant
of
this
,
though
they
had
neither
the
Integrity
nor
Courage
to
give
the
Nation
and
Church
warning
of
it
.
And
within
these
five
Years
there
was
in
the
custody
of
a
very
worthy
and
honest
Gentleman
,
a
Letter
written
to
the
late
Bishop
of
D.
by
a
Doctor
of
Divinity
then
attending
upon
the
Royal
Brothers
,
wherein
the
Apostacy
of
the
then
Duke
of
York
to
the
See
of
Rome
is
particularly
related
,
and
an
Account
given
,
how
much
the
Dutchess
of
Tremoville
(
though
without
being
her self
,
observed
)
had
heard
the
Queen
Mother
glorying
of
it
,
bewailed
it
as
a
dishonour
unto
the
Royal
Family
,
and
as
that
which
might
prove
of
pernicious
consequence
to
the
Protestant
Interest
.
But
though
the
old
Queen
privately
rejoyced
and
triumphed
in
it
,
yet
she
knew
too
well
what
disadvantage
it
might
be
,
both
to
her
Son
,
and
to
the
Papal
Cause
in
Great
Brittain
,
to
have
it
at
that
Season
communicated
and
divulged
.
Thereupon
it
remained
a
Secret
for
many
Years
,
and
by
virtue
of
a
Dispensation
,
he
sometimes
joined
in
all
Ordinances
with
those
of
the
Protestant
Communion
.
But
for
all
the
Art
,
Hypocrisy
and
Sacrilege
,
by
which
it
was
endeavoured
to
be
concealed
,
it
might
have
been
easily
discerned
,
as
manifesting
it self
in
the
whole
Course
of
his
Actions
.
And
at
last
his
own
Zeal
,
the
Importunity
of
the
Priests
,
and
the
Cunning
of
the
late
King
,
prevailing
over
Reasons
of
State
,
he
withdrew
from
all
Acts
of
Fellowship
with
the
Church
of
England
.
But
neither
that
,
nor
his
refusing
the
Test
enjoyned
by
Law
,
for
distinguishing
Papists
from
Protestants
,
though
thereupon
he
was
forced
,
both
to
resign
his
Office
of
Lord
High
Admiral
,
&c.
nor
his
declining
the
Oath
which
the
Laws
of
Scotland
,
for
the
securing
a
Protestant
Governour
,
enjoyn
to
be
taken
by
the
High
Commissioner
;
nor
yet
so
many
Parliaments
having
endeavoured
to
get
him
Excluded
from
Succession
to
the
Crown
,
upon
the
account
of
having
revolted
to
the
See
of
Rome
,
and
thereby
become
dangerous
to
the
Established
Religion
,
could
make
impression
upon
a
wilfully
deluded
and
obstinate
sort
of
Protestants
,
but
in
defiance
of
all
means
of
Conviction
,
they
would
perswade
themselves
,
that
he
was
still
a
Zealot
for
our
Religion
,
and
a
grand
Patriot
of
the
Church
of
England
.
Nor
could
any
thing
undeceive
them
,
till
upon
his
Brother's
Death
he
had
openly
declared
himself
a
Roman
Catholick
,
and
afterwards
in
the
fumes
and
raptures
of
his
Victory
over
the
late
Duke
of
Monmouth
,
had
discovered
and
proclaimed
his
Intentions
of
overthrowing
both
our
Religion
and
Laws
.
Yea
so
closely
had
some
sealed
up
their
Eyes
against
all
beams
of
Light
,
and
hardned
themselves
against
all
Evidences
from
Reason
and
Fact
,
that
had
it
pleased
the
Almighty
God
to
have
prospered
the
Duke
of
Monmouth's
Arms
in
the
Summer
85.
the
present
King
would
have
gone
off
the
Stage
with
the
Reputation
among
them
,
of
a
Prince
tender
of
the
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
;
and
who
,
notwithstanding
his
own
being
a
Papist
,
would
have
preserved
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
have
maintained
the
Church
of
England
in
all
her
Grandure
and
Rights
.
And
though
his
whole
Life
had
been
but
one
continued
Conspiracy
against
our
Civil
Liberties
and
Priviledges
,
he
had
left
the
Throne
with
the
Character
,
and
under
the
Esteem
of
a
Gentleman
;
that
in
the
whole
course
of
his
Government
would
have
regulated
himself
by
the
Rules
of
the
Constitution
,
and
the
Statutes
of
the
Realm
.
Now
among
all
the
Methods
fallen
upon
by
the
Royal
Brothers
,
for
the
undermining
and
subverting
our
Religion
and
Laws
,
there
is
none
that
they
have
pursued
with
more
Ardor
,
and
wherein
they
have
been
more
successful
to
the
compassing
of
their
Designs
,
than
in
their
dividing
Protestants
,
and
alienating
their
Affections
,
and
embittering
their
Minds
from
and
against
one
another
.
And
had
not
this
lain
under
their
prospect
,
and
the
means
of
effecting
it
appeared
easie
,
they
might
have
been
Papists
themselves
,
while
in
the
mean
time
they
had
been
dispensed
with
to
protest
and
swear
their
being
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
they
might
have
envied
our
Liberties
,
and
bewailed
their
Restriction
from
Arbitrary
and
Despotical
Power
;
but
they
never
durst
have
entertained
a
Thought
of
subverting
the
Established
Religion
,
or
of
altering
the
Civil
Government
,
nor
would
they
ever
have
had
the
boldness
to
have
attempted
the
introducing
and
erecting
Popery
and
Tyranny
in
their
room
.
And
whosoever
should
have
put
them
upon
reducing
the
Nation
to
the
Church
of
Rome
,
or
upon
rendring
the
Monarchy
unlimited
and
independent
on
the
Law
,
would
have
been
thought
to
have
laid
a
Snare
for
exposing
the
Papists
to
greater
Severities
than
they
were
obnoxious
unto
before
,
and
to
have
projected
the
robbing
the
Crown
of
the
Prerogatives
which
belong
unto
it
by
the
Rules
of
the
Constitution
,
and
to
which
it
was
so
lately
restored
.
And
the
despair
of
succeeding
,
would
have
rendred
the
Royal
Brothers
deaf
to
all
Importunities
from
Romish
Emissaries
,
and
Court
Minions
.
Neither
the
Promises
and
Oaths
which
they
had
made
and
taken
beyond
Sea
to
introduce
Popery
,
nor
their
Ambition
to
advance
themselves
beyond
the
restraint
of
Laws
,
and
the
Controul
of
Parliaments
,
would
have
prevailed
upon
them
to
have
encountred
the
Hazards
and
Difficulties
,
which
in
case
of
the
Union
of
English
Protestants
,
must
have
attended
and
ensued
upon
Attempts
and
Endeavours
of
the
one
kind
and
of
the
other
.
Or
should
their
beloved
Popery
,
and
their
own
Bigottedness
in
the
Romish
Superstition
,
have
so
far
transported
them
beyond
the
bounds
of
Wisdom
and
Discretion
,
as
to
have
appeared
possessed
with
an
Intention
of
subverting
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
of
enslaving
the
Nation
to
the
Superstition
and
Idolatry
of
Rome
,
they
would
have
been
made
soon
to
understand
,
That
the
Laws
which
make
it
Treason
to
own
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
Pope
,
or
to
seduce
the
meanest
Subject
to
the
Church
of
Rome
,
were
not
enacted
in
vain
,
and
that
those
,
as
well
as
many
more
,
made
for
the
Security
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
to
prevent
the
growth
and
introduction
of
Popery
,
were
not
to
be
dallied
and
plaid
withal
.
Or
,
should
they
have
been
so
far
infatuated
and
abandoned
of
all
Understanding
,
as
out
of
a
foolish
and
haughty
Affectation
of
being
Absolute
,
to
have
attempted
the
Alteration
of
the
Civil
Government
,
they
would
have
been
immediately
and
unanimously
told
,
That
the
People
have
the
same
Right
to
their
Liberties
,
that
the
King
hath
to
the
Prerogatives
of
the
Crown
.
And
if
they
would
not
have
been
contented
with
what
belongs
unto
the
Prince
,
by
the
Common
and
Statute-Laws
of
the
Realm
,
but
had
invaded
the
Priviledges
reserved
unto
the
Subject
:
they
would
have
been
made
to
know
,
that
they
might
not
onely
be
withstood
,
in
what
they
strove
to
Usurp
,
contrary
to
Magna
Charta
,
the
Petition
of
Right
,
and
other
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
,
but
that
thereby
they
forfeited
,
and
might
be
disseized
of
what
either
appertained
unto
the
Crown
by
fundamental
Agreements
,
or
hath
been
since
settled
upon
the
Monarch
by
Statute-Laws
.
Nor
could
any
thing
have
emboldened
his
late
Majesty
and
the
present
King
to
Enterprizes
of
the
one
kind
or
the
other
,
but
the
prospect
of
begetting
a
Misunderstanding
,
Jealousie
,
and
Rancor
among
Protestants
,
and
thereby
both
of
making
them
instrumental
to
the
ruin
of
one
another
,
and
contributary
to
the
loss
of
English
Liberty
and
the
Reformed
Religion
,
which
they
equally
value
and
esteem
,
and
to
the
setting
up
Popery
and
Tyranny
,
which
the
one
detesteth
and
abhorreth
no
less
than
the
other
.
Though
all
English
Protestants
have
ever
been
at
an
Accord
in
all
the
Essentials
and
Vitals
of
Religion
,
yet
from
the
very
beginning
of
the
Reformation
,
there
have
been
Differences
among
them
concerning
Ecclesiastical
Government
and
Discipline
,
and
about
Forms
,
Rites
,
and
Ceremonies
of
Worship
.
And
had
they
consulted
either
their
Duty
to
God
,
or
the
common
Interest
of
Religion
,
they
might
have
found
ways
either
for
removing
the
occasions
of
them
,
or
they
ought
to
have
lived
together
as
Brethren
,
notwithstanding
the
differences
which
were
among
them
in
those
things
.
But
how
much
wiser
are
the
Children
of
this
World
,
than
those
of
the
Kingdom
of
God
and
of
Jesus
Christ
?
For
though
the
differences
among
the
Papists
do
far
exceed
ours
,
both
in
their
number
,
and
in
the
Importance
of
those
things
wherein
they
disagree
,
yet
they
do
mutually
tolerate
and
bear
with
one
another
.
The
matters
wherein
they
differ
are
neither
made
the
Terms
of
their
Church-Communion
,
nor
the
Grounds
of
mutual
Excommunications
and
Persecutions
.
But
alas
,
one
Party
among
us
hath
been
always
endeavouring
to
cut
or
stretch
others
to
their
own
Size
,
and
have
made
those
things
which
themselves
stile
Indifferent
,
both
the
Qualifications
for
admission
to
the
Pastoral
Office
,
and
the
Conditions
of
Fellowship
in
the
Ordinances
of
the
Gospel
.
Nor
is
it
to
be
expressed
,
what
Advantages
were
hereby
administred
all
along
to
the
Common
Enemy
;
and
what
Sufferings
peaceable
and
orthodox
Christians
were
exposed
unto
from
their
peevish
and
angry
Brethren
.
And
though
these
Things
,
with
the
Heats
begotten
among
all
,
and
the
Calamities
undergone
by
one
side
,
were
not
the
cause
of
that
funestous
War
betwixt
Charles
the
First
and
the
Parliament
,
yet
they
were
an
occasion
of
diverting
Thousands
from
the
side
which
the
Persecuting
Church-men
espoused
,
and
engaging
them
in
the
behalf
of
the
two
Houses
,
in
the
Quarrel
which
they
begun
and
carried
on
against
that
Prince
,
for
defence
of
the
Civil
Liberties
,
Priviledges
and
Rights
of
the
People
but
some
of
the
Mitred
Clergy
were
so
far
from
being
made
wise
by
their
own
and
the
Nations
Sufferings
,
as
upon
their
Restoration
to
hearken
to
moderate
Counsels
,
and
to
decline
their
former
Rigours
and
Severities
,
that
they
became
the
Tools
and
Instruments
of
the
Court
,
not
onely
for
reviving
,
but
for
heightning
and
enflaming
all
the
Differences
which
had
formerly
been
among
English
Protestants
.
For
the
Royal
Brothers
finding
nothing
more
adapted
and
subservient
than
this
,
to
their
Design
of
altering
the
Government
,
and
subverting
Religion
,
they
animated
those
waspish
and
impolitick
Ecclesiasticks
,
not
onely
to
pursue
the
Restoration
of
all
those
things
which
had
given
rise
and
occasion
to
former
Dissentions
and
Persecutions
,
but
to
lay
new
Snares
for
alienating
many
persons
of
unspotted
lives
and
tender
Consciences
,
from
the
Church
,
and
of
rendring
them
obnoxious
to
suffer
in
their
Names
,
Persons
and
Estates
.
And
what
a
satisfaction
was
it
to
the
late
King
and
his
Brother
,
to
find
the
old
Episcopal
Clergy
prepared
through
Principles
of
revenge
,
as
well
as
from
Love
of
Domination
,
Ambition
and
Covetousness
,
to
fall
in
with
the
Design
,
not
onely
of
Increasing
Divisions
among
Protestants
,
both
by
making
the
Conditions
of
entring
upon
the
Pastoral
Function
narrower
,
and
for
screwing
Conformity
with
the
Church
in
her
Forms
and
Ceremonies
of
Worship
,
into
Tests
,
for
admission
to
Magistracy
and
Civil
Trusts
,
but
of
obtaining
several
Laws
against
Dissenters
,
whereby
the
Penalties
to
which
they
foresaw
that
People
would
become
liable
,
were
rendred
greater
than
they
had
been
before
,
and
their
Sufferings
made
more
merciless
,
inhumane
and
intolerable
.
For
though
his
late
Majesty
had
,
by
a
Declaration
dated
at
Breda
,
promised
Indulgence
to
all
Protestants
that
would
live
peaceably
under
the
Civil
Government
;
yet
it
was
never
in
his
Thoughts
to
perform
it
;
and
the
previous
Obligations
which
he
was
under
to
the
Church
of
Rome
,
had
a
virtue
to
supersede
and
cancel
his
Engagements
to
English
Hereticks
.
And
all
he
intended
by
that
Declaration
was
onely
to
wheedle
and
lull
those
into
a
tameness
of
admitting
his
Return
into
his
Dominions
,
whom
a
jealousie
of
being
afterwards
persecuted
for
their
Consciences
,
might
have
awakened
to
withstand
and
dispute
it
.
And
,
to
give
him
his
due
,
he
never
judged
himself
longer
bound
to
the
observation
of
Promises
and
Oaths
made
to
his
People
,
than
,
until
without
hazard
to
his
Person
and
Government
,
he
could
violate
and
break
them
.
Accordingly
he
was
no
sooner
seated
in
the
Throne
of
his
Ancestors
,
and
those
whom
he
had
been
apprehensive
of
Resistance
and
Disturbance
from
,
put
out
of
Capacity
and
Condition
of
attempting
any
thing
against
him
;
but
he
thought
himself
discharged
from
every
thing
that
the
Royal
Word
and
Faith
of
a
Prince
had
been
pledged
and
〈◊〉
to
stake
for
in
that
Declaration
,
and
from
that
day
forward
acted
in
direct
opposition
to
all
the
Parts
and
Branches
of
it
.
For
having
soon
after
his
Return
obtained
a
Parliament
moulded
and
adapted
,
both
to
his
Arbitrary
and
Popish
Ends
he
immediately
set
all
his
Instruments
at
work
for
the
procuring
of
such
Laws
to
be
Enacted
,
as
might
divide
and
weaken
Protestants
,
and
thereby
make
us
,
not
onely
the
more
easie
Prey
to
the
Papists
,
but
afford
them
an
advantage
through
our
Scuffles
,
of
undermining
our
Religion
with
the
less
notice
and
observation
.
How
such
persons
came
to
be
chosen
,
and
to
constitute
the
Majority
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
who
by
their
Actings
have
made
themselves
Infamous
and
Execrable
to
all
Ages
,
were
a
matter
too
large
to
penetrate
at
present
into
the
Reasons
of
;
but
that
which
my
Theme
conducts
me
to
observe
,
is
,
That
as
they
sacrificed
the
Treasure
of
the
Nation
to
the
profuseness
and
prodigality
of
the
Prince
,
and
our
Rights
and
Liberties
to
his
Ambition
and
Arbitrary
Will
,
so
they
both
introduced
and
established
those
Things
which
have
been
a
means
of
dividing
us
;
and
by
many
severe
and
repeated
Laws
,
they
subjected
a
great
number
of
industrious
English-men
and
true
Protestants
,
to
Excommunications
,
Imprisonments
,
rigorous
and
multiplied
Fines
,
and
all
this
for
Matters
onely
relating
to
their
Consciences
,
and
for
their
Obedience
to
God
in
the
Ordinances
of
his
Worship
and
House
.
And
notwithstanding
the
late
King
's
often
pretended
compassion
to
the
Dissenters
,
it
will
be
hard
to
discern
them
,
unless
in
Effects
which
proceed
from
very
different
and
opposite
Principles
.
The
distance
which
he
kept
them
from
his
Person
and
Favour
;
the
influencing
these
Members
of
both
Houses
that
depended
upon
him
,
to
be
the
Authors
and
Promoters
of
Severities
against
them
;
the
enjoyning
so
often
the
Judges
and
Justices
of
Peace
to
execute
the
Laws
upon
them
in
their
utmost
rigour
;
the
instigating
the
Bishops
and
Ecclesiastical
Courts
,
if
at
any
time
they
relented
in
their
Prosecutions
,
to
pursue
them
with
fresh
Citations
and
Censures
;
the
arraigning
them
,
not
onely
upon
the
Statutes
made
intentionally
against
Dissenters
,
but
upon
those
that
were
originally
and
solely
enacted
against
the
Papists
;
these
,
and
other
Procedures
of
that
Nature
,
are
the
onely
Proofs
and
Evidences
which
I
can
find
,
of
the
late
King's
Bowels
,
Pity
and
Tenderness
to
them
.
And
whereas
the
weak
Church-men
were
imposed
upon
to
believe
,
that
all
the
Severity
against
the
Nonconformists
,
was
the
Fruit
of
his
Zeal
for
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
for
the
security
of
the
Worship
and
Discipline
established
by
Law
;
they
might
have
easily
discovered
,
if
Passion
,
Prejudice
,
Wealth
and
Honour
had
not
blinded
them
,
that
all
this
was
calculated
for
Ends
perfectly
destructive
to
the
Church
,
and
inconsistent
with
the
Safety
and
Happiness
of
all
Protestants
.
For
as
his
seeking
oftner
than
once
to
have
wriggled
himself
into
a
Power
of
superseding
and
dispensing
with
those
Laws
and
suspending
their
Execution
,
plainly
shews
,
that
he
never
intended
the
support
and
preservation
of
the
Church
by
them
;
so
his
non-execution
of
the
Laws
against
Papists
;
his
conniving
at
their
encrease
;
his
perswading
those
nearest
unto
him
to
reconcile
themselves
to
the
See
of
Rome
,
as
he
did
,
among
others
,
the
late
D.
of
Monmouth
;
his
countenancing
the
Roman
Catholicks
in
their
open
and
intollerable
Insolencies
;
and
his
advancing
them
to
the
most
gainful
and
Important
Places
and
trusts
,
sufficiently
declare
,
that
he
never
had
any
love
to
Protestants
,
or
care
of
the
Reformed
Religion
;
but
that
all
his
designs
were
of
a
contrary
tendency
,
and
his
fairest
Pretences
for
the
Protection
and
Grandure
of
the
Church
of
England
,
adapted
to
other
ends
.
Thus
the
Royal
Brothers
having
obtained
such
Laws
to
be
enacted
,
whereby
one
Party
of
Protestants
was
armed
with
means
of
oppressing
and
persecuting
all
others
,
neither
the
necessity
of
their
Affairs
at
any
time
since
,
nor
the
Application
and
Interposure
of
several
Parliaments
for
removing
the
Grounds
of
our
Differences
and
Animosities
,
by
an
Indulgence
,
to
be
past
into
a
Law
,
could
prevail
,
either
upon
his
late
Majesty
,
or
the
present
King
,
to
forgoe
the
Advantage
they
had
gotten
of
keeping
us
in
mutual
Enmity
,
and
thereby
of
ministring
to
their
projection
of
supplanting
our
Religion
,
and
re-establishing
the
Faith
and
Worship
of
the
Church
of
Rome
.
Hereupon
the
last
King
,
not
onely
refused
to
consent
to
such
Bills
as
diverse
late
Parliaments
had
prepared
for
indulging
Dissenters
,
and
for
bringing
them
into
an
union
of
Counsels
,
and
Conjunction
of
Interest
with
those
of
the
Church
of
England
,
for
resisting
the
Conspiracies
of
the
Papists
against
our
Legal
Government
and
Established
Religion
;
but
he
rejected
an
Address
for
suspending
the
Execution
of
the
Penal
Laws
against
Dissenters
,
which
was
offered
and
presented
unto
him
by
that
very
Parliament
which
had
framed
and
enacted
those
cruel
and
hard
Laws
.
And
as
the
Royal
Brothers
have
made
it
their
constant
Business
to
cherish
a
Division
and
Rancour
among
Protestants
,
and
to
provoke
one
Party
to
persecute
and
ruine
another
;
so
nothing
could
more
naturally
fall
in
with
the
Design
of
Arbitrariness
or
be
more
subservient
to
the
betraying
the
Nation●●
Papal
Idolatry
and
Jurisdiction
.
For
several
Penal
Laws
against
a
considerable
Body
of
People
,
do
either
expose
them
against
whom
they
are
enacted
,
to
be
destroyed
by
the
Prince
,
with
whom
the
executive
Power
of
the
Law
is
trusted
and
deposited
;
or
they
prove
a
Temptation
to
such
as
are
obnoxious
of
resigning
themselves
in
such
a
manner
to
the
Will
and
Pleasure
of
the
Monarch
,
for
the
obtaining
his
connivancy
at
their
violation
of
the
Laws
,
as
is
unsafe
and
dangerous
for
the
common
Liberty
and
Good
of
the
Kingdom
.
For
in
case
the
Supreme
Magistrate
pursue
an
Interest
distinct
from
,
and
destructive
to
that
of
his
People
,
they
who
the
Law
hath
made
liable
to
be
oppressed
,
are
brought
under
Inducements
of
becoming
so
many
Parisans
for
abetting
him
in
his
Designs
,
in
hopes
of
being
thereupon
protected
from
the
Penal
Statutes
,
the
execution
whereof
is
committed
to
him
.
And
as
it
is
not
agreeable
to
the
Wisdom
and
Prudence
which
ought
to
be
among
Men
,
nor
to
the
Mercy
and
Compassion
which
should
be
among
Christians
,
for
one
party
to
surrender
another
into
the
Hands
and
Power
of
the
Soveraign
,
to
be
impoverished
and
ruined
by
him
at
his
pleasure
,
especially
when
those
whom
they
give
up
to
be
thus
treated
and
entertained
,
are
at
agreement
with
them
in
all
the
Essentials
of
Religion
,
equally
zealous
as
themselves
for
the
Liberties
of
their
Country
;
and
who
,
for
Sobriety
in
their
Lives
,
Industry
in
their
Callings
,
and
Usefulness
in
the
Common-Wealth
,
are
inferior
to
none
of
their
Fellow-Subjects
:
So
it
is
obvious
to
any
,
who
give
themselves
leave
to
think
,
that
the
King
would
long
ere
this
have
been
stated
in
the
Absoluteness
that
is
aspired
after
,
and
both
Church
and
State
reduced
to
lie
at
the
discretion
of
the
Monarch
,
provided
the
Nonconformists
,
for
procuring
his
Favour
in
non-execution
of
the
Laws
,
had
suffered
themselves
to
be
prevailed
upon
,
and
drawn
over
to
stand
by
and
assist
him
in
his
Popish
and
Despotical
Designs
.
But
that
honest
people
,
though
hated
and
maligned
by
their
Brethren
,
rather
than
be
found
aiding
the
King
in
his
Usurpations
over
the
Kingdom
,
have
chosen
to
undergoe
the
utmost
Calamities
they
could
be
made
subject
unto
,
either
through
the
Execution
of
those
Laws
which
had
been
made
against
them
,
or
through
our
Princes
and
their
Ministers
wrecking
their
Malice
upon
them
in
Arbitrary
and
Illegal
Methods
.
But
what
the
Royal
Brothers
could
not
work
the
afflicted
and
persecuted
Side
unto
,
they
found
the
Art
to
engage
the
other
Side
in
,
though
not
onely
excepted
from
all
Obnoxiousness
to
those
Laws
,
but
strengthened
and
supported
by
them
.
For
as
soon
as
the
Court
begun
to
despair
of
prevailing
upon
Dissenters
to
become
their
Tools
and
Instruments
of
enslaving
the
Nation
,
and
of
exalting
the
Monarchy
to
a
Despotical
Absoluteness
,
they
applied
to
the
Bigots
of
the
Church
of
England
,
whom
by
gratifying
with
a
vigorous
Execution
of
the
Laws
upon
Dissenters
,
they
brought
to
abett
,
applaud
and
justifie
them
in
all
those
Counsels
and
Ways
which
have
reduced
us
into
that
miserable
condition
wherein
we
not
long
since
were
.
The
Clergy
being
advanced
to
Grandure
and
Opulency
,
things
which
many
of
them
are
fonder
of
,
and
lother
to
foregoe
than
Religion
and
the
Rights
of
the
Nation
,
the
Court
made
it
their
business
to
possess
them
with
a
Belief
,
that
unless
the
Fanaticks
were
suppressed
and
ruined
,
they
could
not
enjoy
with
Security
their
Dignities
and
Wealth
.
Whereupon
not
onely
the
lesser
Levites
,
but
the
Superior
Clergy
having
their
Lesson
and
Cue
given
them
from
White-hall
and
St.
James's
,
fell
upon
pursuing
the
Nonconformists
with
Ecclesiastical
Punishments
,
and
upon
exciting
and
animating
the
Civil
Officers
against
them
.
And
under
pretence
of
preserving
and
defending
the
Church
they
gave
themselves
over
to
an
implicit
serving
of
the
Court
,
and
became
not
onely
Advocates
but
Instruments
for
the
robbing
of
Corporations
of
their
Charters
,
for
imposing
Sheriffs
upon
the
City
of
London
who
had
not
been
legally
elected
,
and
of
fining
and
punishing
Men
arbitrarily
for
no
Crime
,
save
the
having
asserted
their
own
and
the
Nations
Rights
in
modest
and
lawful
ways
.
Posterity
will
hardly
believe
that
so
many
of
the
Prelatical
Clergy
,
and
so
great
a
number
of
Members
of
the
Church
of
England
,
should
from
an
Enmity
unto
,
and
pretended
Jealousie
of
the
Dissenters
,
have
become
Tools
under
the
late
King
for
justifying
the
Dissolution
of
so
many
Parliaments
,
the
Invasion
made
upon
their
Priviledges
,
the
ridiculing
and
stifling
of
the
Popish
Plot
,
the
shamming
of
forged
Conspiracies
upon
Protestants
,
the
condemning
several
to
Death
for
High-Treason
,
who
could
be
rendred
guilty
by
the
Transgression
of
no
known
Law
,
and
finally
for
advancing
a
Gentleman
to
the
Throne
,
who
had
been
engaged
in
a
Conjuration
against
Religion
and
the
Legal
Government
,
and
whom
three
several
Parliaments
would
have
therefore
Excluded
from
the
Right
of
Succession
.
And
being
seduced
into
an
espousal
of
the
Interests
of
the
Court
against
Religion
,
Parliaments
and
the
Nation
,
it
is
doleful
to
consider
what
Doctrines
both
from
Pulpit
and
Press
were
thereupon
brought
forth
and
divulged
.
Such
as
Monarchy's
being
a
Government
by
Divine
Right
;
That
it
is
in
the
Prince's
Power
to
Rule
as
he
pleaseth
;
That
it
is
a
Grace
and
Condescention
in
the
King
to
give
an
Account
of
what
he
does
;
That
for
Parliaments
to
direct
,
or
regulate
the
Succession
,
borders
upon
Treason
,
and
is
an
Offence
against
the
Law
of
Nature
;
And
that
the
onely
thing
left
to
Subjects
,
in
case
the
King
will
Tyrannize
over
their
Consciences
,
Persons
and
Estates
,
is
tamely
to
suffer
,
and
as
some
of
them
did
absurdly
express
it
,
to
exercise
Passive
Obedience
.
So
that
by
corrupting
the
Minds
and
Consciences
of
men
with
those
pestilent
and
slavish
Notions
,
they
betrayed
the
Nation
,
both
to
the
Mischiefs
which
have
alrerdy
overtaken
us
,
and
to
what
further
we
were
threatned
with
.
Nor
did
these
Doctrines
tend
meerly
to
the
fettering
and
enfeebling
the
Spirits
of
Men
,
but
they
were
a
Temptation
to
the
Royal
Brothers
to
put
in
Execution
what
they
had
been
so
long
contriving
,
and
travelling
with
,
and
were
a
kind
of
reprimanding
them
for
being
ignorant
of
their
own
Right
and
Power
,
and
for
not
exerting
it
with
that
Vigour
and
Expedition
which
they
might
.
I
do
acknowledge
that
there
were
many
both
of
the
Sacred
Order
,
and
of
the
Laick
Communion
of
the
Church
of
England
,
who
were
far
from
being
infected
with
those
brutish
Sentiments
and
Opinions
,
and
who
were
as
zealous
as
any
for
having
the
Monarchy
kept
within
its
ancient
limits
;
Parliaments
maintained
in
their
wonted
Reverence
and
Authority
;
the
Subjects
preserved
in
the
enjoyment
of
their
immemorial
Priviledges
;
and
who
were
far
from
sacrificing
our
Religion
and
Laws
to
Popery
and
Arbitrariness
;
and
from
lulling
us
into
a
Tameness
and
Lethargy
,
in
case
the
Court
should
attempt
the
abolishing
the
established
Doctrine
and
Worship
,
and
the
subverting
and
changing
the
Civil
Government
.
But
alass
!
besides
their
being
immediately
branded
with
the
Name
of
Trimmer
and
conformable
Fanaticks
,
and
registred
in
the
Kalender
with
those
that
stood
precluded
the
King's
Favour
,
and
merited
his
Animadversion
;
their
Modesty
was
soon
drowned
and
silenced
in
the
loud
Noise
of
their
clamorous
Brethren
,
and
their
retiredness
from
Conversation
,
while
the
others
frequented
all
places
of
Society
and
publick
Concourse
,
deprived
the
Nation
of
the
benefit
of
their
Example
,
and
the
happiness
of
their
Instructions
.
Nor
have
I
mentioned
the
Extravagancies
of
any
of
the
Ecclesiasticks
and
Members
of
the
Church
of
England
,
with
a
design
either
of
reproaching
and
upbraiding
them
,
or
of
provoking
and
exasperating
the
Dissenters
to
Resentments
,
but
onely
to
shew
how
fatal
our
Divisions
have
been
unto
us
,
what
excesses
they
have
occasioned
our
being
hurried
and
transported
into
,
and
what
mischievous
Improvement
our
Enemies
have
made
of
them
,
to
the
supplanting
and
almost
subverting
of
all
that
is
valuable
unto
us
,
as
we
are
English-men
,
Christians
and
Protestants
.
And
as
our
Animosities
,
through
our
Divisions
,
gave
the
Courrt
an
advantage
of
suborning
that
Party
,
which
they
pretended
to
befriend
and
uphold
,
into
a
Ministration
to
all
their
Counsels
,
and
Projections
against
our
Religion
and
Laws
;
so
by
reason
of
the
unnatural
Heats
wherewith
Protestants
have
been
enflamed
and
enraged
against
Protestants
,
many
weak
,
ungrounded
,
and
unstable
Souls
,
have
been
tempted
to
question
the
Truth
of
our
Religion
,
and
to
Apostatize
to
the
Church
of
Rome
,
and
thereupon
have
become
united
in
Inclination
,
Power
and
Endeavours
with
the
Court
,
and
our
old
Enemies
the
Papists
,
for
the
Extirpation
of
Protestancy
,
and
the
alteration
of
the
Government
.
As
it
hath
been
matter
of
Offence
and
Scandal
to
all
Men
,
so
it
hath
been
ground
of
stumbling
and
falling
unto
many
,
to
see
those
who
are
professedly
of
the
same
Religion
,
to
be
mutually
embittered
against
one
another
,
and
so
far
transported
with
Malice
and
Rage
,
as
to
seek
and
pursue
each
others
Destruction
.
For
such
a
Carriage
and
Behaviour
are
so
contrary
to
the
Spirit
and
Principles
of
Christianity
,
and
to
the
Genius
and
Temper
of
True
Religion
,
that
it
is
no
marvel
if
persons
ignorant
of
the
Holy
Scriptures
,
and
strangers
to
the
converting
and
comforting
Vertue
of
the
Doctrine
of
the
Gospel
asserted
in
our
Confessions
,
and
insisted
upon
by
our
Divines
,
should
suspect
the
Orthodoxy
of
that
Religion
which
is
accompanied
with
so
bitter
Fruits
,
even
in
the
Dispensers
of
the
Word
as
well
as
in
others
,
and
betake
themselves
to
the
Communion
of
that
Church
,
where
how
many
and
important
soever
their
Differences
be
one
with
another
,
yet
they
do
not
break
forth
into
those
Flames
of
Excommunicating
and
Persecuting
each
other
,
that
ours
have
done
.
How
have
some
among
us
,
through
having
their
Spirits
fretted
and
exasperated
by
the
craft
and
cunning
of
our
Enemies
,
not
onely
loaded
and
stigmatized
their
Brethren
and
fellow
Protestants
with
Crimes
and
Names
,
which
,
were
they
true
,
and
deserved
,
would
justly
render
us
a
loathing
and
an
Abomination
to
Mankind
,
but
having
Libelled
and
Branded
those
whom
God
had
honoured
to
be
Instruments
of
the
Reformation
,
with
Appellations
and
Characters
fit
to
beget
a
Detestation
of
their
Doctrine
as
well
as
their
Memory
.
The
worst
that
the
Papists
have
forged
and
vomited
out
against
Luther
,
Zwinglius
,
Calvin
,
&c.
hath
been
raked
up
and
repeated
,
to
the
disparagement
of
the
Reformation
,
and
to
the
scandalizing
the
Minds
of
weak
Men
against
it
.
And
as
the
Jesuites
and
Priests
have
improved
those
Slanders
and
Calumnies
to
the
seduction
of
diverse
from
the
Church
of
England
,
and
to
a
working
them
over
to
a
Reconciliation
with
the
Church
of
Rome
;
so
the
Court
hath
thereby
had
an
increase
of
their
Faction
and
Party
against
our
Religion
and
Liberties
,
and
have
been
enabled
to
muster
Troops
of
Janisaries
for
their
Despotical
and
Unlimited
Claim
.
Nor
have
our
Divisions
,
with
the
Heats
,
Animosities
,
Revilings
and
Persecutions
that
have
ensued
thereupon
,
proved
onely
an
occasion
of
the
Seduction
of
several
from
our
Religion
,
and
of
their
Apostacy
to
Popery
,
but
they
have
been
a
main
spring
and
source
of
the
Debauchery
,
Irreligion
and
Atheism
,
which
have
over
spread
the
Nation
,
and
have
brought
so
many
both
to
an
indifferency
and
unconcernedness
for
the
Gospel
,
and
all
that
is
vertuous
and
noble
,
and
have
disposed
them
to
fall
in
with
those
that
could
countenance
and
protect
them
in
their
Impiety
and
Prophaneness
,
and
feed
their
Luxury
and
Pride
with
Honour
and
Gain
.
What
a
woful
Scheme
of
Religion
have
we
afforded
the
World
!
and
how
shamefully
have
we
painted
forth
and
represented
the
Holy
Doctrine
of
the
blessed
Jesus
,
while
we
have
not
onely
lived
in
a
direct
opposition
to
all
the
Commands
of
Meekness
,
Love
and
mutual
Forbearance
which
our
Religion
lays
us
under
the
Authority
of
,
but
have
neglected
to
practise
good
Manners
,
to
observe
the
Rules
of
Civility
,
to
treat
one
another
with
common
Humanity
,
and
to
do
as
we
would
be
done
unto
?
while
we
have
been
more
offended
at
what
seemed
to
supplant
our
Dominations
and
Grandeurs
,
than
at
what
dishonoured
God
and
reproached
the
Gospel
;
while
we
weighed
not
so
much
whether
they
whom
we
took
into
our
Sacred
Communion
,
as
well
as
into
our
personal
Friendship
,
were
conformable
in
their
Lives
to
the
Scripture
,
as
whether
they
complied
with
the
Canons
of
the
Church
,
while
we
reprobated
all
that
were
not
of
our
way
,
though
never
so
vertuous
and
devout
,
and
Sainted
all
that
were
,
though
never
so
wicked
and
prophane
;
while
we
branded
such
for
Fanaticks
,
whom
we
could
justly
charge
with
nothing
,
save
the
not
admitting
that
into
Religion
,
which
came
not
from
the
Divine
Author
of
it
;
and
hugged
those
for
good
and
Orthodox
Believers
,
that
would
sooner
consult
the
Statute-Book
for
their
Practice
in
the
Worship
of
God
,
than
the
Bible
;
while
we
haled
those
to
Prison
,
and
spoiled
them
of
their
Estates
,
to
whom
nothing
could
be
objected
,
except
their
being
too
precise
and
consciencious
,
in
avoiding
that
,
through
fear
and
apprehension
of
sinning
,
which
others
had
a
liberty
and
latitude
to
do
,
as
judging
it
lawful
;
and
in
the
mean
time
esteemed
those
worthy
of
the
chiefest
Trusts
in
the
Church
and
Common-wealth
,
whose
Folly
and
Villanies
made
them
unfit
for
Civil
Societies
;
while
they
who
lived
most
agreeably
to
the
Laws
of
God
,
and
the
Example
of
Christ
,
were
persecuted
as
Enemies
to
Religion
,
and
the
Pests
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
,
in
the
interim
,
too
many
of
the
very
Clergy
were
not
onely
Countenancers
of
the
most
Profligate
Persons
,
as
their
best
Friends
,
but
joined
and
assisted
in
scandalous
Debaucheries
,
under
pretence
of
sustaining
the
Honour
of
their
Tribe
,
and
doing
Service
to
the
Church
.
I
say
,
while
these
were
the
unhappy
,
but
too
obvious
Fruits
of
our
Divisions
,
and
of
the
bitter
Heats
that
accompanied
them
,
how
was
the
Reverence
for
the
Sacred
Order
lessened
and
diminished
,
the
Veneration
for
Religion
weakned
and
lost
,
the
Shame
and
Dread
of
appearing
prophane
and
wicked
,
removed
and
banished
;
and
such
who
took
the
measures
of
Christianity
from
the
Practices
of
those
that
were
stiled
Christians
,
rather
than
from
the
immaculate
and
holy
Scriptures
,
tempted
to
think
all
Religion
a
Juggle
,
and
Priesthood
but
an
Artifice
and
Craft
to
compass
Honour
and
Wealth
.
And
though
nothing
but
a
shortness
of
Understanding
,
and
an
immoderate
Love
to
their
Lusts
,
could
occasion
the
drawing
such
a
Conclusion
from
the
foregoing
Premises
,
yet
I
must
needs
grant
that
there
was
too
just
a
ground
administred
unto
them
of
saying
,
that
many
did
not
believe
that
themselves
,
the
Faith
whereof
they
recommended
to
others
.
But
that
which
I
would
more
particularly
observe
is
,
that
it
is
from
among
those
,
who
by
the
foregoing
occasions
have
been
tempted
to
Debauchery
and
Irreligion
,
that
the
Romish
Emissaries
have
made
the
Harvest
of
Proselytes
and
Converts
to
the
Church
of
Rome
.
For
as
they
who
fear
not
God
,
will
be
easily
brought
to
imitate
Caesar
;
and
such
who
are
of
no
Religion
,
will
in
subserviency
to
Secular
Ends
,
assume
the
Mask
and
Profession
of
any
:
So
Popery
is
extreamly
adapted
to
the
Wishes
and
Desires
of
wicked
and
profane
Men
,
in
that
it
provides
for
their
living
as
enormously
as
they
please
here
,
and
flatters
them
with
hopes
and
assurances
of
Blessedness
hereafter
.
They
who
can
be
ascertained
of
going
to
Heaven
upon
their
confessing
their
Sins
to
a
Priest
and
their
receiving
Absolution
,
the
Eucharist
and
Extream
Unction
,
need
not
look
after
Repentance
towards
God
,
Conversion
to
Holiness
,
nor
a
Life
of
Faith
,
Love
,
Mortification
and
Obedience
,
which
the
Protestant
Religion
,
upon
the
Authority
of
the
Gospel
,
obligeth
them
unto
,
in
order
to
the
obtaining
of
Eternal
Happiness
.
And
as
the
late
Apostates
to
Popery
in
England
,
are
chiefly
such
who
were
notorious
for
Looseness
,
Prophaneness
and
Immorality
,
and
were
the
Scandal
of
our
Religion
while
they
professed
it
;
and
while
in
our
Church
,
were
not
properly
of
it
:
So
it
is
from
among
Men
of
this
stamp
and
character
,
that
their
late
Majesties
have
found
Persons
assisting
and
subservient
to
their
Despotical
and
Arbitrary
Designs
.
For
whosoever
takes
a
Survey
of
the
Court-Faction
,
and
considereth
who
have
been
the
Advocates
for
Encroachments
upon
our
Liberties
,
and
Abetters
of
Vsurpations
over
our
Rights
,
they
will
find
them
to
have
been
principally
the
profligate
and
debauched
among
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
the
mercenary
,
ignorant
and
scandalous
among
the
Clergy
,
the
Off-scouring
and
such
as
are
an
Ignominy
to
Human
Nature
among
the
Yeomanry
and
Peasants
.
And
it
was
in
order
to
this
villanous
End
,
that
the
Royal
Brothers
have
endeavoured
so
industriously
to
debauch
the
Nation
,
and
have
made
Sensuality
and
Profaneness
the
Qualifications
for
Preferment
,
and
the
Badges
of
Loyalty
.
And
if
among
those
that
appear
for
the
Preservation
of
the
Liberties
of
their
Country
,
there
be
any
that
deserve
to
be
stiled
Enemies
to
Religion
and
Vertue
,
as
I
dare
affirm
that
they
owe
their
Immoralities
to
Court-Education
,
Converse
and
Example
;
so
I
hope
that
though
they
have
not
hitherto
been
all
of
them
so
happy
as
to
have
left
their
Vices
where
they
learned
them
,
yet
that
they
will
not
continue
to
disparage
the
good
Cause
which
they
have
espoused
with
an
unsutable
Life
,
nor
give
their
Adversaries
reason
to
say
,
that
while
they
pretend
to
seek
the
Reformation
of
the
State
,
they
are
both
the
Deriders
of
Sobriety
and
Vertue
,
without
which
no
Constitution
can
long
subsist
,
and
guilty
of
such
horrid
Oaths
,
Cursing
,
Imprecations
,
Blasphemies
and
uncleannesses
,
which
naturally
,
as
well
as
morally
and
meritoriously
,
dispose
Nations
to
Subversion
and
Extirpation
.
Finally
,
Being
through
the
bitter
Effects
which
have
ensued
upon
our
Divisions
,
made
apprehensive
and
jealous
one
of
another
,
it
hath
from
thence
come
to
pass
,
that
while
the
Care
of
the
Conformists
hath
been
to
watch
against
the
growth
of
the
Dissenters
;
and
the
sollicitude
of
the
Nonconformists
hath
been
,
how
to
prevent
the
Rage
of
the
bigotted
Church-men
,
the
Papists
,
in
the
mean
time
,
without
being
heeded
or
observed
,
have
both
incredibly
multiplied
,
and
made
considerable
Advances
in
their
designs
of
ruining
us
.
For
whensoever
the
Court
was
to
take
a
signal
step
towards
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
,
there
was
a
clamour
raised
of
some
menacing
Boldness
of
the
Dissenters
.
And
if
the
Nation
grew
at
any
time
alarmed
,
by
reason
of
the
Favour
shewn
to
the
Roman
Catholicks
,
and
of
some
visible
Progress
made
towards
the
Kings
becoming
Despotical
,
all
was
immediately
hush'd
with
a
shout
and
cry
of
the
Government
and
Church's
being
in
imminent
hazard
from
the
Dissenters
.
Yea
,
whensoever
the
Papists
and
their
Royal
Patrons
stood
detected
,
of
having
been
conspiring
against
our
Religion
and
Civil
Liberties
,
all
was
diverted
and
stifled
,
by
putting
the
Kingdom
upon
a
false
Scent
,
and
by
hounding
out
their
Beagles
upon
the
Nonconformists
.
So
that
the
Eyes
and
Minds
of
Protestants
being
imployed
in
reference
to
what
was
to
be
apprehended
and
feared
from
one
another
,
the
working
of
our
Popish
Enemies
either
escaped
our
Observation
,
or
were
heeded
by
most
,
only
with
a
superficial
and
unaffective
Glance
.
And
while
our
Church-men
stood
prepossessed
by
the
Court
,
with
a
dread
and
jealousy
of
the
Dissenters
,
all
that
was
said
and
written
of
a
Conspiracy
carryed
on
by
the
Papists
against
our
Laws
and
Religion
,
was
entertained
and
represented
by
the
prejudiced
Clergy
,
as
an
Artifice
only
of
the
Dissenters
for
compassing
an
Indulgence
from
the
Parliament
,
which
in
case
such
a
Plot
had
obtained
the
belief
,
that
a
Matter
of
so
great
Danger
and
Consequence
required
,
would
have
been
easily
granted
being
the
only
rational
Expedient
for
the
preservation
of
the
established
Religion
and
the
Legal
Government
.
Nor
did
our
Enemies
question
but
that
having
enflamed
our
Divisions
,
and
raised
our
Animosities
to
so
great
a
height
,
rather
than
the
one
party
would
lay
aside
their
Severities
,
and
the
other
let
fall
their
Resentments
,
we
would
even
be
contented
to
lye
at
their
Mercy
,
and
submit
our selves
to
the
Pleasure
and
Discretion
of
the
Court
and
Papists
.
And
there
have
not
wanted
some
peevish
,
foolish
,
and
ill
Men
of
both
Parties
,
who
rather
than
sacrifice
their
Spleen
and
Passion
,
and
abandon
their
particular
Quarrels
for
the
Interest
and
Safety
of
the
whole
,
have
been
inclined
to
expose
the
Protestant
Religion
and
English
Liberties
,
to
the
Hazards
wherewith
they
were
apparently
threatned
,
and
to
suffer
all
Extremities
,
meerly
to
have
the
satisfaction
of
seeing
those
whom
they
respectively
hate
,
involved
with
them
under
the
same
miseries
.
But
as
this
was
such
a
degree
of
Madness
and
Infatuation
,
as
could
proceed
from
nothing
but
brutish
Rage
,
and
argues
no
less
than
a
Divine
Nemesis
;
so
,
I
hope
,
they
are
but
few
that
now
stand
infected
with
these
passionate
Sentiments
and
Inclinations
,
and
remain
thus
hardned
in
their
mutual
Prejudices
.
And
to
those
I
have
nothing
to
say
,
nor
the
least
Advice
to
administer
,
but
shall
leave
them
to
their
own
Follies
,
as
Persons
to
whose
Conviction
no
Discourse
,
though
never
so
rational
,
can
be
adapted
,
and
whom
only
Stripes
can
work
upon
.
'T
is
to
such
therefore
as
are
capable
of
hearkning
to
Reason
,
and
who
are
ready
to
embrace
any
Counsel
that
shall
be
found
adjusted
to
the
Common
Interest
,
that
I
am
to
address
what
remains
to
be
represented
and
said
in
the
following
Leaves
.
For
all
Parties
of
Protestants
having
seen
how
far
our
Enemies
have
improved
our
Divisions
and
Rancours
,
to
the
compassing
their
wicked
and
ambitious
Designs
,
and
the
robbing
us
of
all
that
good
and
generous
Men
account
valuable
;
they
are
at
last
convinced
of
the
necessity
we
have
been
,
and
are
reduced
unto
,
of
altering
the
measures
of
our
acting
towards
one
another
,
and
both
of
laying
aside
our
Persecutions
,
and
of
exchanging
our
Wranglings
among
our selves
,
into
a
joint
contending
for
the
Faith
of
the
Gospel
,
and
the
Rights
of
the
Nation
.
For
what
the
Gentleman
,
so
lately
in
the
Throne
,
intends
and
aims
at
,
is
not
any
longer
matter
of
meer
Suspicion
and
Jealousy
,
but
of
demonstrable
Evidence
and
unquestionable
Certainty
.
His
Mask
and
Vizor
of
Zeal
for
the
preservation
of
the
Church
of
England
,
and
of
tender
regard
for
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
were
laid
by
and
put
off
,
and
his
Resolutions
of
governing
Arbitrarily
,
and
of
introducing
Popery
,
were
become
obvious
to
all
Men
,
whom
Reason
and
Sense
have
not
forsaken
and
left
.
The
Papists
,
whom
it
was
thought
much
,
a
while
ago
,
to
see
connived
at
in
the
exercise
of
their
Worship
in
private
Houses
,
are
allowed
now
to
practise
their
Idolatry
openly
in
our
chief
Towns
,
and
in
the
Metropolitan
City
of
the
Kingdom
to
usurp
the
publick
Churches
and
Cathedrals
.
Those
Catholick
Gentlemen
,
whom
heretofore
it
was
matter
of
surprise
to
see
countenanced
with
the
private
Favour
of
the
Prince
,
are
now
advanced
to
the
supream
Commands
in
the
Army
,
and
the
principal
Trust
in
Civil
Affairs
.
The
Recusant
Lords
,
whose
enlargement
out
of
the
Tower
,
we
could
not
but
look
upon
as
an
unpresidented
Violation
,
both
of
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
and
of
the
Rights
and
Jurisdiction
of
Parliament
,
being
committed
thither
by
the
Authority
of
the
House
of
Lords
,
upon
a
Charge
and
Impeachment
of
High
Treason
,
by
the
Commons
of
England
in
Parliament
assembled
,
were
now
honoured
to
be
Members
of
the
Privy
Council
,
and
exalted
to
be
chief
Ministers
of
State
.
They
whom
the
Statutes
of
the
Realm
make
subject
to
the
severest
Penalties
for
Apostacy
to
Rome
,
are
not
only
protected
from
the
edg
of
the
Laws
,
but
maintained
in
Parochial
Incumbencies
,
and
Headships
of
Colledges
.
Our
Orthodox
Clergy
are
not
only
inhibited
to
preach
against
Popery
,
but
are
illegally
Reprimanded
,
Silenced
,
and
Suspended
,
for
discharging
that
Duty
which
their
Consciences
,
Offices
,
Oaths
,
and
the
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
oblige
them
unto
.
And
such
whom
neither
the
Ecclesiastical
nor
Westminster
Courts
can
arraign
and
proceed
against
,
we
have
a
new
Court
of
Inquisition
erected
for
the
adjudging
and
punishing
of
them
.
So
that
it
is
not
the
Dissenters
who
are
the
only
Persons
to
be
struck
at
and
ruined
,
but
the
Conformists
are
to
be
treated
after
the
same
manner
,
and
to
share
in
the
common
Lot
whereunto
all
honest
and
sincere
Protestants
are
destined
and
designed
.
Even
they
who
were
the
Darlings
of
Whitehall
and
St.
Jameses
,
and
recompensed
with
Honours
and
Titles
for
betraying
the
Rights
and
Priviledges
of
Corporations
,
persecuting
Dissenters
,
and
heading
Addresses
,
wherein
Parliaments
were
reproached
,
the
Course
of
Justice
against
Popish
Offenders
was
slandered
,
the
illegal
and
arbitrary
procedures
of
the
Court
applauded
and
justified
,
and
all
that
were
zealous
for
our
Laws
and
Liberties
stigmatized
with
the
names
of
Villains
and
Traitors
,
are
now
themselves
,
for
but
discouraging
Popish
Assemblies
,
and
attempting
to
put
the
Laws
in
execution
against
Priests
who
had
publickly
celebrated
Mass
,
not
only
check'd
and
rebuked
,
but
punished
with
Seisure
and
Imprisonment
.
Nor
are
our
Religion
and
Civil
Liberties
meerly
supplanted
and
undermined
by
illegal
Tricks
,
glossed
over
with
the
Varnish
of
judicial
Forms
,
but
they
are
assaulted
and
battered
in
the
face
of
the
Sun
,
without
so
much
as
a
palliation
to
give
their
procedures
a
plausible
figure
.
And
the
King
being
brought
to
a
despair
of
managing
the
Parliament
to
his
barefaced
Purpose
of
Popery
and
Arbitrariness
,
and
of
prevailing
with
them
to
establish
Tyranny
and
Idolatry
by
Law
,
notwithstanding
their
having
been
as
industriously
pack'd
and
chosen
to
answer
such
a
Design
,
as
Art
,
Bribery
and
Authority
could
reach
;
and
notwithstanding
their
having
been
obsequious
in
their
first
Session
to
an
excess
that
has
proved
unsafe
to
themselves
and
the
Nation
,
he
became
resolved
not
to
allow
them
to
meet
any
more
,
but
to
set
up
a-la-mode
de
France
,
and
to
his
personal
Commands
,
seconded
with
the
Assent
of
his
durante-beneplacito-Judges
,
to
be
acknowledged
and
obeyed
for
Laws
.
So
that
they
who
were
formerly
seduced
into
a
good
Opinion
of
him
,
are
not
only
undeceived
,
but
provoked
to
warm
Resentments
,
for
having
had
their
credulity
and
easiness
of
belief
so
grosly
abused
.
And
as
the
converting
so
vast
a
number
of
well-meaning
,
but
wofully
deluded
People
,
who
had
suffered
themselves
to
be
hoodwink'd
,
and
fatally
hurried
to
betray
their
Religion
,
Country
and
Posterity
,
to
the
Ambition
and
Popish
Bigottry
of
the
Court
,
was
a
design
becoming
the
Compassion
,
Mercy
and
Wisdom
of
God
;
so
the
Method's
and
Means
whereby
they
are
come
to
be
enlightned
and
proselyted
,
are
a
signal
vindication
of
the
Sapience
and
Righteousness
of
God
in
all
those
tremendous
steps
of
his
Providence
,
by
which
our
Enemies
have
been
emboldned
to
detect
and
discover
themselves
.
For
though
their
continuing
so
long
to
have
a
good
opinion
of
the
present
King
,
and
their
abetting
him
so
far
in
the
undermining
our
Religion
,
and
invading
our
Liberties
,
may
seem
to
have
proceeded
not
so
much
from
their
Ignorance
as
from
their
Obstinacy
and
Malice
;
yet
God
,
who
penetrates
into
the
Hearts
of
Men
,
may
have
discovered
some
degrees
of
sincerity
in
their
Pretentions
and
Carriages
,
though
accompanied
with
a
great
deal
of
folly
and
unmanliness
.
Nor
are
the
Lords
ways
like
to
ours
,
to
give
Persons
over
as
unteachable
and
irreclaimable
,
upon
their
withstanding
every
measure
of
Light
,
and
the
resisting
even
those
Means
which
were
sufficient
and
proper
for
their
Conviction
;
but
he
will
try
them
by
new
and
extraordinary
Methods
,
and
see
whether
Feeling
and
doleful
Experience
may
not
convert
those
,
upon
whom
Arguments
and
Moral
Evidence
could
make
no
impressions
.
And
there
being
among
those
formerly
misled
and
deluded
Protestants
,
many
who
retained
a
Love
for
their
Country
,
a
Care
for
their
Posterity
,
and
a
Zeal
for
the
Gospel
and
Reformed
Religion
,
even
when
their
Actions
imported
the
contrary
,
and
seem'd
to
betray
them
;
the
singling
and
weeding
out
such
from
among
the
Court-Faction
and
Party
,
is
a
compensation
both
for
the
defeatment
of
all
endeavours
,
for
the
prevention
of
the
Evils
that
have
overtaken
us
,
and
for
the
Distresses
and
Calamities
under
which
we
do
at
present
lie
and
groan
.
And
if
there
be
joy
in
Heaven
upon
the
conversion
of
a
Sinner
,
with
what
thankfulness
to
God
,
and
joy
in
themselves
,
should
they
who
have
so
many
years
wrestled
against
the
encroachments
of
Popery
and
Arbitrariness
,
and
who
have
deeply
suffered
in
their
Names
,
Persons
and
Estates
upon
that
account
,
welcome
and
embrace
their
once
erring
and
misled
,
but
now
enlightned
,
reclaimed
and
converted
Brethren
?
And
in
stead
of
remembring
or
upbraiding
them
with
the
opposition
and
rancour
which
they
expressed
against
our
Persons
,
Principles
,
and
Ways
,
let
there
be
no
Language
heard
from
us
,
but
what
may
declare
the
joy
we
have
in
our selves
for
their
conversion
,
and
the
entire
trust
and
confidence
which
we
put
in
them
.
The
first
Duty
incumbent
therefore
upon
Dissenters
towards
those
of
the
Church
of
England
,
is
to
believe
,
that
notwithstanding
there
have
been
many
of
them
so
long
Advocates
and
Partisans
for
the
Court
,
through
ignorance
of
what
was
aimed
at
and
intended
,
they
are
nevertheless
as
really
concerned
as
any
others
,
and
as
truly
zealous
for
the
preservation
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
for
maintaining
the
legal
Rights
and
Liberties
of
the
Subject
,
and
when
occasion
shall
offer
,
will
approve
themselves
accordingly
.
'T
is
a
ridiculous
,
as
well
as
a
mischievous
Fancy
,
for
one
Party
to
confine
all
Religion
only
to
themselves
,
or
to
circumscribe
all
the
ancient
English
Ardor
for
the
common
Rights
of
the
Nation
,
to
such
as
are
of
their
particular
Fellowship
and
Perswasion
,
there
being
sincere
Christians
,
and
true
Englishmen
among
those
of
all
Judgments
and
Societies
of
Protestants
,
and
among
none
more
than
those
of
the
Communion
of
the
Church
of
England
.
It
were
the
height
of
Wickedness
,
as
well
as
the
most
prodigious
Folly
,
to
imagine
that
the
Conformists
have
abandoned
all
Fidelity
to
God
,
and
cast
off
all
care
of
themselves
and
their
Country
,
upon
a
mistaken
Judgment
of
being
Loyal
and
Obedient
to
the
King
.
The
contrary
is
plain
enough
;
they
knew
as
well
as
any
,
that
the
giving
to
Caesar
the
Things
that
are
Caesar's
,
lay
them
under
no
Obligation
of
surrendring
unto
him
the
Things
that
are
God's
;
nor
of
sacrificing
unto
the
Will
of
the
Sovereign
the
Priviledges
reserved
unto
the
People
by
the
Fundamental
Rules
of
the
Constitution
,
and
by
the
Statutes
of
the
Realm
.
And
they
understand
,
as
well
as
others
,
that
the
Laws
of
the
Land
are
the
only
measures
of
the
Prince's
Authority
,
and
of
the
Subjects
Fealty
;
and
where
they
give
him
no
Right
to
Command
,
they
lay
them
under
no
tye
to
Obey
.
And
though
here
and
there
a
Dissenter
has
written
against
Popery
with
good
Success
,
yet
they
have
been
mostly
Conformable
Divines
,
who
have
triumphed
over
it
in
elaborate
Discourses
,
and
who
have
beaten
the
Romish
Scriblers
off
the
Stage
.
Nor
can
it
be
thought
that
they
who
have
so
accurately
related
and
vindicated
the
History
,
and
asserted
and
defended
the
Doctrine
of
the
Reformation
,
should
either
tamely
relinquish
,
or
be
wanting
in
all
due
and
legal
Ways
to
uphold
and
maintain
it
.
And
though
some
few
of
the
Nonconformists
have
,
with
sufficient
strength
and
applause
,
used
their
Pens
against
Arbitrariness
,
in
detecting
the
Designs
of
the
Royal
Brothers
,
yet
they
who
have
generally
,
and
with
greatest
Honour
,
appeared
for
our
Laws
and
Legal
Government
,
against
the
Invasions
and
Usurpations
of
the
Court
,
have
been
Theologues
and
Gentlemen
of
the
Church
of
England
.
Nor
in
case
of
further
Attempts
for
altering
the
Constitution
,
and
enslaving
the
Nation
,
will
they
shew
themselves
unworthy
the
having
descended
from
Ancestors
,
whose
Motto
in
the
high
Places
of
the
Field
was
,
nolumus
Leges
Angliae
mutari
,
They
who
have
so
often
justified
the
Arms
of
the
Vnited
Netherlands
against
their
Rightful
Princes
the
Kings
of
Spain
,
and
so
unanswerably
vindicated
their
casting
off
Obedience
to
those
Monarchs
,
when
they
had
invaded
their
Priviledges
,
and
attempted
to
establish
the
Inquisition
over
them
,
cannot
be
ignorant
what
their
own
Right
and
Duty
is
in
behalf
of
the
Protestant
Religion
and
English
Liberties
;
for
the
Security
whereof
,
we
have
not
only
so
many
Laws
,
but
the
Coronation
Oaths
,
and
Stipulations
of
our
Kings
.
And
those
Gentlemen
of
the
Church
of
England
,
who
appeared
so
vigorously
in
three
Parliaments
for
excluding
the
Duke
of
York
,
from
the
Succession
to
the
Crown
,
by
reason
of
a
Jealousy
of
what
,
through
being
a
Papist
,
he
would
attempt
against
our
Religion
and
Priviledges
,
in
case
he
were
suffered
to
ascend
the
Throne
;
cannot
be
now
to
seek
what
becomes
them
towards
him
,
having
seen
and
felt
what
before
they
only
apprehended
and
feared
.
For
if
the
Law
that
entaileth
the
Succession
upon
the
next
of
Kin
,
and
obligeth
the
Subjects
to
admit
and
receive
him
,
not
only
may
,
but
ought
to
be
dispensed
with
,
in
case
the
Heir
,
thro'
having
imbib'd
Principles
which
threaten
the
Safety
,
and
are
inconsistent
with
the
Happiness
of
the
People
,
hath
made
himself
incapable
to
inherit
,
we
know
,
by
a
short
Ratiocination
,
how
far
we
stand
bound
to
a
Prince
on
the
Throne
,
who
by
Transgressing
against
the
Laws
of
the
Constitution
,
hath
abdicated
himself
from
the
Government
,
and
stands
virtually
Deposed
.
For
whosoever
shall
offer
to
Rule
Arbitrarily
,
does
immediately
cease
to
be
King
de
jure
,
seeing
by
the
Fundamental
,
Common
,
and
Statute
Laws
of
the
Realm
,
we
know
none
for
Supream
Magistrate
and
Governor
,
but
a
limited
Prince
,
and
one
who
stands
circumscribed
and
bounded
in
his
Power
and
Prerogative
.
And
should
the
Dissenters
entertain
a
belief
that
the
Conformists
are
less
concerned
and
zealous
than
themselves
for
the
Protestant
Religion
and
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
,
they
would
not
only
Sin
,
and
offend
against
the
Rules
of
Charity
,
but
against
the
Measures
of
Justice
,
and
daily
Evidences
from
Matters
of
Fact
.
For
neither
they
,
nor
we
,
owe
our
Conversion
to
God
,
and
our
practical
Holiness
to
the
Opinions
about
Discipline
,
Forms
of
Worship
,
and
Ceremonies
,
wherein
we
differ
,
but
the
Doctrines
of
Faith
and
Christian
Obedience
,
wherein
we
agree
.
'T
is
not
their
being
for
a
Liturgy
,
a
Surpliss
,
or
a
Bishop
,
that
hath
heretofore
influenced
them
to
subserve
the
Court
in
Designs
tending
to
Absoluteness
,
but
they
were
seduced
unto
it
,
upon
Motives
whereof
they
are
now
ashamed
;
and
the
ridiculousness
and
folly
of
which
they
have
at
last
discever'd
.
Nor
is
the
multitude
of
profligate
and
scandalous
persons
with
which
the
Church
of
England
is
crowded
,
any
just
impeachment
of
the
Purity
of
her
Doctrine
in
the
Vitals
and
Essentials
of
Religion
,
or
of
the
Vertue
and
Piety
of
many
of
her
Members
.
For
as
it
is
her
being
the
only
Society
established
by
Law
that
attracts
those
Vermin
to
her
Bosom
,
so
it
is
her
being
restrained
by
Law
from
debarring
them
,
that
keeps
them
there
to
her
reproach
,
and
to
the
grief
of
many
of
her
Ecclesiasticks
.
Neither
is
it
the
fault
of
the
Church
of
England
,
that
the
Agents
and
Factors
for
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
,
have
chosen
to
pass
under
the
name
of
her
Sons
;
but
it
proceeds
partly
from
their
Malice
,
as
hoping
by
that
means
to
disgrace
her
with
all
true
English-men
,
as
well
as
with
Dissenters
;
and
partly
from
their
Craft
,
in
order
thereby
the
better
to
conceal
their
Design
,
and
to
shrowd
themselves
from
the
Censure
and
Punishment
,
which
had
it
not
been
for
that
Mask
,
they
would
have
been
exposed
unto
,
and
have
undergone
.
And
I
dare
affirm
,
that
besides
the
Obligations
from
Religion
,
which
the
Conformists
are
equally
under
with
Dissenters
,
for
hindring
the
introduction
of
Popery
,
there
are
several
Inducements
from
interest
which
sway
them
to
prevent
its
establishment
,
wherein
the
Dissenters
are
but
little
concerned
.
For
though
Popery
would
be
alike
afflictive
to
the
Consciences
of
Protestants
of
all
Persuasions
,
yet
they
are
Gentlemen
,
and
Ministers
of
the
Church
of
England
,
whole
Livings
,
Revenues
,
and
Estates
have
been
threatned
in
case
it
had
come
to
be
established
.
Nor
would
the
most
Loyal
and
obsequious
Levites
,
provided
they
resolve
to
continue
Protestants
,
be
willing
that
their
Personages
and
Incumbencies
,
to
which
they
have
have
no
less
Right
by
Law
,
than
the
King
hath
to
the
Excise
and
Customs
,
should
be
taken
from
them
,
and
bestowed
upon
Romish
Priests
,
by
an
Act
of
Despotical
Power
,
and
of
unlimited
Prerogative
.
And
for
the
Gentlemen
,
as
I
think
few
of
them
would
hold
themselves
obliged
to
part
with
their
purses
to
High-way-Padders
,
though
such
should
have
a
pattent
from
the
King
to
rob
whomsoever
they
met
upon
the
Road
;
so
there
will
not
be
many
inclined
to
suffer
their
Mannours
and
Abbey-Lands
,
to
which
they
have
so
good
a
Title
,
to
be
ravished
from
them
,
either
by
Monks
or
Janizaries
,
though
authorised
thereunto
by
the
Princes
Commission
.
Even
they
who
had
formerly
suffered
themselves
to
be
seduced
,
to
prove
in
a
manner
,
Betrayers
of
the
Rights
and
Religion
of
their
Country
,
will
now
(
being
undeceived
)
not
only
in
conjunction
with
others
,
withstand
the
Court
in
its
prosecution
of
Popish
and
Arbitrary
Designs
;
but
through
a
generous
exasperation
.
for
having
been
deluded
and
abused
,
will
judge
themselves
obliged
,
in
vindication
of
their
Actings
before
,
to
appear
for
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Laws
of
England
,
with
a
Zeal
equal
to
that
wherewith
they
contributed
to
the
undermining
and
supplanting
of
them
.
For
they
are
not
only
become
more
sensible
than
they
were
of
the
Mischiefs
of
Absolute
Government
,
so
as
for
the
future
to
prize
and
assert
the
Priviledges
reserved
unto
the
people
by
the
Rules
of
the
Constitution
,
and
chalk'd
out
for
them
in
the
Laws
of
the
Land
;
but
they
have
such
a
fresh
view
of
Popery
,
both
in
its
Heresies
,
Blasphemies
,
Superstitions
,
and
Idolatries
;
and
in
the
Treachery
,
Sanguinariness
,
Violence
and
Cruelty
which
the
Papal
Principles
mould
,
influence
,
and
oblige
Men
unto
;
that
they
not
only
entertain
the
greatest
abhorrency
and
detestation
imaginable
for
it
,
but
seem
resolved
not
to
cherish
in
their
Bosom
,
a
Thing
so
abominable
to
God
,
execrable
to
good
Men
,
and
destructive
to
Humane
as
well
as
to
Christian
Societies
.
Nor
are
the
Dissenters
meerly
to
believe
that
the
Conformists
are
equally
zealous
as
themselves
for
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
English
Rights
,
but
they
are
to
consider
them
as
the
only
great
and
united
Body
of
Protestants
in
the
Kingdom
,
with
whom
all
other
parties
compared
bear
no
considerable
proportion
.
For
though
the
Nonconformists
,
considered
abstractly
,
make
a
vast
number
of
honest
and
useful
people
,
yet
being
laid
in
the
Scale
with
those
of
the
Episcopal
Communion
,
they
are
but
few
,
and
lye
in
a
little
room
.
And
whosoever
will
take
the
pains
to
ballance
the
one
against
the
other
,
even
where
Dissenters
make
the
greatest
Figure
,
and
may
justly
boast
of
their
Multitude
,
they
will
soon
be
convinced
that
the
number
of
the
other
doth
far
transcend
and
exceed
them
.
And
if
it
be
so
in
Cities
and
Corporations
,
where
the
greatest
Bulk
of
Dissenters
are
,
it
is
much
more
so
in
Country
Parishes
,
where
the
latter
bear
not
the
proportion
of
one
to
a
hundred
.
Nor
doth
the
Church
of
England
more
exceed
the
other
parties
in
her
number
,
than
she
doth
in
the
quality
of
her
Members
.
For
whereas
they
who
make
up
and
constitute
the
separate
Societies
;
are
chiefly
persons
of
the
middle
Rank
and
Condition
,
the
Church
of
England
doth
in
a
manner
vouch
,
and
claim
all
the
Persons
of
Honour
,
of
the
Learned
professions
,
and
such
as
have
valuable
Estates
,
for
her
Communicants
.
And
though
the
other
sort
are
as
necessary
in
the
Common-wealth
,
and
contribute
as
much
to
its
Strength
,
Prosperity
,
and
Happiness
,
yet
they
make
not
that
Figure
in
the
Government
,
nor
stand
in
that
Capacity
of
having
influence
upon
Publick
Affairs
.
For
not
only
the
Gentlemen
of
both
the
Gowns
,
who
by
reason
of
their
Calling
and
Learning
are
best
able
to
defend
our
Religion
,
and
vindicate
our
Laws
and
Priviledges
with
their
Tongues
and
Pens
,
but
they
whose
Estates
,
Reputation
and
Interest
,
recommendeth
them
to
be
elected
Members
of
the
great
Senate
of
the
Nation
,
as
well
as
they
,
who
by
reason
of
their
Honours
and
Baronages
,
are
Hereditary
Legislators
,
are
generally
,
if
not
all
,
of
the
Communion
of
the
Church
of
England
.
So
,
that
they
who
conform
to
the
established
Worship
and
Discipline
,
are
to
be
look'd
upon
and
acknowledged
as
the
great
Bulwark
of
the
Protestant
Religion
in
England
,
and
the
Hedge
and
Fence
of
our
Civil
Liberties
and
Rights
.
And
though
it
be
true
,
that
this
great
Breach
made
upon
our
Religion
and
Laws
is
fallen
out
under
their
hand
,
while
the
poor
Dissenters
had
neither
accession
to
,
nor
were
in
a
condition
to
prevent
it
;
yet
seeing
their
own
Consciences
do
sufficiently
load
and
charge
them
for
it
with
Shame
and
Ignominy
,
it
were
neither
candid
,
nor
at
this
Juncture
seasonable
to
upbraid
it
to
them
,
or
improve
it
to
their
Dishonour
and
Reproach
.
For
as
they
have
tamely
look'd
on
and
connived
till
our
Religion
and
Liberties
are
so
far
undermined
and
supplanted
;
so
it
is
they
alone
who
have
been
in
a
condition
of
stemming
the
Inundation
of
Idolatry
and
Tyranny
,
with
which
we
were
threatned
,
and
of
repairing
our
Breaches
,
and
reducing
the
Prerogative
to
its
old
Channel
,
and
making
Popery
sneak
and
retreat
into
its
holes
and
corners
again
.
And
should
the
Church
of
England
have
been
overthrown
and
devoured
,
what
an
easie
Prey
would
the
rest
have
been
to
the
Romish
Cormorants
!
And
could
the
King
,
under
the
Conduct
of
the
Jesuits
,
and
with
the
assistance
of
his
Myrmidons
,
have
dissolved
the
established
Worship
and
Discipline
,
they
of
the
Separation
would
have
been
in
no
capacity
to
support
the
Reformed
Religion
,
nor
able
to
escape
the
common
Ruine
and
Persecution
.
'T
is
therefore
the
Interest
,
as
well
as
the
Duty
of
the
Dissenters
,
to
help
,
maintain
and
defend
those
Walls
,
within
the
skreen
and
shelter
whereof
their
own
Huts
and
Cottages
are
built
and
stand
.
And
the
rather
seeing
the
Conformists
are
at
last
,
though
to
their
own
Religion's
,
and
the
Nations
Expence
,
become
so
far
enlightned
,
as
to
see
a
necessity
of
growing
more
amicable
towards
them
,
and
to
enlarge
the
Terms
of
their
Communion
,
grant
an
Indulgence
to
all
Protestants
that
differ
from
them
.
And
as
we
ought
to
admire
the
Wisdom
of
God
in
those
Providences
,
by
which
Protestants
are
taught
to
lay
aside
their
Animosities
,
and
let
fall
their
Persecutions
of
one
another
;
so
it
would
be
a
Contradiction
both
to
the
principles
and
repeated
Protestations
of
Dissenters
,
to
aim
at
more
than
such
a
Liberty
as
is
consistent
with
a
National
Ecclesiastick
Establishment
.
Yea
it
were
to
proclaim
themselves
both
Villains
and
Hypocrites
,
not
to
allow
their
Fellow-Protestants
the
Exercise
of
their
Judgments
,
with
what
further
Profits
and
Emoluments
the
Law
will
grant
them
,
provided
themselves
may
be
discharged
from
all
obnoxiousness
to
Penalties
and
Censures
upon
the
account
of
their
Consciences
,
and
be
admitted
a
free
and
publick
Practice
of
their
own
respective
Modes
of
Discipline
,
and
be
suffered
to
worship
God
in
those
ways
which
they
think
he
hath
required
and
enjoyned
them
.
And
were
England
immediately
to
be
rendred
so
happy
as
to
have
a
Protestant
Prince
or
Princess
(
as
we
are
not
now
quite
out
of
hopes
)
ascend
the
Throne
,
and
to
enjoy
a
Parliament
duly
chosen
,
and
acting
with
freedom
,
no
one
party
of
the
Reformed
Religion
among
us
,
must
ever
expect
to
be
established
and
supported
to
the
denial
of
Liberty
to
others
,
much
less
to
be
by
Law
empowered
to
ruine
and
destroy
them
.
Should
it
please
Almighty
God
,
to
bring
the
Princess
of
Orange
to
the
Crown
,
though
the
Church
of
England
may
in
that
case
justly
expect
the
being
preserved
and
upheld
as
the
National
Establishment
,
yet
all
other
Protestants
may
very
rationally
promise
themselves
an
Indulgence
,
and
that
not
only
from
the
Mildness
and
compassionate
Sweetness
of
her
Temper
,
but
from
the
Influence
which
the
Prince
her
Husband
will
have
upon
her
,
who
,
as
he
is
descended
from
Ancestors
,
whose
Glory
it
was
to
be
the
Redeemers
of
their
Country
from
Papal
Persecution
and
Spanish
Tyranny
;
so
his
Education
,
Generosity
,
Wisdom
,
and
many
Heroick
Vertues
,
dispose
him
to
embrace
all
Protestants
with
an
equal
Tenderness
,
and
to
erect
his
Interest
upon
the
being
Head
and
Patron
of
all
that
profess
the
Reformed
Religion
.
Had
the
late
Duke
of
Monmouth
been
victorious
against
the
Forces
of
the
present
King
,
and
inabled
to
have
wrested
the
Scepter
out
of
his
Hand
,
though
all
Protestants
might
thereupon
have
expected
,
and
would
certainly
have
enjoyed
an
equal
freedom
,
without
the
liableness
of
any
party
to
Penal
Laws
for
matters
of
Religion
,
yet
he
would
have
been
careful
;
and
I
have
reason
to
believe
that
it
was
his
purpose
to
have
had
the
Church
of
Eng.
preserved
and
maintained
,
and
that
she
should
have
suffered
no
alteration
but
what
would
have
been
to
her
Strength
and
Glory
,
through
an
enlargement
of
the
Terms
of
her
Communion
,
and
what
would
have
been
to
the
Praise
of
her
Moderation
and
Charity
through
her
being
perswaded
to
bear
with
such
as
differ
from
her
in
little
things
,
and
could
not
prevail
with
themselves
to
partake
with
her
in
all
Ordinances
.
Upon
the
whole
,
it
is
both
the
prudence
and
safety
of
Dissenters
,
as
they
would
escape
Extirpation
themselves
,
and
have
Religion
conveyed
down
to
Posterity
,
to
unite
their
Strength
and
Endeavours
to
those
of
the
Church
of
England
for
the
upholding
her
against
the
assaults
of
Popish
Enemies
,
who
pursue
her
Subversion
.
As
matters
have
been
circumstanced
and
stated
in
England
,
there
hath
not
been
an
Affront
or
Injury
offered
or
done
unto
her
by
the
Court
,
which
did
not
at
the
same
time
reach
and
wound
the
Dissenters
.
'T
is
not
her
being
for
Episcopacy
,
Ceremonies
,
and
imposed
Set-Forms
of
Worship
,
the
things
about
which
she
and
the
Nonconformists
differ
,
that
she
hath
been
,
not
long
since
maligned
and
struck
at
by
the
Man
in
Power
,
and
his
Popish
functo
;
but
it
is
for
being
Protestant
,
Reformed
,
and
Orthodox
,
Crimes
under
the
Guilt
whereof
Dissenters
were
equally
concerned
and
involved
.
Being
therefore
in
opposition
to
the
common
Cause
of
Religion
,
that
the
late
Court
of
Inquisition
was
erected
over
her
Ecclesiasticks
,
all
Protestants
jointly
resented
the
Wrongs
which
she
sustain'd
,
and
not
only
to
sympathize
with
those
dignified
and
lower
Clergy
which
were
called
to
suffer
,
but
to
espouse
her
Quarrel
with
the
same
warmth
that
we
would
our
own
.
And
as
we
are
to
look
upon
those
of
the
Episcopal
Communion
,
to
be
the
great
Bulwark
of
the
Protestant
Religion
and
Reformed
Interest
in
England
;
so
it
was
farther
incumbent
on
Dissenters
towards
them
,
and
a
Duty
which
they
owe
to
God
,
the
Nation
,
and
themselves
,
not
to
be
accessary
to
any
thing
through
which
the
legal
Establishment
of
the
Church
of
England
might
have
been
,
by
an
Act
of
pretended
Regal
Prerogative
,
weakned
and
supplanted
.
I
never
counsel
the
Dissenters
to
renounce
their
Principles
,
nor
to
participate
with
the
Prelatical
Church
in
all
Ordinances
,
on
the
Terms
to
which
they
have
straitned
and
narrowed
their
Communion
.
For
while
they
remain
unsatisfied
of
the
lawfulness
of
those
Terms
and
Conditions
,
they
cannot
do
it
without
offending
God
,
and
contracting
Guilt
upon
their
Souls
;
nor
will
they
of
the
Church
of
England
in
Charity
,
Justice
and
Honesty
,
expect
it
from
them
.
For
whatsoever
any
Man
believeth
to
be
Sin
,
it
is
so
to
him
,
and
will
by
God
be
imputed
as
such
,
till
he
be
otherwise
enlightned
and
convinced
;
nor
are
the
Dissenters
to
be
false
and
cruel
to
themselves
,
in
order
to
be
kind
and
friendly
to
them
.
But
that
which
I
would
advise
them
unto
is
,
that
after
the
maintaining
the
highest
measure
of
Love
to
the
conformable
Congregations
as
Churches
of
Christ
,
and
the
esteeming
their
Members
as
Christian
Protestant
Brethren
,
notwithstanding
the
several
things
wherein
they
judge
them
to
err
,
and
to
be
mistaken
,
that
they
would
not
by
any
Act
and
Transactions
of
theirs
,
betray
them
into
a
Despotical
Power
,
not
directly
,
nor
indirectly
acknowledge
any
Authority
paramount
unto
,
and
superseding
the
Laws
,
by
which
the
Church
of
England
is
established
in
its
present
Form
,
Order
,
and
Mode
of
Jurisdiction
,
Discipline
and
External
Worship
.
Whatsoever
Ease
arrived
to
the
Dissenters
,
through
the
Kings
suspending
the
Execution
of
the
Penal
Laws
,
without
their
Address
and
Application
,
they
might
receive
it
with
Joy
and
Humility
in
themselves
,
and
with
thankfulness
to
God
,
nor
was
there
hereby
any
prejudice
offered
on
their
part
,
to
the
Authority
of
the
Law
,
or
Offence
or
Injury
given
or
done
to
the
conformable
Clergy
.
Nor
is
it
without
grief
and
regret
that
the
Church-men
have
been
forced
to
behold
the
harassing
,
spoiling
,
and
imprisonment
of
the
Nonconformists
,
while
in
the
mean
time
the
Papists
were
suffered
to
assemble
to
the
Celebration
of
their
Idolatrous
Worship
without
Censure
and
Controul
.
And
had
it
been
in
their
power
to
remedy
it
,
and
give
Relief
to
their
Protestant
Brethren
,
they
would
with
delight
and
readiness
have
embrac'd
the
occasion
and
opportunity
of
doing
it
.
But
alas
!
instead
of
having
an
advantage
put
into
their
hand
,
of
contributing
to
the
Relief
of
the
Dissenters
,
which
I
dare
say
,
many
of
them
ardently
wish
and
desire
,
they
were
compelled
,
contrary
to
their
Inclination
,
as
well
as
their
Interest
,
to
become
instrumental
in
persecuting
and
oppressing
them
.
Nor
does
the
late
King
covet
a
better
and
a
more
legal
advantage
against
the
Conformists
,
than
that
they
would
refuse
to
pursue
Dissenters
,
and
decline
molesting
them
with
Ecclesiastical
Censures
and
civil
Punishments
.
So
that
their
condition
was
to
be
pityed
and
bewailed
,
in
that
they
were
hindered
from
acting
against
the
Papists
,
though
both
enjoyed
by
Law
,
and
influenced
thereunto
by
Motives
of
self-Preservation
,
as
well
as
by
tyes
of
Conscience
,
while
in
the
mean
time
they
were
forced
to
prosecute
their
fellow-Protestants
,
or
else
to
be
suspended
and
deposed
,
and
put
out
of
their
Offices
and
Employments
.
And
tho
I
believe
that
they
would
at
last
have
more
Peace
in
themselves
,
and
be
better
accepted
with
God
in
the
great
Duty
of
their
Account
,
should
they
have
refused
to
disturb
and
prosecute
their
Protestant
Brethren
,
and
scorn
to
be
any
longer
Court-Tools
for
weakning
and
undermining
the
Reformed
Cause
and
Interest
,
yet
I
could
not
but
leave
them
to
act
in
this
as
they
should
be
perswaded
in
themselves
,
and
as
they
judged
most
agreeable
to
Principles
of
Wisdom
and
Conscience
.
In
the
interim
,
the
Dissenters
have
all
the
Reason
in
the
World
to
believe
,
that
the
Proceedings
of
the
Clergy
and
Members
of
the
Church
of
England
against
them
,
were
not
the
Results
of
their
Election
and
Choice
,
but
the
Effects
of
moral
Compulsion
and
Necessity
.
Nor
will
any
Dissenter
that
is
prudent
and
discreet
,
blame
them
for
a
matter
which
they
cannot
help
,
but
bear
his
Misfortune
and
Lot
with
Patience
in
himself
,
and
with
Compassion
and
Charity
towards
them
;
and
have
his
Indignation
raised
only
against
that
Court
,
which
forced
them
to
be
instrumental
in
their
Oppression
and
Trouble
.
The
Protestant
Dissenters
could
not
be
so
far
void
of
sense
,
as
to
think
that
the
Person
lately
in
the
Throne
bore
them
any
good-Will
,
but
his
drift
was
to
screw
himself
into
a
Supremacy
and
Absoluteness
over
the
Law
,
and
to
get
such
an
Authority
confessed
to
be
vested
in
him
,
as
when
he
pleased
he
might
subvert
the
Established
Religion
,
and
set
up
Popery
.
Forby
the
same
Power
that
he
can
dispense
with
the
Penal
Statutes
against
the
Nonconformists
,
he
may
also
dispense
with
those
against
the
Roman
Catholicks
.
And
whosoever
owneth
that
he
hath
a
Right
to
do
the
first
,
doth
in
effect
own
that
he
hath
a
Right
to
do
the
last
.
For
if
he
be
allowed
a
Power
for
the
superseding
some
Laws
made
in
reference
to
Matters
of
Religion
,
he
may
challenge
the
like
Power
for
the
superseding
others
of
the
same
kind
.
And
then
by
the
same
Authority
that
he
can
suspend
the
Laws
against
Popery
,
he
may
also
suspend
those
for
Protestancy
.
And
by
the
same
Power
that
he
can
,
in
defiance
of
Law
,
indulge
the
Papists
the
Exercise
of
their
Religion
in
Houses
,
he
may
establish
them
in
the
publick
Celebration
of
their
Idolatry
in
Churches
and
Cathedrals
.
yea
,
whereas
the
Laws
that
relate
to
Religion
are
enacted
by
no
less
Authority
,
than
those
that
are
made
for
the
Preservation
of
our
Civil
Rights
,
should
the
K.
be
admitted
to
have
an
Arbitrary
Power
over
the
one
it
is
very
like
that
by
the
Logick
of
Whitehall
he
might
have
challeng'd
the
same
Absoluteness
over
the
other
.
Nor
do
I
doubt
but
that
the
eleven
Judges
,
who
gratified
him
with
a
Despoticalness
over
the
former
,
would
,
when
required
,
grant
him
the
same
over
the
latter
.
I
know
the
Dissenters
have
been
under
no
small
Temptations
,
both
by
reason
of
being
hindred
from
enjoying
the
Ordinances
of
the
Gospel
,
and
because
of
many
grievous
Calamities
which
they
suffer
for
their
Nonconformity
of
making
Applications
to
the
K.
for
some
Relief
by
his
suspending
the
Execution
of
the
Laws
;
but
they
must
give
me
leave
to
add
,
that
they
ought
not
,
for
the
obtaining
of
a
little
Ease
,
to
have
betrayed
the
Kingdom
,
and
Sacrifice
the
Legal
Constitution
of
the
Government
to
the
Lust
and
Pleasure
of
a
Popish
Prince
,
whom
nothing
less
would
serve
than
being
Absolute
and
Despotical
.
And
had
he
once
been
in
the
quiet
Possession
of
an
Authority
to
dispense
with
the
Penal
Laws
,
the
Dissenters
would
not
long
have
enjoyed
the
Benefit
of
it
.
Nor
could
they
have
denied
him
a
Power
of
reviving
the
Execution
of
the
Law
,
which
is
part
of
the
Trust
deposited
with
him
as
Supreme
Magistrate
,
who
have
granted
him
a
Power
of
Suspending
the
Laws
,
which
the
Rules
of
the
Government
precluded
him
from
.
And
as
he
might
,
whensoever
he
pleased
,
cause
the
Laws
,
to
which
they
were
Obnoxious
,
to
be
executed
upon
them
;
so
by
virtue
of
having
an
Authority
acknowledged
in
him
of
superceding
the
Laws
,
he
might
deprive
them
of
the
Liberty
of
meeting
together
to
the
number
of
Five
,
a
Grace
which
the
Parliament
thought
fit
to
allow
them
,
under
all
the
other
Severities
to
which
they
were
subjected
.
Nor
needs
there
any
further
Evidence
,
that
the
Prince's
challenging
such
a
Power
was
an
Usurpation
,
and
that
the
Subjects
making
any
Application
,
by
which
it
seem'd
allowed
to
him
,
was
a
betraying
of
the
Ancient
Legal
Government
of
the
Kingdom
;
whereas
the
most
Obsequious
and
Servile
Parliament
to
the
Court
that
ever
England
knew
,
not
only
denied
this
Prerogative
to
the
late
King
Charles
,
but
made
him
renounce
it
by
revoking
his
Declaration
of
Indulgence
which
he
had
emitted
Anno
1672.
And
as
it
will
be
to
the
perpetual
Honour
of
some
of
the
Dissenters
,
to
have
chosen
rather
to
suffer
the
Severities
which
the
Laws
make
them
liable
unto
,
than
by
any
Act
and
Transaction
of
theirs
,
to
undermine
and
weaken
either
the
Church
or
the
State
;
so
it
will
be
a
means
both
of
endearing
them
,
we
hope
,
not
only
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
now
by
a
miraculous
Providence
brought
in
amongst
us
,
but
to
future
Parliaments
,
and
of
bringing
them
and
the
Conformists
into
an
Union
of
Counsels
and
Endeavours
against
Popery
and
Tyranny
for
ever
;
which
is
at
this
season
a
thing
so
indispensibly
necessary
for
their
common
Preservation
.
Especially
when
through
a
new
and
more
threatning
Alliance
and
Confederacy
with
France
,
than
that
in
72
,
the
King
had
not
only
engaged
to
act
by
and
observe
the
same
Measures
towards
Protestants
in
England
,
which
that
Monarch
hath
vouchsafed
the
World
a
Pattern
and
Copy
of
in
his
carriage
towards
those
of
the
Reformed
Religion
in
France
;
but
had
promised
to
disturb
the
Peace
and
Repose
of
his
Neighbours
,
and
to
commence
a
War
,
in
conjunction
with
that
Prince
,
against
Foreign
Protestants
.
For
as
the
King
's
giving
Liberty
and
Protection
to
the
Algerines
to
frequent
his
Havens
,
and
sell
the
Prizes
which
they
take
from
the
Dutch
,
is
both
a
most
infamous
Action
for
a
Prince
,
pretending
to
be
a
Christian
,
and
a
direct
Violation
of
his
Alliance
with
the
States
General
;
so
nothing
can
be
more
evident
,
than
that
he
thereby
sought
to
render
them
the
weaker
for
him
to
assault
,
and
that
he
was
resolved
(
if
some
unforeseen
and
extraordinary
Providence
had
not
interposed
and
prevented
)
to
declare
War
against
them
the
next
Summer
;
in
order
whereunto
great
Remises
of
Money
were
already
ordered
him
from
the
French
Court
.
So
that
the
Indulgence
which
he
pretends
to
be
inclinable
to
afford
the
Dissenters
,
was
not
an
effect
of
Kindness
and
Good-will
,
but
an
Artifice
whereby
to
oblige
their
Assistance
in
destroying
those
Abroad
of
the
same
Religion
with
themselves
.
Which
if
he
could
once
compass
,
it
were
easie
to
foresee
what
Fate
both
the
Dissenters
,
and
they
of
the
Communion
of
the
Church
of
England
,
were
to
expect
.
Who
as
they
would
not
then
have
known
whither
to
retreat
for
shelter
;
so
they
would
have
been
destitute
of
Comfort
in
themselves
,
and
deprived
of
Pity
from
others
;
not
only
for
having
,
through
their
Divisions
,
made
themselves
a
Prey
to
the
Papists
at
Home
,
but
for
having
been
accessary
to
the
Ruin
of
the
Reformed
State
Abroad
;
and
which
was
the
Asilum
and
Sanctuary
of
all
those
that
were
elsewhere
oppressed
and
persecuted
for
Religion
.
Gloria
Deo
Optimo
,
Maximo
.
Honos
Principi
nostri
celcissimo
,
pientissimo
.
A
Representation
of
the
Threatning
Dangers
,
Impending
over
Protestants
in
Great
Britain
.
With
an
Account
of
the
Arbitrary
and
Popish
Ends
,
unto
which
the
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
in
England
,
and
the
Proclamation
for
a
Toleration
in
Scotland
,
are
designed
.
THey
are
great
Strangers
to
the
Transactions
of
the
World
,
who
know
not
how
many
and
various
the
Attempts
of
the
Papists
have
been
,
both
to
hinder
all
Endeavours
towards
a
Reformation
,
and
to
overthrow
and
subvert
it
where
it
hath
obtained
and
prevailed
.
For
beside
the
innumerable
Executions
and
Murthers
committed
by
means
of
the
Inquisition
to
crush
and
stifle
the
Reformed
Religion
in
its
Rise
and
Birth
,
and
to
prevent
its
Succeeding
and
Settlement
in
Spain
,
Italy
,
and
many
other
Territories
;
there
is
no
Kingdom
or
State
,
where
it
hath
so
far
prevailed
as
to
come
to
be
universally
received
and
legally
established
,
but
it
hath
been
through
strange
and
wonderful
Conflicts
with
the
Rage
and
Malice
of
the
Church
of
Rome
.
The
Persecutions
which
the
Primitive
Christians
underwent
by
vertue
of
the
Edicts
of
the
Pagan
Emperors
,
were
not
more
Sanguinary
and
Cruel
,
than
what
through
the
Laws
and
Ordinances
of
Popish
Princes
,
have
been
inflicted
upon
those
,
who
have
testified
against
the
Heresies
,
Superstitions
,
and
Idolatries
,
and
have
withdrawn
from
the
Communion
of
the
Papal
Church
.
Nor
were
the
Martyrs
that
suffered
for
the
Testimony
of
Jesus
against
Heathenism
,
either
more
numerous
or
worthier
of
esteem
for
Virtue
,
Justice
and
Piety
,
than
they
who
have
been
slaughtered
,
upon
no
other
Pretence
,
but
for
Endeavouring
to
restore
the
Christian
Religion
to
the
Simplicity
and
Purity
of
its
Divine
and
first
Institution
,
and
to
recover
it
from
the
Corruptions
,
wherewith
it
was
become
universally
Tainted
in
Doctrine
,
Worship
and
Discipline
.
How
have
all
the
Nations
in
Europe
been
soak'd
with
the
Blood
of
Saints
,
through
the
Barbarous
Rage
of
Popish
Rulers
,
whom
the
Roman
Bishops
and
Clergy
stirred
up
and
instigated
,
in
order
to
support
themselves
in
their
secular
Grandeur
,
and
in
their
Tyranny
over
the
Consciences
of
Men
,
and
to
keep
the
World
in
Slavery
under
Ignorance
,
Errors
,
Superstition
and
Idolatry
,
which
the
reducing
Christianity
again
to
the
Rule
of
the
Gospel
,
would
have
redeemed
Mankind
from
,
and
been
an
effectual
Means
to
have
Dissipated
and
Subverted
?
They
of
the
Roman
Communion
,
having
strangely
corrupted
the
Christian
Religion
in
its
Faith
,
Worship
and
Discipline
,
and
having
prodigiously
altered
it
,
from
what
it
was
in
the
Doctrines
and
Institutions
of
our
Saviour
and
his
Apostles
;
they
found
no
otherway
whereby
to
sustain
their
Errors
and
Corruptions
,
and
to
preserve
themselves
in
the
Possession
of
that
Empire
,
which
they
had
usurped
over
Conscience
,
and
in
the
Enjoyment
of
the
Wealth
and
secular
Greatness
,
which
by
working
upon
the
Ignorance
,
Superstition
,
Lusts
,
and
Prophaneness
of
People
,
they
had
skrewed
and
wound
themselves
into
,
but
by
adjudging
all
who
durst
detect
or
oppose
them
,
to
Fire
and
Sword
,
or
to
Miseries
,
to
which
Death
in
its
worst
shape
were
preferrable
.
Nor
have
they
for
the
better
obstructing
the
Growth
,
and
compassing
the
Extirpation
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
omitted
either
the
Arts
and
Subtleties
of
Julian
,
or
the
Fury
and
Violence
of
Galerius
and
Dioclesian
.
Whosoever
hath
not
observed
the
Craft
and
Rage
that
have
been
employed
and
exerted
against
Protestants
for
these
170
Years
,
must
have
been
very
little
Conversant
in
Histories
,
and
strangely
overlook'd
the
Conduct
of
Affairs
in
the
World
,
and
the
Transactions
in
Churches
and
States
,
during
their
own
time
.
And
tho
the
Papists
do
not
think
it
fit
,
to
put
their
Maxims
for
preserving
the
Catholick
Religion
,
and
converting
Hereticks
,
in
Execution
at
all
times
,
and
in
every
place
,
yet
some
of
their
Writers
are
so
Ingenuous
,
as
to
tell
us
the
reason
of
it
,
and
that
they
do
not
forbear
it
upon
Principles
of
Christianity
or
good
Nature
,
but
upon
Motives
of
Policy
and
Fear
,
lest
the
cutting
one
of
our
Throats
might
endanger
two
of
their
own
However
they
have
been
careful
not
to
suffer
a
period
of
twenty
Years
to
clapse
since
the
beginning
of
the
Reformation
,
without
affording
us
in
some
place
or
another
,
renewed
Evidences
of
Papal
Charity
,
and
of
the
Roman
Method
of
hindering
the
Growth
of
Heresie
,
either
by
a
Massacre
,
War
,
or
Persecution
,
begun
,
and
executed
,
upon
no
other
Account
or
Provocation
,
but
merely
that
of
our
Religion
,
and
because
we
cannot
believe
and
practise
in
the
Matters
of
God
,
as
they
do
.
And
having
obtained
of
late
,
great
Advantages
for
the
pursuing
their
Malice
against
us
,
more
boldly
and
avowedly
than
at
another
Season
,
and
that
not
only
through
a
strange
Concurrence
and
Conjunction
of
Princes
in
the
Papal
Communion
,
who
are
more
intoxicated
with
their
Superstitions
and
Idolatries
,
or
less
wise
,
merciful
,
and
humane
,
than
some
of
their
Predecessors
of
that
Fellowship
were
,
but
through
having
obtained
a
Prince
intirely
devoted
unto
them
,
and
under
the
implicit
guidance
of
their
Priests
,
to
be
advanced
unto
a
Throne
,
where
such
sometime
used
to
sit
,
as
were
the
Terror
of
Rome
,
the
Safeguard
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
the
Sanctuary
of
oppressed
Protestants
;
they
have
thereupon
both
assumed
a
Courage
of
stirring
up
new
and
unpresidented
Persecutions
in
divers
places
,
against
the
most
useful
,
best
and
loyallest
of
Subjects
,
upon
no
other
Charge
or
Allegation
,
but
for
dissenting
for
the
Tridentine
Faith
,
and
denying
Subjection
to
the
Tripple
Crown
,
and
are
raised
into
a
Confidence
of
wholly
Extirpating
Protestancy
,
and
of
re-establishing
the
Papal
Tyrannies
and
Superstition
,
in
the
several
Countries
whence
they
had
been
expelled
,
or
stood
so
depressed
and
discountenanced
,
as
that
the
Votaries
and
Partizans
of
their
Church
,
had
not
the
Sway
and
Domination
.
Nor
need
we
any
other
Conviction
,
both
of
their
Design
,
and
of
their
Confidence
of
Succeeding
in
it
,
than
what
they
have
already
done
,
and
continue
to
pursue
in
France
,
Hungary
and
Piedmont
,
where
their
prospering
to
such
a
degree
in
their
Cruel
and
Barbarous
Attempts
,
not
only
gives
them
boldness
of
entertaining
thoughts
of
taking
the
like
Methods
,
and
Acting
by
the
same
Measures
,
in
all
Places
where
they
find
Rulers
at
their
beck
,
and
under
their
Influence
,
but
to
unite
and
provoke
all
Popish
Monarchs
to
enter
into
a
holy
War
against
Protestants
every
where
,
that
by
Conquering
and
Subduing
those
States
and
Kingdoms
,
where
the
Reformed
Religion
is
received
and
established
,
they
may
extirpate
it
out
of
the
World
,
under
the
Notion
of
the
Northern
Heresie
.
If
Principles
of
Humanity
,
Maxims
of
Interest
,
Rules
of
Policy
,
Obligations
of
Gratitude
,
Ties
of
Royal
and
Princely
Faith
,
or
the
repeated
Promises
,
Oaths
,
Edicts
,
and
Declarations
of
Sovereigns
,
could
have
been
a
Security
to
Protestants
,
for
the
Profession
of
their
Faith
,
and
Exercise
of
their
Worship
,
in
the
forementioned
Territories
and
Dominions
,
they
had
all
that
could
be
rationally
desired
,
for
their
Safety
and
Protection
,
in
the
free
and
open
Profession
and
Practice
of
their
Religion
;
whereas
by
a
Violation
of
all
that
is
Sacred
among
Men
,
of
a
binding
Virtue
unto
Princes
(
except
Chains
and
Fetters
)
or
that
confer
a
Right
,
Claim
,
and
Security
unto
Subjects
,
the
poor
Protestants
in
those
Places
,
have
been
,
and
still
are
,
Persecuted
with
a
Rage
and
Barbarity
,
which
no
Age
can
parallel
,
and
for
which
it
is
difficult
to
find
words
proper
and
severe
enough
,
whereby
to
stamp
a
Character
of
Infamy
,
upon
the
treacherous
,
cruel
,
and
savage
Authors
,
Promoters
,
and
Instruments
of
it
.
Nor
does
it
proceed
from
a
Malignancy
of
Nature
peculiar
to
the
Emperor
,
the
French
King
,
and
the
Duke
of
Savoy
,
above
what
is
in
other
Princes
of
the
same
Communion
,
or
that
they
are
more
regardless
of
Fame
,
and
less
concerned
how
future
Generations
will
brand
their
Memories
,
than
other
Papal
Monarchs
seem
to
be
,
that
they
have
suffered
themselves
to
be
prevailed
upon
,
to
violate
the
Promises
and
Oaths
they
were
bound
by
to
their
Protestant
Subjects
;
seeing
the
Emperor
is
character'd
for
a
Person
of
a
meek
and
gentle
Temper
,
and
of
the
goodness
of
whose
Nature
,
there
remain
some
shadows
interwoven
with
the
bloody
streaks
of
the
Hungarian
Persecution
.
And
the
French
King
,
though
he
stand
not
much
commended
for
Sweetness
and
Benignity
of
Disposition
,
is
known
to
be
unmeasurably
Ambitious
,
of
having
his
name
transmitted
to
Posterity
in
Letters
of
Greatness
and
Honor
,
which
his
behaviour
towards
his
Subjects
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
is
no
ways
adapted
unto
,
but
calculated
to
make
him
hereafter
listed
with
Nero
and
Julian
.
As
to
the
Duke
of
Savoy
,
there
seems
by
the
whole
course
of
his
other
Actions
,
to
be
a
certain
Greatness
of
Mind
in
him
,
not
easily
consisting
with
that
savage
and
brutal
Temper
,
which
the
Cruelties
he
hath
exercised
upon
the
Protestants
in
Piedmont
,
would
intimate
and
denote
.
But
it
ariseth
from
the
Mischievousness
and
Pestilency
of
their
Religion
,
their
Bigottry
in
it
,
and
their
having
put
themselves
so
entirely
under
the
conduct
of
the
Clergy
,
particularly
of
the
Jesuits
,
who
are
for
the
most
part
a
Sett
of
Men
,
especially
the
latter
,
that
through
acting
in
the
Prospect
of
no
other
Ends
,
but
the
Grandeur
,
Wealth
,
and
Domination
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
do
with
an
unlimited
Rage
,
and
a
peculiar
kind
of
Malice
,
persecute
all
that
have
renounced
Fellowship
with
it
,
and
care
not
if
they
Sacrifice
the
Honor
,
Glory
and
Safety
of
Monarchs
,
and
bring
their
Kingdoms
into
Contempt
and
Desolation
,
by
rending
them
weak
,
poor
,
and
dispeopled
,
provided
they
may
wreek
their
Spleen
,
and
Revenge
upon
those
,
whose
Religion
is
not
only
dissonant
from
theirs
,
but
should
it
prevail
to
be
the
Religion
of
the
Legislators
and
Rulers
of
Nations
,
those
Springs
of
Wealth
would
be
immediately
dried
up
,
by
which
their
Superior
Clergy
,
and
all
their
Religious
Orders
are
enriched
and
fed
up
in
Idleness
.
And
should
the
People
come
to
be
generally
imbued
with
Principles
of
Gospel
,
Light
and
Liberty
,
they
would
immediately
shake
off
a
blind
and
slavish
Dependence
upon
Pope
and
Priests
,
and
thereby
subvert
the
Foundation
upon
which
the
Monarchick
Grandeur
of
the
Romish
Church
and
their
whole
Religion
is
superstructed
,
and
destroy
the
Engine
by
which
they
are
inabled
to
Lord
it
over
the
Bodies
,
Estates
,
and
Consciences
of
Men.
And
if
Protestants
every
where
,
especially
under
Popish
Rulers
,
were
not
under
a
strange
Infatuation
,
they
would
look
for
no
fairer
Quarter
from
Papists
,
than
what
their
Brethren
have
met
with
in
France
and
Piedmont
,
nor
would
they
rely
upon
the
Faith
of
any
King
,
that
stiles
himself
a
Roman
Catholick
,
seeing
Sacred
Promises
,
tremendous
Oaths
,
and
the
most
Authentick
Declarations
,
are
but
Papal
Arts
,
and
Tricks
sanctified
at
Rome
,
whereby
to
lull
Subjects
into
a
Security
,
and
delude
them
into
a
neglect
of
all
means
,
for
preserving
themselves
,
and
their
Religion
,
till
their
Rulers
can
be
in
a
condition
,
of
obeying
the
Decrees
of
the
fourth
Lateran
Council
,
that
enjoyns
Kings
to
destroy
and
extirpate
Hereticks
,
under
pain
of
Excommunication
,
and
of
having
both
their
Subjects
absolved
from
Allegiance
to
them
,
and
their
Territories
given
away
to
others
;
and
till
without
running
any
Hazard
,
they
may
comply
with
the
Ordinance
of
the
Council
of
Constance
,
which
not
only
releaseth
them
from
all
Obligation
of
keeping
Faith
to
Hereticks
,
but
requires
them
to
violate
it
;
and
accordingly
made
Sigismond
break
his
Faith
to
John
Hus
,
whom
in
defiance
of
the
Security
given
him
by
that
King
,
they
caused
to
be
condemned
and
Burn'd
.
Nor
is
the
Practice
and
late
Example
of
the
Great
Louis
,
designed
for
less
than
a
Pattern
,
by
which
all
Popish
Princes
are
to
act
,
and
his
Proceedings
are
to
be
the
Copy
and
Moddel
,
which
they
who
would
merit
the
name
of
Zealous
Catholicks
,
and
be
esteemed
dutiful
Sons
of
the
Church
,
are
to
transcribe
and
limn
out
in
Lines
of
Force
,
Violence
and
Blood
,
and
for
the
better
corresponding
with
the
Original
,
to
imploy
Dragoons
for
Missionaries
.
And
tho
I
will
not
say
,
but
that
there
may
be
some
Popish
Princes
,
who
through
an
extraordinary
Measure
of
good
Nature
,
and
from
Principles
of
Compassion
,
woven
into
their
Constitution
,
previously
to
all
notices
of
Revelation
,
whether
real
or
pretended
,
and
who
through
Sentiments
imbib'd
from
a
generous
Education
,
and
their
coming
afterwards
to
be
under
the
Influence
and
Management
of
wise
and
discreet
Counsellors
,
may
be
able
to
resist
the
malignant
Impressions
of
their
Religion
,
and
so
be
preserved
from
the
Inhumanities
towards
those
of
different
Perswasions
from
them
in
the
things
of
God
,
which
their
Priests
would
lay
them
under
Obligations
unto
,
by
the
Doctrines
of
the
Romish
Faith
;
yet
there
appears
no
reason
why
an
understanding
Man
should
be
induced
to
believe
,
that
the
King
of
England
is
likely
to
prove
a
Prince
of
that
great
and
noble
Temper
,
there
being
more
than
enough
,
both
to
raise
a
Jealousie
and
beget
a
Perswasion
,
that
there
is
not
a
Monarch
among
all
those
who
are
commonly
stiled
Catholicks
,
from
whom
Protestants
may
justly
dread
greater
Severities
than
from
Him
,
or
look
for
worse
and
more
Barbarous
Treatments
.
I
am
not
ignorant
,
with
what
Candor
we
ought
,
by
the
Rules
of
Charity
and
good
Manners
,
to
speak
of
all
Men
,
whatsoever
their
Religion
is
,
nor
am
I
unacquainted
with
what
Veneration
and
Deference
we
are
to
discourse
of
Crowned
Heads
;
but
as
I
dare
not
give
those
flattering
Titles
unto
any
,
of
which
there
are
not
a
few
in
some
of
the
late
Addresses
,
presented
to
the
King
,
by
an
inconsiderable
and
foolish
sort
of
Dissenting
Preachers
;
so
I
should
not
know
how
to
be
accountable
to
God
,
my
own
Conscience
,
or
the
World
,
should
I
not
in
my
Station
,
as
a
Protestant
,
and
as
a
Lover
of
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
my
Country
,
offer
something
,
whereby
both
to
undeceive
that
weak
and
short-sighted
People
,
whom
their
own
being
accommodated
for
a
Season
by
the
Declaration
of
Indulgence
,
hath
deluded
into
an
Opinion
,
that
His
Majesty
cherisheth
no
thoughts
of
subverting
our
Religion
,
and
also
further
to
enlighten
and
confirm
others
,
in
the
just
Apprehensions
they
are
possessed
with
,
of
the
Design
carrying
on
in
Great
Britain
and
Ireland
,
for
the
Extirpation
of
Protestancy
,
and
that
the
late
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
is
emitted
in
Subserviency
thereunto
,
and
calculated
by
the
Court
,
toward
the
paving
and
preparing
the
way
,
for
the
more
facile
Accomplishment
of
it
.
And
while
Mercenary
Sycophants
,
by
their
Flatteries
infect
and
corrupt
Princes
,
and
by
their
representing
them
to
the
World
,
in
Colours
disagreeable
from
their
Tempers
and
Dispositions
,
and
in
milder
and
fairer
Characters
,
than
any
thing
observable
in
them
,
either
deserveth
,
or
correspondeth
with
,
do
delude
Subjects
into
such
Opinions
of
them
,
as
beget
a
neglect
of
Means
for
preserving
themselves
;
't
is
become
a
necessary
Duty
,
and
an
indispensible
Service
to
Mankind
,
to
deal
plainly
and
above-board
,
that
so
by
describing
Kings
as
they
are
,
and
setting
them
in
a
true
and
just
Light
,
we
may
prevent
the
Peoples
being
further
imposed
upon
;
or
if
through
suffering
themselves
to
be
still
deceived
,
they
come
to
fall
under
Miseries
and
Persecutions
,
they
may
lay
all
their
Distresses
and
Desolations
at
the
Door
of
their
own
Folly
,
in
not
having
taken
care
,
how
to
avoid
what
they
were
not
only
threatned
with
,
but
whereof
they
were
warned
and
advertised
.
History
of
the
Times
.
For
as
I
am
not
of
Sir
Roger
l'Estrange's
mind
,
That
if
we
cannot
avoid
being
distrustful
of
our
Safety
,
yet
it
is
extremely
Vain
,
foolish
,
and
extravagant
to
talk
of
it
;
so
I
am
very
sensible
how
many
of
the
French
Ministers
,
by
painting
forth
their
King
more
like
a
God
than
a
Man
,
and
by
possessing
their
People
with
a
belief
of
Wisdom
,
Justice
,
Grace
,
and
Mercy
in
Him
,
of
which
they
knew
him
destitute
,
they
both
emboldned
Him
,
to
attempt
what
he
hath
perpetrated
,
and
laid
them
under
Snares
,
which
they
knew
not
how
to
disentangle
themselves
from
,
in
order
to
escape
it
.
Nor
would
the
King
of
England
,
have
acted
with
that
neglect
of
the
future
Safety
of
the
Papists
,
nor
have
exposed
them
to
the
Resentment
,
and
hereafter
Revenge
of
three
Nations
,
by
the
Arbitrary
and
Illegal
Steps
he
hath
made
in
their
Favor
,
if
he
intended
any
thing
less
,
than
the
putting
Protestants
for
ever
out
of
Capacity
and
Condition
,
of
calling
them
to
a
Reckoning
,
and
exacting
an
Account
of
them
,
which
neither
He
,
nor
they
about
him
,
can
have
the
weakness
to
think
they
have
sufficiently
provided
against
,
without
compelling
us
by
an
Order
of
à
la
mode
France
Missionaries
to
turn
Catholicks
,
or
by
adjudging
us
to
Mines
and
Galleys
,
according
to
the
Versailles
President
,
for
our
Heretical
Stubbornness
,
or
which
is
the
more
expeditious
way
of
Converting
three
Kingdoms
,
to
cause
Murther
the
Protestant
Inhabitants
,
according
to
the
Pattern
,
which
his
Loyal
Irish
Catholicks
,
endeavored
to
have
set
anno
1641.
for
the
Conversion
of
that
Nation
.
Had
his
Majesty
been
contented
with
the
bare
avowing
,
and
publishing
himself
to
be
of
the
Communion
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
and
of
challenging
a
Liberty
,
though
against
Law
,
for
the
Exercise
of
his
Religion
,
it
might
have
awakened
our
Pity
and
Compassion
,
to
see
him
embrace
a
Religion
,
where
there
are
so
many
Impediments
of
Salvation
,
and
in
doing
whereof
,
he
was
become
obnoxious
unto
the
Imprecation
of
his
Grandfather
,
who
wished
the
Curse
of
God
,
to
fall
upon
such
of
his
Posterity
,
as
should
at
any
time
turn
Papists
;
but
it
would
have
raised
no
intemperate
Heats
in
the
Minds
of
any
against
him
,
much
less
have
alienated
them
,
from
the
Subjection
and
Obedience
,
which
are
due
unto
their
Sovereign
,
by
the
Laws
of
the
several
Kingdoms
,
and
the
Fundamental
Rules
of
the
respective
Constitutions
.
Or
could
He
have
been
contented
with
waving
the
rigorous
Execution
of
the
Laws
against
Papists
,
of
whatsoever
Quality
,
Rank
,
or
Order
they
were
,
and
with
the
bestowing
personal
and
private
Favors
upon
those
of
his
Religion
;
it
would
have
been
so
far
from
begetting
Rancor
or
Discontent
in
his
Protestant
Subjects
,
that
they
would
not
only
have
connived
at
,
and
approved
such
a
Procedure
,
and
those
little
Benignities
and
Kindnesses
,
but
had
the
Papists
quietly
acquiesced
in
them
,
and
modestly
improved
them
,
it
might
have
been
a
means
of
reconciling
the
Nation
to
more
Lenity
towards
them
for
the
future
,
and
might
have
influenced
our
Legislators
,
when
God
shall
vouchsafe
us
a
Protestant
on
the
Throne
,
to
moderate
the
Severities
to
which
by
the
Laws
in
being
they
are
obnoxious
,
and
to
render
their
Condition
as
easie
and
safe
,
as
that
of
other
Subjects
,
and
only
to
take
care
,
for
precluding
them
such
Places
of
Power
and
Trust
,
as
should
prevent
their
being
able
to
hurt
us
,
but
could
bring
no
damage
or
inconvenience
upon
themselves
.
But
the
King
instead
of
terminating
here
,
and
allowing
only
such
Graces
and
Immunities
to
the
Papists
,
as
would
have
been
enough
,
for
the
placing
them
in
the
private
Exercise
of
their
Religion
,
with
Security
to
them
,
and
without
any
threatning
Danger
to
us
.
He
hath
not
only
suspended
all
the
penal
Laws
against
Roman
Catholicks
,
but
He
hath
by
an
usurped
Prerogative
,
that
is
paramount
to
the
Rules
of
the
Constitution
,
and
to
all
Acts
of
Parliament
,
dispensed
with
,
and
disabled
the
Laws
that
enjoin
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
,
and
which
appoint
and
prescribe
the
Tests
,
that
were
the
Fences
,
which
the
Wisdom
of
the
Nation
had
erected
,
for
preserving
the
Legislative
Authority
,
securing
the
Government
,
and
keeping
Places
of
Power
,
Magistracy
and
Office
,
in
the
hands
of
Protestants
,
and
thereby
of
continuing
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
English
Liberties
,
to
our selves
,
and
the
Generations
that
shall
come
after
us
.
And
as
if
this
were
not
sufficient
,
to
awaken
us
to
a
Consideration
of
the
danger
we
are
in
,
of
having
our
Religion
supplanted
and
overthrown
;
He
hath
not
only
advanced
the
most
violent
Papists
,
unto
all
Places
of
Military
Command
by
Sea
and
Land
;
but
hath
establish'd
many
of
them
,
in
the
chief
Trusts
and
Offices
of
Magistracy
,
and
Civil
Judicature
,
so
that
there
are
scarce
any
continued
in
Power
and
Employment
,
save
they
who
have
either
promised
to
turn
Roman
Catholicks
,
or
who
have
engaged
to
concur
and
assist
to
the
Subverting
our
Liberties
and
Religion
,
under
the
Mask
and
Disguise
of
Protestants
.
'T
is
already
evident
,
that
it
is
beyond
the
help
and
relief
of
all
Peaceable
and
Civil
means
,
to
preserve
and
uphold
the
Protestant
Religion
in
Ireland
,
and
that
nothing
but
Force
and
an
intestine
War
,
can
retrieve
it
unto
,
and
re-establish
it
there
,
in
any
degree
of
Safety
.
Nor
is
it
less
apparent
,
from
the
Arbitrary
and
Tyrannous
Oath
,
ordained
to
be
required
of
His
Majesties
Protestant
Subjects
in
Scotland
,
whereby
they
are
to
swear
Obedience
to
Him
without
Reserve
,
that
our
Religion
is
held
only
precariously
in
that
Kingdom
;
and
that
whensoever
He
shall
please
to
command
the
Establishment
of
Popery
,
and
to
enjoin
the
People
to
enter
into
the
Communion
of
the
Church
of
Rome
he
expects
to
have
his
Will
immediately
conformed
unto
,
and
not
to
be
disputed
or
controlled
.
But
lest
what
we
are
to
expect
from
the
King
,
as
to
the
Extirpation
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
the
inflicting
the
utmost
Severities
upon
his
Protestant
Subjects
,
that
Papal
Rage
,
armed
with
Power
,
can
inable
him
unto
,
may
not
so
fully
appear
,
from
what
hath
been
already
intimated
,
as
either
to
awaken
the
Dissenters
out
of
the
Lethargy
,
into
which
the
late
Declaration
hath
cast
them
,
or
to
quicken
those
of
the
Church
of
England
,
to
that
zealous
care
,
vigilancy
,
and
use
of
all
Lawful
means
,
for
preserving
themselves
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
that
the
impendent
Danger
,
wherewith
they
are
threatned
,
requires
at
their
hands
;
I
shall
give
that
farther
Confirmation
of
it
,
from
Topicks
and
Motives
of
Credibility
,
Moral
,
Political
,
and
Historical
,
as
may
serve
to
place
it
in
the
brightest
Light
,
and
fullest
Evidence
,
that
a
matter
future
and
yet
to
come
,
which
is
only
the
object
of
our
prospect
and
dread
,
and
not
of
our
feeling
and
experience
,
is
capable
of
.
It
ought
to
be
of
weight
upon
the
minds
of
all
English
Protestants
,
that
the
King
of
Great
Britain
,
is
not
only
an
open
and
avow'd
Papist
,
but
as
most
Apostates
use
to
be
,
a
fiery
Bigot
in
the
Romish
Religion
,
and
who
,
as
the
Leige
Letter
from
a
Jesuit
to
a
Brother
of
the
Order
,
tells
us
,
is
resolved
either
to
Convert
England
to
Popery
,
or
to
dye
a
Martyr
.
Nor
were
the
Jewish
Zealots
,
of
whose
rageful
Transports
,
Josephus
gives
us
so
ample
an
Account
,
nor
the
Dervises
among
the
Turks
and
Indians
,
of
whose
mad
Attempts
,
so
many
Histories
make
mention
,
more
brutal
in
their
Fanatical
Heats
,
than
a
Popish
Bigot
useth
to
be
,
when
favored
with
Advantages
,
of
exerting
his
Animosity
against
those
who
differ
from
him
,
if
he
be
not
carefully
watched
against
,
and
restrained
.
Beside
the
innumerable
Instances
of
the
Tragical
Effects
of
Romish
Bigottry
,
that
are
to
be
met
with
in
Books
of
all
kinds
,
we
need
go
no
farther
for
an
Evidence
of
it
,
than
to
consult
the
Life
of
Dominick
,
the
great
Instigator
and
Promoter
of
the
Massacre
of
the
Waldenses
,
and
the
Founder
of
that
Order
,
which
hath
the
Management
of
the
Bloody
Inquisition
;
together
with
the
Life
of
Henry
the
Third
of
France
,
who
contrary
to
the
Advice
of
Maximilian
the
Emperor
,
and
the
repeated
Intreaties
of
the
wisest
of
his
own
Counsellors
,
the
Chancellor
de
l'
Hospital
,
and
the
President
de
Thou
,
not
only
revived
the
War
and
Persecution
against
his
Reformed
Subjects
,
after
he
had
seen
what
Judgments
,
the
like
Proceedings
had
derived
upon
his
Predecessors
,
and
how
prejudicial
they
had
proved
to
the
Strength
,
Glory
,
and
Interest
of
his
Crown
and
Kingdom
,
but
he
entred
into
a
League
with
those
that
fought
to
depress
,
abdicate
,
and
depose
him
,
and
became
the
Head
of
a
Faction
for
the
destroying
that
part
of
his
Subjects
,
upon
whom
alone
he
could
rely
for
the
defence
of
his
Person
,
and
support
of
his
Dignity
.
Nor
were
the
Furies
of
the
Duke
de
Alva
heretofore
,
or
the
present
Barbarities
of
Louis
the
Fourteenth
,
so
much
the
Effects
of
their
haughty
and
furious
Tempers
,
as
of
their
Bigottry
in
their
inhuman
and
sanguinary
Religion
.
That
the
King
of
England
is
second
to
none
,
in
a
blind
and
rageful
Popish
Zeal
,
his
Behaviour
,
both
while
a
Subject
,
and
since
he
arrived
at
the
Crown
,
doth
not
only
place
it
beyond
the
limits
of
a
bare
Suspition
,
but
affords
us
such
Evidences
of
it
,
as
that
none
in
consistency
with
Principles
of
Wisdom
,
and
Discretion
,
can
either
question
or
contradict
it
.
To
what
else
can
we
ascribe
it
,
but
to
an
excessive
Bigottry
?
That
when
the
Frigot
,
wherein
he
was
Sailing
to
Scotland
anno
1682.
struck
upon
the
Sands
,
and
was
ready
to
sink
,
he
should
prefer
the
Lives
of
one
or
two
pitiful
Priests
,
to
those
of
Men
of
the
greatest
Quality
,
and
receive
those
Mushroons
into
the
Boat
,
in
which
himself
escaped
,
while
at
the
same
time
,
he
refused
to
admit
,
not
only
his
own
Brother-in-Law
,
but
divers
Noblemen
of
the
Supremest
Rank
and
Character
,
to
the
benefit
of
the
same
means
of
Deliverance
,
and
suffered
them
to
perish
,
though
they
had
undertaken
that
Voyage
out
of
pure
respect
to
his
Person
,
and
to
put
an
Honor
upon
him
,
at
a
Season
,
when
he
wanted
not
Enemies
.
Nor
can
it
proceed
from
any
thing
but
a
violent
and
furious
Bigottry
,
that
he
should
not
only
disoblige
and
disgust
the
two
Universities
,
of
whose
Zeal
to
his
Service
,
he
hath
receiv'd
so
many
seasonable
and
effectual
Testimonies
,
but
to
the
Violation
both
of
the
Laws
of
God
and
the
Kingdom
,
offer
force
to
their
Consciences
,
as
well
as
to
their
Rights
and
Franchises
,
and
all
this
in
favor
of
Father
Francis
,
whom
he
would
illegally
thrust
into
a
Fellowship
in
Cambridge
,
and
of
Mr.
Farmer
,
whom
he
would
arbitrarily
obtrude
into
the
Headship
of
a
College
in
Oxford
,
who
as
they
are
too
despicable
to
be
owned
,
and
stood
for
,
in
Competition
against
two
famous
Universities
,
whose
greatest
Crime
,
hath
been
,
an
Excess
of
Zeal
for
his
Person
and
Interest
,
when
he
was
Duke
of
York
,
and
a
measure
of
Loyalty
and
Obedience
unto
him
,
since
he
came
to
the
Crown
,
beyond
what
either
the
Rules
of
Christianity
,
or
the
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
,
exact
from
them
;
so
he
hath
ways
enough
of
expressing
Kindness
and
Bounty
,
to
those
two
little
contemptible
Creatures
,
and
that
in
Methods
as
beneficial
to
them
,
as
the
Places
into
which
he
would
thrust
them
,
can
be
supposed
to
amount
unto
,
and
I
am
sure
with
less
Scandal
to
himself
,
and
less
Offence
to
all
Protestants
,
as
well
as
without
offering
Injury
to
the
Rights
of
the
University
,
or
of
compelling
those
learned
,
grave
and
venerable
Men
to
perjure
themselves
,
and
act
against
their
Duties
and
Consciences
.
The
late
Proceedings
towards
Dr.
Burnet
,
are
not
only
contrary
to
all
the
Measures
of
Justice
,
Law
and
Honor
,
but
argue
a
strange
and
furious
Bigottry
in
His
Majesty
for
Popery
,
there
being
nothing
else
into
which
a
Man
can
resolve
the
whole
Tenor
of
his
present
Actings
against
Him
,
seeing
setting
aside
the
Doctor's
being
a
Protestant
,
and
a
Minister
of
the
Church
of
England
,
and
his
having
vindicated
the
Reformation
in
England
,
from
the
Calumnies
and
Slanders
wherewith
it
was
aspersed
by
Sanders
,
and
others
of
the
Roman
Communion
,
and
the
approving
himself
in
some
other
Writings
,
worthy
of
the
Character
of
a
Reformed
Divine
,
and
of
that
esteem
which
the
World
entertains
of
him
,
for
Knowledge
in
History
,
and
all
other
parts
of
good
Learning
;
there
hath
nothing
occurred
in
the
whole
Tenor
and
Trace
of
his
Life
,
but
what
,
instead
of
Rebuke
and
Censure
,
hath
merited
Acknowledgments
,
and
the
Retributions
of
Favor
and
Preferment
from
the
Court.
Whosoever
considers
his
constant
Preaching
up
Passive
Obedience
to
such
a
Degree
and
Height
,
as
he
hath
done
,
may
very
well
be
surprised
at
the
whole
Method
of
their
present
Actings
towards
him
,
and
at
the
same
time
that
they
find
cause
to
justifie
the
Righteousness
of
God
,
in
making
them
the
Instruments
of
his
Persecution
,
whom
in
so
many
ways
he
had
sought
to
oblige
,
they
may
justly
conclude
that
none
,
save
a
Bigotted
Papist
,
could
be
the
Author
of
so
insuitable
,
as
well
as
illegal
and
unrighteous
Returns
.
For
as
to
all
whereof
he
is
accused
,
in
the
Criminal
Letters
against
him
,
bearing
date
the
19th
.
of
April
1687.
I
my self
am
both
able
to
assert
his
Innocence
,
and
dare
assure
the
World
,
that
none
of
the
Persons
whom
he
is
charged
to
have
conspired
with
against
the
King
,
would
have
been
so
far
void
of
Discretion
,
(
knowing
his
Principles
)
as
to
have
transacted
with
him
in
Matters
of
that
kind
;
but
whether
his
Letters
since
that
,
to
the
Earl
of
Middletoune
,
with
the
Paper
inclosed
in
one
of
them
,
have
administred
any
Legal
Ground
for
their
Second
Citation
,
I
shall
not
take
upon
me
to
determine
,
and
will
only
say
,
that
as
I
heartily
wish
,
he
had
not
in
those
Letters
afforded
them
any
probable
Pretence
for
proceeding
against
him
,
so
there
are
Excesses
of
Loyalty
in
them
,
to
attone
for
the
utmost
Indiscretions
,
his
words
are
capable
of
being
wrested
unto
;
nor
can
any
thing
but
Papal
Malice
and
Romish
Chicanerie
,
construe
and
pervert
them
,
so
far
contrary
to
his
Intentions
,
as
to
make
Crimes
,
and
much
less
to
make
Treasons
of
them
.
Now
as
nothing
can
be
of
more
portentous
Omen
to
British
and
Irish
Protestants
,
than
to
have
a
Popish
Bigot
exalted
to
Rule
over
them
;
so
through
a
Concurrence
of
ill
Nature
,
and
a
deficiency
in
Intellectuals
,
met
in
him
with
this
furious
Zeal
and
Bigottry
,
they
are
the
more
to
expect
,
whatsoever
his
Power
inables
him
to
inflict
,
that
is
Severe
and
Dreadful
.
'T
is
possible
that
a
Ruler
may
be
possessed
with
a
Fondness
and
Valuation
of
Popery
,
as
the
only
Religion
wherein
Salvation
is
to
be
obtained
,
and
therefore
in
his
private
Judgment
and
Opinion
,
sentence
all
to
eternal
Flames
,
who
cannot
herd
with
him
in
the
same
Society
;
and
yet
he
may
,
through
a
great
measure
of
Humanity
,
and
from
an
extraordinary
Proportion
of
Compassion
and
Meekness
,
woven
into
his
Nature
,
hate
the
imbrueing
his
Hands
in
their
Blood
,
or
treating
those
with
any
Harshness
,
whose
supposed
Misbelief
is
their
only
Crime
;
and
that
finding
them
in
all
other
Respects
,
Vertuous
,
Peaceable
and
Industrious
,
He
may
leave
them
to
the
decretive
Sentence
of
the
Sovereign
and
infallible
Judge
,
without
disturbing
or
meddling
with
them
himself
.
Nor
is
it
impossible
,
but
that
there
may
be
a
Prince
so
far
Bigotted
in
Popery
,
as
to
have
Inclination
and
Propensity
to
force
all
under
his
Authority
,
to
be
of
his
Religion
,
or
else
to
destroy
and
extirpate
them
,
yet
through
being
of
that
largeness
of
Understanding
and
Political
Wisdom
,
as
to
be
able
to
penetrate
into
the
Hazards
of
attempting
it
,
and
to
foresee
the
Consequences
that
may
ensue
upon
it
,
in
reference
to
the
Peace
and
Safety
of
his
Government
,
as
well
as
the
Wealth
and
Power
of
his
Dominions
,
he
may
come
to
check
and
stifle
his
furious
Inclinations
,
and
chuse
rather
to
leave
his
Subjects
at
quiet
,
than
to
impoverish
,
weaken
and
dis-people
his
Country
,
either
by
destroying
them
,
or
by
driving
them
to
abandon
his
Territories
,
in
order
to
find
a
Shelter
and
Sanctuary
in
other
places
.
But
where
(
as
in
the
King
of
England
)
a
small
Measure
of
Understanding
,
accompanied
with
a
large
share
of
a
Morose
,
Fierce
and
Ill
Nature
,
and
these
attended
with
Insolency
and
Pride
,
as
they
usually
are
in
weak
and
froward
People
,
come
to
have
a
Bigottry
in
such
a
Religion
as
Popery
,
superadded
to
them
,
whose
Doctrines
and
Principles
instigate
and
oblige
to
Cruelty
,
towards
all
of
other
Perswasions
,
there
Protestants
do
find
nothing
that
may
incourage
to
hope
for
Security
and
Protection
under
a
Prince
of
that
Temper
and
Complexion
;
but
all
that
does
affect
and
impress
their
Minds
,
bids
them
prepare
for
Persecution
,
and
to
look
for
the
utmost
Rigors
and
Severities
that
Pride
,
Malice
,
brutal
Zeal
,
back'd
and
supported
with
Force
and
Power
,
can
execute
and
inflict
.
And
how
much
such
a
Prince's
Religion
proves
too
weak
to
restrain
him
from
Uncleannesses
,
and
other
Immoralities
,
by
so
much
the
more
is
he
to
be
dreaded
,
in
that
he
thinks
to
compound
for
,
and
expiate
Crimes
of
that
Nature
,
by
his
Cruelty
to
Hereticks
,
and
his
offering
them
up
in
Sacrifices
of
Attonement
to
the
Tripple
Crown
.
Nor
are
the
Priests
either
displeased
with
,
or
careful
to
disswade
Princes
from
Offences
of
that
kind
,
though
they
know
them
to
be
great
Provocations
to
God
,
and
of
mischievous
Example
to
Subjects
,
seeing
they
are
Masters
of
the
Art
of
improving
them
,
to
the
Service
of
Holy
Church
,
and
the
Advantage
of
the
Catholick
Faith
.
For
instead
of
imposing
upon
those
Royal
Transgressors
,
the
little
and
Slavish
Penances
of
Pilgrimages
,
Whippings
,
and
going
Bare-foot
;
they
require
them
to
make
Satisfactions
for
those
and
the
like
Crimes
,
by
the
pious
and
meritorious
Acts
of
Murthering
Protestants
,
and
of
extirpating
the
Northern
Heresie
.
And
as
one
of
the
French
Whores
of
State
is
reported
to
have
been
a
Person
that
hath
principally
instigated
to
all
the
Cruelties
against
the
Reformed
in
France
;
so
no
doubt
but
as
she
did
it
under
the
Influence
and
Conduct
of
her
Confessors
,
to
compensate
for
her
Adulteries
,
so
she
advised
and
perswaded
Louis
to
it
upon
Motives
of
the
same
nature
.
Nor
do
they
who
have
the
guidance
of
Consciences
at
White-hall
want
matter
of
the
same
kind
to
improve
and
work
upon
;
and
as
there
are
of
the
licentious
Females
,
that
will
be
glad
of
attoning
for
their
filthy
Pollutions
,
by
Acts
so
agreeable
to
the
Articles
of
their
Religion
;
so
there
are
some
,
who
as
they
have
Influence
enough
upon
the
King
,
to
Counsel
Him
to
the
like
Methods
,
so
they
will
find
Him
sufficiently
disposed
to
compound
for
his
Loathsom
and
Promiscuous
Scatterings
,
at
a
rate
so
suitable
to
his
Temper
,
as
well
as
to
the
Doctrines
of
the
Papal
Faith
.
If
any
be
deluded
into
a
good
Opinion
of
His
Majesty
,
and
brought
to
flatter
themselves
with
Expectations
of
their
being
protected
in
the
Profession
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
they
may
be
easily
undeceived
and
prevailed
upon
to
change
their
Sentiments
,
if
they
will
but
consider
his
Behaviour
towards
Protestants
in
the
Post
wherein
he
formerly
stood
,
and
what
his
carriage
was
to
them
,
while
he
was
fixed
in
a
meaner
and
more
subordinate
Station
than
now
he
is
.
Though
there
have
been
many
whose
Behaviour
in
their
private
Condition
,
would
have
rendred
them
thought
worthy
to
Rule
,
if
their
Actions
,
after
their
Advancement
to
governing
Power
,
had
not
confuted
the
Opinion
entertained
concerning
them
;
yet
here
have
been
very
few
that
have
approved
themselves
Just
and
Merciful
after
their
attaining
to
Sovereignty
,
whose
Carriage
in
an
inferior
Station
,
had
been
to
the
Damage
and
general
Hurt
of
Mankind
,
as
far
as
their
narrow
Power
and
Interest
would
extend
.
It
ought
therefore
to
lay
us
under
a
Conviction
,
what
we
are
to
expect
from
His
Majesty
on
the
Throne
,
when
we
find
the
whole
Thread
and
Series
of
his
Conduct
while
a
Subject
,
to
have
been
a
continued
Design
against
our
Religion
,
and
an
uninterrupted
Plot
for
the
Subversion
of
our
Laws
and
Liberties
.
'T
is
sufficiently
known
,
how
active
he
always
was
,
to
keep
up
and
inflame
the
Differences
among
Protestants
,
and
how
he
was
both
a
great
Promoter
of
all
the
severe
Laws
made
against
Dissenters
,
and
a
continual
Instigator
to
the
rigorous
Execution
of
them
:
So
that
his
affirming
it
to
have
been
ever
his
Judgment
,
that
none
ought
to
be
oppressed
and
persecuted
for
Matters
of
Religion
,
nor
to
be
hindered
in
Worshipping
God
according
to
their
several
Perswasions
;
serves
only
to
inform
us
,
either
with
what
little
Honesty
,
Honor
and
Conscience
He
acted
,
in
concurring
to
the
making
of
the
foresaid
Laws
,
or
what
small
Faith
and
Credit
is
now
to
be
given
to
his
Declaration
,
and
to
what
he
hath
,
since
the
Emission
of
it
,
repeated
both
in
his
Speech
to
Mr.
Penn
,
and
in
his
Letter
to
Mr.
Alsop
.
And
to
omit
many
other
Instances
of
his
kindness
and
Benignity
to
the
Fanaticks
,
whom
he
now
so
much
hugs
and
caresseth
;
it
may
not
be
amiss
to
remember
them
,
and
all
other
Protestants
,
of
that
barbarous
and
illegal
Commission
issued
forth
by
the
Council
of
Scotland
,
while
he
,
as
the
late
King
's
High
Commissioner
,
had
the
Management
of
the
Affairs
of
that
Kingdom
;
by
which
every
Military
Officer
that
had
command
over
twelve
Men
,
was
impower'd
to
impannel
Juries
,
Try
,
Condemn
and
cause
to
be
put
to
Death
,
not
only
those
who
should
be
found
to
disclaim
the
King's
Authority
,
but
such
as
should
refuse
to
acknowledge
the
King
's
new
modelled
Supremacy
over
that
Church
;
in
the
pursuance
and
Execution
of
which
Commission
,
some
were
Shot
to
Death
,
others
were
Hang'd
or
Drowned
,
and
this
not
only
during
the
Continuance
of
the
Reign
of
his
late
Majesty
,
but
for
above
a
Year
and
a
half
after
the
present
King
came
to
the
Crown
.
But
what
need
is
there
,
of
insisting
upon
such
little
Particulars
,
wherein
he
was
at
all
times
ready
to
express
his
Malice
to
Protestants
,
seeing
we
have
not
only
Dr.
Oates's
Testimony
,
and
that
of
divers
others
,
but
most
Authentick
Proofs
from
Mr.
Coleman's
Letters
,
of
his
having
been
in
a
Conspiracy
several
Years
for
the
Subversion
of
our
Religion
,
upon
the
meritorious
and
sanctified
Motive
of
extirpating
the
Northern
Heresie
.
Of
which
,
beside
all
the
Evidence
that
four
Successive
Parliaments
arrived
at
,
I
know
several
,
who
,
since
the
Duke
of
York
ascended
the
Throne
,
have
had
it
confirmed
unto
them
by
divers
Foreign
Papists
,
that
were
less
reserved
,
or
more
ingenuous
than
many
of
that
Communion
use
to
be
.
To
question
the
Existence
of
that
Plot
,
and
his
present
Majesties
having
been
Accessary
unto
,
and
in
the
Head
of
it
,
argues
a
strange
Effrontery
and
Impudence
,
through
casting
an
Aspersion
of
Weakness
,
Folly
and
Injustice
,
not
only
upon
those
Three
Parliaments
that
seem'd
to
have
retained
some
Zeal
for
English
Liberties
,
but
by
fastening
the
same
Imputations
upon
the
Long
Parliament
,
which
had
shewed
it self
at
all
times
more
Obsequious
to
the
Will
of
the
Court
,
than
was
either
for
their
own
Honor
,
or
the
Safety
and
Interest
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
who
had
expressed
a
Veneration
for
the
Royal
Family
,
that
approached
too
much
upon
a
degree
of
Idolatry
.
Whosoever
considers
that
Train
of
Counsels
wherein
the
King
was
many
Years
engaged
,
and
whereof
we
felt
the
woful
Effects
in
the
Burning
of
London
,
the
frequent
Prorogation
and
Dissolution
of
Parliaments
,
the
widening
and
exasperating
Differences
among
Protestants
,
the
stirring
up
and
provoking
Civil
Magistrates
,
and
Ecclesiastical
Courts
,
to
persecute
Dissenters
,
and
the
maintaining
Correspondencies
with
the
Pope
and
Catholick
Princes
abroad
,
to
the
dishonor
of
the
Nation
,
and
danger
of
our
Laws
and
Religion
,
cannot
avoid
being
apprehensive
what
we
are
now
to
look
for
at
his
Hands
,
nor
can
be
escape
,
thinking
that
he
esteems
his
Advancement
to
the
Crown
,
both
a
Reward
from
Heaven
for
what
he
hath
done
and
plotted
against
these
three
Kingdoms
,
and
an
Opportunity
and
Advantage
administred
to
him
for
the
Perfecting
and
Accomplishment
of
all
those
Designs
with
which
he
hath
been
so
long
Bigg
and
in
Travel
for
the
Destruction
of
our
Religion
,
the
Subversion
of
our
Laws
,
and
the
Re-establishment
of
Popery
in
these
Dominions
.
The
Conduct
and
Guidance
under
which
His
Majesty
hath
put
himself
,
and
the
fiery
Temper
of
that
Order
to
whose
Government
he
hath
resigned
his
Conscience
,
may
greatly
add
to
our
Fears
,
and
give
us
all
the
Jealousie
and
Dread
that
we
are
capable
of
being
impressed
with
,
in
reference
to
Matters
to
come
,
that
there
is
nothing
which
can
be
Fatal
to
our
Religion
or
Persons
,
that
we
may
not
expect
the
being
called
to
conflict
with
and
suffer
.
For
tho
most
of
the
Popish
Ecclesiasticks
,
especially
the
Regulars
,
bear
an
inveterate
Malice
to
Protestants
,
and
hold
themselves
under
indispensible
Obligations
of
eradicating
whatsoever
their
Church
stiles
Heresie
,
and
have
accordingly
been
always
forward
to
stir
up
and
provoke
Rulers
,
to
the
use
and
Application
of
Force
for
the
Destruction
of
Protestants
,
as
a
Company
of
perverse
and
obstinate
Hereticks
,
adjudged
and
condemned
to
the
Stake
and
Gibbet
by
the
infallible
Chair
;
yet
of
all
Men
in
the
Communion
of
the
Romish
Church
,
and
of
their
Religious
Orders
,
the
Jesuits
are
they
who
do
most
hate
us
,
and
whose
Counsels
have
been
most
Sanguinary
,
and
always
tending
to
influence
those
Monarchs
,
whose
Consciences
they
have
had
the
guiding
and
conducting
of
,
to
the
utmost
Cruelties
and
Barbarities
towards
us
.
What
our
Brethren
have
had
measured
out
to
them
in
France
,
through
Father
de
la
Chaise's
Influence
upon
that
King
,
and
through
the
bewitching
Power
and
Domination
he
hath
over
him
in
the
quality
of
his
Confessor
,
and
as
having
the
Direction
of
his
Conscience
,
may
very
well
alarm
and
inform
us
what
we
ought
to
expect
from
His
Majesty
of
Great
Britain
,
who
hath
surrendered
his
Conscience
to
the
Guidance
of
Father
Peters
,
a
Person
of
the
same
Order
,
and
of
the
like
mischievous
and
bloody
Disposition
that
the
former
is
.
'T
is
well
observed
by
the
Author
of
the
Reasons
against
Repealing
the
Acts
of
Parliament
concerning
the
Test
,
that
Cardinal
Howard's
being
of
such
a
meek
and
gentle
Temper
,
that
is
able
to
withstand
the
Malignity
of
his
Religion
,
and
to
preserve
him
from
concurring
in
those
mischievous
Counsels
which
his
Purple
might
seem
to
oblige
him
unto
,
is
the
reason
of
his
being
shut
out
from
Acquaintance
with
,
and
Interest
in
the
English
Affairs
transacted
at
Rome
,
and
that
whatsoever
his
Majesty
hath
to
do
in
that
Court
,
is
managed
by
his
Ambassador
under
the
sole
Direction
of
the
Jesuits
.
So
that
it
is
not
without
cause
,
that
the
Jesuit
of
Liege
,
in
his
intercepted
and
lately
printed
Letter
,
tells
a
Brother
of
the
Order
,
what
a
wonderful
Veneration
the
King
hath
for
the
Society
,
and
with
what
profound
Submission
he
receives
those
Reverend
Fathers
,
and
hearkens
to
whatsoever
they
represent
.
Nor
is
His
Majesty's
being
under
the
Influence
of
the
Jesuits
,
through
having
one
of
them
for
his
Confessor
,
and
several
of
them
for
his
Chief
Counsellors
and
principal
Confidents
,
the
only
thing
,
in
this
Matter
,
that
awakens
our
Fear
in
what
we
are
to
expect
from
his
armed
Power
,
excited
and
stir'd
up
by
that
fiery
Tribe
,
but
there
is
another
Ground
why
we
ought
more
especially
to
dread
him
,
and
that
is
,
his
being
entred
and
enrolled
into
the
Order
,
and
become
a
Member
of
the
Society
,
whereby
he
is
brought
into
a
greater
Subjection
and
Dependence
upon
them
,
and
stands
bound
by
Ties
and
Engagements
of
being
obedient
to
the
Commands
of
the
General
of
the
Jesuits
,
and
that
not
only
in
Spirituals
,
but
in
whatsoever
they
shall
pretend
to
be
subservient
to
the
Exaltation
of
the
Church
,
and
for
upholding
the
Glory
of
the
Tripple
Crown
.
This
is
a
Mystery
which
few
are
yet
acquainted
with
,
and
which
both
His
Majesty
,
and
the
Order
,
judge
it
their
Interest
to
have
industriously
concealed
,
but
whereof
the
World
may
ere
long
receive
that
convictive
Intelligence
,
that
there
will
be
no
room
left
for
suspecting
the
Truth
of
it
,
and
whereof
a
Jesuit
,
in
the
late
printed
Letter
from
Liege
,
hath
given
us
already
sufficient
Intimation
,
both
in
telling
us
,
That
the
King
of
England
stiles
himself
a
Son
of
the
Society
;
and
how
that
he
wrote
to
Father
de
la
Chaise
,
that
he
would
account
every
Injury
done
to
the
Jesuits
,
to
be
a
wrong
committed
against
himself
.
Neither
is
it
so
surprising
as
it
may
seem
at
first
view
that
the
King
should
list
himself
a
Member
of
the
Order
,
seeing
there
have
been
four
other
Crowned
Heads
,
of
whose
Entrance
and
Matriculation
into
the
Society
,
there
is
all
the
Evidence
and
Assurance
imaginable
.
And
tho
one
of
them
is
acknowledged
to
have
been
in
the
Classis
of
the
Directors
,
while
the
other
three
are
generally
believed
to
have
been
in
the
Form
of
the
Directed
;
yet
such
was
the
Power
of
the
Society
over
them
all
,
that
a
great
part
of
the
Cruelty
exercised
towards
Protestants
both
in
the
last
Age
and
in
this
,
is
to
be
ascribed
to
that
implicit
and
blind
Obedience
,
which
they
were
bound
to
yield
to
the
Injunctions
of
the
Order
and
to
the
Commands
of
the
General
.
Philip
the
Second
of
Spain
,
who
was
the
first
King
that
entred
into
the
Order
,
and
who
did
it
upon
Motives
of
Policy
in
hopes
,
by
their
means
,
to
have
compassed
the
Universal
Monarchy
which
he
was
aspiring
after
,
and
who
,
through
being
in
the
Classis
of
Directors
,
had
Advantages
of
using
and
improving
,
and
not
of
being
in
that
degree
of
Servitude
unto
them
which
the
others
have
been
;
yet
to
what
barbarous
Cruelties
did
they
over-rule
and
instigate
him
,
not
only
to
the
Destruction
of
unconceivable
Numbers
of
his
Subjects
,
whose
only
Crime
was
,
that
they
could
not
believe
as
the
Church
of
Rome
doth
,
which
issued
in
the
depopulating
some
of
his
Dominions
,
and
his
being
deposed
from
the
Sovereignty
in
others
;
but
to
the
Sacrificing
his
Son
and
Heir
Prince
Charles
,
whom
to
gratifie
the
Society
,
he
caused
,
upon
an
Accusation
of
his
favoring
the
Low-Country
Hereticks
,
and
the
being
himself
tainted
with
Lutheranism
,
to
be
murthered
in
his
own
Court
and
Palace
.
Sigismond
of
Poland
,
who
was
the
second
Crowned
Head
admitted
into
the
Order
,
through
complying
with
the
Counsels
,
and
serving
the
Wrath
,
Rage
and
Passions
of
the
Jesuits
,
in
endeavoring
to
suppress
Religion
in
Swedeland
,
to
which
he
was
Heir
,
and
in
striving
to
subvert
their
Civil
Rights
,
drew
upon
himself
the
Resentment
and
Wrath
of
that
Nation
to
such
a
degree
,
that
they
abdicated
him
and
his
Heirs
from
the
Government
,
and
advanced
another
to
the
Throne
.
Casimire
,
who
was
also
King
of
Poland
,
is
reckoned
to
be
the
third
Sovereign
Prince
that
entered
into
the
Society
,
and
he
,
through
coming
under
the
Domination
of
the
Jesuits
,
and
being
bound
to
follow
their
Directions
,
and
to
execute
whatsoever
the
General
of
the
Order
thought
fit
to
enjoyn
for
the
Promotion
and
Benefit
of
the
Church
,
became
not
only
an
Instrument
of
a
severe
Persecution
against
all
sort
of
Dissenters
from
the
Romish
Faith
,
so
that
many
were
put
to
Death
,
and
more
driven
to
abandon
their
Country
,
but
through
committing
many
things
in
the
course
of
his
Government
,
that
were
prejudicial
to
the
Rights
,
and
thereupon
disgustful
to
the
Polish
Nobility
,
they
conceived
such
an
Aversion
and
Hatred
for
him
,
that
to
avoid
the
Effects
of
their
Resentment
and
Indignation
,
he
was
forced
to
lay
down
his
Crown
,
and
to
chuse
to
end
his
days
in
France
,
in
no
higher
a
Post
,
and
under
no
more
glorious
a
Character
,
than
that
of
Abbot
of
St.
German
.
There
is
a
fourth
Prince
,
and
who
is
yet
in
being
,
that
is
generally
believed
to
be
enrolled
into
the
Order
,
and
the
Persecution
he
hath
carried
on
in
Hungary
,
contrary
to
his
natural
Temper
,
and
to
all
the
Rules
of
Interest
and
Policy
,
and
to
the
Violation
of
his
Promises
and
Oaths
for
continuing
unto
them
the
Liberty
of
their
Religion
,
is
both
too
probable
an
Evidence
of
it
,
and
a
strong
Confirmation
of
the
Cruelties
which
the
Jesuits
instigate
Princes
unto
,
over
whom
they
have
Influence
,
and
whom
they
have
wheedled
into
Engagements
of
obeying
their
Commands
,
and
pursuing
their
Injunctions
.
And
as
the
desolating
of
Hungary
,
through
a
long
and
bloody
War
,
and
the
tempting
the
Turks
to
invade
the
Austrian
Territories
,
are
some
of
the
Effects
that
have
ensued
upon
the
Emperor's
complying
with
the
fierce
and
heady
Counsels
of
the
Jesuits
;
so
we
have
not
seen
all
the
Mischiefs
that
the
Persecution
,
which
they
have
engaged
him
in
against
Protestants
,
is
like
to
issue
in
,
tho
beside
the
disgusting
several
Electoral
Princes
and
States
in
Germany
,
and
the
furnishing
the
Ottoman
Potentate
with
Encouragements
of
continuing
the
War
,
there
are
wonderful
Advantages
afforded
by
it
,
to
embolden
the
French
King
in
his
Encroachments
upon
the
Empire
,
which
otherways
he
would
not
have
dared
to
attempt
,
and
whereof
the
result
at
last
may
prove
fatal
to
the
Imperial
Dignity
,
and
to
the
whole
House
of
Austria
.
Now
what
the
Protestants
in
Great
Britain
and
Ireland
ought
to
dread
from
the
King
,
upon
his
being
entred
into
a
Society
that
hath
breathed
nothing
but
Fire
and
Blood
since
its
first
Institution
,
I
leave
to
the
serious
Consideration
of
all
Men
who
value
their
Lives
,
Liberties
and
Estates
,
and
that
do
not
think
of
renouncing
their
Religion
,
and
turning
Papists
.
Nor
is
it
to
be
imagined
that
the
King
,
before
he
can
be
supposed
well
settled
on
the
Throne
,
and
while
under
a
declining
State
of
Body
,
as
well
as
in
an
advanced
Age
,
having
the
weight
of
Four
and
fifty
upon
his
Shoulders
,
beside
something
else
that
he
is
obliged
to
the
Earl
of
Southesk
for
,
which
I
shall
not
mention
,
would
have
taken
so
many
bold
,
wide
,
and
Illegal
Steps
for
the
Supplanting
our
Religion
and
Laws
,
and
for
the
Introduction
and
Establishment
of
Popery
and
Tyranny
,
and
this
not
only
to
the
losing
and
disobliging
his
former
Votaries
and
Partizans
,
but
to
the
strange
Allarming
and
Disgusting
most
Persons
of
Honor
,
Quality
and
Interest
in
the
Three
Kingdoms
,
were
he
not
beside
the
being
under
the
Sway
of
his
own
Bigottry
,
and
the
strong
Ballance
of
a
large
Measure
of
ill
Nature
,
bound
by
Ties
of
implicit
Obedience
to
the
Commands
of
that
extravagant
and
furious
Society
,
to
the
promoting
of
whose
Passions
and
Malice
,
rather
than
his
own
Safety
and
Glory
,
or
the
lasting
Benefit
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
themselves
,
the
whole
Course
of
his
Government
hitherto
seems
to
have
been
shapen
and
adapted
.
The
Occasion
and
Subject
of
the
late
Contest
between
him
and
the
Pope
,
which
hath
made
so
great
a
Noise
not
only
at
Rome
,
but
through
all
Europe
,
may
serve
to
convince
us
both
of
the
extraordinary
Zeal
he
hath
for
the
Society
,
and
of
the
transcendent
Power
they
have
over
him
,
and
that
't
is
no
wonder
he
should
exact
an
Obedience
without
reserve
from
his
Subjects
in
Scotland
,
seeing
he
himself
yields
an
Obedience
without
reserve
to
the
Jesuits
.
'T
is
known
,
how
that
by
the
Rules
of
their
Institution
,
no
Jesuit
is
capable
of
the
Mitre
,
and
that
if
the
Ambition
of
any
of
them
,
should
tempt
him
to
seek
or
accept
the
Dignity
of
a
Prelate
,
he
must
,
for
being
capacitated
thereunto
,
renounce
his
Membership
in
the
Order
.
Yet
so
great
is
His
Majesties
Passion
for
the
Honor
and
Grandeur
of
the
Society
,
and
such
is
their
Domination
and
absolute
Power
over
him
,
that
no
less
will
serve
him
,
neither
would
they
allow
him
to
insist
upon
less
,
than
that
the
Pope
should
dispense
with
Father
Peters
being
made
a
Bishop
,
without
his
ceasing
to
be
a
Jesuit
,
or
the
being
transplanted
into
another
Order
.
And
this
the
old
Gentleman
at
Rome
hath
been
forced
at
last
to
comply
with
,
and
to
grant
a
Dispensation
,
whereby
Father
Peters
shall
be
capable
of
the
Prelature
,
notwithstanding
his
remaining
in
the
Ignatian
Order
,
the
Jesuits
,
through
their
Authority
over
the
King
,
not
suffering
him
to
recede
from
his
Demand
,
and
His
Majesty's
Zeal
for
the
Society
,
not
permitting
him
to
comply
either
with
the
Prayers
,
or
the
Conscience
and
Honor
of
the
Supreme
Pontiff
.
Not
only
the
King's
Unthankfulness
unto
,
but
his
illegal
Proceedings
against
,
and
his
Arbitrary
invading
the
Rights
of
those
who
stood
by
him
in
all
his
Dangers
and
Difficulties
,
and
who
were
the
Instruments
of
preventing
his
Exclusion
from
the
Crown
,
and
the
chief
means
both
of
his
Advancement
to
the
Throne
,
and
his
being
kept
in
it
,
are
so
many
new
Evidences
of
the
ill
will
he
bears
to
all
Protestants
,
and
what
they
are
to
dread
from
him
,
as
Occasions
are
Administred
of
Injuring
and
Oppressing
them
;
and
may
serve
to
convince
all
impartial
and
thinking
People
,
that
his
Popish
Malice
to
our
Religion
,
is
too
strong
for
all
Principles
of
Honor
and
Gratitude
,
and
able
to
cancel
the
Obligations
,
which
Friendship
for
his
Person
,
and
Service
to
his
Interest
,
may
be
supposed
to
have
laid
him
under
to
any
heretofore
.
Had
it
not
been
for
many
of
the
Church
of
England
,
who
stood
up
with
a
Zeal
and
Vigor
for
preserving
the
Succession
in
the
right
Line
,
beyond
what
Religion
,
Conscience
,
Reason
or
Interest
could
conduct
them
unto
,
he
had
never
been
able
to
have
out-wrestled
the
Endeavors
of
Three
Parliaments
for
ex-excluding
him
from
the
Imperial
Crown
of
England
:
And
had
it
not
been
for
their
Abetting
and
standing
by
him
with
their
Swords
in
their
Hands
,
upon
the
Duke
of
Monmouth's
Descent
into
the
Kingdom
Anno
1685
he
could
not
have
avoided
the
being
driven
from
the
Throne
,
and
the
having
the
Scepter
wrested
out
of
his
Hand
.
Whosoever
had
the
Advantage
of
knowing
the
Temper
and
Genius
of
the
late
King
,
and
how
afraid
he
was
of
embarking
into
any
thing
that
might
import
a
visible
Hazard
to
the
Peace
of
his
Government
,
and
draw
after
it
a
general
Disgust
of
his
Person
;
will
be
soon
satisfied
,
that
if
all
his
Protestant
Subjects
had
united
in
their
Desires
,
and
concurred
in
their
Endeavors
,
to
have
had
the
Duke
of
York
debarred
from
the
Crown
,
that
his
late
Majesty
would
not
have
once
scrupled
the
complying
with
it
,
and
that
his
Love
to
his
Dear
Brother
,
would
have
given
way
to
the
Apprehension
and
Fear
of
forfeiting
a
Love
for
himself
in
the
Hearts
of
his
People
,
especially
when
what
was
required
of
him
,
was
not
an
Invasion
upon
the
Fundamentals
of
the
Constitution
of
the
English
Monarchy
,
nor
dissonant
from
the
Practice
of
the
Nation
in
many
repeated
Instances
.
Nor
can
there
be
a
greater
Evidence
of
the
present
King's
ill
Nature
,
Romish
Bigottry
,
and
prodigious
Ingratitude
,
as
well
as
of
the
Design
he
is
carrying
on
against
our
Religion
and
Laws
,
than
his
Carriage
and
Behavior
towards
the
Church
of
England
;
tho
I
cannot
but
acknowledge
it
a
righteous
Judgment
upon
them
from
God
,
and
a
just
Punishment
for
their
being
not
only
so
unconcerned
for
the
Preservation
of
our
Religion
and
Liberties
,
in
avoiding
to
close
with
the
only
Methods
that
were
adapted
thereunto
,
but
for
being
so
Passionate
and
Industrious
to
hasten
the
Loss
of
them
,
through
putting
the
Government
into
ones
hands
,
who
(
as
they
might
have
foreseen
)
would
be
sure
to
make
a
Sacrifice
of
them
to
his
beloved
Popery
,
and
to
his
inordinate
Lust
after
despotical
and
Arbitrary
Power
.
And
as
the
only
Example
bearing
any
Affinity
to
it
,
is
that
of
Louis
XIV
.
who
in
recompence
to
his
Protestant
Subjects
for
maintaining
him
on
the
Throne
,
when
the
late
Prince
of
Conde
,
assisted
by
Papists
,
would
have
wrested
the
Crown
from
him
,
hath
treated
them
with
a
Barbarity
,
whereof
that
of
Antiochus
towards
the
Jews
,
and
that
of
Diocletian
and
Maximian
towards
the
Primitive
Christians
were
but
scanty
and
imperfect
Draughts
;
so
there
wants
nothing
for
compleating
the
Parallel
between
England
and
France
,
but
a
little
more
time
and
a
fortunate
Opportunity
,
and
then
the
deluded
Church-men
will
find
,
that
Father
Peters
is
no
less
skillful
at
Whitehall
,
for
transforming
their
Acts
of
Loyalty
and
Merit
towards
the
King
,
into
Crimes
and
Motives
of
their
Ruin
,
than
Pere
de
la
Chaise
hath
shewn
himself
at
Versailles
,
where
by
an
Art
peculiar
to
the
Jesuits
,
he
hath
improved
the
Loyalty
and
Zeal
of
the
Reformed
in
France
,
for
the
House
of
Bourbon
,
into
a
reason
of
alienating
that
Monarch
from
them
,
and
into
a
ground
of
his
destroying
that
dutiful
and
obedient
People
.
It
will
not
be
amiss
to
call
over
some
of
his
Majesty's
Proceedings
towards
the
Church
of
England
,
that
from
what
hath
been
already
seen
and
felt
,
both
they
and
all
English
Protestants
may
the
better
know
what
they
are
to
expect
and
look
for
hereafter
.
Tho
it
be
a
Method
very
unbecoming
a
Prince
,
yet
it
shews
a
great
deal
of
Spleen
,
to
turn
the
former
Persecution
of
Dissenters
so
maliciously
upon
the
Prelatical
and
Conforming
Clergy
,
as
his
Majesty
doth
in
his
Letter
to
Mr.
Alsop
,
in
stiling
them
a
Party
of
Protestants
,
who
think
the
only
way
to
advance
their
Church
,
is
by
undoing
those
Churches
of
Christians
that
differ
from
them
in
smaller
Matters
.
Whereas
the
Severity
that
the
Fanaticks
met
with
,
had
much
of
its
Original
at
Court
,
where
it
was
formed
and
designed
upon
Motives
of
Popery
and
Arbitrariness
;
and
the
Resentment
and
revengeful
Humor
of
some
of
the
old
Prelates
,
and
other
Church-men
that
had
suffered
in
the
late
times
,
was
only
laid
hold
of
,
the
better
to
justifie
and
improve
it
.
And
tho
it
be
too
true
,
that
many
of
the
dignified
Rank
,
as
well
as
of
the
little
Levites
,
were
both
extremely
fond
of
it
,
and
contentiously
pleaded
for
it
;
yet
it
is
as
true
,
that
most
of
them
did
it
not
upon
Principles
of
Judgment
and
Conscience
,
but
upon
Inducements
of
Retaliation
for
conceived
Injuries
,
and
upon
a
belief
of
its
being
the
most
compendious
Method
to
the
next
Preferment
and
Benefice
,
and
the
fairest
way
of
standing
recommended
to
the
Favor
of
the
two
Royal
Brothers
.
Nor
is
it
unworthy
of
Observation
,
that
some
of
the
most
virulent
Writers
against
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
and
others
of
the
most
fierce
Instigators
to
the
persecuting
Dissenters
,
among
whom
we
may
reckon
Parker
Bishop
of
Oxford
,
and
Cartwright
Bishop
of
Chester
,
are
,
since
Addressing
for
the
Declaration
of
Indulgence
became
the
means
of
being
graciously
look'd
upon
at
Whitehall
,
turned
forward
Promoters
of
it
,
tho
their
Success
in
their
Diocesses
with
their
Clergy
,
hath
not
answered
their
Expectations
and
Endeavors
.
For
as
these
two
Mytred
Gentlemen
will
fall
in
with
and
justifie
whatsoever
the
King
hath
a
mind
to
do
,
if
they
may
but
keep
their
Seas
,
and
enjoy
their
Revenues
,
which
I
dare
say
,
that
rather
than
lose
,
they
will
subscribe
not
only
to
the
Tridentine
Faith
,
but
to
the
Alcoran
;
so
it
is
most
certain
that
they
two
as
well
as
the
Bishop
of
Durham
,
have
promised
to
turn
Roman
Catholicks
;
and
that
as
Crew
hath
been
several
times
seen
assisting
at
the
Celebration
of
the
Mass
,
and
that
as
Cartwright
paid
a
particular
respect
to
the
Nuncie
at
his
solemn
Entrance
at
Windsor
,
which
some
Temporal
Lords
had
so
much
Conscience
and
Honor
,
as
to
scorn
to
do
,
so
the
Author
of
the
Liege
Letter
tells
us
,
that
Parker
not
only
extremely
favors
Popery
,
but
that
he
brands
in
a
manner
all
such
for
Atheists
,
who
continue
to
plead
for
the
Protestant
Religion
.
'T
is
an
Act
of
the
same
Candor
and
good
Nature
in
the
King
with
the
former
,
and
another
Royal
Effect
of
his
Princely
Breeding
,
as
well
as
of
his
Gratitude
,
when
he
Endeavors
to
cast
a
farther
Odium
upon
the
Church
of
England
,
and
to
exasperate
the
Dissenters
against
her
,
by
saying
in
the
forementioned
Letter
to
Mr.
Alsop
,
That
the
reason
why
the
Dissenters
enjoyed
not
Liberty
sooner
,
is
wholly
owing
to
the
Sollicitation
of
the
Conforming
Clergy
;
whereas
many
of
the
learned
and
sober
Men
of
the
Church
of
England
,
could
have
been
contented
that
the
Non-conforming
Protestants
should
have
had
Liberty
long
ago
,
provided
it
had
been
granted
in
a
legal
way
;
and
the
chief
Executioners
of
Severity
upon
them
,
were
such
of
all
Ranks
,
Orders
and
Stations
as
the
Court
both
set
on
and
rewarded
for
it
.
'T
is
not
their
Brethrens
having
Liberty
that
displeaseth
modest
and
good
Men
of
the
Church
of
England
;
but
't
is
the
having
it
in
the
virtue
of
an
Usurped
Prerogative
over
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
and
to
the
shaking
all
the
legal
Foundations
of
the
Protestant
Religion
it self
in
the
Kingdom
.
And
had
the
Declaration
of
Indulgence
imported
only
an
Exemption
of
Dissenters
and
Papists
from
Rigors
and
Penalties
,
I
know
very
few
that
would
have
been
displeased
at
it
;
but
the
extending
it
to
the
removing
all
the
Fences
about
the
Reformed
Doctrine
and
Worship
,
and
laying
us
open
both
to
the
tyranny
of
Papists
,
and
the
being
overflowed
with
a
deluge
of
their
Superstitions
and
Idolatries
,
as
well
as
the
designing
it
for
a
means
to
overthrow
the
established
Church
,
is
that
which
no
wise
Dissenter
no
more
than
a
conformable
man
knows
how
to
digest
.
For
I
am
not
of
Sir
R.
L'Estrange's
mind
,
who
after
he
hath
been
writing
for
many
years
against
Dissenters
with
all
the
venom
and
malice
imaginable
,
and
to
disprove
the
wisdom
,
justice
,
and
convenience
of
granting
them
liberty
,
hath
now
the
impudence
to
publish
that
whatsoever
he
formerly
wrote
,
bears
an
exact
conformity
to
the
present
Resolutions
of
State
,
Pref.
to
his
Hist.
of
the
Times
.
p.
8.
in
that
the
liberty
now
vouchsafed
is
an
Act
of
Grace
issuing
from
the
supreme
Magistrate
,
and
not
a
claim
of
Right
in
the
people
.
And
as
to
recited
expressions
of
the
King
,
they
are
only
a
papal
trick
whereby
to
keep
up
heats
and
animosities
among
Protestants
,
when
both
the
inward
heats
of
men
are
much
allay'd
,
and
the
external
provocations
to
them
are
wholly
removed
,
and
they
are
merely
Jesuitick
methods
by
which
our
hatred
of
one
another
may
be
maintain'd
,
tho
the
Laws
enabling
one
party
to
persecute
the
other
,
which
was
the
chief
spring
of
all
our
mutual
rancor
and
bitterness
,
be
suspended
.
It
would
be
the
sport
and
glory
of
the
Ignatian
Order
,
to
be
able
to
make
the
disabling
of
penal
Laws
as
effectual
to
the
supporting
differences
among
Protestants
,
as
the
enacting
and
rigorous
execution
of
them
,
was
to
the
first
raising
,
and
the
continuing
them
afterwards
for
many
years
.
And
if
the
foregoing
Topicks
can
furnish
the
King
arguments
whereby
to
reproach
the
Ch.
of
England
,
when
he
thinks
it
seasonable
and
for
the
interest
of
Rome
to
be
angry
with
them
;
I
dare
affirm
he
will
never
want
pretences
of
being
discontented
with
and
of
aspersing
Fanaticks
,
when
he
finds
the
doing
so
,
to
be
for
the
service
of
the
papal
cause
.
And
if
the
forementioned
instances
of
his
Majesty's
behaviour
to
the
Ch.
of
England
to
which
he
stands
so
superlatively
obliged
,
be
neither
testimonies
of
his
Ingenuity
,
evidences
of
his
Gratitude
,
nor
effects
of
common
,
much
less
royal
Justice
;
yet
what
remains
to
be
intimated
,
does
carry
more
visible
marks
of
his
malice
and
design
both
against
the
legally
established
Church
and
our
Religion
.
For
not
being
satisfied
with
the
suspension
of
all
those
Laws
,
by
which
Protestants
and
they
of
the
national
Communion
might
seem
to
be
injurious
to
Papists
in
their
Persons
and
Estates
,
such
as
the
Laws
which
make
those
,
who
shall
be
found
to
have
taken
Orders
in
the
Ch.
of
Rome
,
obnoxious
to
death
,
or
those
other
Statutes
by
which
the
King
hath
Power
and
Authority
for
levying
two
thirds
of
their
Estates
that
shall
be
convicted
of
Recusancy
;
but
by
an
usurped
Prerogative
and
an
absolute
Power
he
is
pleased
to
suspend
all
the
Laws
by
which
they
were
only
disabled
from
hurting
us
,
thro
standing
precluded
from
places
of
Power
and
Trust
in
the
Government
.
So
that
the
whole
security
we
have
in
time
to
come
for
our
Religion
,
depends
upon
the
temperate
disposition
and
good
nature
of
those
Roman
Catholicks
that
shall
be
advanced
to
Offices
and
Employments
,
and
does
no
longer
bear
upon
the
protection
and
support
of
the
Law
;
and
I
think
we
have
not
had
that
experience
of
grace
and
favour
from
Papists
,
as
may
give
us
just
confidence
of
fair
and
candid
treatment
from
them
for
the
future
.
Now
that
we
may
be
the
better
convinced
,
how
little
security
we
have
from
his
Majesty's
promise
in
his
Declaration
,
of
his
protecting
the
Archbishops
,
Bishops
and
Clergy
,
and
all
other
his
Subjects
of
the
Church
of
England
,
in
the
free
exercise
of
their
Religion
as
by
Law
established
,
and
in
the
quiet
and
full
enjoyment
of
their
poffessions
,
without
any
molestation
or
disturbance
whatsoever
,
which
is
all
the
Tenour
that
is
left
us
;
't
is
not
unworthy
of
observation
how
that
beside
the
suspending
the
Bishop
of
London
ab
Officio
,
and
the
Vice-Chancellor
of
Cambridge
both
ab
Officio
and
Beneficio
,
and
this
not
only
for
Actions
which
the
Laws
of
God
and
the
Kingdom
make
their
duty
,
but
thro
a
sentence
inflicted
upon
them
by
no
legal
Court
of
Judicature
,
but
by
5
or
6
mercenary
persons
supported
by
a
tyrannous
and
arbitrary
Commission
,
his
Majesty
in
his
Proclamation
for
Toleration
in
Scotland
,
bearing
date
Febr.
12.
doth
among
many
other
Laws
,
cass
,
disable
,
and
dispense
with
the
Law
enjoining
the
Scots
Test
,
tho
it
was
not
only
enacted
by
himself
while
he
represented
his
Brother
as
his
high
Commissioner
,
but
hath
been
confirmed
by
him
in
Parliament
since
he
came
to
the
Crown
.
Surely
it
is
as
easie
to
depart
from
a
promise
made
in
a
Declaration
,
as
't
is
to
absolve
and
discharge
himself
from
the
obligation
of
a
Law
which
he
first
concurred
to
the
enacting
of
,
and
gave
the
creating
Fiat
unto
as
the
late
King's
Commissioner
,
and
hath
since
ratified
in
Parliament
after
he
was
come
to
the
Throne
.
As
there
is
no
more
infidelity
,
dishonor
and
injustice
,
so
there
is
less
of
absolute
power
and
illegality
,
in
doing
the
one
than
the
other
.
Nor
is
it
possible
for
a
rational
man
to
place
a
confidence
in
his
Majesty's
Royal
word
for
the
protection
of
our
Religion
,
and
the
Ch.
of
England
mens
enjoying
their
possessions
,
seeing
he
hath
not
only
departed
from
his
Promise
made
to
the
Council
immediately
after
his
Brother's
death
,
but
hath
violated
his
Faith
given
to
the
Parliament
of
England
at
their
first
Session
,
which
we
might
have
thought
would
have
been
the
more
sacred
and
binding
,
by
reason
of
the
Grandeur
,
State
,
and
Quality
of
the
Assembly
to
which
it
was
pledged
.
If
we
consider
how
much
Protestants
suffered
,
what
number
of
them
was
burnt
at
the
Stake
,
as
well
as
Murdered
in
Goals
,
beside
the
vast
Multitudes
,
who
to
avoid
the
Rage
and
Power
of
their
Enemies
,
were
forced
to
abandon
their
Country
,
and
seek
for
shelter
in
foreign
Parts
,
and
what
Endeavors
of
all
kinds
were
used
for
the
Extirpation
of
our
Religion
under
Q.
Mary
;
we
may
gather
and
learn
from
thence
what
is
to
be
dreaded
from
James
II.
who
is
the
next
Popish
Prince
to
her
that
since
the
Reformation
hath
sat
on
the
Throne
of
England
.
For
though
there
be
many
things
that
administer
grounds
of
Hope
,
that
the
Papists
will
not
find
it
so
easie
a
matter
to
bring
us
in
shoals
to
the
stake
,
nor
of
that
quick
and
easie
dispatch
to
suppress
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
set
up
Popery
,
at
this
time
as
they
found
it
then
;
yet
every
thing
that
occurs
to
our
Thoughts
,
or
that
can
affect
our
Understandings
,
serves
not
only
to
perswade
us
into
a
belief
that
they
will
set
upon
and
endeavor
it
,
but
to
work
us
up
to
an
Assurance
that
his
Majesty
would
take
it
for
a
diminution
of
his
Glory
,
as
well
as
reflection
upon
his
Zeal
for
the
Church
of
Rome
,
not
to
attempt
what
a
Woman
had
both
the
Courage
to
undertake
,
and
the
Fortune
to
go
through
with
.
And
there
is
withal
a
Concurrence
of
so
many
things
both
abroad
and
at
home
at
this
Juncture
,
which
if
laid
in
the
ballance
with
the
Motives
to
our
hope
of
the
Papists
miscarrying
,
may
justly
raise
our
Fears
of
their
prospering
to
a
very
sad
and
uncomfortable
height
.
Whosoever
shall
compare
these
two
Princes
together
,
will
find
that
there
was
less
danger
to
be
apprehended
from
Mary
,
and
that
not
only
upon
the
score
of
her
Sex
,
but
by
reason
of
a
certain
gentleness
and
goodness
of
Nature
which
all
Historians
of
Judgment
and
Credit
ascribe
unto
her
;
than
is
to
be
expected
from
the
present
King
,
in
whom
a
Sourness
of
Temper
,
Fierceness
of
Disposition
,
and
Pride
joined
with
a
peevishness
of
humor
not
to
bear
the
having
his
will
disputed
or
controlled
,
are
the
principal
Ingredients
into
his
Constitution
,
and
which
are
all
strangely
heightned
and
enflamed
by
contracted
distempers
of
Body
,
and
thro'
furious
Principles
of
Mind
which
he
hath
imbib'd
from
the
Jesuits
,
who
of
all
Men
carry
the
Obligations
arising
from
the
Doctrines
of
the
Popish
Religion
to
the
most
outragious
and
inhuman
Excesses
.
Nor
can
I
forbear
to
add
,
that
whereas
the
Cruelty
which
that
Princess
was
hurried
into
,
even
to
the
making
her
Cities
common
Shambles
,
and
her
Streets
Theatres
of
Murder
for
Innocent
Persons
,
for
which
she
became
hated
while
she
lived
,
and
her
Memory
is
rendred
infamous
to
all
Generations
that
come
after
,
was
wholly
and
entirely
owing
to
her
Religion
,
which
not
only
proclaims
it
lawful
,
but
a
necessary
duty
of
Christianity
,
and
an
Act
meriting
a
peculiar
Crown
of
Glory
in
Heaven
,
to
destroy
Hereticks
;
't
is
to
be
feared
there
will
be
found
in
the
present
King
a
spice
of
revenge
against
us
as
we
are
Englishmen
,
as
well
as
a
measure
heapt
up
and
running
over
of
furious
Papal
Zeal
against
us
as
we
are
Protestants
.
Beside
the
Wrath
he
bears
unto
us
for
our
departure
from
the
Communion
of
the
Romish
Church
,
and
our
Rebellion
against
the
Triple
Crown
;
the
War
wherein
many
of
the
Kingdom
were
engag'd
against
his
Father
,
and
the
issue
of
it
in
the
Execution
of
that
Monarch
,
is
what
he
hath
been
heard
to
say
,
That
he
hopes
to
revenge
upon
the
Nation
.
And
all
that
the
City
of
London
underwent
thro'
that
dreadful
Conflagration
1666.
of
which
he
was
the
great
Author
and
Promoter
,
as
well
as
the
Rescuer
and
Protector
of
the
Varlets
that
were
apprehended
in
their
spreading
and
carrying
on
the
fire
,
is
but
earnest
in
respect
of
what
is
design'd
farther
to
be
paid
them
,
for
the
having
been
the
great
Supporters
of
that
War
,
both
by
continu'd
Recruits
of
Men
,
and
repeated
Supplies
of
Treasure
.
Tho'
it
was
Qu.
Marys
misfortune
,
and
proved
the
misery
of
Protestants
,
that
she
was
under
the
Influence
of
Popish
Bishops
,
and
of
Religious
of
several
Orders
,
by
whom
she
was
whetted
on
and
provoked
to
those
Barbarities
wherewith
her
Reign
is
stain'd
and
reproach'd
;
yet
she
had
no
Jesuits
about
her
,
to
whom
all
the
other
Orders
are
but
punies
in
the
arts
of
wheedling
and
frighting
Princes
forward
to
Cruelty
.
The
Society
being
then
but
in
its
Infancy
,
and
the
distance
between
its
Institution
,
which
was
in
1540.
and
the
time
of
her
coming
to
the
Crown
,
which
was
A.
1553.
not
affording
season
enough
for
their
spreading
so
far
abroad
as
they
have
since
done
,
nor
for
the
perfecting
themselves
to
that
degree
in
the
methods
of
Butchery
,
and
in
the
Topicks
whereby
to
delude
Monarchs
,
to
serve
and
promote
their
sanguinary
Passions
,
as
they
have
in
process
of
time
attain'd
unto
.
Nor
have
the
Protestants
now
any
security
for
their
Religion
,
whereby
it
or
themselves
may
be
preserv'd
from
the
attempts
of
his
Majesty
for
the
Extirpation
of
both
,
but
what
our
Predecessors
in
the
same
Faith
had
in
the
like
kind
,
tho'
not
to
the
same
measure
and
degree
,
when
Qu.
Mary
arrived
at
the
Throne
.
For
tho'
our
Religion
was
of
late
fenced
about
with
more
Laws
,
and
we
had
Royal
Promises
oftner
repeated
for
the
having
it
preserv'd
,
and
our selves
protected
in
the
Profession
of
it
;
yet
it
is
certain
that
it
had
not
only
receiv'd
a
legal
Establishment
under
K.
Edward
VI.
but
had
the
Royal
Faith
of
Q.
Mary
laid
to
pledg
in
a
Promise
made
to
the
Men
of
Suffolk
,
that
nothing
should
be
done
towards
its
Subversion
,
or
whereby
they
might
be
hindred
in
the
free
Exercise
of
it
.
But
as
neither
Law
nor
Promise
could
prove
restraints
upon
Mary
,
to
hinder
her
from
subverting
Religion
,
and
burning
Protestants
,
so
the
Obligation
of
Gratitude
that
she
was
under
to
the
Men
of
Suffolk
,
for
their
coming
in
so
seasonably
to
her
Assistance
against
the
D.
of
Northumb.
who
was
in
the
field
with
an
Army
in
the
name
of
the
Lady
Jane
Gray
,
whom
the
Council
had
proclaimed
Queen
,
could
not
excuse
them
from
sharing
in
the
Severity
that
others
met
with
,
it
being
observed
that
more
of
that
County
were
Burnt
for
Religion
,
than
of
any
other
Shire
in
England
.
And
't
is
greatly
to
be
feared
,
that
this
piece
of
her
Example
,
will
not
escape
being
conform'd
unto
by
the
King
in
his
Carriage
towards
those
that
eminently
served
him
,
as
well
as
all
the
rest
of
it
in
his
Behaviour
towards
Protestants
in
general
.
Nor
is
it
possible
to
conceive
that
the
Papists
living
at
that
ease
and
quietness
which
they
did
under
his
late
Majesty
,
of
whose
being
of
their
Religion
they
were
not
ignorant
,
as
appears
by
the
Proofs
they
have
vouchsaf'd
the
World
of
it
since
his
death
,
would
have
been
in
so
many
plots
for
destroying
him
,
and
at
last
have
hastned
him
to
his
Fathers
,
as
can
be
demonstrated
whensoever
it
is
seasonable
,
had
they
not
been
assur'd
of
more
to
be
attempted
by
his
Successor
for
the
Extirpation
of
Protestants
,
than
Charles
could
be
wrought
up
unto
,
or
prevail'd
upon
to
expose
his
Person
and
Crown
to
the
danger
and
hazard
of
.
For
as
it
is
not
merely
a
Prince's
being
a
Papist
,
and
mild
,
gentle
,
and
favorable
to
Catholicks
,
that
will
content
the
fiery
Zealots
of
the
Roman
Clergy
and
the
Regular
Orders
,
but
he
must
both
gratifie
their
Ambition
in
exalting
them
to
a
Condition
above
all
others
,
and
serve
their
inhuman
Lusts
and
brutal
Passions
,
in
not
suffering
any
to
live
in
his
Dominions
that
will
not
renounce
the
Northern
Heresie
;
so
it
is
not
more
incredible
that
they
should
dispatch
a
Prince
by
an
infusion
in
a
Cup
of
Tea
or
Chocolate
,
whom
tho'
they
knew
to
be
a
Papist
yet
they
found
too
cold
and
slow
in
promoting
their
Designs
;
than
that
they
should
have
murder'd
another
by
a
consecrated
Dagger
in
the
hand
of
Ravilliac
,
the
one
being
both
more
easie
to
be
detected
,
and
likelier
to
derive
an
universal
Hatred
and
Revenge
upon
them
than
the
other
.
And
as
the
King's
being
conscious
of
that
parricide
committed
upon
his
Brother
,
plainly
tells
us
,
that
there
is
nothing
so
abominable
and
barbarous
,
which
he
hath
not
a
Conscience
that
will
swallow
and
digest
;
so
the
Promotion
of
the
Catholick
Cause
being
the
Motive
to
that
horrid
Crime
,
we
may
be
sure
that
what
is
hitherto
done
in
favor
of
Papists
,
falls
much
short
of
what
is
intended
there
being
something
more
meritorious
than
all
this
amounts
unto
,
needful
to
attone
for
so
barbarous
a
Villany
,
which
can
be
nothing
else
but
the
extirpating
the
Protestant
Religion
out
of
the
three
Kingdoms
.
Nor
is
it
probable
that
the
present
King
,
who
is
represented
for
a
Person
ambitious
of
Glory
,
would
lose
the
Opportunities
wherewith
the
present
posture
of
Affairs
in
the
World
presents
him
,
of
being
the
Umpire
and
Arbiter
of
Christendom
,
and
of
giving
check
to
the
Grandeur
and
Usurpations
of
a
neighboring
Monarch
,
to
whom
all
Europe
is
in
danger
of
becoming
enslaved
;
if
he
were
not
swallowed
up
in
the
Thoughts
of
a
Conquest
over
the
Consciences
,
Laws
and
Liberties
of
his
own
People
,
and
of
subjugating
his
Dominions
to
the
Sea
of
Rome
,
and
had
he
not
Hopes
and
Assurances
of
Aid
and
Assistance
therein
from
that
Monarch
,
as
he
is
emboldned
and
encouraged
thereunto
by
his
Pattern
and
Example
.
What
the
Papists
have
all
along
been
endeavoring
for
the
Subversion
of
our
Religion
,
during
and
under
the
Reigns
of
Protestant
Princes
,
may
yet
farther
inform
and
confirm
us
,
what
they
will
infallibly
attempt
upon
their
having
gotten
one
into
the
Throne
,
who
is
not
only
in
all
things
of
their
own
Faith
,
but
of
an
Humor
agreeable
unto
their
Desires
,
and
of
a
Temper
every
way
suited
and
adapted
to
their
Designs
.
Tho'
the
Protestant
Religion
had
obtain'd
some
entrance
into
several
States
and
Kingdoms
,
and
had
made
some
considerable
spread
in
Europe
,
before
it
came
to
be
generally
received
,
and
established
upon
Foundations
of
Law
in
England
;
yet
they
of
other
Countries
,
were
little
able
to
defend
themselves
from
the
Power
and
Malice
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
and
of
Popish
Princes
,
and
many
of
them
were
very
unsuccessful
in
Endeavors
of
that
nature
,
till
England
,
in
Qu.
Elizabeths
time
by
espousing
their
Cause
and
undertaking
their
Quarrel
,
not
only
wrought
out
their
Safety
,
but
made
them
flourish
.
This
the
Court
of
Rome
and
the
Priests
grew
immediately
sensible
of
,
and
have
therefore
moulded
all
their
Counsels
ever
since
against
England
,
as
being
both
the
Bulwark
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Ballance
of
Europe
.
All
the
late
attempts
for
the
Extirpation
of
the
Protestant
Religion
in
France
and
elsewhere
,
are
much
to
be
ascribed
to
the
Confidence
the
Papists
had
in
the
late
King
and
his
Brother
of
their
giving
no
Discouragement
nor
Obstruction
to
so
holy
a
Design
;
and
thereupon
as
the
first
Edicts
for
infringing
the
Liberty
,
and
weakning
and
oppressing
Protestants
in
France
,
and
the
persecution
in
Hungary
,
commenced
and
bore
date
with
the
Restoration
of
the
Royal
Family
,
and
multiplied
,
and
encreased
from
year
to
year
as
they
grew
into
farther
assurance
of
the
Royal
Brothers
approving
as
well
as
conniving
at
what
was
done
;
so
that
for
the
abolition
of
the
Edict
of
Nants
,
and
the
total
Suppression
of
the
Reformed
Religion
in
France
,
was
emitted
upon
his
present
Majesty's
being
exalted
to
the
Throne
,
and
the
encouragement
he
gave
them
to
a
Procedure
,
which
as
he
now
justifies
he
will
hereafter
imitate
.
It
were
to
suppose
English
Protestants
exceedingly
unacquainted
with
the
History
of
their
own
Nation
,
to
give
a
long
Deduction
of
what
the
Papists
have
attempted
for
the
Extirpation
of
our
Religion
,
while
we
had
Princes
on
the
Throne
whose
Belief
and
Principles
in
Christianity
,
led
them
to
assert
and
defend
the
Reformation
,
and
who
had
Courage
as
well
as
Integrity
to
punish
those
that
conspired
against
it
.
Their
many
Conjurations
against
Queen
Elizabeths
Person
,
and
their
repeated
Endeavors
of
bringing
in
Foreigners
,
and
of
betraying
the
Nation
to
the
Spaniards
,
who
were
to
convert
the
Kingdom
as
they
had
done
the
West-Indies
by
killing
the
Inhabitants
,
are
sufficiently
known
to
all
who
have
allowed
themselves
leisure
to
read
,
or
who
have
been
careful
to
remember
what
they
have
been
often
told
by
those
that
have
inspected
the
Memoirs
of
those
times
.
The
Gunpowder-plot
with
the
Motives
unto
it
,
and
the
extent
of
the
mischief
it
was
shapen
for
,
together
with
the
insurrection
they
were
prepared
for
in
case
it
had
succeeded
,
and
the
foreign
aid
they
had
been
solliciting
and
were
promised
,
and
all
for
the
extirpation
of
English
Hereticks
,
are
things
so
modern
,
and
which
we
have
had
so
many
times
related
to
us
by
our
Fathers
,
that
it
is
enough
barely
to
intimate
them
.
The
Irish
Massacre
in
which
above
200000
were
murder'd
in
cold
blood
,
and
to
which
there
was
no
provocation
but
that
of
hatred
to
our
Religion
,
and
furious
zeal
to
extirpate
Hereticks
,
ought
at
this
time
to
be
more
particularly
reflected
upon
,
as
that
which
gives
us
a
true
scheme
of
the
manner
of
the
Church
of
Rome's
converting
Protestant
Kingdoms
,
and
being
the
Copy
they
have
a
mind
to
write
after
,
and
that
in
such
Characters
and
lines
of
blood
as
may
be
sure
to
answer
the
Original
.
At
the
season
when
they
both
entred
upon
and
executed
that
hellish
conjuration
,
they
were
in
a
quiet
and
peaceable
enjoyment
of
the
private
exercise
of
their
Religion
,
yea
had
many
publick
meeting-places
,
thro
the
means
of
the
Queen
and
many
great
friends
which
they
had
at
Court
,
and
were
neither
disturbed
for
not
coming
to
Church
,
nor
suffered
any
severities
upon
the
account
of
their
Profession
;
but
that
would
not
satisfie
,
nor
will
any
thing
else
,
unless
they
may
be
allowed
to
cut
the
throats
,
or
make
bonefires
,
of
all
that
will
not
join
with
them
in
a
blind
obedience
to
the
Sea
of
Rome
,
and
of
worshipping
S.
Patrick
.
The
little
harsh
usages
which
the
Papists
at
any
time
met
with
there
or
in
England
,
they
derived
them
upon
themselves
by
their
Crimes
against
the
State
,
and
for
their
Conspiracies
against
our
Princes
and
their
Protestant
Subjects
.
For
till
the
Pope
had
taken
upon
him
to
depose
Queen
Elizabeth
,
and
absolve
her
Subjects
from
their
Allegiance
,
and
till
the
Papists
had
so
far
approved
that
Act
of
his
Holiness
as
to
raise
Rebellions
at
home
and
enter
into
treasonable
confederacies
abroad
,
there
were
no
Laws
that
could
be
stiled
severe
enacted
in
England
against
Papists
,
and
the
making
of
them
was
the
result
of
necessity
in
order
to
preserve
our selves
,
and
not
from
an
inclination
to
hurt
any
for
matters
of
mere
Religion
.
Such
hath
always
been
the
moderation
of
our
Rulers
,
and
so
powerful
are
the
incitements
to
lenity
,
which
the
generality
of
Protestants
through
the
influence
and
impression
of
their
Religion
,
especially
they
of
a
more
generous
education
,
have
been
under
towards
those
of
the
Roman
Communion
,
that
nothing
but
their
unwearied
restlesness
to
disturb
the
Government
and
destroy
Protestants
,
hath
been
the
cause
either
of
enacting
those
Laws
against
them
that
are
stiled
rigorous
,
or
of
their
having
been
at
any
time
put
into
execution
.
And
notwithstanding
that
some
such
Laws
were
enacted
as
might
appear
to
savour
of
severity
,
yet
could
they
have
but
submitted
to
have
dwelt
peaceably
in
the
Land
,
they
would
have
found
that
their
mere
belief
and
the
private
practice
of
their
Worship
,
would
not
have
much
prejudiced
or
endangered
them
,
and
that
tho
the
Laws
had
been
continued
unrepealed
,
yet
it
was
only
as
a
Hedge
about
us
for
our
protection
,
and
as
Bonds
of
obligation
upon
them
to
their
good
behaviour
.
To
which
may
be
added
,
that
more
Protestants
have
suffered
in
one
year
,
by
the
Laws
made
against
Dissenters
,
and
to
the
utmost
height
of
the
penalties
which
the
violation
of
them
imported
,
and
that
by
the
instigation
of
Papists
and
their
influence
over
the
late
King
and
his
present
Majesty
,
than
there
have
Papists
from
the
beginning
of
Queen
Elizabeth's
Reign
to
this
very
day
,
tho
there
was
a
difference
in
the
punishments
they
underwent
.
However
we
may
from
their
many
and
repeated
attempts
against
us
,
while
we
had
Princes
that
both
would
and
could
chasten
their
insolencies
,
and
inflict
upon
them
what
the
Law
made
them
obnoxious
unto
for
their
outrages
,
gather
and
conclude
what
we
are
now
to
expect
,
upon
their
having
obtained
a
King
imbu'd
with
all
the
persecuting
and
bloody
principles
of
Popery
,
and
perfectly
baptised
into
all
the
Doctrines
of
the
Councils
of
Lateran
and
Constance
.
And
it
may
strengthen
our
faith
as
well
as
increase
our
fear
,
of
what
is
purposed
against
and
impends
over
us
,
in
that
they
cannot
but
think
that
the
suffering
our
Religion
to
remain
in
a
condition
to
be
at
any
time
hereafter
the
Religion
of
the
State
,
and
of
the
universality
of
the
People
,
may
not
only
prove
a
means
of
retrieving
Protestancy
in
France
,
and
of
assisting
to
revenge
the
barbarities
perpetrated
there
upon
a
great
and
innocent
people
,
but
may
leave
the
Roman
Catholicks
in
England
exposed
to
the
resentment
of
the
Kingdom
,
for
what
they
have
so
foolishly
and
impudently
acted
both
against
our
Civil
Rights
,
and
Established
Religion
,
since
James
II.
came
to
the
Crown
;
and
may
also
upon
the
Government
's
falling
into
good
hands
,
and
Magistrates
coming
to
understand
their
true
Interest
,
which
is
for
an
English
Prince
to
make
himself
the
Head
of
the
Protestant
cause
,
and
to
espouse
their
quarrel
in
all
places
,
give
such
a
Revolution
in
Europe
as
will
not
only
check
the
present
Career
of
Rome
,
but
cause
them
repent
the
methods
in
which
they
have
been
engaged
.
These
things
we
may
be
sure
the
Papists
are
aware
of
,
and
that
having
proceeded
so
far
,
they
have
nothing
left
for
their
security
from
punishments
because
of
crimes
committed
,
but
to
put
us
out
of
all
capacity
of
doing
our selves
Right
and
them
Justice
;
and
he
must
be
dull
who
does
not
know
into
what
that
must
necessarily
hurry
them
.
It
being
then
as
evident
as
a
matter
of
this
nature
is
capable
of
,
what
we
are
to
expect
and
dread
from
the
King
both
as
to
our
Religion
and
Laws
;
we
may
do
more
than
presume
that
the
late
Declaration
for
liberty
of
Conscience
,
and
the
Proclamation
for
a
Toleration
,
are
not
intended
and
designed
for
the
benefit
and
advantage
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
that
whatsoever
motives
have
influenced
to
the
granting
and
emitting
of
them
,
they
do
not
in
the
least
flow
or
proceed
from
any
kindness
and
good
will
to
Protestant
Dissenters
.
And
though
many
of
those
weak
and
easie
People
may
flatter
themselves
with
a
belief
of
an
interest
in
the
Kings
favour
,
and
suffer
others
to
delude
them
into
a
persuasion
of
his
bearing
a
gracious
respect
towards
them
;
yet
it
is
certain
,
that
they
are
People
in
the
world
whom
he
most
hates
,
and
who
when
things
are
ripe
for
it
,
and
that
he
hath
abused
their
credulity
into
a
serving
his
Ends
as
far
as
they
can
be
prevailed
upon
,
and
as
long
as
the
present
Juggle
can
be
of
any
advantage
for
promoting
the
Papal
Cause
,
will
be
sure
not
only
to
have
an
equal
share
in
his
displeasure
with
their
Brethren
of
the
Church
of
England
,
but
will
be
made
to
drink
deepest
in
the
cup
of
fury
and
wrath
that
is
mingling
and
preparing
for
all
Protestants
.
No
provocation
from
their
present
behaviour
,
tho
it
is
such
as
might
warm
a
person
of
very
cool
temper
,
much
less
offences
of
another
complexion
administred
by
any
of
them
,
shall
ever
tempt
me
to
say
they
deserve
it
,
or
cause
me
to
ravel
into
their
former
and
past
carriages
,
so
as
to
fasten
a
blot
or
imputation
upon
the
party
or
body
of
them
,
whatsoever
I
may
be
forced
to
do
as
to
particular
persons
among
them
.
For
as
to
the
generality
,
I
do
believe
them
to
be
as
honest
,
industrious
,
useful
,
and
vertuous
a
people
(
tho
many
of
them
be
none
of
the
wisest
nor
of
the
greatest
prospect
)
as
any
party
of
men
in
the
Kingdom
,
and
that
wherein
soever
their
carriage
(
even
abstracting
from
their
differences
with
their
Fellow
Protestants
in
matters
of
Religion
)
hath
varied
from
that
of
other
Subjects
;
they
have
been
in
the
Right
,
and
have
acted
most
agreeably
to
the
interest
and
safety
of
the
Kingdom
.
But
it
can
be
no
reflection
upon
them
,
to
recall
into
their
memories
,
that
the
whole
tenor
of
the
King's
actings
towards
them
both
when
Duke
of
York
and
since
he
came
to
the
Crown
,
hath
been
such
as
might
render
it
beyond
dispute
,
that
they
are
so
far
from
having
any
singular
room
in
his
favour
,
that
he
bears
them
neither
pity
nor
compassion
,
but
that
they
are
the
objects
of
his
unchangeable
indignation
.
For
not
to
mention
how
the
Persecutions
,
that
were
observed
always
to
relent
both
upon
his
being
at
any
distance
from
the
late
King
,
and
upon
the
abatement
of
his
influence
at
any
time
into
Counsels
,
were
constantly
revived
upon
his
return
to
Court
,
and
were
carried
on
in
degrees
of
severity
proportionable
to
the
figure
he
made
at
Whitehall
and
his
Brothers
disposedness
and
inclination
to
hearken
to
him
;
surely
their
memories
cannot
be
so
weak
and
untenacious
,
but
they
must
remember
how
their
sufferings
were
never
greater
,
nor
the
Laws
executed
with
more
severity
upon
them
,
than
since
his
Majesty
came
to
ascend
the
Throne
.
As
it
is
not
many
years
since
he
said
publickly
in
Scotland
,
that
it
were
well
if
all
that
part
of
the
Kingdom
,
(
which
is
above
half
of
the
Nation
)
where
the
Dissenters
were
known
to
be
most
numerous
,
were
turned
into
a
hunting
field
;
so
none
were
favoured
and
promoted
either
there
or
in
England
,
but
such
as
were
taken
to
be
the
most
fierce
and
violent
of
all
others
against
Fanaticks
.
Nor
were
men
preferred
either
in
Church
or
State
for
their
learning
,
vertue
or
merit
,
but
for
their
passionate
heats
and
brutal
rigours
to
Dissenters
.
And
whereas
the
Papists
from
the
very
first
day
of
his
arrival
at
the
Government
,
had
beside
many
other
marks
of
his
Grace
,
this
special
Testimony
of
it
,
of
not
having
the
penal
Statutes
to
which
they
stood
liable
put
in
execution
against
them
;
all
the
Laws
to
which
the
Dissenters
were
obnoxious
,
were
by
his
Majesty's
Orders
to
the
Judges
,
Justices
of
the
Peace
,
and
all
other
Officers
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
most
unmercifully
executed
.
Nor
was
there
the
least
talk
of
lenity
to
Dissenters
,
till
the
King
found
that
he
could
not
compass
his
Ends
by
the
Church
of
England
,
and
prevail
upon
the
Parliament
for
repealing
the
Tests
,
and
cancelling
the
other
Laws
in
force
against
Papists
,
which
if
they
could
have
been
wrought
over
unto
,
the
Fanaticks
would
not
only
have
been
left
Pitiless
,
and
continued
in
the
Hands
of
the
furious
Church
men
to
exercise
their
Spleen
upon
,
but
would
have
been
surrendred
as
a
Sacrifice
to
new
Flames
of
Wrath
,
if
they
of
the
Prelatical
Communion
had
retained
their
wonted
Animosity
,
and
thought
it
for
their
Interest
to
exert
it
,
either
in
the
old
or
in
fresh
Methods
.
But
that
Project
not
succeeding
,
his
Majesty
is
forced
to
shift
Hands
,
and
to
use
the
Pretence
of
extending
Compassion
to
Dissenting
Protestants
,
that
he
may
the
more
plausibly
,
and
with
the
less
Hazard
,
suspend
and
disable
the
Laws
against
Papists
,
and
make
way
for
their
Admission
into
all
Offices
Civil
and
Military
,
which
is
the
first
Step
,
and
all
that
he
is
yet
in
a
Condition
to
take
,
for
the
Subversion
of
our
Religion
.
And
all
the
celebrated
Kindness
to
Fanaticks
,
is
only
to
use
them
as
the
Cat
's
Paw
,
for
pulling
the
Chesunt
out
of
the
Fire
to
the
Monkey
,
and
to
make
them
stales
under
whose
Shroud
and
Covert
,
the
Church
of
Rome
may
undermine
and
subvert
all
the
legal
Foundations
of
our
Religion
,
which
to
suffer
themselves
to
be
Instrumental
in
,
will
not
in
the
Issue
turn
to
the
Commendation
of
the
Dissenters
Wisdom
or
their
Honesty
.
Nor
is
there
more
Truth
in
the
King's
declaring
it
to
have
been
his
constant
Opinion
,
that
Conscience
ought
not
to
be
constrained
,
nor
People
forced
in
Matters
of
mere
Religion
,
than
there
is
of
Justice
in
that
malicious
Insiuuation
,
(
in
his
Letter
to
Mr.
Alsop
)
against
the
Church
of
England
,
That
should
he
see
cause
to
change
his
Religion
,
he
should
never
be
of
that
Party
of
Protestants
,
who
think
their
only
way
to
advance
their
Church
,
is
by
undoing
those
Churches
of
Christians
that
differ
from
them
in
smaller
Matters
:
Forasmuch
as
he
is
in
the
mean
time
a
Member
of
the
most
Persecuting
and
Bloody
Society
,
that
ever
was
cloathed
with
the
name
of
a
Church
,
and
whose
Cruelty
towards
Protestants
he
is
careful
not
to
Arraign
,
by
fastning
his
Offence
at
Severity
upon
Differences
in
smaller
Matters
,
which
he
knows
that
those
between
Rome
and
us
are
not
,
nor
so
accounted
of
by
any
of
the
Papal
Fellowship
.
It
were
to
be
wished
that
the
Dissenters
would
reflect
and
consider
,
how
when
the
late
King
had
emitted
a
Declaration
of
Indulgence
,
Anno
1672.
upon
pretended
Motives
of
Tenderness
and
Compassion
to
his
Protestant
Subjects
,
but
in
truth
to
keep
all
quiet
at
home
,
when
in
Conjunction
with
France
,
he
was
engaging
in
an
unjust
War
against
a
Reformed
State
abroad
,
and
in
order
to
steal
a
Liberty
for
the
Papists
to
Practise
their
Idolatries
,
without
incurring
a
Suspition
himself
,
of
being
of
the
Romish
Religion
,
and
in
hope
to
wind
up
the
Prerogative
to
a
Paramount
Power
over
the
Law
;
and
how
when
the
Parliament
condemned
the
Illegality
of
it
,
and
would
have
the
Declaration
recalled
,
all
his
Kindness
to
Dissenters
not
only
immediately
vanished
,
but
turned
into
that
Rage
and
Fury
,
that
tho
both
that
Parliament
addressed
for
some
Favor
to
be
shew'd
them
,
and
another
voted
it
a
Betraying
of
the
Protestant
Religion
to
continue
the
Execution
of
the
Penal
Laws
upon
them
,
yet
instead
of
their
having
any
Mercy
or
Moderation
exercised
towards
them
,
they
were
thrown
into
a
Furnace
,
made
seven
times
hotter
than
that
wherein
they
had
been
scorched
before
.
And
without
pretending
to
be
a
Prophet
.
I
dare
prognosticate
and
foretell
,
that
whensoever
the
present
King
hath
compassed
the
Ends
,
unto
which
this
Declaration
is
designed
to
be
subservient
,
namely
,
the
placing
the
Papists
both
in
the
open
Exercise
of
their
Religion
,
and
in
all
publick
Offices
and
Trusts
,
and
the
getting
a
Power
to
be
acknowledged
vested
in
him
over
the
Laws
;
that
then
,
instead
of
the
still
Voice
calmly
whispered
from
Whitehall
,
they
will
both
hear
and
feel
the
Blasts
of
a
mighty
rushing
Wind
,
and
that
upon
pretended
Occasions
arising
from
the
Abuse
of
this
Indulgence
,
or
for
some
alledged
Crimes
wherein
they
and
all
other
Protestants
are
to
be
involved
,
(
tho
their
supineness
and
excess
of
Loyalty
continue
to
be
their
greatest
Offences
)
this
Liberty
will
not
only
be
withdrawn
,
and
the
old
Church
of
England
Severities
revived
,
but
some
of
the
new
à
là
mode
à
France
Treatments
come
upon
the
Stage
,
and
be
pursued
against
them
,
and
all
other
perverse
and
obstinate
British
Hereticks
.
The
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
being
injurious
to
the
Church
of
England
,
and
not
proceeding
from
any
inward
and
real
good
Will
to
the
Dissenters
;
it
will
be
worth
our
pains
to
inquire
into
,
and
make
a
more
ample
Deduction
of
the
Reasons
upon
which
it
was
granted
,
that
the
Grounds
of
emitting
it
being
laid
under
every
Man's
view
,
they
who
have
Addressed
may
come
to
be
asham'd
of
their
Simplicity
and
Folly
,
they
who
have
not
,
may
be
farther
confirm'd
both
of
the
Unlawfulness
and
Inconveniency
of
doing
it
,
and
that
all
who
preserve
any
regard
to
the
Protestant
Religion
and
the
Laws
of
England
,
may
be
quickened
to
the
use
of
all
legal
and
due
means
for
preventing
the
mischievous
Effects
which
it
is
shapen
for
,
and
which
the
Papists
do
promise
themselves
from
it
.
The
Motives
upon
which
His
Majesty
published
the
Declaration
,
may
be
reduced
to
three
,
of
which
,
as
I
have
already
made
some
mention
,
so
I
shall
now
place
every
one
of
them
in
its
several
and
proper
light
,
and
give
such
Proofs
and
Evidence
of
their
being
the
great
and
sole
Inducements
for
the
Emitting
of
it
,
that
no
rational
Man
shall
be
able
,
henceforth
,
to
make
a
doubt
of
it
.
The
first
,
is
the
King's
winding
himself
into
a
Supremacy
and
Absoluteness
over
the
Law
,
and
the
getting
it
acknowledged
,
and
calmly
submitted
unto
and
acquiesced
in
by
the
Subjects
.
The
Monarchies
being
Legal
and
not
Despotical
,
bounded
and
regulated
by
Laws
,
and
not
to
be
exercised
according
to
mere
Will
and
Pleasure
,
was
that
which
he
could
not
digest
the
thoughts
of
when
a
Subject
,
and
had
been
heard
to
say
,
That
he
had
rather
Reign
a
day
in
that
Absoluteness
that
the
French
King
doth
,
than
an
Age
tied
up
and
restrained
by
Rules
as
his
Brother
did
.
And
therefore
to
perswade
the
Prince
of
Orange
to
approve
what
he
had
done
,
in
dispensing
with
the
Laws
,
and
to
obtain
him
and
the
Princess
to
joyn
with
His
Majesty
,
and
to
employ
their
Interest
in
the
Kingdom
for
the
Repealing
the
Test
Acts
,
and
the
many
other
Statutes
made
against
Roman
Catholicks
,
he
used
this
Argument
in
a
Message
he
sent
to
their
Royal
Highnesses
upon
that
Errand
,
that
the
getting
it
done
,
would
be
greatly
to
the
Advantage
,
and
for
the
increase
of
the
Prerogative
;
but
this
these
two
noble
Princes
,
of
whose
Ascent
to
the
Throne
all
Protestants
have
so
near
and
comfortable
a
Prospect
,
were
too
Generous
,
as
well
as
Wise
,
to
be
wheedled
with
,
as
knowing
that
the
Authority
of
the
Kings
and
Queens
of
England
is
great
enough
,
by
the
Rules
of
the
Constitution
,
without
grasping
at
a
new
Prerogative
Power
,
which
as
the
Laws
have
not
vested
in
them
,
so
it
would
be
of
no
use
,
but
to
inable
them
to
do
hurt
.
And
indeed
it
is
more
necessary
,
both
for
the
Honor
and
Safety
of
the
Monarch
,
and
for
the
Freedom
and
Security
of
the
People
,
that
the
Prerogative
should
be
confined
within
its
ancient
and
legal
Channels
,
than
be
left
to
that
illimited
and
unbounded
Latitude
,
which
the
late
King
and
his
present
Majesty
have
endeavored
to
advance
and
screw
it
up
unto
.
That
both
the
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
in
England
,
and
the
Proclamation
for
a
Toleration
in
Scotland
,
are
calculated
for
raising
the
Sovereign
Authority
to
a
transcendent
Power
over
the
Laws
of
the
two
Kingdoms
,
may
be
demonstrated
from
the
Papers
themselves
,
which
lay
the
Dispensing
Power
before
us
in
terms
that
import
no
less
than
his
Majesty's
standing
Free
and
absolved
from
all
Ties
and
Restraints
,
and
his
being
cloathed
with
a
Right
of
doing
whatsoever
he
will
.
For
if
the
Stile
of
Royal
Pleasure
to
suspend
the
Execution
of
such
and
such
Laws
,
and
to
forbid
such
and
such
Oaths
to
be
required
to
be
taken
,
and
this
in
the
virtue
of
no
Authority
declared
by
the
Laws
to
be
resident
in
his
Majesty
,
but
in
the
virtue
of
a
certain
vagrant
and
indeterminate
thing
called
Royal
Prerogative
,
as
the
Power
exercised
in
the
English
Declaration
is
worded
and
expressed
,
be
not
enough
to
enlighten
us
sufficiently
in
the
matter
before
us
;
the
Stile
of
Absolute
Power
,
which
all
the
Subjects
are
to
obey
without
reserve
,
whereby
the
King
is
pleased
to
chalk
before
us
,
the
Authority
exerted
in
the
Scots
Proclamation
,
for
the
stopping
,
disabling
,
and
dispensing
with
such
and
such
Laws
as
are
there
referred
unto
,
and
for
the
granting
the
Toleration
with
the
other
Liberties
,
Immunities
and
Rights
there
mentioned
,
is
more
than
sufficient
to
set
the
Point
we
are
discoursing
beyond
all
possibility
of
rational
controll
.
As
't
is
one
and
the
same
Kind
of
Authority
that
is
claimed
over
the
Laws
and
Subjects
of
both
Kingdoms
,
tho
for
some
certain
reasons
it
be
more
modestly
designed
and
expressed
in
the
Declaration
for
a
Liberty
in
England
,
that
it
is
in
the
Proclamation
for
a
Toleration
in
Scotland
;
so
the
utmost
that
the
Czar
of
Mosco
,
the
great
Mogul
,
or
the
Turkish
Sultan
ever
challenged
over
their
respective
Dominions
,
amounts
only
to
an
Absolute
Power
,
which
the
King
both
owns
the
Exertion
of
,
and
makes
it
the
Fountain
of
all
the
Royal
Acts
exercised
in
the
forementioned
Papers
.
And
as
the
improving
this
challenged
Absolute
Power
into
an
Obligation
upon
the
Subjects
to
obey
his
Majesty
without
reserve
,
is
a
Paraphrase
upon
Despotical
Dominion
,
and
an
advancing
it
to
a
Pitch
,
above
what
any
of
the
Ancient
or
Modern
Tyrants
ever
dream'd
of
,
and
beyond
what
the
most
servile
part
of
Mankind
was
ever
acquainted
with
,
till
the
present
French
King
gave
an
Instance
of
it
,
in
making
his
mere
Will
and
pleasure
to
be
the
Ground
and
Argument
upon
which
his
Reformed
Subjects
were
to
renounce
their
Religion
,
and
to
turn
Roman
Catholicks
;
so
it
is
worth
considering
,
whether
His
Majesty
,
who
glories
to
imitate
that
Foreign
Monarch
,
may
not
,
in
a
little
time
,
make
the
like
Application
of
this
Absolute
Power
,
which
his
Subjects
are
bound
to
obey
without
reserve
;
and
whether
in
that
case
,
they
who
have
Addressed
to
thank
him
for
his
Declaration
,
and
thereby
justified
the
Claim
of
this
Absolute
Power
,
being
that
upon
which
the
Declaration
is
superstructed
,
and
from
which
it
emergeth
,
can
avoid
paying
the
Obedience
that
is
demanded
as
a
Duty
in
the
Subject
,
inseparably
annexed
thereunto
.
That
which
more
confirms
us
,
that
the
English
Declaration
and
the
Scots
Proclamation
,
are
not
only
designed
for
the
obtaining
from
the
Subjects
an
Acknowledgment
of
an
Absolute
Power
vested
in
the
King
,
but
that
no
less
than
the
Usurpation
and
Exercise
of
such
a
Power
,
can
warrant
and
support
them
,
are
the
many
Laws
and
Rights
,
which
a
Jurisdiction
is
challenged
over
and
exerted
in
reference
unto
,
in
the
Papers
stiled
by
the
forementioned
Names
.
All
confess
a
Royal
Prerogative
settled
on
the
Crown
,
and
appertaining
to
the
Royal
Office
;
nor
can
the
Supreme
Magistrate
be
executed
and
discharged
to
the
Advantage
and
Safety
of
the
Community
,
without
a
Power
affixed
unto
it
of
superceding
the
Execution
of
some
Laws
at
certain
Junctures
,
nor
without
having
an
Authority
over
the
Rights
of
particular
Men
in
some
incident
cases
;
but
then
the
received
Customs
of
the
respective
Nations
,
and
the
universal
Good
,
Preservation
and
Safety
of
the
People
in
general
,
are
the
Measures
by
which
this
Prerogative
in
the
Crown
is
to
be
regulated
,
and
beyond
which
to
apply
or
exert
it
,
is
an
Usurpation
and
Tyranny
in
the
Ruler
.
All
the
Power
belonging
to
the
Kings
and
Queens
of
England
and
Scotland
,
ariseth
from
an
Agreement
and
Concession
of
the
People
,
wherein
it
is
stipulated
,
what
Rights
,
Liberties
and
Privileges
they
reserved
unto
themselves
,
and
what
Authority
and
Jurisdiction
they
delegated
and
made
over
unto
the
Sovereign
,
in
order
to
his
being
in
a
Condition
to
protect
and
defend
them
,
and
that
they
may
the
better
live
in
Peace
,
Freedom
and
Safety
,
which
are
the
Ends
for
which
they
have
chosen
Kings
to
be
over
them
,
and
for
the
compassing
whereof
,
they
originally
submitted
unto
,
and
pitched
upon
such
a
Form
of
Civil
Administration
.
Nor
are
the
Opinions
of
particular
Men
,
of
what
Rank
or
Order
soever
they
be
,
to
be
admitted
as
an
Exposition
of
the
Extent
of
this
Prerogative
,
seeing
they
,
through
their
Dependencies
upon
the
King
,
and
their
Obnoxiousness
to
be
influenced
by
selfish
and
personal
Ends
,
may
enlarge
it
beyond
what
is
for
the
Benefit
of
the
Community
;
but
the
immemorial
course
of
Administration
,
with
the
Sense
of
the
whole
Society
signified
by
their
Representatives
in
Parliament
upon
emerging
Occasions
,
are
to
be
taken
for
the
Sense
,
Paraphrase
and
Declaration
of
the
Limits
of
this
Royal
and
Prerogative
Power
;
and
for
any
to
determine
the
Bounds
of
it
from
the
Testimonies
of
Mercenary
Lawyers
,
or
Sycophant
Clergy-men
,
in
Cases
wherein
the
Parliament
have
,
by
their
Votes
and
Resolutions
,
settled
its
Boundaries
,
is
a
Crime
that
deserves
the
severest
Animadversion
,
and
,
which
it
is
to
be
hoped
,
a
true
English
Parliament
will
not
let
pass
unpunished
.
Now
a
Power
arising
from
Royal
Prerogative
,
to
suspend
and
disable
a
great
number
of
Laws
at
once
,
and
they
of
such
a
Nature
and
Tendency
,
as
the
great
Security
of
the
People
consists
in
their
being
maintained
,
and
which
the
whole
Community
represented
in
Parliaments
have
often
disallowed
and
made
void
Princes
meddling
with
,
so
as
to
interrupt
their
Execution
and
Course
,
is
so
far
from
being
a
Right
inherent
in
the
Crown
,
that
the
very
pretending
unto
it
,
is
a
changing
of
the
Government
,
and
an
overthrowing
of
the
Constitution
.
De
Laudib
.
Leg.
Angl.
c.
9.
Fortescue
says
,
That
Rex
Angliae
populum
Gubernat
non
merâ
potestate
Regiâ
,
sed
politicâ
;
quia
populus
iis
legibus
gubernatur
quas
ipse
fert
;
the
King
of
England
doth
not
so
properly
Govern
by
a
Power
that
is
Regal
,
as
by
a
Power
that
is
Political
,
in
that
he
is
bound
to
Rule
by
the
Laws
,
which
the
People
themselves
chuse
and
enact
.
And
both
Bracton
and
Fleta
tell
us
,
Bract.
l.
2.
c.
16.
Flet.
l.
2.
c.
17.
That
Rex
Angliae
habet
superiores
,
viz.
legem
per
quam
factus
est
Rex
,
ac
Comites
&
Barones
qui
debent
ei
fraenum
ponere
;
the
King
of
England
hath
for
Superiors
,
both
the
Law
by
which
he
is
constituted
King
,
and
which
is
the
measure
of
his
Governing
Power
,
and
the
Parliament
which
is
to
restrain
him
,
if
he
do
amiss
.
And
thereupon
we
have
not
only
that
other
Saying
of
Bracton
,
Lib.
3.
cap.
9.
That
Nihil
aliud
potest
Rex
,
nisi
id
solum
quod
jure
potest
;
The
King
can
do
nothing
but
what
he
can
do
by
Law
:
But
we
have
that
Famous
Passage
in
our
Parliament
Rolls
,
Rot.
Parl.
7.
Hen.
4.
Num.
59
Non
est
ulla
Regis
prerogativa
,
quae
ex
justitia
&
aequitate
quicquam
derogat
:
That
there
is
no
Prerogative
belongs
to
the
King
,
by
which
he
can
decline
from
acting
according
to
Law
and
Justice
.
So
careful
were
our
Ancestors
both
in
England
and
Scotland
,
to
preserve
their
Laws
from
being
invaded
and
superceded
by
their
Kings
;
that
they
have
not
only
by
divers
Parliamentary
Votes
and
Resolutions
,
and
by
several
Statutes
,
declared
all
Dispensations
by
the
King
,
from
Laws
and
enjoyned
Oaths
,
to
be
null
and
void
,
and
not
admittable
by
the
Judges
or
other
Executors
of
Law
and
Justice
;
but
they
have
often
Impeached
,
Arraigned
and
Condemned
those
to
one
Penalty
or
another
,
that
have
been
found
to
have
counselled
and
advised
Kings
to
an
Usurpation
of
Power
over
the
Laws
,
and
to
a
Violation
of
established
and
enacted
Rules
.
It
would
draw
this
Discourse
to
a
length
beyond
what
is
intended
,
should
I
mention
the
several
Laws
against
Papists
as
well
as
against
Dissenters
,
that
are
suspended
.
stop'd
,
disabled
and
dispensed
with
,
in
the
two
fore-mentioned
Royal
Papers
,
and
it
would
be
an
extending
it
much
more
,
should
I
make
the
several
Reflections
that
the
matter
is
capable
of
,
and
which
a
Person
of
a
very
ordinary
Understanding
cannot
be
greatly
to
seek
for
;
I
shall
therefore
only
take
notice
of
two
or
three
Efforts
which
occur
there
,
of
this
Royal
Prerogative
and
Absolute
Power
,
which
as
they
are
very
bold
and
ample
Exertions
of
them
for
the
first
time
;
so
should
the
next
Exercises
of
them
be
proportionable
,
there
will
be
nothing
left
us
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
or
of
English
Liberties
,
and
we
must
be
contented
to
be
Papists
and
Slaves
,
or
else
to
stand
adjudged
to
Tyburn
and
Smithfield
.
One
is
the
Suspending
the
Laws
which
enjoyn
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
,
and
the
prohibiting
that
these
Oaths
be
at
any
time
hereafter
required
to
be
taken
;
by
which
single
Exercise
of
Royal
Prerogative
and
Absolute
Power
,
the
two
Kingdoms
are
not
only
again
subjected
to
a
Foreign
furisdiction
,
the
Miseries
whereof
they
groaned
under
for
several
Ages
;
but
as
the
King
is
hereby
deprived
of
the
greatest
Security
he
had
from
his
Subjects
,
both
to
himself
and
the
Government
,
so
the
Crown
is
rob'd
of
one
of
its
chiefest
Jewels
,
namely
,
an
Authority
over
all
the
Subjects
,
which
was
thought
so
essential
to
Sovereignty
and
Royal
Dignity
,
that
it
was
annexed
to
the
Imperial
Crown
of
England
,
and
adjudged
inherent
in
the
Monarch
,
before
the
Reformed
Religion
came
to
be
received
and
established
.
And
it
concerns
their
Royal
Highnesses
of
Orange
,
to
whom
the
Right
of
succeeding
to
the
Crown
of
Great
Britain
unquestionably
belongs
,
to
consider
whether
his
Majesty
may
not
,
by
the
same
Authority
whereby
he
alienates
and
gives
away
so
considerable
and
inherent
a
Branch
of
the
Royal
Jurisdiction
,
transfer
the
Succession
it self
,
and
dispose
the
Inheritance
of
the
Crown
to
whom
he
pleaseth
.
Nor
will
they
about
him
,
who
thrust
the
last
King
out
of
the
Throne
,
to
make
room
for
his
present
Majesty
,
much
scruple
to
put
a
Protestant
Successor
by
it
,
if
they
can
find
another
Papist
as
Bigotted
as
this
to
advance
unto
it
.
However
,
were
they
on
the
Throne
to
morrow
,
here
is
both
a
Foreign
Jurisdiction
brought
in
and
set
up
to
Rival
and
control
theirs
,
and
they
are
deprived
of
all
means
of
being
secured
of
the
Loyalty
and
Fealty
of
a
great
number
of
their
Subjects
.
Nor
will
His
Majesty's
certain
Knowledge
and
long
Experience
(
whereof
he
boasts
in
the
Scots
Proclamation
)
that
the
Catholicks
,
as
it
is
their
Principle
to
be
good
Christians
,
so
it
is
to
be
dutiful
Subjects
,
be
enough
for
their
Royal
Highnesses
to
rely
upon
,
their
Religion
obliging
them
to
the
contrary
towards
Princes
,
whom
the
Church
of
Rome
hath
adjudged
to
be
Hereticks
.
A
second
Instance
wherein
this
pretended
Royal
Prerogative
is
exercised
Paramount
to
all
Laws
,
and
which
nothing
but
a
claim
of
Absolute
Power
in
his
Majesty
can
support
,
and
an
Acknowledgment
of
it
by
the
Subjects
,
make
them
approve
the
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
and
the
Proclamation
for
Toleration
;
is
the
stopping
,
disabling
and
suspending
the
Statutes
whereby
the
Tests
were
enacted
,
and
thereby
letting
the
Papists
in
to
all
Benefices
,
Offices
,
and
Places
of
Trust
,
whether
Civil
,
Military
,
or
Ecclesiastick
.
I
do
not
speak
of
Suspending
the
Execution
of
those
Laws
,
whereby
the
being
Priests
,
or
taking
Orders
in
the
Church
of
Rome
,
or
the
being
reconciled
to
that
Church
,
or
the
Papists
meeting
to
celebrate
Mass
,
were
in
one
degree
or
another
made
Punishable
,
(
tho
the
King
's
dispensing
with
them
by
a
challenged
Claim
in
the
Crown
be
altogether
Illegal
)
for
as
divers
of
these
Laws
were
never
approved
by
many
Protestants
,
so
nothing
would
have
justified
the
making
of
them
,
but
the
many
Treasons
and
Conspiracies
that
they
were
from
time
to
time
found
guilty
of
against
the
State
.
And
as
the
Papists
,
of
all
Men
,
have
the
least
cause
to
complain
of
the
Injustice
,
Rigor
,
and
Severity
of
them
,
considering
the
many
Laws
,
more
Cruel
and
Sanguinary
,
that
are
in
Force
in
most
Popish
Countries
against
Protestants
,
and
these
enacted
and
executed
merely
for
their
Opinions
and
Practices
in
the
Matters
of
God
,
without
their
being
chargeable
with
Crimes
and
Offences
against
the
Civil
Government
under
which
they
live
,
so
were
it
necessary
from
Principles
of
Religion
and
Policy
,
to
relieve
the
Roman
Catholicks
from
the
forementioned
Laws
,
yet
it
ought
not
to
be
done
but
by
the
Legislative
Authority
of
the
Kingdoms
;
and
for
the
King
to
assume
a
Power
of
doing
it
in
the
vertue
of
a
pretended
Prerogative
,
is
both
a
high
Usurpation
over
the
Laws
,
and
a
Violation
of
his
Coronation
Oath
.
Nor
is
it
any
Commendation
either
of
the
Humanity
of
the
Papists
,
or
of
the
Meekness
and
Truth
of
their
Religion
,
that
while
they
elsewhere
treat
those
who
differ
from
them
in
Faith
and
Worship
with
that
Barbarity
,
they
should
so
clamorously
inveigh
against
the
Severities
which
in
some
Reformed
States
they
are
liable
unto
,
and
which
their
Treasons
gave
the
Rise
and
Provocation
unto
at
first
,
and
have
been
at
all
times
the
Motives
to
the
Infliction
of
.
But
they
alone
would
have
the
Allowance
to
be
Cruel
,
wherein
they
act
consonantly
to
their
own
Tenets
;
and
I
wish
that
some
Provision
might
be
made
for
the
future
,
for
the
Security
of
our
Religion
,
and
our
Safety
in
the
Profession
of
it
,
without
the
doing
any
thing
that
may
unbecome
the
Merciful
Principles
of
Christianity
,
or
be
unsuitable
to
the
meek
and
generous
Temper
of
the
English
Nation
;
and
that
the
Property
of
being
Sanguinary
may
be
left
to
the
Church
of
Rome
,
as
its
peculiar
Priviledge
and
Glory
,
and
as
a
more
distinguishing
Character
than
all
the
other
Marks
which
she
pretends
unto
.
That
which
I
am
speaking
of
,
is
the
Suspending
the
Execution
of
those
Laws
,
by
which
the
Government
was
secured
of
the
Fidelity
of
its
Subjects
,
and
by
which
they
,
in
whom
it
could
not
confide
,
were
merely
shut
out
from
Places
of
Power
and
Trust
,
and
were
made
liable
to
very
small
Damages
themselves
,
and
only
hindered
from
getting
into
a
Condition
of
doing
Mischief
to
us
.
All
Governments
have
a
Right
to
use
means
for
their
own
Preservation
,
provided
they
be
not
such
as
are
inconsistent
with
the
Ends
of
Government
,
and
repugnant
to
the
Will
and
Pleasure
of
the
Supreme
Sovereign
of
Mankind
;
and
it
is
in
the
Power
of
every
Legislative
Assembly
,
to
declare
who
of
the
Community
shall
be
capable
or
incapable
of
publick
Imploys
,
and
of
possessing
Offices
,
upon
which
the
Peace
,
Welfare
and
Security
of
the
whole
Politick
Body
does
depend
.
Without
this
no
Government
could
subsist
,
nor
the
People
be
in
Safety
under
it
;
but
the
Constitution
would
be
in
constant
danger
of
being
Subverted
,
and
the
Privileges
,
Liberties
and
Religion
of
the
Subjects
laid
open
to
be
overthrown
.
And
should
such
a
Power
in
Legislators
,
be
upon
weak
Suspitions
and
ill
grounded
Jealousies
,
carried
at
any
time
too
far
,
and
some
prove
to
be
debarred
from
Trusts
,
whose
being
imployed
would
import
no
Hazard
;
yet
the
worst
of
that
,
would
be
only
a
disrespect
shewn
to
individual
Persons
,
who
might
deserve
more
Favor
and
Esteem
,
but
could
be
of
no
Prejudice
to
the
Society
,
there
being
always
a
sufficient
number
of
others
,
fit
for
the
discharge
of
all
Offices
,
in
whom
an
entire
Confidence
may
be
reposed
.
And
't
is
remarkable
,
that
the
States
General
of
the
United
Provinces
,
who
afford
the
greatest
Liberty
to
all
Religions
,
that
any
known
State
in
Europe
giveth
;
yet
they
suffer
no
Papists
to
come
into
Places
of
Authority
and
Judicature
,
nor
to
bear
any
Office
in
the
Republick
,
that
may
either
put
them
into
a
Condition
,
or
lay
them
under
a
Temptation
of
attempting
any
thing
to
the
Prejudice
of
Religion
,
or
for
the
betraying
the
Liberty
of
the
Provinces
.
And
as
't
is
Lawful
for
any
Government
to
preclude
all
such
Persons
from
publick
Trusts
,
of
whose
Enemity
,
and
ill
Will
to
the
Establishment
in
Church
or
State
,
they
have
either
a
moral
Certainty
,
or
just
Grounds
of
Suspition
;
so
't
is
no
less
lawful
to
provide
Tests
for
their
Discovery
and
Detection
,
that
they
may
not
be
able
to
mask
and
vizor
themselves
in
order
to
getting
into
Offices
,
and
thereupon
of
promoting
and
accomplishing
their
mischievous
and
malicious
Intentions
.
Nor
is
it
possible
in
such
a
case
,
but
that
the
Tests
they
are
to
be
tried
by
,
must
relate
to
some
of
those
Principles
by
which
they
are
most
eminently
distinguished
from
them
of
the
National
Settlement
,
and
in
reference
whereunto
they
think
it
most
piacular
to
dissemble
their
Opinion
.
Nor
have
the
Papists
cause
to
be
offended
,
that
the
Renouncing
the
Belief
of
Transubstantiation
,
should
be
required
as
the
distinguishing
Mark
,
whereby
,
upon
their
refusal
,
they
may
be
discerned
,
when
all
the
Penalty
upon
their
being
known
,
is
only
to
be
excluded
from
a
Share
in
the
Legislation
,
and
not
to
be
admitted
to
Employments
of
Trust
and
Profit
;
seeing
it
hath
been
,
and
still
is
their
Custom
,
to
require
the
Belief
of
the
Corporal
Presence
in
the
Sacrament
,
as
that
upon
the
not
Acknowledgment
whereof
,
we
are
to
be
accounted
Hereticks
,
and
to
stand
condemned
to
be
Burnt
,
which
is
somewhat
worse
than
the
not
being
allowed
to
sit
in
the
Two
Houses
of
Parliament
,
or
to
be
shut
out
from
a
Civil
or
Military
Office
.
Neither
are
they
required
to
Declare
,
much
less
to
Swear
,
that
the
Doctrine
of
Transubstantiation
is
False
,
or
that
there
is
no
such
thing
as
Transubstantiation
,
(
as
is
affirmed
in
a
Scurrilous
Paper
written
against
the
Loyalty
of
the
Church
of
England
)
but
all
that
is
enjoyned
in
the
Test
Acts
,
is
,
that
I
,
A.
B.
do
declare
,
that
I
do
believe
that
there
is
not
any
Transubstantiation
in
the
Sacrament
of
the
Lords
Supper
,
or
in
the
Elements
of
Bread
and
Wine
,
at
or
after
the
Consecration
thereof
by
any
Prrson
whatsoever
.
Tho
the
Parliament
was
willing
to
use
all
the
Care
they
could
,
for
the
discovering
Papists
,
that
the
Provision
for
our
Security
,
unto
which
those
Acts
were
designed
,
might
be
the
more
effectual
;
yet
they
were
not
so
void
of
Understanding
,
as
to
prescribe
a
Method
for
it
,
which
would
have
exposed
them
to
the
World
for
their
Folly
:
'T
is
much
different
to
say
,
Swear
,
or
Declare
,
that
I
do
believe
there
is
not
any
Transubstantiation
,
and
the
saying
or
declaring
that
there
is
not
a
Transubstantiation
;
the
former
being
only
expressive
of
what
my
Sentiment
or
Opinion
is
,
and
not
at
all
affecting
the
Doctrine
it self
,
to
make
,
or
unmake
it
,
other
than
what
it
is
,
independently
upon
my
Judgment
of
it
;
whereas
the
latter
does
primarily
Affect
the
Object
and
the
Determination
of
its
Existence
to
such
a
Mode
as
I
conceive
it
;
and
there
are
a
thousand
things
which
I
can
say
that
I
do
not
believe
,
but
I
dare
not
say
that
they
are
not
.
Now
as
't
is
the
dispensing
with
these
Laws
that
argues
the
King's
assuming
an
Absolute
Power
;
so
the
Addressing
by
way
of
Thanks
,
for
the
Declaration
wherein
this
Power
is
exerted
,
is
no
less
than
an
owning
and
acknowledging
of
it
,
and
that
it
rightfully
belongs
to
him
.
There
is
a
third
thing
which
Shame
or
Fear
would
not
suffer
them
to
put
into
the
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
in
England
,
but
which
they
have
had
the
Impudence
to
insert
into
the
Proclamation
for
a
Toleration
in
Scotland
,
which
as
it
carries
Absolute
Power
written
in
the
forehead
of
it
,
so
it
is
such
an
unpresidented
Exercise
of
Despoticalness
,
as
hardly
any
of
the
Oriental
Tyrants
,
or
even
the
French
Leviathan
would
have
ventured
upon
.
For
having
stop'd
,
disabled
and
suspended
all
Laws
enjoyning
any
Oaths
,
whereby
our
Religion
was
secured
,
and
the
Preservation
of
it
to
us
and
our
Posterity
was
provided
for
;
he
imposeth
a
new
Oath
upon
his
Scots
Subjects
,
whereby
they
are
to
be
bound
to
defend
and
maintaim
him
,
his
Heirs
and
lawful
Successors
,
in
the
Exercise
of
their
Absolute
Power
and
Authority
against
all
deadly
.
The
imposing
an
Oath
upon
Subjects
hath
been
always
look'd
upon
as
the
highest
Act
of
Legislative
Authority
,
in
that
it
affects
their
Consciences
,
and
requires
the
Approbation
,
or
Disapprobation
of
their
Minds
and
Judgments
,
in
reference
to
whatsoever
it
is
enjoyned
for
;
whereas
a
Law
that
affects
only
Mens
Estates
may
be
submitted
unto
,
tho
in
the
mean
time
they
think
that
which
is
exacted
of
them
to
be
Unreasonable
and
Unjust
.
And
as
it
concerns
both
the
Wisdom
and
Justice
of
Law-givers
to
be
very
tender
in
ordaining
Oaths
that
are
to
be
taken
by
Subjects
,
and
that
not
only
from
a
care
that
they
may
not
prostitute
the
Name
of
God
to
Prophanation
,
when
the
matter
about
which
they
are
imposed
,
is
either
light
and
trivial
,
or
dubious
and
uncertain
;
but
because
it
is
an
Exercise
of
Jurisdiction
over
the
Souls
of
Men
,
which
is
more
than
if
it
were
only
exercised
over
their
Goods
,
Bodies
and
Privileges
;
so
never
any
of
our
Kings
pretended
to
a
Right
of
enjoyning
and
requiring
an
Oath
that
was
not
first
enacted
and
specified
in
some
Law
;
and
it
would
have
been
heretofore
accounted
a
good
Plea
for
refusing
such
or
such
an
Oath
,
to
say
there
was
no
Statute
that
had
required
it
.
It
was
one
of
the
Articles
of
High
Treason
(
and
the
most
material
)
charged
upon
the
Earl
of
Strafford
,
that
being
Lord
Deputy
of
Ireland
,
he
required
an
Oath
of
the
Scots
who
inhabited
there
,
which
no
Law
had
ordained
or
prescribed
;
which
may
make
those
Counsellors
who
have
advised
the
King
to
impose
this
new
Oath
,
as
well
as
all
others
that
shall
require
it
to
be
taken
upon
his
Majesty's
bare
Authority
,
to
be
a
little
apprehensive
,
whether
it
may
not
at
some
time
rise
in
Judgment
against
them
,
and
prove
a
Forfeiture
of
their
Lives
to
Justice
.
And
as
the
imposing
an
Oath
not
warranted
by
Law
,
is
an
high
Act
of
Absolute
Power
,
and
in
the
King
an
altering
of
the
Constitution
;
so
if
we
look
into
the
Oath
it self
,
we
shall
find
this
Absolute
Power
strangely
manifested
and
displayed
in
all
the
Parts
and
Branches
of
it
,
and
the
People
required
to
Swear
themselves
his
Majesty's
most
obedient
Slaves
and
Vassals
.
By
one
Paragraph
of
it
,
they
are
required
to
Swear
that
it
is
unlawful
for
Subjects
,
on
any
pretence
,
or
for
any
Cause
whatsoever
,
to
rise
in
Arms
against
him
,
or
any
Commissioned
by
him
;
and
that
they
shall
never
resist
his
Power
or
Authority
;
which
as
it
may
be
intended
for
a
Foundation
and
means
of
keeping
Men
quiet
when
he
shall
break
in
upon
their
Estates
,
and
overthrow
their
Religion
,
so
it
may
be
designed
as
an
Encouragement
to
his
Catholick
Subjects
,
to
set
upon
the
Cutting
Protestants
Throats
,
when
by
this
Oath
their
Hands
are
tied
up
from
hindering
them
.
It
is
but
for
the
Papists
to
come
Authorised
with
his
Majesty's
Commission
,
which
will
not
be
denied
them
for
so
meritorious
a
Work
,
and
then
there
is
no
Help
nor
Remedy
,
but
we
must
stretch
out
our
Necks
,
and
open
our
Breasts
,
to
their
Consecrated
Swords
,
and
Sanctified
Daggers
.
Nay
,
if
the
King
should
transfer
the
Succession
to
the
Crown
from
the
Rightful
Heir
,
to
some
zealous
Romanist
,
or
Alienat
,
and
dispose
of
his
Kingdoms
in
way
of
Donation
and
Gift
to
the
Pope
,
or
to
the
Society
of
the
Jesuits
;
and
for
the
better
securing
them
in
the
Possession
hereafter
,
should
invest
and
place
them
in
the
Enjoyment
of
them
while
he
lives
;
the
Scots
are
bound
,
in
the
virtue
of
this
Oath
,
tamely
to
look
on
,
and
calmly
to
acquiesce
in
it
.
Or
should
his
Physicians
advise
him
to
a
nightly
Variety
of
Matrons
and
Maids
,
as
the
best
Remedy
against
his
malignant
and
venomous
Heats
;
all
of
that
Kingdom
are
bound
to
surrender
their
Wives
and
Daughters
to
him
,
with
a
dutiful
Silence
and
a
profound
Veneration
.
And
if
by
this
Oath
he
can
secure
himself
from
the
Opposition
of
his
Dissenting
Subjects
,
in
case
through
recovery
of
their
Reason
,
a
Fit
of
ancient
Zeal
should
surprize
them
;
he
is
otherways
secured
of
an
Asiatick
Tameness
in
his
Prelatical
People
,
by
a
Principle
which
they
have
lately
imbib'd
,
but
neither
learned
from
their
Bibles
,
nor
the
Statutes
of
the
Land
.
For
the
Clergy
,
upon
thinking
that
the
Wind
would
always
blow
out
of
one
quarter
,
and
being
resolved
to
make
that
a
Duty
by
their
Learning
,
which
their
Interest
at
that
season
made
convenient
;
have
preached
up
the
Doctrine
of
Passive
Obedience
to
such
a
boundless
height
,
that
they
have
done
what
in
them
lyes
,
to
give
up
themselves
and
all
that
had
the
Weakness
to
believe
them
,
fettered
and
bound
for
Sacrifices
to
Popish
Rage
and
Despotical
Tyranny
.
But
for
my self
(
and
I
hope
the
like
of
many
others
.
)
I
thank
God
I
am
not
tainted
with
that
slavish
and
adulatory
Doctrine
,
as
having
always
thought
that
the
first
Duty
of
every
Member
of
a
Body
Politick
,
is
to
the
Community
,
for
whose
Safety
,
and
Good
,
Governors
are
instituted
,
and
that
it
is
only
to
Rulers
,
as
they
are
found
to
answer
the
main
Ends
they
are
appointed
for
,
and
to
Act
by
the
legal
Rules
that
are
Chalk'd
out
unto
them
.
Whether
it
be
from
my
Dullness
,
or
that
my
Understanding
is
of
a
perverser
make
than
other
Mens
,
I
cannot
tell
;
but
I
could
never
yet
be
otherways
minded
,
than
that
the
Rules
of
the
Constitution
,
and
the
Laws
of
the
Republick
or
Kingdom
,
are
to
be
the
Measures
both
of
the
Sovereign's
Commands
,
and
of
the
Subjects
Obedience
;
and
that
as
we
are
not
to
invade
what
by
Concessions
and
Stipulations
belongs
unto
the
Ruler
;
so
we
may
not
only
Lawfully
,
but
we
ought
to
defend
what
is
reserved
to
our selves
,
if
it
be
invaded
and
broken
in
upon
.
And
as
without
such
a
Right
in
the
Subjects
,
all
legal
Governments
,
and
mix'd
Monarchies
,
were
but
empty
Names
,
and
ridiculous
things
;
so
wheresoever
the
Constitution
of
a
Nation
is
such
,
there
the
Prince
,
who
strives
to
subvert
the
Laws
of
the
Society
,
is
the
Traytor
and
Rebel
;
and
not
the
People
who
endeavor
to
preserve
and
defend
them
.
There
is
yet
another
Branch
of
the
foresaid
Oath
,
that
is
of
a
much
more
unreasonable
Strain
than
the
former
,
which
is
,
That
they
shall
,
to
the
utmost
of
their
Power
,
assist
,
defend
and
maintain
him
in
the
Exercise
of
this
Absolute
Power
and
Authority
;
which
being
tack'd
to
our
Obeying
without
reserve
,
make
us
the
greatest
Slaves
that
eithe●
are
,
or
ever
were
in
the
Universe
.
Our
Kings
were
heretofore
bound
to
Govern
according
to
Law
(
and
so
is
his
present
Majesty
,
if
a
Coronation
Oath
and
faith
to
Hereticks
,
were
not
weaker
than
Sampson's
cords
proved
to
be
)
but
instead
of
that
,
here
is
a
new
Oath
imposed
upon
the
Subjects
,
by
which
they
are
bound
to
protect
and
defend
the
King
in
his
ruling
Arbitrarily
.
It
had
been
more
than
enough
to
have
required
only
a
calm
submitting
to
the
exercise
of
Absolute
Power
;
but
to
be
enjoined
to
swear
to
assist
and
defend
his
Majesty
and
Successors
in
all
things
wherein
they
shall
exert
it
,
is
a
plain
destroying
of
all
natural
as
well
as
civil
Liberty
,
and
a
robbing
us
of
that
freedom
that
belongs
unto
us
,
both
as
we
are
men
,
and
as
we
are
born
under
a
free
and
legal
Government
.
For
by
this
we
become
bound
to
drag
our
Brethren
to
the
Stake
,
to
cut
their
Throats
,
plunder
their
Houses
,
imbrew
our
hands
in
the
Blood
of
our
Wives
and
Children
,
if
his
Majesty
please
to
make
these
the
Instances
wherein
he
will
exert
his
Absolute
Power
,
and
require
us
to
assist
him
in
the
exercise
of
it
.
As
it
was
necessary
to
cancel
all
other
Oaths
and
Tests
,
as
being
directly
inconsistent
with
this
;
so
the
requiring
the
Scots
to
swear
this
Oath
,
is
the
highest
revenge
he
could
take
for
their
Solemn
League
and
Covenant
,
and
for
all
other
Oaths
,
that
lust
after
Arbitrariness
and
Popish
Bigottry
,
will
pronounce
to
have
been
injurious
to
the
Crown
.
But
no
words
are
sufficient
to
express
the
mischiefs
wrapt
up
in
that
new
Oath
,
or
to
declare
the
abhorrency
that
all
who
value
the
Rights
and
Liberties
of
Mankind
ought
to
entertain
for
it
,
nor
to
proclaim
the
Villany
of
those
who
shall
by
Addresses
give
thanks
for
the
Proclamation
.
There
may
a
fourth
thing
be
added
,
whereby
it
will
appear
,
that
his
Majesty's
assuming
Absolute
Power
,
stands
recorded
in
Capital
Letters
in
his
Declaration
for
liberty
of
Conscience
.
For
not
being
contented
to
omit
the
requiring
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
and
the
Test
Oaths
to
be
taken
,
nor
being
satisfied
to
suspend
for
a
season
the
enjoining
any
to
be
demanded
to
take
them
;
he
tells
us
that
it
is
his
Royal
will
and
pleasure
that
the
aforesaid
Oaths
shall
not
at
any
time
hereafter
be
required
to
be
taken
,
which
is
a
full
and
direct
Repealing
of
the
Laws
in
which
they
are
Enacted
.
It
hath
hitherto
passed
for
an
undoubted
Maxim
,
that
eorum
est
tollere
,
quorum
est
condere
,
they
can
only
abrogate
Laws
,
who
have
Power
and
Authority
to
make
them
;
and
we
have
heretofore
been
made
believe
,
that
the
Legislative
power
was
not
in
the
King
alone
,
but
that
the
two
Houses
of
Parliament
had
at
least
a
share
in
it
;
whereas
here
by
the
disabling
and
suspending
Laws
for
ever
,
the
whole
Legislative
Power
is
challenged
to
be
vested
in
the
King
,
and
at
one
dash
the
Government
of
England
is
Subverted
and
changed
.
Tho
it
hath
been
much
disputed
whether
the
King
had
a
liberty
of
refusing
to
Assent
to
Bills
relating
to
the
benefit
of
the
Publick
that
had
passed
the
two
Houses
;
and
if
there
be
any
sense
in
those
words
of
the
Coronation
Oath
of
his
being
bound
to
Govern
according
to
the
Laws
quas
vulgus
Elegerit
,
he
had
not
;
yet
none
till
now
,
that
his
Majesty
doth
it
,
had
the
impudence
to
affirm
that
he
might
abrogate
Laws
without
the
concurrence
and
assent
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
.
For
to
say
that
Oaths
enjoined
by
Laws
to
be
required
to
be
taken
,
shall
not
at
any
time
hereafter
be
required
to
be
taken
,
is
a
plain
Cancelling
and
Repealing
of
these
Laws
,
or
nothing
of
this
World
ever
was
or
is
;
nor
can
the
wisdom
of
the
Nation
in
Parliament
Assembled
,
find
words
more
emphatical
to
declare
their
Abrogation
,
without
saying
so
,
which
at
this
time
it
was
necessary
to
forbear
,
for
fear
of
allarming
the
Kingdon
too
far
,
before
his
Majesty
be
sufficiently
provided
against
it
.
For
admitting
them
to
continue
still
in
being
and
force
,
tho
the
King
may
promise
for
the
non
execution
of
them
,
during
his
own
time
,
(
which
is
even
a
pretty
bold
undertaking
)
yet
he
cannot
assure
us
that
the
Oaths
shall
not
be
required
to
be
taken
at
any
time
hereafter
,
unless
he
have
provided
for
an
eternal
Line
of
Popish
Successors
,
which
God
will
not
be
so
unmerciful
as
to
plague
us
with
,
or
have
gotten
a
Lease
of
a
longer
Life
than
Methusalah's
,
which
is
much
more
than
the
full
Century
of
years
wished
him
in
a
late
Dedication
,
by
one
that
stiles
himself
an
Irishman
,
a
thing
he
might
have
forborn
telling
us
,
because
the
Size
of
his
Understanding
fully
declares
it
.
However
here
is
such
a
stroke
and
exercise
of
Absolute
power
,
as
Dissolves
the
Government
,
and
brings
us
all
into
a
State
of
Nature
,
by
discharging
us
from
the
ties
,
which
by
virtue
of
Fundamental
Stipulations
and
Statute
Laws
we
formerly
lay
under
;
forasmuch
as
we
know
no
King
but
a
King
by
Law
,
nor
no
Power
he
hath
but
a
legal
Power
.
Which
through
disclaiming
by
a
challenge
that
the
whole
Legislative
Authority
does
reside
in
himself
,
he
hath
thrown
the
Gantler
to
three
Kingdoms
,
and
provokes
them
to
a
tryal
,
whether
he
be
ablest
to
maintain
his
Absoluteness
,
or
they
to
justifie
their
being
a
free
People
.
And
by
virtue
of
the
same
Royal
will
and
pleasure
,
that
he
annuls
(
which
he
calls
suspending
)
the
Laws
enjoyning
the
Tests
and
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
,
and
commands
that
none
of
these
Oaths
and
Declarations
shall
at
any
time
hereafter
be
required
to
be
taken
;
he
may
in
some
following
Royal
Papers
give
us
White-hall
or
Hampton
Court
Edicts
,
conformable
to
those
at
Verfailles
,
which
at
all
times
hereafter
we
shall
be
bound
to
submit
unto
,
and
stand
obliged
to
be
ruled
by
instead
of
the
Common
Law
and
Statute
Book
.
Nor
is
the
taking
upon
him
to
stamp
us
new
Laws
,
exclusively
of
Parliamentary
concurrence
,
in
the
virtue
of
his
Royal
Prerogative
,
any
thing
more
uncouth
in
it self
,
or
more
disagreeable
to
the
Rules
of
the
Constitution
and
what
we
have
been
constantly
accustomed
unto
,
than
the
cassing
,
disabling
and
abrogating
so
many
old
ones
,
which
that
obsolete
,
out
of
date
,
as
well
as
ill
favoured
thing
upon
Monarchs
,
called
a
Parliament
,
had
a
share
in
the
enacting
of
.
I
will
not
say
that
our
Addressers
were
conscious
,
that
the
getting
an
Absolute
Power
in
his
Majesty
.
to
be
owned
and
acknowledged
,
was
one
of
the
Ends
for
which
the
late
Declaration
was
calculated
and
emitted
,
but
I
think
I
have
sufficiently
demonstrated
both
that
such
a
power
it
issueth
and
flows
from
,
and
that
such
a
power
is
plainly
exercised
in
it
.
Which
whether
their
coming
now
to
be
told
and
made
acquainted
with
it
,
may
make
them
repent
what
they
have
done
,
or
at
least
prevent
their
being
accessory
to
the
support
of
this
Power
in
other
mischievous
effects
that
are
to
be
dreaded
from
it
,
I
must
leave
to
time
to
make
the
discovery
,
it
being
impossible
to
foretell
what
a
People
fallen
into
a
phrenzie
may
do
in
their
paroxisms
of
distraction
and
madness
.
Nor
was
the
scruing
himself
into
the
possession
of
an
Absolute
power
,
and
the
getting
it
to
be
owned
by
at
least
a
part
of
the
people
,
the
only
Motive
to
the
publishing
the
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
in
England
,
and
the
Proclamation
for
a
Toleration
in
Scotland
;
but
a
second
inducement
,
that
sway'd
unto
it
,
was
the
undermining
and
subverting
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
opening
a
door
for
the
introduction
and
establishment
of
Popery
.
Nor
was
it
from
any
compassion
to
Dissenters
,
that
these
two
Royal
Papers
were
emitted
,
but
from
his
Majesty's
tender
love
to
Papists
,
to
whom
as
there
arise
many
advantages
for
the
present
,
so
the
whole
benefit
will
be
found
to
redound
to
them
in
the
issue
.
We
are
told
(
as
I
have
already
mentioned
)
that
the
King
is
resolved
to
convert
England
,
or
to
die
a
Martyr
;
and
we
may
be
sure
that
if
he
did
not
think
the
suspending
the
penal
Laws
,
and
the
dispensing
with
requiring
of
the
Tests
,
and
the
granting
Liberty
and
Toleration
,
to
be
means
admirably
adapted
thereunto
,
he
would
not
have
acted
so
inconsistently
with
himself
,
nor
in
that
opposition
to
his
own
designs
,
as
to
have
disabled
these
Laws
,
and
vouchsafed
the
Freedom
that
results
thereupon
.
Especially
when
we
are
told
by
the
Liege
Jesuit
,
that
the
King
being
sensible
of
his
growing
old
,
finds
himself
thereby
obliged
to
make
the
greater
haste
,
and
to
take
the
larger
steps
,
lest
through
not
living
long
enough
to
effect
what
he
intends
,
he
should
not
only
lose
the
glory
of
converting
three
Kingdoms
,
but
should
leave
the
Papists
in
a
worse
condition
than
he
found
them
.
His
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
very
justly
concludes
this
to
be
the
thing
aim'd
at
by
the
present
Indulgence
,
and
therefore
being
desired
to
approve
the
Suspension
of
the
Test
Acts
,
and
to
co-operate
with
his
Majesty
for
the
obtaining
their
being
Repealed
;
was
pleased
to
answer
,
That
while
he
was
,
as
well
as
professeth
himself
,
a
Protestant
,
he
would
not
act
so
unworthily
as
to
betray
the
Protestant
Religion
,
which
he
necessarily
must
,
if
he
should
do
as
he
was
desired
.
Her
Royal
Highness
the
Princess
of
Orange
,
has
likewise
the
same
apprehension
of
the
tendency
of
the
Toleration
and
Indulgence
,
and
therefore
was
pleased
to
say
to
some
Scots
Ministers
that
did
themselves
the
honor
,
and
performed
the
duty
that
became
them
,
in
going
to
wait
upon
her
,
that
she
greatly
commended
their
having
no
accession
to
the
betraying
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
by
their
returning
home
to
take
the
benefit
of
the
Toleration
.
What
an
indelible
Reproach
will
it
be
to
a
company
of
men
,
that
pretend
to
be
set
for
the
defence
of
the
Gospel
,
and
who
stile
themselves
Ministers
of
Jesus
Christ
,
to
be
found
betraying
Religion
,
thro
justifying
the
Suspension
of
so
many
Laws
whereby
it
was
established
and
supported
,
and
whereby
the
Kingdoms
were
fenced
about
,
and
guarded
against
Popery
;
while
these
two
noble
Princes
to
the
neglect
of
their
own
Interest
in
His
Majesty's
Favour
,
and
to
the
provoking
him
to
do
them
all
the
prejudice
he
can
in
their
Right
of
Succession
to
the
Imperial
Crown
of
Great
Britain
,
do
signifie
their
open
dislike
of
that
Act
of
the
King
,
and
that
not
only
upon
the
account
of
its
Illegality
and
Arbitrariness
,
but
by
reason
of
its
tendency
to
supplant
and
undermine
the
Reformed
Religion
.
And
they
are
strangely
blind
that
do
not
see
how
it
powerfully
operates
,
and
conduceth
to
the
effecting
of
this
,
and
that
in
more
ways
and
methods
than
are
easie
to
be
recounted
.
For
thereby
our
divisions
are
not
only
kept
up
at
a
time
,
when
the
united
Counsels
and
strength
of
all
Protestants
is
too
little
against
the
craft
and
power
of
Rome
;
but
they
who
have
Addressed
to
thank
the
King
for
his
Royal
Papers
,
and
become
a
listed
and
enrolled
Faction
,
to
abet
and
stand
by
the
King
in
all
that
naturally
follows
to
be
done
for
the
maintaining
his
Declaration
,
and
justifying
of
the
usurped
Authority
from
which
it
issues
.
'T
is
matter
of
a
melancholy
consideration
,
and
turns
little
to
the
credit
of
Dissenters
,
that
when
they
of
the
Church
of
England
,
who
had
with
so
great
indiscretion
promoted
things
to
that
pass
,
which
an
easie
improvement
of
would
produce
what
hath
since
ensued
,
are
through
being
at
last
enlightned
in
the
designs
of
the
Court
,
come
so
far
to
recover
their
wits
,
as
that
they
can
no
longer
do
the
service
they
were
wont
,
and
which
was
still
expected
from
them
;
there
should
be
a
new
Tribe
of
men
muster'd
up
to
stand
in
their
room
,
and
who
by
their
Vows
and
Promises
made
to
the
King
in
their
Addresses
,
have
undertaken
to
perform
,
what
others
have
the
Conscience
and
Honesty
,
as
well
as
the
Wisdom
to
refuse
and
decline
.
Nor
are
the
Divisions
among
Protestants
only
hereby
upheld
and
maintained
;
but
our
Animosities
and
Rancors
are
both
continued
and
enflamed
.
For
while
they
of
the
established
way
are
provoked
and
exasperated
to
see
all
the
legal
Foundations
both
of
the
Protestant
Religion
and
their
Church
subverted
;
the
Addressing
Dissenters
are
emboldned
to
revenge
themselves
upon
the
National
Clergy
,
in
terms
of
the
utmost
Opproory
,
Virulence
,
and
Reproach
,
for
their
accession
to
the
Sufferings
which
they
had
endured
.
Surely
it
would
have
been
not
only
more
generous
,
but
much
more
Christian
,
to
have
made
no
other
Retaliations
but
those
of
forgiveness
and
pardon
for
the
injuries
they
had
met
with
,
and
to
have
offered
all
the
assistances
they
could
give
,
to
their
conformable
Brethren
,
for
the
stemming
and
withstanding
the
deluge
of
Popery
and
Tyranny
that
is
impetuously
breaking
in
upon
the
Kingdoms
.
And
as
this
would
have
united
all
Protestants
in
bonds
of
forbearance
and
love
not
to
be
dissolved
through
petty
differences
about
Discipline
,
Forms
of
Worship
,
and
a
few
Rites
and
Ceremonies
;
so
it
would
in
the
sense
and
judgment
of
all
men
,
have
given
them
a
more
triumphant
Victory
over
those
that
had
been
their
imprudent
and
peevish
Enemies
,
than
if
they
were
to
enjoy
the
spoils
of
the
conformable
Clergy
,
by
being
put
into
possession
of
their
Cures
and
Benefices
.
The
Relation
I
have
stood
in
to
the
Dissenting
Party
,
and
the
Kindness
I
retain
for
them
above
all
other
,
make
me
heartily
bewail
their
losing
the
happiest
opportunity
that
ever
was
put
into
their
hands
,
not
only
of
improving
the
compassion
,
which
their
calamities
had
raised
for
them
in
the
hearts
of
the
generality
,
into
friendship
and
kindness
,
but
of
acquiring
such
a
merit
upon
the
Nation
,
that
the
utmost
favours
which
a
true
English
Protestant
Parliament
could
hereafter
have
shewed
them
,
would
have
been
accounted
but
slender
as
well
as
just
Recompences
.
Nor
can
I
forbear
to
say
,
that
I
had
rather
have
seen
the
Furnace
of
Afflictions
made
hotter
for
them
,
though
it
should
have
been
my
own
lot
to
be
thrown
into
the
most
scorching
flames
,
than
to
have
beheld
them
guilty
of
those
excesses
of
folly
towards
themselves
,
and
of
treachery
to
Religion
,
and
the
Laws
of
their
Country
,
which
their
present
ease
,
and
a
short
opportunity
afforded
them
of
acquiring
gain
,
have
hurried
and
transported
so
many
of
them
into
.
It
plainly
appears
with
what
aspect
upon
our
Religion
the
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
was
emitted
,
if
we
do
but
observe
the
advantages
the
Papists
have
already
reap'd
by
it
.
How
is
the
whole
Nation
thereupon
,
not
only
overflow'd
with
swarms
of
Locusts
,
and
all
places
filled
with
Priests
and
Jesuits
,
but
the
whole
executive
Power
of
the
Government
,
and
all
preferments
of
Honor
,
Interest
,
and
Profit
,
are
put
into
Roman
Catholick
hands
?
So
that
we
are
not
only
exposed
to
the
unwearied
and
restless
importunities
of
Seducers
,
but
thro
the
advancement
of
Papists
to
all
Offices
Civil
and
Military
,
if
not
Ecclesiastick
;
the
covetous
become
brib'd
,
the
timorous
threatned
,
and
the
profane
are
baited
with
temptations
sutable
to
their
lusts
,
and
they
that
stand
resolved
to
continue
honest
are
laid
open
not
only
to
the
bold
affronts
of
Priests
and
Friers
,
the
insolencies
of
petulant
Popish
Justices
,
the
chicaneries
and
oppressions
of
the
Arbitrary
Commission
Court
,
but
to
the
rage
of
his
Majesty
,
and
the
danger
of
being
attack'd
by
his
armed
Squadrons
.
To
which
may
be
added
,
that
by
the
same
Prerogative
and
Absolute
Power
that
his
Majesty
hath
suspended
the
Laws
made
for
the
Protection
of
our
Religion
;
he
may
disable
and
dispense
with
all
the
Laws
by
which
it
is
set
up
and
established
.
And
as
it
will
not
be
more
illegal
and
arbitrary
to
make
void
the
Laws
for
Protestancy
,
than
to
have
suspended
those
against
Popery
;
so
I
do
not
see
how
the
Addressers
that
have
approved
the
one
,
can
disallow
or
condemn
the
other
.
For
the
King
having
obtained
an
acknowledgment
of
his
Absolute
Power
,
and
of
his
Royal
Prerogative
paramount
to
Laws
on
his
exercising
it
in
one
instance
;
it
now
depends
merely
upon
his
own
will
(
for
any
thing
these
thanksgiving
Gentlemen
have
to
say
against
it
)
whether
he
may
not
exert
it
in
another
,
wherein
they
are
not
likely
to
find
so
much
of
their
ease
and
gain
.
There
is
a
third
Inducement
to
the
emitting
those
Royal
Papers
,
which
tho
at
the
first
view
it
may
seem
wholly
to
regard
Foreigners
,
yet
it
ultimately
terminates
in
the
subversion
of
our
Religion
at
home
,
and
in
the
King's
putting
himself
into
a
condition
of
exercising
his
Absolute
Power
in
whatsoever
Acts
he
pleaseth
over
his
own
Subjects
,
whether
after
the
French
fashion
in
commanding
them
to
turn
Catholicks
because
he
will
have
it
so
,
or
after
the
manner
of
the
Grand
Seignior
to
require
them
to
submit
their
Necks
to
the
Bow-string
;
because
he
is
jealous
of
them
,
or
wants
their
Estates
to
pay
his
Janizaries
.
The
United
Provinces
are
they
whom
he
bore
a
particular
spleen
and
indignation
unto
,
when
he
was
a
Subject
,
and
upon
whom
he
is
now
in
the
Throne
,
he
resolves
not
only
to
wreak
all
his
old
Malice
,
but
by
Conquering
and
Subduing
them
(
if
he
can
)
to
strengthen
his
Absoluteness
over
his
own
People
,
and
to
pave
his
way
for
overthrowing
the
Protestant
Religion
in
Great
Britain
,
without
lying
open
to
the
Hazards
that
may
otherways
attend
and
ensue
upon
the
attempting
of
it
.
And
instead
of
expecting
nothing
from
him
,
but
what
may
become
a
brave
and
generous
Enemy
,
they
ought
to
remember
the
Encouragement
that
he
gave
heretofore
to
two
Varlets
,
to
burn
that
part
of
their
Fleet
which
belong'd
to
Amsterdam
,
an
Action
as
Ignominious
as
Fraudulent
,
and
that
might
have
been
Fatal
to
all
the
Provinces
,
if
,
through
a
happy
and
seasonable
Detection
,
and
the
Apprehension
of
one
of
the
Miscreants
,
it
had
not
been
prevented
.
He
knows
that
the
States
General
are
not
only
zealous
Assertors
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
but
always
ready
to
afford
a
Sanctuary
and
a
place
of
Refuge
to
those
,
who
being
oppressed
for
the
Profession
of
it
elsewhere
,
are
forced
to
forsake
their
own
Countries
,
and
to
seek
for
Shelter
and
Relief
in
other
Parts
.
And
as
he
is
not
unsensible
,
how
easie
the
Withdrawment
and
Flight
is
into
these
Provinces
,
for
such
as
are
Persecuted
in
his
Dominions
;
so
he
is
aware
,
that
if
Multitudes
,
and
especially
Men
of
Condition
and
Estates
,
should
,
for
the
avoiding
his
Cruelty
,
betake
themselves
thither
,
that
they
would
not
be
unthoughtful
of
all
Ways
and
Means
,
whereby
they
might
Redeem
their
Country
from
Tyranny
,
and
restore
themselves
to
the
quiet
Enjoyment
of
their
Estates
and
Liberties
at
home
.
But
that
which
most
Enrages
him
,
is
the
Figure
which
the
two
Princes
do
make
in
that
State
(
of
whose
Succession
to
the
Crown
the
Protestants
in
Britain
have
so
near
a
Prospect
)
and
the
Post
which
the
Prince
filleth
in
that
Government
,
so
that
he
dare
neither
venture
to
Disinherit
Them
,
nor
impose
upon
them
such
Terms
and
Conditions
,
as
their
Consciences
will
not
suffer
them
to
comply
with
,
while
either
these
States
remain
Free
,
or
while
such
English
and
Scots
,
as
retain
a
Zeal
for
Religion
and
the
Ancient
Laws
and
Rights
of
their
respective
Countries
,
can
retreat
thither
under
hopes
of
Admission
and
Protection
.
And
so
closely
are
the
Interests
of
all
Protestants
in
England
and
Scotland
,
woven
and
inlaid
with
the
Interest
of
the
United
Netherlands
,
and
such
is
the
singular
regard
that
both
the
one
and
the
other
bear
to
the
Reformed
Religion
,
the
Liberty
of
Mankind
,
and
their
several
Civil
Rights
;
that
it
is
impossible
for
his
Majesty
to
embark
in
a
Design
against
the
One
,
without
resolving
at
the
same
time
upon
the
Ruin
of
the
Other
.
Neither
will
the
One
be
able
to
subsist
,
when
once
the
Other
is
Subdued
and
Enslaved
.
As
Philip
the
Second
,
of
Spain
,
saw
no
way
so
compendious
for
the
restoring
himself
to
the
Sovereignty
and
Tyrannous
Rule
over
the
Dutch
,
as
the
Subjugating
of
England
that
help'd
to
support
and
assist
them
,
which
was
the
ground
of
Rigging
out
his
Formidable
Armado
,
and
of
his
design
against
England
in
1588
,
so
his
British
Majesty
thinks
no
Method
so
Expeditious
for
the
Enslaving
his
own
People
,
as
the
endeavoring
first
to
subdue
the
Dutch.
And
as
upon
the
one
hand
it
would
be
of
a
threatning
Consequence
to
Holland
,
could
the
King
subjugate
his
own
People
,
extirpate
the
Protestant
Religion
out
of
his
Dominions
,
and
advance
himself
to
a
Despotical
Power
;
so
upon
the
other
hand
,
could
he
conquer
the
Dutch
,
we
might
with
the
greatest
certainty
Date
the
woful
Fate
of
Great
Britain
,
and
the
loss
of
all
that
is
valuable
to
them
as
Men
and
Christians
,
from
the
same
Moment
and
Period
of
time
.
They
are
like
the
Twins
we
read
of
,
whose
Destiny
was
,
to
live
and
die
together
;
and
which
soever
of
the
two
is
destroyed
first
,
all
the
Hope
and
Comfort
that
the
other
can
pretend
unto
,
is
to
be
last
devoured
.
Now
after
the
Advances
which
his
Majesty
had
made
towards
the
Enslaving
his
Subjects
,
and
the
Subverting
the
Reformed
Religion
in
his
Kingdoms
,
he
finds
it
necessary
,
before
he
venture
to
give
the
last
and
fatal
Stroke
at
home
,
and
to
enter
upon
the
plenary
Exercise
of
his
Absolute
Power
,
in
laying
Parliaments
wholly
aside
,
in
cancelling
all
Laws
to
make
way
for
Royal
Edicts
or
Declarations
of
the
Complexion
of
the
former
,
and
in
commanding
us
to
turn
Roman
Catholicks
,
or
to
be
Dragoon'd
;
I
say
he
thinks
it
needful
,
before
he
proceeds
to
these
,
to
try
whether
he
can
Subdue
and
Conquer
the
Dutch
,
and
thereby
remove
all
hopes
of
Shelter
,
Relief
,
Comfort
and
Assistance
from
his
own
People
,
when
he
shall
afterwards
fall
upon
them
.
And
how
much
soever
the
Court
endeavors
to
conceal
its
Design
,
and
strives
to
complement
the
States
General
into
a
Confidence
that
all
Alliances
between
them
and
the
Crown
of
England
,
shall
be
maintained
and
preserved
;
yet
they
not
only
speak
their
Intentions
by
several
open
and
visible
Actions
,
but
some
of
them
cannot
forbear
to
tell
it
,
when
their
Blood
is
heated
,
and
their
Heads
warm'd
with
a
liberal
Glass
and
a
lusty
Proportion
of
Wine
.
Thence
it
was
that
a
Governing
Papist
lately
told
a
Gentleman
,
after
they
two
had
drank
hard
together
,
That
they
had
some
Work
in
England
that
would
employ
them
a
little
time
,
but
when
that
was
over
,
they
would
make
the
Dutch
fly
to
the
end
of
the
World
to
find
a
resting
place
.
Delenda
est
Carthago
is
engraven
upon
their
Hearts
,
as
being
that
,
without
which
Rome
cannot
arrive
at
the
Universal
Monarchy
that
it
aspires
after
.
It
was
upon
a
formed
Design
of
a
War
against
the
United
Provinces
,
that
the
King
hath
for
these
two
Years
stirred
up
and
incited
,
as
well
as
countenanced
and
protected
the
Algerines
in
their
Piracies
,
that
through
their
weakning
and
spoiling
the
Dutch
before-hand
,
it
may
be
the
more
easie
a
matter
for
him
to
Subdue
them
,
when
he
shall
think
fit
to
begin
his
Hostilities
.
'T
is
in
order
to
thi●
that
he
hath
entred
into
new
and
secret
Alliances
with
other
Princes
,
the
purpott
of
which
is
boldly
talk'd
of
in
London
,
but
whether
believ'd
at
the
Hague
I
cannot
tell
.
For
as
Monsieur
Barrillion
and
Monsieur
Bonrepos
present
Transactions
at
Whitehall
relate
to
something
else
than
merely
to
the
affair
of
Hudson's
Bay
;
so
Prince
George's
errand
to
Denmark
,
is
of
more
importance
than
a
bare
Visit
,
or
a
naked
Compelment
to
his
Brother
.
'T
is
upon
this
design
that
all
that
great
Marine
Preparation
hath
been
so
long
making
in
the
several
Ports
of
England
;
but
to
the
hindering
the
execution
whereof
some
unexpected
and
not
foreseen
accidents
have
interposed
.
And
it
is
in
subserviency
not
to
be
disquieted
at
Home
,
while
he
is
carrying
on
this
holy
War
Abroad
,
that
the
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
in
England
,
and
the
Proclamation
for
a
Toleration
in
Scotland
,
are
granted
and
published
.
'T
is
well
enough
known
,
how
that
after
the
French
King
,
had
among
many
other
severities
exercised
against
Protestants
,
made
them
uncapable
of
Employments
and
Commands
;
yet
to
avoid
the
consequences
that
might
have
ensued
thereupon
,
while
he
was
engaged
in
a
War
against
the
Emperor
,
the
King
of
Spain
,
and
the
States
of
Holland
,
and
to
have
the
aid
of
his
Reformed
Subjects
;
he
not
only
intermitted
and
abated
in
many
other
rigours
towards
them
,
but
in
Anno
1674
,
restored
them
to
a
capacity
of
being
employed
and
preferred
.
And
that
this
did
not
flow
from
any
compassion
,
tenderness
,
or
good
will
towards
them
,
his
carriage
since
the
issue
of
that
War
,
and
the
miserable
condition
he
hath
reduced
them
to
,
does
sufficiently
testifie
and
declare
.
Nor
can
we
forget
,
how
that
the
late
King
,
after
a
rigorous
execution
of
the
penal
laws
for
several
years
against
Dissenters
;
yet
being
to
enter
into
an
unjust
War
against
the
United
Provinces
Anno
1672.
not
only
forbore
all
proceedings
of
that
kind
,
but
published
a
Declaration
for
suspending
the
Execution
of
all
those
Laws
,
and
for
the
allowing
them
liberty
of
Assembling
to
worship
God
in
their
separate
Meetings
,
without
being
hindred
or
disturbed
.
What
Principle
that
proceeded
from
,
and
to
what
End
it
was
calculated
,
appeared
in
his
behaviour
to
them
afterwards
,
when
neither
the
danger
the
Nation
was
in
from
the
Papists
,
nor
the
application
of
several
Parliaments
,
could
prevail
for
lonity
towards
them
,
much
less
for
a
legal
Repeal
of
those
implitick
and
unreasonable
Statutes
.
Nor
does
the
present
Indulgence
flow
from
any
kindness
to
Fanaticks
,
but
it
is
only
an
artifice
to
stifle
their
Discontents
,
and
to
procure
their
assistance
for
the
destroying
of
a
Foreign
Protestant
State
.
And
it
may
not
be
unworthy
of
observation
,
that
as
the
Declaration
of
Indulgence
Anno
1672
,
bore
date
much
about
the
same
time
with
the
Declaration
of
War
against
the
Dutch
;
so
at
the
very
Season
that
his
present
Majesty
emitted
his
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
there
were
Commissions
of
Reprisal
prepared
and
ready
to
be
granted
to
the
English
East-India
Company
against
the
Hollanders
,
but
which
were
suppressed
upon
the
Court
's
finding
that
they
whom
the
suspending
the
Execution
of
so
many
Laws
,
and
the
granting
such
Liberties
,
Rights
and
Immunities
to
the
Papists
,
had
disgusted
and
provoked
,
were
far
more
numerous
,
and
their
resentments
more
to
be
apprehended
,
than
they
were
,
whose
murmurings
and
discontents
they
had
silenced
and
allay'd
by
the
liberty
that
was
granted
.
Now
as
it
will
be
at
this
juncture
,
when
the
Protestant
Interest
is
so
low
in
the
World
,
and
the
Reformed
Religion
in
so
great
danger
of
being
Destroyed
,
a
most
wicked
as
well
as
an
imprudent
Act
,
to
contribute
help
and
aid
to
the
Subjugating
a
People
that
are
the
chief
Protectors
of
the
Protestant
Religion
that
are
left
;
and
almost
the
only
Asserters
of
the
Rights
and
Liberties
of
Mankind
,
so
it
may
fill
the
Addressers
with
confusion
and
shame
,
that
they
should
have
not
only
justified
an
Act
of
His
Majesty's
that
is
plainly
designed
to
such
a
mischievous
End
,
but
that
they
should
by
the
Promises
and
Vows
that
they
have
made
Him
,
have
emboldned
His
Majesty
to
continue
his
purposes
and
resolutions
of
a
War
against
the
Dutch.
Which
as
it
must
be
funestous
and
fatal
to
the
Protestant
Cause
,
in
case
he
should
prosper
and
succeed
;
so
howsoever
it
should
issue
,
yet
the
Addressers
,
who
have
done
what
in
them
lyes
to
give
encouragement
unto
it
,
will
be
held
betrayers
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
both
abroad
and
at
home
,
and
judged
guilty
of
all
the
Blood
of
those
of
the
same
Faith
with
them
,
that
shall
be
shed
in
this
Quarrel
.
That
Liberty
ought
to
be
allowed
to
men
in
matters
of
Religion
,
is
no
Plea
whereby
the
King's
giving
it
in
an
illegal
and
Arbitrary
manner
,
can
be
maintained
and
justified
.
Since
ever
I
was
capable
of
exercising
any
distinct
and
coherent
acts
of
Reason
,
I
have
been
always
of
that
mind
,
that
none
ought
to
be
persecuted
for
their
Consciences
towards
God
in
matters
of
Faith
and
Worship
.
Nor
is
it
one
of
those
things
that
lye
under
the
power
of
the
Sovereign
and
Legislative
Authority
,
to
grant
or
not
to
grant
;
but
it
is
a
Right
setled
upon
Mankind
antecedent
to
all
Civil
Constitutions
and
Humane
Laws
,
having
its
foundation
in
the
Law
of
Nature
,
which
no
Prince
or
State
can
legitimately
violate
and
Infringe
.
The
Magistrate
,
as
a
Civil
Officer
,
can
pretend
or
claim
no
Power
over
a
People
,
but
what
he
either
derives
from
the
Divine
Charter
;
wherein
God
,
the
Supreme
Institutor
of
Magistracy
has
chalk'd
out
the
Duty
of
Rulers
in
general
,
or
what
the
People
,
upon
the
first
and
original
Stipulation
,
are
supposed
to
have
given
him
in
order
to
the
Protection
,
Peace
and
Prosperity
of
the
Society
.
But
as
it
does
no where
appear
,
that
God
hath
given
any
such
Power
to
Governors
,
seeing
all
the
Revelations
in
the
Scripture
,
as
well
as
all
the
Dictates
of
Nature
,
speak
a
contrary
Language
,
so
neither
can
the
People
,
upon
their
chusing
such
a
one
to
be
their
Ruler
,
be
imagined
to
transfer
and
vest
such
a
Power
in
him
,
forasmuch
as
they
cannot
divest
themselves
of
a
Power
,
no
more
than
of
a
Right
,
of
believing
things
,
as
they
arrive
with
a
Credibility
to
their
several
and
respective
Understandings
.
As
it
is
in
no
Man's
Power
to
believe
as
he
will
,
but
only
as
he
sees
cause
;
so
it
is
the
most
irrational
Imagination
in
the
World
,
to
think
they
should
transfer
a
Right
to
him
whom
they
have
chosen
to
govern
them
,
of
punishing
them
for
what
it
is
not
in
their
power
to
help
.
Nor
can
any
thing
be
plainer
,
than
that
God
has
reserved
the
Empire
over
Conscience
to
himself
,
and
that
he
hath
circumscribed
the
Power
of
all
Humane
Governors
to
things
of
a
civil
and
inferior
Nature
.
And
had
God
convey'd
a
Right
unto
Magistrates
of
commanding
Men
to
be
of
this
or
that
Religion
,
and
that
because
they
are
so
,
and
will
have
others
to
be
of
their
mind
;
it
would
follow
that
the
People
may
conform
to
whatsoever
they
require
,
tho
by
all
the
Lights
of
Sense
,
Reason
and
Revelation
,
they
are
convinced
of
the
Falshood
of
it
:
Seeing
whatsoever
the
Sovereign
rightfully
Commands
,
the
Subjects
may
lawfully
obey
.
But
tho
the
persecuting
People
,
for
Matters
of
mere
Religion
,
be
repugnant
to
the
Light
of
Nature
,
inconsistent
with
the
Fundamental
Maxims
of
Reason
,
directly
contrary
to
the
Temper
and
Genious
,
as
well
as
to
the
Rules
of
the
Gospel
,
and
not
only
against
the
Safety
and
Interest
of
Civil
Societies
,
but
of
a
Tendency
to
fill
them
with
Confusion
,
and
to
arm
Subjects
to
the
cutting
of
one
anothers
Throats
;
yet
Governors
may
both
deny
Liberty
to
those
whose
Principles
oblige
them
to
destroy
those
that
are
not
of
their
mind
,
and
may
in
some
measure
Regulate
the
Liberty
which
they
vouchsafe
to
others
,
whose
Opinions
,
tho
they
do
not
think
dangerous
to
the
Peace
of
the
Community
,
yet
through
judging
them
Erroneous
and
False
,
they
conceive
them
dangerous
to
the
Souls
of
Men.
As
there
is
a
vast
difference
betwixt
Tolerating
a
Religion
,
and
approving
the
Religion
that
is
Tolerated
;
so
what
a
Government
doth
not
approve
,
but
barely
permits
and
suffers
,
may
be
brought
under
Restrictions
as
to
time
,
place
and
number
of
those
professing
it
,
that
shall
assemble
in
one
Meeting
;
which
it
were
an
Undecency
to
extend
to
those
of
the
justified
and
established
way
.
Now
whatsoever
Restrictions
or
Regulations
are
enacted
,
and
ordained
by
the
Legislative
Authority
,
in
reference
to
Religions
or
Religious
Assemblies
,
they
are
not
to
be
stop'd
,
disabled
or
suspended
,
but
by
the
same
Authority
that
enacted
and
ordained
them
.
The
King
says
very
truly
,
That
Conscience
ought
not
to
be
constrained
,
nor
People
forced
in
matters
of
mere
Religion
:
But
it
does
not
from
thence
follow
,
(
unless
by
the
Logick
of
Whitehall
)
that
without
the
concurrence
of
a
Parliament
,
he
should
suspend
and
dispense
with
the
Laws
,
and
by
a
pretended
Prerogative
,
relieve
any
from
what
they
are
Obnoxious
unto
by
the
Statutes
of
the
Realm
.
His
saying
that
the
forcing
People
in
matters
of
Religion
,
spoils
Trade
,
depopulates
Countries
,
discourageth
Strangers
,
and
answers
not
the
End
of
bringing
all
to
an
Uniformity
,
for
which
it
is
employ'd
;
would
do
well
in
a
Speech
to
the
Houses
of
Parliament
,
to
perswade
them
to
Repeal
some
certain
Laws
;
or
might
do
well
to
determine
his
Majesty
to
assent
to
such
Bills
as
a
Parliament
may
prepare
and
offer
,
for
relieving
Persons
in
matters
of
Conscience
;
but
does
not
serve
for
what
it
is
alledged
,
nor
can
it
warrant
his
suspending
the
Laws
by
his
single
Authority
.
And
by
the
way
,
I
know
when
these
very
Arguments
were
not
only
despised
by
his
Majesty
,
and
rediculed
by
those
who
took
their
Cue
from
Court
,
and
had
Wit
to
do
it
,
as
by
the
present
Bishop
of
Oxford
,
in
a
very
ill-natur'd
Book
,
called
Ecclesiastical
Polity
;
but
when
the
daring
to
have
mentioned
them
,
would
have
provok'd
the
then
Duke
of
York's
Indignation
,
and
have
exposed
the
Party
that
did
it
,
to
Discountenance
and
Disgrace
.
The
Question
is
not
,
what
is
convenient
to
be
done
in
some
measure
and
degree
,
and
in
reference
to
those
whose
Religion
does
not
oblige
them
to
destroy
all
that
differ
from
them
,
when
they
have
opportunity
for
it
;
but
the
Point
in
debate
is
,
who
hath
the
legal
Power
of
doing
it
,
and
of
fixing
its
Bounds
and
Limits
.
It
was
never
pretended
that
the
King
ought
to
be
shut
out
from
a
Share
in
Suspending
and
Repealing
Laws
;
but
that
the
sole
Right
of
doing
it
belongs
to
him
,
is
what
cannot
be
allowed
,
without
changing
the
Constitution
,
and
placing
the
whole
Legislative
Authority
in
His
Majesty
.
And
as
it
is
an
Usurpation
in
the
King
to
challenge
it
,
and
a
Treachery
in
English
Subjects
to
acknowledge
it
;
so
the
Inconveniences
that
this
or
that
Party
are
in
the
mean
time
exposed
unto
,
through
the
Laws
remaining
in
Force
,
are
rather
to
be
endured
,
than
that
a
Power
of
giving
Ease
and
Relief
(
farther
than
by
Connivance
)
should
be
confessed
to
reside
in
any
one
,
in
whom
the
Laws
of
the
Community
have
not
placed
it
.
'T
is
better
to
undergo
Hardships
under
the
Execution
of
unjust
Laws
;
than
be
released
from
our
Troubles
,
by
a
Power
Usurped
over
all
Laws
.
For
by
the
one
,
the
Measures
of
Government
,
as
well
as
the
Rights
and
Privileges
of
a
Nation
,
are
destroy'd
;
whereas
by
the
other
,
only
a
part
of
the
People
are
Afflicted
and
unduly
dealt
with
.
While
we
are
govern'd
by
Laws
,
tho
several
of
them
may
be
Injust
and
Inconvenient
,
yet
we
are
under
a
Security
as
to
all
other
things
which
those
Laws
have
not
made
liable
;
but
when
we
fall
under
an
illimited
Prerogative
and
Absolute
Power
,
we
have
no
longer
a
Title
unto
,
or
a
hedge
about
any
thing
,
but
all
lies
open
to
the
Lust
and
Pleasure
of
him
,
in
whom
we
have
owned
that
Power
to
be
seated
.
A
Liberty
is
what
Dissenters
have
a
Right
to
Claim
,
and
which
the
Legislative
Authority
is
bound
by
the
Rules
of
Justice
and
Duty
,
as
well
as
by
Principles
of
Wisdom
and
Discretion
to
grant
.
And
I
am
sorry
,
that
while
they
stood
so
fair
to
obtain
it
in
a
Legal
and
Parliamentary
way
,
any
of
them
by
acknowledging
a
Right
in
another
to
give
it
,
and
that
in
a
manner
so
Subversive
of
the
Authority
of
Parliaments
,
should
have
rendred
themselves
unworthy
to
receive
it
from
them
,
to
whom
the
Power
of
Bestowing
it
does
belong
.
Not
but
that
a
Toleration
will
be
always
due
to
their
Principles
,
but
I
know
not
whether
the
particular
Men
of
those
Principles
,
who
have
,
by
their
Addresses
,
betray'd
the
Kingdom
,
may
not
come
to
be
judged
to
have
forfeited
all
Share
in
it
,
for
their
Crime
committed
against
the
Constitution
,
and
the
whole
Politick
Society
.
Nor
is
there
any
thing
more
Just
and
Equal
,
than
that
they
who
surrender
and
give
away
the
Rights
both
of
Legislators
and
Subjects
;
should
lose
all
Grace
and
Favor
from
the
former
,
and
all
Portion
among
the
latter
.
And
how
much
soever
some
Protestant
Dissenters
,
may
please
themselves
with
the
Liberty
,
that
at
present
they
enjoy
in
the
virtue
of
the
two
Royal
Papers
;
yet
this
may
serve
to
moderate
them
in
their
Transports
of
Gladness
,
that
they
have
no
solid
Security
for
the
Continuance
of
it
.
For
should
a
Parliament
null
and
make
void
the
Declaration
for
Liberty
,
and
impeach
the
Judges
for
declaring
a
Power
vested
in
the
King
to
suspend
so
many
Laws
,
and
for
forbearing
upon
the
King's
Mandat
to
execute
them
;
the
Freedom
that
the
Dissenters
possess
,
would
immediately
vanish
,
and
have
much
the
same
Destiny
that
the
Liberty
had
,
which
was
granted
unto
them
by
the
Declaration
of
Indulgence
,
Anno
1672.
Or
should
the
Parliament
be
willing
to
grant
Ease
and
Indulgence
to
all
Protestants
,
by
a
Bill
prepared
for
Repealing
of
all
the
Laws
formerly
made
against
them
,
and
should
only
be
desirous
to
preserve
in
force
the
Laws
relating
to
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
,
and
the
Statutes
which
enjoyn
the
Tests
,
of
whose
Execution
we
never
more
wanted
the
Benefit
,
in
order
to
our
Preservation
from
Popery
,
and
which
an
English
Parliament
cannot
be
supposed
willing
to
part
with
,
at
a
time
when
our
Lives
,
Estates
and
Religion
,
are
so
visibly
threatned
to
be
swallowed
up
,
and
destroyed
by
the
Papists
:
In
that
case
we
may
confidently
believe
,
that
the
King
,
instead
either
of
Assenting
to
such
a
Bill
for
separate
Favor
to
Protestants
,
or
persevering
in
his
Compassion
and
Kindness
of
continuing
the
Suspension
of
the
Laws
against
Dissenters
,
he
would
from
an
inveterate
Enmity
,
as
well
as
from
a
new
contracted
Resentment
,
be
stirred
up
and
enraged
to
the
putting
the
Laws
in
Execution
with
greater
Rigor
and
Severity
than
hath
been
seen
or
felt
heretofore
.
And
all
that
the
Addressers
would
then
reap
by
the
Declaration
,
would
be
to
undergo
the
furious
Effects
of
Brutal
Rage
in
their
Persecutors
,
and
to
be
unpitied
by
the
Kingdom
,
and
unlamented
by
their
fellow
Protestants
.
Or
should
his
Majesty
,
in
favor
to
his
good
Catholicks
,
resolve
against
the
Meeting
of
a
Parliament
,
or
to
Adjourn
and
Prorogue
them
whensoever
he
shall
find
,
that
instead
of
confirming
what
he
hath
done
,
they
shall
make
null
his
Declaration
,
vote
his
pretended
Prerogative
Illegal
and
Arbitrary
,
and
fall
upon
those
Mercenary
and
Perjured
Villains
,
who
have
allowed
him
a
Power
transcendent
to
Law
;
yet
even
upon
that
Supposal
,
which
is
the
best
that
can
be
made
,
to
support
Mens
hopes
in
the
continuance
of
the
present
Liberty
,
the
Protestant
Dissenters
would
have
but
slender
Security
;
all
the
Tenure
they
have
for
the
Duration
of
their
Freedom
,
being
only
Precarious
,
and
depending
merely
upon
the
King's
Word
and
Promise
,
which
there
is
small
ground
to
rely
upon
.
Nor
can
He
be
true
to
them
,
without
being
false
to
his
Religion
,
which
not
only
gives
Him
leave
to
break
his
Faith
with
Hereticks
,
but
obligeth
Him
to
it
,
and
to
destroy
them
to
boot
,
and
that
both
under
the
pain
of
Damnation
,
and
of
forfeiting
his
Crown
and
losing
his
Dominions
.
And
how
far
the
Promise
and
Royal
Word
of
a
Catholick
Monarch
is
to
be
trusted
unto
,
and
depended
upon
,
we
have
a
modern
Proof
and
Evidence
in
the
Behavior
of
Louis
de
Grand
towards
his
Reformed
Subjects
,
not
only
in
Repealing
the
many
Edicts
made
and
confirmed
by
himself
,
as
well
as
his
Ancestors
,
for
the
free
Exercise
of
their
Religion
;
but
in
the
Methods
he
hath
always
observed
,
namely
to
promise
them
protection
in
the
profession
of
their
Faith
,
and
practice
of
their
Worship
,
when
he
was
most
stedfastly
resolved
to
subvert
their
Religion
,
and
was
about
making
some
fresh
advance
,
and
taking
some
new
step
for
its
Extirpation
.
Thus
when
he
had
firmly
purposed
,
not
to
suffer
a
Minister
to
continue
a
year
in
the
Kingdom
,
he
at
the
same
time
published
an
Edict
,
requiring
Ministers
,
to
serve
but
three
Years
in
one
Place
,
and
not
to
return
to
the
Church
where
they
had
first
Officiated
,
till
after
the
expiration
of
twenty
Years
.
In
the
same
manner
,
when
he
had
resolved
,
to
Repeal
the
Edict
of
Nantes
,
and
had
given
injunction
for
the
Draught
,
by
which
it
was
to
be
done
,
he
at
the
same
season
,
gave
the
Protestants
all
assurances
of
Protection
,
and
of
the
said
Edicts
being
kept
Inviolable
.
To
which
may
be
added
,
that
shameful
and
detestable
Chicanery
,
in
passing
his
Sacred
and
Royal
Word
,
that
no
violence
should
be
offered
any
for
their
Religion
,
tho
at
that
very
moment
,
the
Dragoons
were
upon
their
March
;
with
orders
of
exercising
all
manner
of
Cruelties
und
Barbarities
,
upon
them
.
So
that
his
Majesty
of
Great
Britain
,
hath
a
Pattern
lately
sent
him
,
and
that
by
the
Illustrious
Monarch
,
whom
he
so
much
admires
,
and
whom
he
makes
it
his
Ambition
,
and
Glory
,
to
imitate
.
Nor
are
we
without
proofs
already
,
how
insignificant
the
King's
Promises
are
,
(
except
to
delude
)
and
what
little
confidence
ought
to
be
put
in
them
.
The
disabling
and
suspending
the
13th
.
Statute
of
his
late
Parliament
in
Scotland
,
wherein
the
Test
was
Confirmed
,
and
his
departing
from
all
his
Promises
Registred
in
his
Letter
,
as
well
as
from
those
contained
in
the
Speech
made
by
the
Lord
Commissioner
,
pursuant
to
the
Instructions
which
he
had
undoubtedly
receiv'd
,
together
with
his
having
forgotten
and
receded
from
all
his
Promises
made
to
the
Church
of
England
,
both
when
Duke
of
York
,
and
since
he
came
to
the
Crown
,
are
undeniable
evidences
,
that
his
Royal
Word
,
is
no
more
Sacred
,
nor
Binding
,
than
that
of
some
other
Monarchs
;
and
that
whosoever
of
the
Protestants
shall
be
so
foolish
,
as
to
rely
upon
it
,
will
find
themselves
as
certainly
disappointed
,
and
deceived
,
as
they
of
the
Reformed
Religion
elsewhere
,
have
been
.
And
while
they
of
the
Established
way
,
find
so
small
security
by
the
Laws
,
which
the
King
is
bound
by
his
Coronation
Oath
,
to
observe
;
the
Dissenters
cannot
expect
very
much
,
from
a
naked
Promise
,
which
as
it
hath
not
a
solemn
Oath
to
enforce
it
,
so
't
is
both
Illegal
in
the
making
,
and
contrary
to
the
principles
of
his
Religion
to
keep
.
Nor
is
it
unworthy
of
observation
,
that
he
hath
not
only
departed
from
his
Promises
made
to
the
Church
of
England
,
but
that
we
are
told
,
in
a
late
Popish
Pamphlet
,
Intituled
A
New
Test
of
the
Church
of
England's
Loyalty
,
Published
(
as
it self
says
)
by
Authority
,
that
they
were
all
conditional
,
(
to
wit
,
by
vertue
of
some
Mental
Reservation
in
his
Majesty's
Breast
)
and
that
the
Conformable
Clergy
having
failed
in
performing
the
Conditions
,
upon
which
they
were
made
;
the
King
,
is
absolved
,
and
discharged
,
from
all
Obligation
,
of
observing
them
.
The
Church
of
England
(
says
he
)
must
give
his
Majesty
leave
not
to
nourish
a
Snake
in
his
Bosom
,
but
rather
to
withdraw
his
Royal
Protection
,
which
was
promised
,
upon
the
account
of
her
constant
fidelity
.
Which
as
it
is
a
plain
threatning
of
all
the
Legal
Clergy
,
and
a
denunciation
of
the
unjust
and
hard
measure
,
they
are
to
look
for
;
so
it
shakes
the
Foundation
,
upon
which
all
credit
unto
,
and
reliance
upon
,
his
Majesty's
Word
,
can
be
any
ways
placed
.
For
tho
Threatnings
may
have
tacit
Reserves
,
because
the
right
of
executing
them
,
resides
in
the
Threatner
;
yet
Promises
are
incapable
of
all
latent
conditions
,
because
every
Promise
vests
a
Right
in
the
Promisee
,
and
that
in
the
virtue
of
the
words
in
which
it
is
made
.
But
it
is
the
less
to
be
wondred
at
,
if
his
Majesty
fly
to
Equivocations
and
Mental
Reserves
,
being
both
under
the
conduct
of
that
Order
,
and
a
Member
of
the
Society
,
that
first
taught
and
practised
this
treacherous
piece
of
Chicanery
.
However
it
may
inform
the
Dissenters
,
that
if
they
be
not
able
to
answer
the
End
,
for
which
they
are
depended
upon
;
or
be
not
willing
in
the
manner
and
degree
,
that
is
expected
;
or
if
it
be
not
for
the
Interest
of
the
Catholick
Cause
,
to
have
them
indulged
;
in
all
these
cases
,
and
many
more
,
the
King
may
be
pronounced
,
acquitted
,
and
discharged
from
all
the
Promises
,
he
hath
given
them
,
as
having
been
merely
stipulatory
,
and
conditional
.
And
as
he
will
be
sure
then
,
finem
facere
ferendae
alienae
personae
,
to
lay
aside
the
disguise
that
he
hath
now
put
on
;
so
if
they
would
reflect
either
upon
his
temper
,
or
upon
his
Religion
,
they
might
now
know
,
haud
gratuitam
in
tanta
superbia
comitatem
,
that
a
person
of
his
pride
would
not
stoop
to
such
Flattery
,
(
as
his
Letter
to
Mr.
Alsop
expresseth
)
but
in
order
to
some
design
.
But
what
need
other
proof
of
the
fallaciousness
of
the
two
Royal
Papers
,
and
that
no
Protestants
can
reasonably
depend
upon
the
Royal
Word
,
there
laid
to
pledge
for
the
continuation
of
their
Liberty
;
but
to
look
into
these
too
Papers
themselves
,
where
we
shall
meet
expressions
,
that
may
both
detract
from
our
belief
of
his
Majesty's
sincerity
,
and
awaken
us
to
a
just
jealousie
,
that
the
Liberty
,
and
Toleration
,
granted
by
them
,
are
intended
to
be
of
no
long
standing
and
duration
.
For
while
he
is
pleased
to
tell
us
,
that
the
granting
his
Subjects
the
free
use
of
their
Religion
for
the
time
to
come
,
is
an
addition
to
the
perfect
Enjoyment
of
their
Property
,
which
has
never
been
invaded
by
His
Majesty
since
his
coming
to
the
Crown
:
He
doth
in
effect
say
,
that
His
Fidelity
,
Truth
and
Integrity
,
in
what
he
grants
,
in
reference
to
Religion
,
is
to
be
measured
,
and
judged
,
by
the
Verity
that
is
in
what
He
rells
us
,
as
to
the
never
having
Invaded
our
Property
.
And
that
I
may
Borrow
an
Expression
from
Mr.
Alsop
,
and
to
no
less
Person
than
to
the
King
himself
,
namely
,
That
tho
we
pretend
to
no
refined
Intellectuals
,
nor
presume
to
Philosophise
upon
Mysteries
of
Government
,
yet
we
make
some
pretence
to
the
Sense
of
Feeling
,
and
whatever
our
Dullness
be
,
can
discern
,
between
what
is
exacted
of
us
according
to
Law
,
and
what
we
are
rob'd
of
by
an
Exerclse
of
Arbitrary
Power
For
not
to
insist
upon
the
violent
Seisure
of
Mens
Goods
,
by
Officers
,
as
well
as
Soldiers
,
in
all
parts
of
England
,
which
looks
like
an
Invasion
upon
the
Properties
of
the
Subject
;
nor
to
dwell
upon
his
keeping
an
Army
on
foot
in
time
of
Peace
,
against
the
Authority
,
as
well
as
without
the
Countenance
of
Law
,
which
our
Ancestors
would
have
stiled
an
Invasion
upon
the
whole
Property
of
the
Kingdom
;
I
would
fain
know
,
by
what
Name
we
are
to
call
his
Levying
the
Customs
,
and
the
Additional
Excise
,
before
they
were
granted
unto
him
by
the
Parliament
,
all
the
legal
Establishment
of
them
upon
the
Nation
,
having
been
only
,
during
the
late
King's
Life
,
till
the
Settlement
of
them
upon
the
Crown
was
again
renewed
by
Statute
.
It
were
also
worth
his
Majesties
telling
us
,
what
Titles
are
due
to
the
Suspending
the
Vice-Chancellor
of
Cambridge
a
Beneficio
,
and
the
turning
the
President
of
Magdalen's
in
Oxford
out
of
his
Headship
,
and
the
Suspending
Dr.
Fairfax
from
his
Fellowship
,
if
there
be
not
an
Invasion
upon
our
Property
;
seeing
every
part
of
this
is
against
all
the
known
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
hath
been
done
by
no
legal
Court
,
but
by
a
Sett
of
Mercenary
Villains
,
armed
with
an
Arbitrary
Commission
,
and
who
do
as
Arbitrarily
exercise
it
.
And
as
the
End
unto
which
that
Inquisition-Court
was
instituted
,
was
to
rob
us
of
our
Rights
and
Privileges
at
the
mere
Pleasure
of
the
King
;
so
the
very
Institution
of
it
,
is
an
Invasion
both
upon
all
our
Laws
,
and
upon
the
whole
Property
of
the
Nation
,
and
is
one
of
the
highest
Exercises
of
Despotical
Power
,
that
it
is
possible
for
the
most
Absolute
and
unlimited
Monarch
to
exert
.
Among
all
the
Rights
reserved
unto
the
Subjects
by
the
Rules
of
the
Constitution
,
and
whereof
they
are
secured
by
many
repeated
Laws
and
Statutes
,
there
are
none
that
have
been
hitherto
less
disputed
,
and
in
reference
to
which
,
our
Kings
have
been
farther
from
claiming
any
Power
and
Authority
,
than
those
of
levying
Money
without
the
Grant
as
well
as
the
Consent
of
Parliament
,
and
of
Absolving
and
Discharging
Debtors
from
paying
their
Creditors
,
and
of
Acquitting
them
from
being
Sued
and
Imprisoned
in
case
of
Non-payment
;
and
yet
in
Defiance
of
all
Law
,
and
to
the
Subverting
the
Rights
of
the
People
,
and
the
most
essential
Privilege
and
Jurisdiction
of
Parliaments
,
and
to
a
plain
changing
the
ancient
legal
Constitution
into
an
Absolute
and
Despotical
Governing
Power
,
the
King
(
they
say
)
is
assuming
to
himself
an
Authority
,
both
of
imposing
a
Tax
of
5
l.
per
Annum
upon
every
Hackney
Coach
,
and
of
Releasing
and
Discharging
all
Debtors
,
of
whom
their
Creditors
cannot
claim
and
demand
above
10
l.
Sterling
;
which
as
they
will
be
signal
Invasions
upon
Property
,
and
leading
Cases
for
the
raising
Money
in
what
other
Instances
he
pleaseth
,
by
a
Hampton-Court
or
a
Whitehall
Edict
,
without
standing
in
need
of
a
Parliament
,
or
being
obliged
to
a
Dependance
upon
their
Grant
,
for
all
Taxes
to
be
levied
upon
the
Subjects
,
as
his
Predecesso●s
have
heretofore
been
;
so
they
may
serve
fully
to
instruct
us
what
little
Security
either
the
Dissenters
have
,
as
to
being
long
in
the
Possession
of
their
present
Liberty
,
or
Protestants
in
general
of
having
a
Freedom
continued
unto
them
of
professing
the
Reformed
Religion
,
if
we
have
nothing
more
to
rely
upon
for
preventing
our
being
abridged
and
denied
the
Liberty
of
our
Religion
,
than
we
have
had
for
preserving
our
Property
from
being
Invaded
and
broken
in
upon
.
We
may
subjoyn
to
the
Clause
already
mentioned
,
that
other
Expression
,
which
occurs
in
the
foresaid
Declaration
,
viz.
That
as
he
freely
gives
them
leave
to
meet
and
serve
God
after
their
own
way
and
manner
,
so
they
are
to
take
special
care
,
that
nothing
be
preached
or
taught
amongst
them
,
which
may
any
ways
tend
to
alienate
the
Hearts
of
the
People
from
his
Majesty
,
or
his
Government
:
Which
words
as
they
import
the
Price
at
which
the
Dissenters
are
to
purchase
their
Freedom
(
whereof
we
shall
discourse
anon
)
so
they
admirably
serve
to
furnish
the
King
with
a
Pretence
of
retrenching
their
Liberty
whensoever
he
pleaseth
,
nor
are
they
inserted
there
for
any
other
End
,
but
that
upon
a
Plea
,
of
their
having
abused
his
Gracious
Indulgence
,
to
the
alienating
the
Hearts
of
his
People
from
him
,
they
may
be
adjudged
to
have
thereby
deservedly
forfeited
,
both
all
the
Benefits
of
it
,
and
of
his
Royal
Favor
.
Nor
is
it
possible
for
a
Protestant
Minister
to
preach
one
Sermon
,
which
a
Popish
Critick
,
or
a
Romish
Bigot
,
may
not
easily
misconstrue
and
pervert
,
to
be
an
Alienation
of
the
Peoples
Hearts
,
from
the
King's
Person
and
Government
.
And
of
which
as
we
have
heard
many
late
Examples
in
France
,
so
it
will
be
easie
to
draw
them
into
President
,
and
to
imitate
them
in
England
.
I
might
add
the
Observation
of
the
ingenious
Author
of
the
Reflections
on
his
Majesty's
Proclamation
for
a
Toleration
in
Scotland
:
Namely
,
that
whereas
the
King
gives
all
Assurance
to
his
Scots
Subjects
,
that
he
will
not
use
invincible
Necessity
against
any
Man
,
on
the
account
of
his
Perswasion
,
he
does
thereby
leave
himself
at
a
liberty
of
Dragooning
,
Torturing
,
Burning
,
and
doing
the
utmost
Violences
,
all
these
being
vincible
to
a
Person
of
an
ardent
love
to
God
,
and
of
a
lively
Faith
in
Jesus
Christ
;
and
which
accordingly
many
Thousands
have
been
triumphantly
Victorious
over
.
Nor
is
it
likely
that
this
new
and
uncouth
Phrase
of
not
using
an
invinsible
Necessity
,
would
have
found
room
in
a
Paper
of
that
nature
,
if
it
had
not
been
first
to
conceal
some
malicious
and
mischievous
Design
,
and
then
to
justifie
the
Consistency
of
its
Execution
,
with
what
is
promised
in
the
Proclamation
.
Moreover
,
were
there
that
Security
intended
by
these
two
Royal
Papers
,
that
Protestant
Dissenters
might
safely
rely
upon
;
or
did
the
King
act
with
that
Sincerity
which
he
would
delude
his
People
into
a
Belief
of
,
there
would
then
be
a
greater
Agreeableness
than
there
is
,
betwixt
the
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
in
England
,
and
the
Proclamation
for
a
Toleration
in
Scotland
.
The
Principle
his
Majesty
pretends
to
act
from
,
That
Conscience
ought
not
to
be
constrained
,
and
that
none
ought
to
be
persecuted
for
mere
matters
of
Religion
,
would
oblige
him
to
act
uniformly
,
and
with
an
equal
extention
of
Favor
to
all
his
Subjects
,
whose
Principles
are
the
same
,
and
against
whom
he
hath
no
Exception
,
but
in
matters
merely
Religious
.
Whereas
the
Disparity
of
Grace
,
Kindness
and
Freedom
,
that
is
exercised
in
the
Declaration
,
from
that
which
is
exerted
in
the
Proclamation
,
plainly
shews
,
that
the
whole
is
but
a
Trick
of
State
,
and
done
in
Subserviency
to
an
end
,
which
it
is
not
yet
seasonable
to
discover
and
avow
.
For
his
circumscribing
the
Toleration
in
Scotland
,
to
such
Presbyterians
as
he
stiles
Moderate
,
is
not
only
a
taking
it
off
from
its
true
Bottom
,
matters
of
mere
Religion
,
and
a
founding
it
upon
an
internal
Quality
of
the
mind
,
that
is
not
dissernable
,
but
it
implies
the
reserving
a
Liberty
to
himself
,
of
withdrawing
the
Benefits
of
it
from
all
Scots
Dissenters
,
through
fastening
upon
them
a
contrary
Character
,
whensoever
it
shall
be
seasonable
to
revive
Persecution
.
And
even
as
it
is
now
exerted
to
these
Moderate
ones
,
it
is
attended
with
Restrictions
,
that
his
Indulgence
in
England
is
no
ways
clog'd
with
.
All
that
the
Declaration
requires
from
those
that
are
indulged
,
is
,
That
their
Assemblies
be
peaceably
,
openly
and
publickly
held
,
that
all
Persons
be
freely
admitted
to
them
,
that
they
signifie
and
make
known
to
some
Justice
of
the
Peace
,
what
places
they
set
apart
for
these
uses
;
and
that
nothing
be
preached
or
taught
amongst
them
,
which
may
any
ways
tend
to
alionate
the
Hearts
of
the
People
from
the
King
or
his
Government
:
Whereas
the
Proclamation
not
only
restrains
the
Meetings
of
the
Scots
Presbyterians
to
private
Houses
,
without
allowing
them
either
to
build
Meeting-Houses
,
or
to
use
Out-houses
or
Barns
;
but
it
prohibits
the
hearing
any
Ministers
,
save
such
as
shall
be
willing
to
swear
,
That
they
shall
,
to
the
utmost
of
their
power
,
assist
,
defend
and
maintain
the
King
,
in
the
Exercise
of
his
Absolute
Power
against
all
deadly
.
Nor
is
it
difficult
to
assign
the
reason
of
the
Deformity
that
appears
in
his
Majesty's
present
Actings
towards
his
Dissenting
Protestant
Subjects
in
those
two
Kingdoms
.
For
should
there
be
no
Restriction
upon
the
Toleration
in
Scotland
,
to
hinder
the
greatest
part
of
the
Presbyterians
from
taking
the
Advantage
of
it
;
the
Bishops
and
Conforming
Clergy
would
be
immediately
forsaken
by
the
generality
if
not
all
the
People
,
and
so
an
issue
would
not
only
be
put
to
the
Division
among
Protestants
in
that
Kingdom
,
but
they
would
become
an
united
,
and
thereupon
a
formidable
Body
against
Popery
,
which
it
is
not
for
the
Interest
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
to
suffer
,
or
give
way
unto
.
Whereas
the
more
unbounded
the
Liberty
is
,
that
is
granted
to
Dissenters
in
England
,
the
more
are
our
Divisions
not
only
kept
up
,
but
increased
and
promoted
,
(
especially
through
this
Freedom's
arriving
with
them
in
an
illegal
way
,
without
both
the
Authority
of
the
Legislative
Power
,
and
the
Approbation
of
a
great
part
of
the
People
)
it
being
infallibly
certain
,
that
there
is
a
vast
number
of
all
Ranks
and
Conditions
,
who
do
prefer
the
abiding
in
the
Communion
of
the
Church
of
England
,
before
the
joyning
in
Fellowship
with
those
of
the
Separate
and
Dissenting
Societies
.
Upon
the
whole
,
this
different
Method
of
proceeding
towards
Dissenting
Protestants
in
Matters
mere
Religious
,
shews
that
all
this
Indulgence
and
Toleration
,
is
a
Trick
to
serve
a
present
juncture
of
Affairs
,
and
to
advance
a
Popish
and
Arbitrary
Design
;
and
that
the
Dissenters
have
no
Security
for
the
continuance
of
their
Liberty
,
but
that
when
the
Court
and
Jesuitick
end
is
compassed
and
obtained
,
there
is
another
course
to
be
steered
towards
them
;
and
instead
of
their
hearing
any
longer
of
Liberty
and
Toleration
,
they
are
to
be
told
,
that
it
is
the
Interest
of
the
Government
,
and
the
Safety
and
Honor
of
his
Majesty
,
to
have
but
one
Religion
in
his
Dominions
,
and
that
all
must
be
Members
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
and
this
because
the
King
will
have
it
so
,
which
is
the
Argument
that
hath
been
made
use
of
in
the
making
so
many
Converts
in
France
.
They
who
now
suffer
themselves
to
be
deluded
into
a
Confidence
in
the
Royal
Word
,
will
not
only
come
to
understand
what
Mr.
Coleman
meant
,
in
his
telling
Pere
de
la
Chaise
,
that
the
Catholicks
in
England
had
a
great
work
upon
their
hand
,
being
about
the
Extirpation
of
that
Heresie
,
which
hath
borne
sway
so
long
in
this
Northern
part
of
the
World
;
but
they
will
also
see
and
feel
,
how
much
of
the
Designs
of
Rome
was
represented
in
that
passage
of
the
Pope's
Nuncio's
Letter
dated
at
Brussels
Aug.
9.
1674.
wherein
upon
the
Confidence
which
they
placed
in
the
Duke
of
York
,
which
is
not
lessened
since
he
came
to
the
Crown
,
he
takes
the
confidence
to
write
,
That
they
hoped
speedily
to
see
the
total
and
final
Ruin
of
the
Protestant
Party
.
And
as
Protestant
Dissenters
have
no
Security
by
the
Declaration
and
Proclamation
for
the
continuance
of
their
Liberty
,
so
they
that
have
,
by
way
of
Thanksgiving
,
Addressed
to
the
King
for
those
Royal
Papers
,
have
not
only
acted
very
ill
,
in
reference
both
to
the
Laws
and
Rights
of
the
Kingdoms
,
and
of
Religion
in
general
,
but
they
have
carried
very
unwisely
in
relation
to
their
own
Interest
,
and
the
avoiding
the
Effects
of
that
Resentment
,
which
most
Men
are
justly
possessed
with
,
upon
the
illegal
Emission
of
these
Arbitrary
and
Prerogative
Papers
.
I
shall
not
enter
upon
any
long
Discourse
,
concerning
this
new
Practice
of
Addressing
in
general
,
it
having
been
done
elsewhere
some
years
ago
,
but
I
shall
only
briefly
intimate
,
that
it
was
never
in
fashion
,
unless
either
under
a
weak
and
precarious
Government
,
or
under
one
that
took
illegal
Courses
,
and
pursued
a
different
Interest
from
that
of
the
People
and
Community
.
As
he
who
Ruleth
according
to
the
standing
Laws
of
a
Country
,
over
which
he
is
set
,
needs
not
seek
for
an
Approbation
of
his
Actions
from
a
part
of
his
Subjects
;
the
Legality
of
his
Proceedings
being
the
best
Justification
of
him
that
Governs
,
and
giving
the
truest
Satisfaction
to
them
that
are
Ruled
;
so
he
who
enjoys
the
love
of
all
his
People
,
needs
not
look
for
Promises
of
being
assisted
,
stood
by
and
defended
,
by
any
one
Party
or
Faction
among
them
;
there
being
none
from
whom
he
can
have
the
least
Apprehension
of
Opposition
and
Danger
.
It
was
the
want
of
a
legal
Title
in
Oliver
Cromwel
,
and
his
Son
Richard
,
to
the
Government
,
that
first
begot
this
Device
of
Addressing
,
and
brought
it
upon
the
Stage
in
these
British
Nations
;
and
it
was
the
Arbitrary
Procedures
of
the
late
King
,
as
it
is
of
his
present
Majesty
,
and
their
acting
upon
a
distinct
Bottom
from
that
of
the
Three
Kingdoms
,
that
hath
revived
,
and
does
continue
it
.
Nor
is
there
any
thing
that
hath
rendered
those
two
Princes
more
contemptible
abroad
,
and
proclaimed
them
Weaker
at
home
,
than
their
recurring
unto
,
and
solliciting
,
the
Flatteries
and
Aid
of
the
Mercenary
,
Timorous
,
Servile
,
and
for
low
and
personal
Ends
byass'd
part
of
their
Subjects
,
and
thereby
telling
the
World
,
that
neither
the
Generality
nor
the
most
Honorable
of
their
People
,
have
been
united
in
their
Interest
,
nor
Approvers
of
the
Counsels
that
have
been
taken
and
pursued
.
And
if
any
thing
did
ever
cast
a
Dishonor
upon
the
English
Nation
,
it
hath
been
that
loathsome
Flattery
,
and
slavish
Sycophancy
,
wherewith
the
Addressers
,
both
now
,
and
for
some
years
past
,
have
stuffed
their
Applications
to
the
two
Royal
Brothers
.
The
Throne
that
is
sustained
and
upheld
by
the
Pillars
of
Law
and
Justice
,
needs
not
to
hew
out
unto
its
self
other
Supporters
,
nor
lean
upon
the
crooked
and
weak
Stilts
of
the
insignificant
,
and
for
the
most
part
deceitful
,
as
well
as
brib'd
Vows
,
of
a
sort
of
Men
,
who
will
be
as
ready
upon
the
least
disgust
,
to
cry
Crucifie
to
morrow
,
as
they
were
for
being
gratified
,
may
be
in
their
Lusts
,
Humors
and
Revenges
,
and
at
the
best
in
some
separate
Concern
,
to
cry
Hosanna
to
day
.
I
shall
decline
prosecuting
what
concerns
the
Honor
or
Dishonor
of
him
,
to
whom
the
Addresses
are
made
,
or
how
Politick
,
or
Impolitick
,
the
Countenancing
and
Encouraging
them
is
,
and
shall
apply
my self
to
this
new
Sett
of
Addressers
,
and
endeavor
to
shew
how
Foolish
as
well
as
Criminally
they
have
acted
.
Nor
is
it
an
Argument
either
of
their
Prudence
or
Honesty
,
or
of
their
acting
with
any
Consistency
to
themselves
,
that
having
so
severely
inveighed
against
the
Addresses
that
were
in
fashion
a
few
years
ago
,
and
having
fastened
all
the
Imputations
and
Reproaches
upon
those
that
were
Accessary
to
them
,
which
that
Rank
of
Addressers
could
be
supposed
to
have
deserved
;
they
now
espouse
the
Practice
which
they
had
condemned
,
and
in
reference
to
as
Arbitrary
and
unjustifiable
an
Act
of
His
present
Majesty
,
as
the
most
illegal
one
the
late
King
was
guilty
of
,
or
the
worst
Exercise
or
Prerogative
,
for
which
any
heretofore
either
commended
,
or
promised
to
stand
by
him
.
For
tho
the
Matter
and
Subject
of
the
Arbitrary
Act
of
him
now
upon
the
Throne
,
be
not
,
as
to
every
Branch
of
it
,
so
publickly
Scandalous
,
as
some
of
the
Arbitrary
Proceedings
of
the
late
King
were
,
(
as
relating
to
a
Favor
which
Mankind
hath
a
just
Claim
unto
)
yet
it
is
every
way
as
Illegal
,
being
in
reference
to
a
Privilege
,
which
his
Majesty
hath
no
Authority
to
grant
and
bestow
.
And
were
it
not
that
there
are
many
Dissenters
,
who
preserve
themselves
Innocent
at
this
Juncture
,
and
upon
whom
the
Temptation
that
is
administred
makes
no
Impression
;
the
World
would
have
just
ground
to
say
,
that
the
Fanaticks
are
not
governed
by
Principles
,
but
that
the
Measures
they
walk
by
,
are
what
conduceth
to
their
private
and
personal
Benefit
,
or
what
lyes
in
a
Tendency
to
their
Loss
and
Prejudice
.
And
that
it
was
not
the
late
King's
Usurping
and
exerting
an
Arbitrary
and
illegal
Power
that
offended
them
,
but
that
they
were
not
the
Objects
in
whose
Favor
it
was
exercised
.
'T
is
also
an
Aggravation
of
their
Folly
;
as
well
as
their
Offence
,
that
they
should
revive
a
Practice
which
the
Nation
was
grown
asham'd
of
,
and
whereof
they
who
had
been
guilty
begun
to
repent
,
through
having
seen
that
all
the
former
Declarations
,
Assurances
and
Promises
of
the
Royal
Brothers
,
which
tempted
to
Applications
of
that
kind
,
were
but
so
many
Juggles
,
peculiar
to
the
late
Breed
of
the
Family
,
for
the
deceiving
of
Mankind
;
and
that
never
one
of
them
was
performed
and
made
good
.
But
the
Transgression
,
as
well
as
the
Imprudence
,
of
the
present
Addressers
,
is
yet
the
greater
,
and
they
are
the
more
Criminal
and
Inexcusable
before
God
and
Men
,
in
that
they
might
have
enjoyed
all
the
Benefits
of
the
King's
Declaration
,
without
acknowledging
the
Justice
of
the
Authority
by
which
it
was
granted
,
or
making
themselves
the
Scorn
and
Contempt
of
all
that
are
truly
Honest
and
Wise
,
by
their
servile
Adulations
,
and
their
Gratulatory
Scriblers
,
unbecoming
English-men
and
Protestants
.
They
had
no
more
to
do
,
but
to
continue
their
Meetings
,
as
they
had
sometimes
heretofore
used
to
do
,
without
taking
notice
that
the
present
Suspension
of
the
Laws
,
made
their
Assembling
together
more
safe
,
and
freed
them
from
Apprehensions
of
Fines
and
Imprisonments
.
Nor
could
the
King
,
how
much
soever
displeased
with
such
a
Conduct
,
have
at
this
time
ventured
upon
the
expressing
Displeasure
against
them
;
seeing
as
that
would
have
been
both
to
have
proclaimed
his
Hypocrisie
,
in
saying
,
That
Conscience
ought
not
to
be
constrained
,
nor
People
forced
in
matters
of
mere
Religion
,
and
a
discovering
the
villainous
Design
,
in
Subserviency
to
which
the
Declaration
had
been
emitted
;
so
it
were
not
possible
for
him
,
after
what
he
hath
published
,
to
single
out
the
Dissenters
from
amongst
other
Protestants
;
and
to
fall
upon
all
,
before
Matters
are
more
ripe
for
it
,
might
be
a
means
of
the
Abortion
of
all
his
Popish
Projections
,
and
of
saving
the
whole
Reformed
Interest
in
Great
Britain
.
Neither
would
the
Church
of
England-men
have
envied
their
Tranquility
,
or
have
blamed
their
Carriage
;
but
would
have
been
glad
that
their
Brethren
had
been
eased
from
Oppressions
,
and
themselves
delivered
from
the
grievous
and
dishonorable
Task
of
prosecuting
them
,
which
they
had
formerly
been
forced
unto
by
Court-Injunctions
and
Commands
.
And
as
they
would
have
,
by
a
Conduct
of
this
Nature
,
had
all
the
Freedom
which
they
now
enjoy
,
without
the
Guilt
and
Reproach
which
they
have
derived
upon
themselves
by
Addressing
;
so
such
a
Carriage
would
have
wonderfully
recommended
them
to
the
Favor
of
a
true
English
Parliament
,
which
tho
it
would
see
cause
to
condemn
the
King's
Usurping
a
Power
of
Suspending
the
Laws
,
and
to
make
void
his
Declaration
;
yet
in
gratitude
to
Dissenters
for
such
a
Behavior
,
as
well
as
in
Pity
and
Compassion
to
them
as
English
Protestants
,
such
a
Parliament
would
not
fail
to
do
all
it
could
,
to
give
them
relief
in
a
legal
way
.
Whereas
if
any
thing
Enflame
and
Exasperate
the
Nation
,
to
revive
their
Sufferings
,
it
will
arise
from
a
Resentment
of
the
unworthy
and
treacherous
Carriage
of
so
many
of
them
,
in
this
critical
and
dangerous
Juncture
.
But
the
Terms
,
which
through
their
Addressing
,
they
have
owned
the
receiving
their
Liberty
and
Indulgence
upon
,
does
in
a
peculiar
manner
enhance
their
Guilt
against
God
and
their
Country
,
and
strangely
adds
to
the
Disgust
and
Anger
,
which
Lovers
of
Religion
,
and
the
Laws
of
the
Nation
have
conceived
against
them
.
For
it
is
not
only
upon
the
Acknowledgment
of
a
Prerogative
in
the
King
over
the
Laws
,
that
they
have
received
,
and
now
hold
their
Liberty
;
but
it
is
upon
the
Condition
,
That
nothing
be
preached
or
taught
amongst
them
,
that
may
any
ways
tend
to
alienate
the
Hearts
of
the
People
from
his
Majesty's
Person
and
Government
.
He
must
be
of
an
Understanding
very
near
allied
unto
,
and
approaching
to
that
of
an
Irish-man
,
who
does
not
know
what
the
Court-Sense
of
that
Clause
is
;
and
that
his
Majesty
thereby
intends
,
that
they
are
not
to
preach
against
Popery
,
nor
to
set
forth
the
Doctrines
of
the
Romish
Church
in
Terms
that
may
prevent
the
Peoples
being
infected
by
them
,
much
less
in
Colours
that
may
render
them
Hated
and
Abhorred
.
To
accuse
the
King's
Religion
of
Idolatry
,
or
to
affirm
the
Church
of
Rome
to
be
the
Apocalyptick
Babylon
,
and
to
represent
the
Articles
of
the
Tridentine
Faith
,
as
Faithful
Ministers
of
Christ
ought
to
do
,
would
be
accounted
an
alienating
the
Hearts
of
their
Hearers
from
the
King
and
his
Government
;
which
as
they
are
in
the
foresaid
Clauses
required
not
to
do
,
so
they
have
,
by
their
Addressing
,
confessed
the
Justice
of
the
Terms
,
and
have
undertaken
to
hold
their
Liberty
by
that
Tenor.
And
to
give
them
their
due
,
they
have
been
very
Faithful
hitherto
,
in
conforming
to
what
the
King
Exacts
,
and
in
observing
what
themselves
have
assented
to
the
Equity
of
.
For
notwithstanding
all
the
Danger
from
Popery
,
that
the
Nation
is
exposed
unto
,
and
all
the
Hazard
that
the
Souls
of
Men
are
in
,
of
being
poysoned
with
Romish
Principles
;
yet
instead
of
Preaching
or
Writing
against
any
of
the
Doctrines
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
they
have
agreed
among
themselves
,
and
with
such
of
their
Congregations
as
approve
their
Procedure
,
not
so
much
as
to
mention
them
;
but
to
leave
the
Province
of
defending
our
Religion
,
and
of
detecting
the
Falshood
of
Papal
Tenets
,
to
the
Pastors
and
Gentlemen
of
the
Church
of
England
.
And
being
ask'd
(
as
I
know
some
of
them
that
have
been
)
why
they
do
not
preach
against
Antichrist
,
and
confute
the
Papal
Dectrines
;
they
very
gravely
reply
,
that
by
preaching
Christ
,
they
preach
against
Anti-christ
;
and
that
by
Teaching
the
Gospel
,
they
refute
Popery
;
which
is
such
a
piece
of
fraudulent
and
guilful
Subterfuge
,
that
I
want
words
to
express
the
knavery
and
criminalness
of
it
.
What
a
reserve
and
change
have
I
lived
to
see
in
England
,
from
what
I
beheld
a
few
years
ago
.
It
was
but
the
other
day
that
the
Conformable
Clergy
were
represented
by
some
of
the
Dissenters
,
not
only
as
favorers
of
Popery
,
but
as
endeavouring
to
hale
it
in
upon
us
by
all
the
methods
and
ways
that
lay
within
their
circle
;
and
yet
now
the
whole
defence
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
must
be
entirely
devolved
into
their
hands
;
and
when
all
the
sluces
are
pulled
up
,
that
had
been
made
to
hinder
Popery
from
overflowing
the
Nation
,
they
must
be
left
alone
to
stem
the
Inundation
,
and
prevent
the
Deluge
.
They
among
the
Fanaticks
that
boasted
to
be
the
most
avowed
and
irreconcileable
Enemies
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
are
not
only
become
altogether
silent
,
when
they
see
the
Kingdom
pester'd
with
a
swarm
of
busie
and
seducing
Emissaries
;
but
are
both
turned
Advocates
for
that
Arbitrary
Paper
,
whereby
we
are
surrendred
as
a
Prey
unto
them
,
and
do
make
it
their
business
to
detract
from
the
reputation
,
and
discourage
the
Labours
of
the
National
Ministers
,
who
with
a
zeal
becoming
their
Office
,
and
a
Learning
which
deserves
to
be
admired
,
have
set
themselves
in
opposition
to
that
croaking
fry
,
and
have
done
enough
by
their
excellent
and
unimitable
Writings
,
to
save
People
from
being
deluded
,
or
perverted
,
if
either
unanswerable
confutations
of
Popery
,
or
demonstrative
defences
of
the
Articles
and
Doctrines
of
the
Reformed
Religion
can
have
any
efficacy
upon
the
minds
of
Men.
Among
other
fulsom
Flatteries
adorning
a
Speech
made
to
his
Majesty
by
an
Addressing
Dissenter
,
I
find
this
hypocritical
and
shameful
Adulation
,
namely
,
that
if
there
sholud
remain
any
seeds
of
Disloyalty
in
any
of
his
Subjects
,
the
transcendent
goodness
exerted
in
his
Declaration
,
would
mortifie
and
kill
them
.
To
which
he
might
have
added
with
more
truth
,
that
the
same
transcendent
goodness
had
almost
destroyed
all
the
seeds
of
their
honesty
,
and
mortified
their
care
and
concernment
for
the
Interest
of
Jesus
Christ
,
and
for
the
Reformed
Religion
.
Their
old
strain
of
zealous
Preaching
against
the
Idolatry
of
Rome
,
and
concerning
the
coming
out
of
Babylon
my
People
,
are
grown
out
of
fashion
with
them
in
England
,
and
are
only
reserved
,
and
laid
by
,
to
recommend
them
to
the
kindness
and
acceptation
of
Foreign
Protestants
,
when
their
occasions
and
conveniencies
draw
them
over
to
Amsterdam
.
Whoever
comes
into
their
Assemblies
,
would
think
,
for
any
thing
that
he
there
hears
delivered
from
their
Pulpits
,
that
She
which
was
the
Whore
of
Babylon
a
few
years
ago
,
were
now
become
a
Chast
Spouse
;
and
that
what
were
heretofore
the
damnable
Doctrines
of
Popery
,
were
of
late
turned
Innocent
and
Harmless
Opinions
.
The
King's
Declaration
would
seem
to
have
brought
some
of
them
to
a
melius
inquirendum
;
and
as
they
are
already
arrived
to
believe
a
Roman
Catholick
the
best
King
,
that
they
may
in
a
little
time
come
to
esteem
Papists
for
the
best
Christians
.
The
keeping
back
nothing
that
is
profitable
to
save
such
as
hear
them
,
and
the
declaring
the
whole
Counsel
of
God
;
that
are
the
terms
upon
which
they
received
their
Commission
from
Jesus
Christ
,
and
wherein
they
have
Paul's
practice
and
example
for
a
pattern
,
would
seem
to
be
things
under
the
Power
of
the
Royal
Prerogative
,
and
that
the
King
may
supercede
them
by
the
same
Authority
,
by
which
he
dispenses
with
the
Penal
Statutes
.
Which
as
it
is
very
agreeable
unto
,
and
imported
in
his
Majesty's
Claim
of
being
obeyed
without
reserve
;
so
the
owning
this
Absolute
power
with
that
annex
of
challenged
obedience
,
does
acquit
them
from
all
obligations
to
the
Laws
of
Christ
,
when
they
are
found
to
interfer
with
what
is
required
by
the
King
.
But
whether
God's
Power
or
the
King's
,
be
superior
,
and
which
of
the
two
can
cassate
the
others
Laws
,
and
whose
wrath
is
most
terrible
,
the
Judgment
day
will
be
able
and
sure
to
instruct
them
,
if
all
means
in
this
World
prove
insufficient
for
it
.
The
Addressers
know
upon
what
conditions
they
hold
their
Liberty
;
and
they
have
not
only
observed
how
several
of
the
National
Clergy
have
been
treated
for
preaching
against
Popery
,
but
they
have
heard
how
divers
of
the
Reformed
Ministers
in
France
(
before
the
general
Suppression
)
were
dealt
with
for
speaking
against
their
Monarch's
Religion
,
and
therefore
they
must
be
pardoned
,
if
they
carry
so
as
not
to
provoke
his
Majesty
,
tho
in
the
mean
time
through
their
Silence
,
they
both
betray
the
Cause
of
their
Lord
and
Master
,
and
are
unfaithful
to
the
Souls
of
those
,
of
whom
they
have
taken
upon
them
the
Spiritual
guidance
.
As
for
the
Papers
themselves
,
that
are
stiled
by
the
name
of
Addresses
,
I
shall
not
meddle
with
them
,
being
as
to
the
greatest
part
of
them
,
fitter
to
be
exposed
and
ridicul'd
,
either
for
their
dullness
and
pedantry
,
or
for
the
Adulation
and
Sycophancy
with
which
they
are
fulsomly
stuft
,
than
to
deserve
any
serious
consideration
,
or
to
merit
Reflections
that
may
prove
instrumentive
to
Mankind
.
Only
as
that
Address
wherein
his
Majesty
is
thanked
for
his
restoring
God
to
his
Empire
over
Conscience
,
deserveth
a
rebuke
for
its
Blasphemy
;
so
that
other
which
commends
him
for
promising
,
to
force
the
Parliament
to
ratifie
his
Declaration
,
(
tho
by
the
way
all
he
says
is
,
that
he
does
not
doubt
of
their
concurrence
,
which
yet
his
ill
success
upon
the
Closetting
of
so
many
Members
,
and
his
since
Dissolving
that
Parliament
,
shews
that
there
was
some
cause
for
the
doubting
of
it
)
I
say
that
other
Address
merits
a
severe
Censure
for
its
insolency
against
the
legislative
Authority
:
And
the
Authors
of
it
ought
to
be
punished
for
their
crime
committed
against
the
Liberty
and
Freedom
of
the
two
Houses
,
and
for
encouraging
the
King
to
invade
and
subvert
their
most
essential
and
fundamental
Privileges
,
and
without
which
,
they
can
neither
be
a
Council
,
Judicature
,
nor
Lawgivers
.
After
all
,
I
hope
the
Nation
will
be
so
ingenuous
,
as
not
to
impute
the
miscarriages
of
some
of
the
Nonconformists
to
the
whole
Party
,
much
less
to
ascribe
them
to
the
Principles
of
Dissenters
.
For
as
the
points
wherein
they
differ
from
the
Church
of
England
,
are
purely
of
another
nature
,
and
which
have
no
relation
to
Politicks
,
so
the
influence
that
they
are
adapted
to
have
upon
men
as
members
of
Civil
Societies
,
is
to
make
them
in
a
special
manner
regardful
of
the
Rights
and
Franchises
of
the
Community
.
But
if
some
neither
understand
the
tendency
of
their
own
Principles
,
nor
are
true
and
faithful
unto
them
;
these
things
are
the
personal
faults
of
those
men
,
and
are
to
be
attributed
to
their
ignorance
,
or
to
their
dishonesty
;
nor
are
their
Carriages
to
be
counted
the
effects
of
their
religious
Tenets
,
much
less
are
others
of
the
Party
to
be
involved
under
the
reproach
and
guilt
of
their
imprudent
and
ill
conduct
.
Which
there
is
the
more
cause
to
acknowledge
,
because
tho
the
Church
of
England
has
all
the
reason
of
the
world
,
to
decline
Addressing
,
in
that
all
her
legal
Foundation
,
as
well
as
Security
,
is
shaken
by
the
Declaration
;
yet
there
are
some
of
her
Dignitaries
and
Clergy
,
as
well
as
divers
of
the
Members
of
her
Communion
,
who
upon
motives
of
Ambition
,
Covetousness
,
Fear
,
or
Courtship
,
have
enrolled
themselves
into
the
List
of
Addressers
;
and
under
pretence
of
giving
thanks
to
the
King
for
his
promise
of
protecting
the
Archbishops
,
Bishops
,
and
Clergy
,
and
all
other
of
the
Church
of
England
in
the
free
exercise
of
their
Religion
,
as
by
Law
established
;
have
cut
the
throat
of
their
Mother
,
at
whose
breasts
they
have
suck'd
till
they
are
grown
fat
,
both
by
acknowledging
the
usurped
Prerogative
upon
which
the
King
assumes
the
Right
and
Authority
of
emitting
the
Declaration
;
and
by
exchanging
the
legal
standing
and
security
of
their
Church
,
into
that
precarious
one
of
the
Royal
Word
,
which
they
fly
unto
as
the
bottom
of
her
Subsistence
,
and
trust
to
as
the
wall
of
her
defence
.
And
as
most
of
the
Members
of
the
Separate
Societies
,
are
free
from
all
accession
to
Addressing
,
and
the
few
that
concurred
were
merely
drawn
in
by
the
wheedle
and
importunity
of
their
Preachers
;
so
they
who
are
of
the
chiefest
Character
,
and
greatest
reputation
for
Wisdom
and
Learning
among
the
Ministers
,
have
preserved
themselves
from
all
folly
and
treachery
of
that
kind
.
The
Apostle
tells
us
,
that
not
many
wise
,
not
many
noble
are
called
;
which
as
it
is
verified
in
many
of
the
Dissenting
Addressers
,
so
it
may
serve
for
some
kind
of
Apology
for
their
low
and
sneaking
,
as
well
as
for
their
indiscreet
and
imprudent
behaviour
in
this
matter
.
And
it
is
the
more
venial
in
some
of
them
,
as
being
not
only
a
means
of
ingratiating
themselves
(
as
they
fansie
)
with
the
King
,
who
heretofore
had
no
very
good
opinion
of
them
;
but
as
being
both
an
easie
and
compendious
method
of
Attoning
for
Offences
against
the
Crown
,
of
which
they
were
strongly
suspected
;
and
a
cheap
and
expenceless
way
of
purchasing
the
pardon
of
their
Relations
,
that
had
stood
actually
accused
of
High
Treason
.
Nor
is
it
to
be
doubted
,
but
that
as
the
King
will
retain
very
little
favour
and
mercy
for
Fanaticks
when
once
he
has
served
his
Ends
upon
them
;
so
they
will
preserve
as
little
kindness
for
the
Papists
,
if
they
can
but
obtain
relief
in
a
legal
way
.
And
as
there
is
not
a
People
in
the
Kingdom
,
that
will
be
more
loyal
to
Princes
;
while
they
continue
so
to
govern
as
that
Fealty
by
the
Laws
of
God
or
Man
remains
due
to
them
;
so
there
are
none
,
of
what
Principles
or
Communion
soever
,
upon
whom
the
Kingdom
in
its
whole
interest
come
to
lye
at
stake
,
may
more
assuredly
and
with
greater
confidence
depend
,
than
upon
the
generality
of
Dissenting
Protestants
,
and
especially
upon
those
that
are
not
of
the
Pastoral
Order
.
The
severities
that
the
Dissenters
lay
under
before
,
and
their
deliverance
from
Oppression
and
Disturbance
now
,
seconded
with
the
Kings
expectation
and
demands
of
thanksgiving
Addresses
,
were
strong
Temptations
upon
men
void
of
generosity
and
greatness
of
spirit
,
and
who
are
withal
of
no
great
political
Wisdom
,
nor
of
prospect
into
the
Consequences
of
Councils
and
Tricks
of
State
,
to
act
as
illegally
in
their
thanks
,
as
his
Majesty
had
done
in
his
bounty
.
So
that
whatsoever
Animadversion
they
may
deserve
,
should
they
be
proceeded
against
according
to
their
demerit
;
yet
it
is
to
be
hoped
,
that
both
they
,
and
the
Addressers
of
the
former
stamp
,
may
all
find
room
in
an
Act
of
Indemnity
,
and
that
the
Mercy
of
the
Nation
towards
them
,
will
triumph
over
and
get
the
better
of
its
Justice
.
As
it
would
argue
a
strange
and
judicial
infatuation
,
should
they
proceed
to
farther
excesses
,
and
think
to
escape
the
Punishment
due
to
one
Crime
,
by
committing
and
taking
sanctuary
in
another
,
thro
improving
their
Complements
into
actions
of
Treachery
;
so
all
their
hope
of
Pardon
,
as
well
as
of
Lenity
and
Moderation
,
from
a
true
Protestant
and
rightly
constituted
Authority
,
depends
upon
their
conduct
and
behaviour
henceforward
,
and
their
not
suffering
themselves
to
be
hurried
and
deluded
into
a
cooperation
with
the
Court
,
for
the
obtaining
of
a
Popish
Parliament
.
All
their
endeavours
of
that
kind
would
but
more
clearly
detect
,
and
manifest
,
their
treachery
to
Religion
and
the
Kingdom
,
it
not
being
in
their
power
to
out-vote
the
honest
English
part
of
the
People
,
so
as
to
help
the
King
to
such
a
House
of
Commons
as
he
desires
;
and
were
it
possible
,
that
thro
their
assistance
,
in
conjunction
with
violence
and
tricks
,
used
in
Elections
and
Returns
by
the
Court
,
such
a
House
of
Commons
might
be
obtained
,
as
would
be
serviceable
to
Arbitrary
and
Papal
Ends
;
yet
neither
the
King
nor
they
would
be
the
nearer
the
compassing
what
is
aim'd
at
;
it
being
demonstrable
that
the
majority
of
the
House
of
Lords
,
are
never
to
be
wrought
over
to
justifie
this
illegal
Declaration
;
or
to
grant
the
King
a
Power
of
Suspending
Laws
at
his
pleasure
;
nor
to
give
their
Assent
to
a
Bill
for
Repealing
the
Test
Acts
,
and
the
Statutes
that
enjoyn
and
require
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
.
And
if
they
should
be
so
far
left
of
God
,
and
betray'd
by
those
among
themselves
whom
the
Court
hath
gained
,
as
to
become
guilty
of
so
enormous
an
act
of
folly
and
villany
;
and
should
the
Election
of
the
next
Parliament
,
be
the
happy
juncture
they
wait
for
,
and
the
improving
their
interest
,
as
well
as
the
giving
their
own
Votes
for
the
Choice
of
Papists
into
the
House
of
Commons
,
be
what
they
mean
by
an
essential
proof
of
their
Loyalty
and
of
the
sincerity
of
their
humble
Addresses
,
See
Mr.
Alsop's
Speech
to
the
King
.
and
that
whereby
they
intend
to
demonstrate
,
that
the
greatest
thing
they
have
promised
,
is
the
least
thing
they
will
perform
for
his
Majesties
service
and
satisfaction
:
as
in
that
case
,
they
will
deserve
to
forfeit
all
hopes
of
being
forgiven
;
so
it
would
be
an
infidelity
to
God
and
Men
,
and
a
cruelty
to
our selves
and
our
Posterity
,
not
to
abandon
them
as
betrayers
of
Religion
;
expunge
them
out
of
the
Roll
of
Protestants
;
strip
them
of
all
that
wherein
free
Subjects
have
a
Legal
Right
;
and
not
to
condemn
them
to
the
utmost
punishments
,
which
the
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
adjudge
the
worst
of
Traitors
and
Malefactors
unto
.
There
are
some
,
who
thro
hating
of
them
,
do
wish
their
miscarrying
and
offending
to
so
unpardonable
a
degree
,
that
they
may
hereafter
be
furnished
with
an
advantage
,
both
of
ruining
them
and
the
whole
Dissenting
Party
for
their
sakes
.
But
as
the
love
that
I
bear
unto
them
,
and
the
perswasion
and
belief
I
have
of
the
truth
of
their
Religious
Principles
,
do
make
me
exceeding
sollicitous
to
have
them
kept
and
prevented
from
being
hurried
and
transported
into
so
fatal
and
criminal
a
behaviour
;
so
I
desire
to
make
no
other
excuse
for
my
plain
dealing
towards
them
,
but
that
of
Solomon
,
who
tells
us
,
that
faithful
are
the
wounds
of
a
friend
,
while
the
kisses
of
an
Enemy
are
deceitful
;
and
that
he
who
rebukes
a
man
,
shall
find
more
favour
afterwards
than
he
who
flattereth
with
the
tongue
.
POSTSCRIPT
.
SInce
the
foregoing
Sheets
went
to
the
Press
,
and
while
they
were
Printing
off
,
there
is
come
to
my
hands
a
new
Proclamation
dated
at
Windsor
the
28th
.
of
June
1687
,
for
granting
further
Liberty
in
Scotland
,
and
which
was
published
there
by
an
Order
of
the
Privy
Council
of
that
Kingdom
bearing
date
at
Edinburgh
the
5.
of
July
.
This
Superfoetation
of
one
Proclamation
after
another
in
reference
to
the
same
thing
,
is
so
apportioned
and
parallel
to
the
late
French
method
of
emitting
Edicts
in
relation
to
those
of
the
Reformed
Religion
in
that
Kingdom
,
that
they
seem
to
proceed
out
of
one
mint
,
to
be
calculated
for
the
same
end
,
and
to
be
designed
for
the
compassing
and
obtaining
the
like
effects
.
For
assoon
as
an
Alarm
was
taken
at
the
publishing
of
some
unreasonable
and
rigorous
Edict
,
there
used
often
to
follow
another
of
a
milder
strain
,
which
was
pretended
to
be
either
for
the
moderating
the
severities
of
the
former
,
or
to
remove
and
rectifie
what
they
were
pleased
to
call
misconstructions
unduly
put
upon
it
;
but
the
true
end
whereof
was
only
to
stifle
and
extinguish
the
Jealousies
and
Apprehensions
that
the
other
had
begotten
and
excited
,
and
which
had
they
not
been
calmed
and
allay'd
might
have
awakened
the
Protestants
there
to
provide
for
their
safety
by
a
timely
withdrawing
into
other
Countries
,
if
they
had
not
been
provoked
to
generous
endeavours
of
preventing
the
final
suppression
of
their
Religion
,
and
for
obviating
the
ruin
which
that
Court
had
projected
against
them
and
was
hastning
to
involve
them
under
.
Nor
does
my
suspicion
of
his
Majesties
pursuing
the
same
design
against
Protestants
,
which
the
great
Louis
glories
to
have
accomplished
,
proceed
merely
from
that
conjunction
of
Counsels
that
all
the
world
observes
between
Whitehall
and
Versailles
;
nor
merely
from
the
Kings
abandoning
his
Nephew
and
Son-in-law
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
and
not
so
much
as
interposing
to
obtain
satisfaction
to
be
given
him
,
for
the
many
Injuries
,
Damages
,
Spoiles
,
and
Robberies
,
as
well
as
Affronts
done
him
by
that
haughty
Monarch
;
when
one
vigorous
Application
could
not
fail
to
effect
it
;
nor
yet
merely
from
that
agreeableness
in
their
proceedures
,
through
the
King
of
England's
imitating
that
Foreign
Potentate
,
and
making
the
whole
course
that
hath
been
taken
in
France
,
the
Pattern
of
all
his
actings
in
Great
Britain
;
but
I
am
much
confirmed
in
my
fears
and
jealousies
,
by
remembring
a
passage
in
one
of
Mr.
Coleman's
Letters
,
who
as
he
very
well
knew
what
the
then
Duke
of
York
,
had
been
for
many
years
engaged
in
,
against
our
Religion
and
Civil
Lberties
,
and
under
what
Vows
and
Promises
he
was
,
not
to
desist
from
prosecuting
what
had
been
resolved
upon
and
undertaken
;
so
he
had
the
confidence
to
say
,
that
his
Master's
design
,
and
that
of
the
King
of
France
,
was
one
and
the
same
;
and
that
this
was
no
less
,
as
he
farther
informs
us
,
than
the
extirpating
the
Northern
Heresie
.
Had
the
King
of
England
acted
with
sincerity
from
that
noble
Principle
,
that
Conscience
ought
not
to
be
constrained
,
nor
People
forced
in
matters
of
mere
Religion
,
as
he
would
delude
weak
and
easie
People
to
believe
;
and
had
not
all
his
Arbitrary
and
illegal
proceedings
in
granting
Liberty
to
Dissenting
Protestants
been
to
subserve
and
promote
other
Designs
,
which
it
is
not
yet
seasonable
and
convenient
to
discover
and
avow
,
he
would
have
then
acted
with
that
conformity
to
the
Principle
he
professeth
to
be
under
the
Influence
and
Government
of
,
and
with
that
consonancy
and
harmonious
agreeableness
,
in
all
the
degrees
of
Indulgence
,
vouchsafed
to
those
of
the
Reformed
Religion
in
England
and
Scotland
,
that
differ
from
them
of
the
Established
way
,
that
there
would
have
needed
no
second
Proclamation
apporting
new
measures
of
Liberty
,
and
favour
to
Scots
Dissenters
,
seeing
they
would
have
had
it
granted
them
at
first
in
the
same
latitude
and
illimitedness
,
that
it
was
bestowed
upon
the
English
Nonconformists
.
But
when
Princes
carry
on
and
pursue
mischievous
designs
,
under
the
palliations
of
Religion
,
publick
good
,
and
the
Right
of
Mankind
;
it
comes
often
to
pass
through
adapting
their
methods
to
what
they
mean
and
intend
,
and
not
to
what
they
pretend
and
give
out
,
that
their
crafty
projections
by
being
not
sufficiently
accommodated
to
their
purposes
,
prove
ineffectual
to
the
compassing
what
was
aim'd
at
;
and
this
forceth
them
to
a
new
Game
of
Falshood
and
Subtilety
,
but
still
under
the
old
varnish
and
gloss
,
and
obligeth
them
to
have
recourse
to
means
that
may
be
more
proportioned
than
the
former
were
,
for
their
reaching
the
End
that
they
ubtimately
drive
at
.
Thence
it
is
that
those
Rulers
,
who
are
engaged
in
the
Prosecution
of
wicked
and
unjustifiable
Designs
,
are
necessitated
not
only
to
apply
themselves
to
opposite
Methods
towards
different
Parties
,
and
those
such
as
must
be
suited
and
apportioned
to
their
discrepant
Interest
,
without
the
accommodating
of
which
they
can
neither
hope
to
mould
them
to
that
tame
and
servile
Compliance
,
nor
work
them
up
to
that
active
and
vigorous
abetting
of
their
malicious
and
crafty
Projections
as
is
necessary
for
the
rendring
them
Successful
;
but
they
are
forced
to
vary
their
Proceedings
towards
one
and
the
same
Party
,
and
that
as
well
when
the
ways
they
have
acted
in
towards
them
are
found
inadequate
to
the
end
unto
which
they
were
calculated
,
as
when
the
mischief
hid
under
them
comes
to
be
too
soon
discovered
.
This
weak
and
short-sighted
People
fancy
to
arise
from
an
uncertainty
in
Princes
Counsels
,
and
from
their
being
at
no
Consistency
with
themselves
;
but
they
who
can
penetrate
into
Affairs
,
and
that
do
consider
things
more
narrowly
,
can
easily
discern
,
that
all
this
Variation
,
Diversity
,
and
shifting
of
Methods
in
Rulers
Actings
,
proceed
from
other
Causes
,
and
that
it
is
their
Stability
and
Perseverance
in
an
illegal
and
wicked
Design
,
that
compels
them
to
those
crooked
and
contrary
Courses
,
either
for
the
gaining
the
unwary
and
ill-applied
Concurrence
of
their
Subject
,
to
the
hastning
Distress
and
Desolation
upon
themselves
,
or
for
the
throwing
them
into
that
Lethargy
,
and
under
that
Supineness
,
as
may
hinder
them
from
all
Endeavors
of
obstructing
and
diverting
the
Evils
,
that
their
Governours
are
seeking
to
bring
upon
them
.
Nor
is
there
a
more
certain
Indication
,
of
a
Princes
being
engaged
in
a
Design
,
contrary
to
the
good
and
happiness
of
the
Society
,
over
which
he
is
set
;
than
his
betaking
himself
to
illegal
ways
,
upon
pretence
of
promoting
the
ease
and
benefit
of
his
People
;
or
according
as
he
finds
his
Subjects
to
differ
in
their
particular
Interests
,
his
applying
himself
to
them
in
Methods
,
whereof
the
contrariety
of
the
one
to
the
other
,
renders
them
the
more
proper
and
adapted
to
ensnare
the
divided
Factions
,
through
accosting
each
of
them
with
something
that
they
are
severally
fond
of
.
Legal
means
are
always
sufficient
to
the
pursuing
and
compassing
legal
Ends
;
and
whatsoever
is
for
the
general
good
of
the
Community
,
may
either
be
obtained
by
Courses
,
wherein
the
Generality
find
their
united
Interest
and
common
Felicity
,
or
else
by
Application
to
a
Parliament
freely
and
duly
chosen
,
which
as
it
represents
the
whole
Politick
Society
,
so
there
may
be
expected
most
Compassion
and
Tenderness
,
as
well
as
Wisdom
and
Prudence
,
for
redressing
the
Grievances
,
easing
the
Troubles
,
and
providing
for
the
Benefit
and
Safety
of
all
that
are
wrapt
up
in
and
represented
by
them
.
And
as
every
Prince
,
who
sincerely
seeks
and
pursues
the
Advantage
of
his
People
,
will
so
adjust
and
attemper
all
his
Actions
towards
them
,
that
his
whole
Carriage
shall
be
uniform
,
and
all
the
Exercises
of
his
Governing
Power
,
meet
in
the
benefit
of
the
Community
,
as
so
many
lines
from
a
circumference
uniting
in
their
Centre
;
so
there
needs
no
other
proof
that
these
two
or
three
late
Actions
of
His
Majesty
,
which
a
foolish
sort
of
men
are
apt
to
interpret
for
favours
,
and
to
account
them
effects
of
Compassion
and
Kindness
;
are
but
to
conceal
his
Malice
,
and
to
subserve
as
well
as
cover
some
fatal
and
pernicious
Design
that
he
is
carrying
on
against
his
Protestant
Subjects
,
than
that
while
he
is
gratifying
a
few
of
them
in
one
thing
,
he
is
at
the
same
time
robbing
all
of
them
of
many
;
and
that
while
he
is
indulging
the
Dissenters
with
a
freedom
from
the
penal
Laws
for
matters
of
Religion
,
he
is
invading
the
Properties
,
and
subverting
the
Civil
Rights
of
the
three
Nations
,
and
changing
the
whole
Constitution
of
the
Government
.
He
that
strips
us
of
what
belongs
unto
us
as
we
are
English
and
Scots
men
;
cannot
mean
honestly
in
the
favours
he
pretends
to
vouchsafe
us
as
we
are
Christians
;
nor
can
he
that
is
endeavouring
to
enslave
our
Persons
,
and
to
subject
our
Estates
to
his
arbitrary
Lust
and
Pleasure
,
intend
any
thing
else
by
this
kindness
granted
to
Fanaticks
in
matters
of
Religion
,
than
the
dividing
them
from
the
rest
of
the
People
,
in
what
concerns
the
Civil
Interest
and
external
happiness
of
the
Community
,
and
to
render
them
an
engaged
Faction
to
assist
and
abet
him
in
enthralling
the
Kingdoms
.
Whosoever
considers
the
whole
Tenor
of
His
Majesty's
other
Actings
,
in
proroguing
and
dissolving
Parliaments
,
when
he
finds
them
uncompliant
with
his
Popish
and
Despotical
Ends
;
his
keeping
on
foot
a
formidable
Army
against
all
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
and
upon
no
other
intention
,
but
to
maintain
him
in
his
Usurpations
over
our
Rights
,
and
to
awe
us
into
a
tame
and
servile
submission
to
his
Prerogative
Will
;
his
filling
all
places
of
Judicature
with
weak
as
well
as
treacherous
persons
,
who
instead
of
administring
Justice
may
be
the
Instruments
of
Tyranny
;
his
robbing
men
of
their
Estates
,
by
judicial
forms
,
and
under
pretence
that
nullum
tempus
occurrit
Regi
,
after
they
have
been
quietly
enjoyed
by
the
Subjects
for
several
hundred
years
;
his
advancing
none
to
Civil
or
Military
Employs
,
but
whom
he
hath
some
confidence
in
,
as
to
the
finding
them
ready
to
execute
his
despotical
Injunctions
;
and
his
esteeming
no
persons
loyal
and
faithful
to
himself
,
save
those
who
are
willing
to
betray
their
Country
,
and
be
Rebels
and
Traitors
against
the
Legal
Constitution
:
I
say
whosoever
considers
all
this
,
and
a
great
deal
more
of
the
same
hue
and
complexion
,
cannot
imagine
(
unless
he
be
under
a
judicial
blindness
and
a
strange
infatuation
)
that
any
thing
arriving
from
the
King
,
tho
it
may
be
a
matter
wherein
they
may
find
their
present
ease
and
advantage
should
proceed
from
compassion
and
good
will
to
his
Protestant
Subjects
,
but
that
it
must
be
only
in
order
to
promote
a
distinct
interest
from
that
of
his
People
,
and
for
the
better
and
more
easie
accomplishing
of
some
wicked
and
unjustifiable
Design
.
And
tho
his
Majesty
would
have
us
believe
,
that
the
reasons
moving
him
to
the
emission
of
this
second
Proclamation
,
were
the
sinistruous
Interpretations
which
either
have
,
or
may
be
made
,
of
some
Restrictions
in
his
former
;
yet
it
is
not
difficult
,
even
without
being
of
his
Privy
Council
,
to
assign
a
truer
motive
,
and
a
more
real
and
effectual
cause
of
it
.
For
as
that
of
the
12
of
February
came
forth
attended
with
so
many
limitations
,
not
easie
to
be
digested
by
men
of
Wisdom
or
Honesty
,
lest
if
it
had
been
more
unconfined
and
extensive
,
and
should
have
opened
a
door
for
all
Scots
Dissenters
to
have
gone
in
and
taken
the
benefit
of
it
,
the
generality
of
Protestants
in
that
Kingdom
,
abstracting
from
the
Bishops
,
Curates
,
and
a
few
others
,
should
have
joined
in
the
separate
Interest
,
and
thereby
have
become
an
united
Body
against
Popery
;
but
upon
finding
that
hardly
any
would
purchase
their
freedom
from
the
penal
Laws
at
so
dear
a
rate
,
as
to
do
things
so
unbecoming
Men
and
Christians
,
as
the
conforming
to
the
Terms
therein
prescribed
obliged
them
unto
;
and
that
as
they
of
the
National
Communion
were
alarm'd
and
disgusted
,
so
fesh
or
none
of
the
Dissenting
Fellowships
were
pleased
;
and
that
both
were
not
only
angry
at
the
many
illegal
favours
,
and
threatning
advantages
,
bestowed
upon
the
Papists
,
but
were
grown
so
sensible
of
the
Design
carrying
on
against
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Liberties
and
Privileges
of
the
Subject
,
that
tho
they
could
not
renounce
their
respective
Tenets
in
the
matters
wherein
they
differed
,
yet
they
were
willing
to
stifle
their
Heats
and
Animosities
,
and
to
give
that
Encouragement
,
Aid
and
Assistance
to
one
another
,
as
was
necessary
for
their
common
safety
:
upon
these
Cnnsiderations
,
his
Majesty
(
if
he
would
have
spoken
fincerely
)
ought
to
have
said
,
that
he
had
published
this
new
Proclamation
,
in
order
to
hinder
Scots
Protestants
from
uniting
,
for
their
mutual
defence
against
Turkish
Tyranny
,
and
Romish
Idolatry
,
in
hopes
thereby
to
continue
and
exasperate
their
undue
and
passionate
heats
,
and
to
steep
them
not
only
in
divided
and
opposite
interests
,
but
to
make
them
contribute
to
the
suppressing
and
ruining
each
other
,
or
at
least
to
look
on
unconcernedly
,
till
he
have
ripened
his
Designs
against
them
both
,
and
be
prepared
for
extirpating
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
for
subverting
the
Fundamental
as
well
as
Statute
Laws
,
and
for
bringing
such
to
the
Stake
and
Gibbet
as
shall
have
the
Integrity
to
assert
the
one
,
or
the
Courage
to
plead
for
the
other
.
And
yet
in
his
last
Proclamation
,
wherein
he
grants
a
more
illimited
Freedom
,
than
in
the
former
,
and
promiseth
to
protect
all
in
the
Exercise
of
Their
Protestant
Religion
,
as
he
Disdainfully
and
Ignominiously
calls
it
;
there
is
a
Clause
that
may
discourage
all
honest
Men
from
owning
their
Liberty
to
the
Authority
that
bestows
it
,
and
from
which
it
is
derived
and
conveyed
to
them
.
For
not
being
satisfied
to
superstruct
his
pretended
Right
,
of
Suspending
,
Stopping
and
Disabling
Laws
,
upon
his
Sovereign
Authority
and
Prerogative
Royal
,
but
as
knowing
that
these
give
no
such
Pre-eminence
and
Jurisdiction
over
the
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
,
he
is
pleased
to
challenge
unto
himself
an
Absolute
Power
,
as
the
Source
and
Spring
of
that
Exorbitant
and
Paramount
Claim
,
which
he
therein
exerciseth
and
exerts
.
And
forasmuch
as
Absolute
Power
imports
his
Majesties
being
loose
and
free
from
all
Ties
and
Restraints
,
either
by
Fundamental
Stipulations
,
or
superadded
Laws
;
it
is
very
Natural
to
observe
,
that
he
allows
the
Government
under
which
we
were
born
,
and
to
which
we
were
Sworn
and
stood
Bound
,
to
be
hereby
subverted
and
changed
,
and
that
thereupon
we
are
not
only
Absolved
and
Acquitted
,
from
the
Allegiance
and
Fealty
,
we
were
formerly
under
to
his
Majesty
,
but
are
indispensably
obliged
by
the
Ties
and
Engagements
that
are
upon
us
,
of
maintaining
and
defending
the
Constitution
and
Government
,
to
apply
our selves
to
the
use
of
all
Means
and
Endeavors
against
him
,
as
an
Enemy
of
the
People
,
and
a
Subverter
of
the
legal
Government
,
wherein
all
the
Interest
he
had
,
or
could
lawfully
claim
,
was
an
Official
Trust
,
and
not
an
Absolute
Power
or
a
Desp●tical
Dominion
,
the
first
whereof
he
hath
deposed
and
abdicated
himself
from
,
by
challenging
and
usurping
the
latter
.
And
should
any
Scots
Dissenter
,
either
in
his
entrance
upon
the
Liberty
granted
by
this
Proclamation
,
or
in
Addressing
by
way
of
Thankfulness
for
it
,
take
the
least
notice
of
this
Freedoms
flowing
from
the
King
,
which
cannot
be
done
,
without
Recognising
this
Absolute
Power
in
his
Majesty
as
the
Fountain
of
it
,
he
is
to
be
look'd
upon
as
the
worst
of
Traitors
,
and
deserves
to
be
proceeded
against
both
for
his
Accession
unto
,
and
justifying
the
Subversion
of
the
Laws
,
Liberties
and
Government
of
his
Country
,
and
for
betraying
the
Rights
of
all
Free-born
Men.
For
those
few
Reflections
in
the
foregoing
Sheets
,
which
this
new
Proclamation
may
not
only
seem
to
render
useless
,
and
frustrate
the
end
whereunto
they
were
intended
,
but
may
make
the
publishing
any
Animadversions
upon
that
,
which
the
King
,
by
departing
from
,
does
himself
Censure
and
Condemn
,
be
esteemed
both
a
failure
in
Ingenuity
and
Candor
,
and
a
want
of
regard
to
those
Measures
of
Justice
,
which
ought
to
be
observed
towards
all
Men
,
and
more
especially
towards
Crowned
Heads
:
I
shall
only
say
,
that
as
the
Proclamation
arrived
with
me
too
late
,
to
hinder
and
prevent
the
Communication
of
them
to
the
Publick
;
so
I
have
this
farther
to
add
,
in
Justification
of
their
being
published
,
that
it
will
thereby
appear
,
that
what
his
Majesty
stiles
Sinistruous
Interpretations
made
of
some
Restrictions
mentioned
in
his
former
,
are
no
other
than
the
just
,
natural
,
genuine
,
and
obvious
Constructions
,
which
they
lye
open
unto
,
and
are
capable
of
,
and
which
a
Man
cannot
avoid
fastning
upon
them
,
without
renouncing
all
Sense
and
Reason
.
And
while
the
King
continues
to
disparage
and
asperse
all
sober
and
judicious
Reflections
upon
that
Royal
Paper
,
by
charging
upon
them
the
unjust
and
reproachful
Character
of
Sinistruous
Interpretations
;
it
is
necessary
as
well
as
equal
,
that
the
whole
matter
should
be
plainly
and
impartially
represented
to
the
World
,
and
that
the
Dection
be
remitted
and
left
to
the
understanding
and
unbyass'd
part
of
Mankind
who
are
the
Calumniators
and
Slanderers
,
they
who
accuse
the
Proclamation
of
importing
such
Principles
,
Consequences
,
and
Tendencies
,
or
he
and
his
Ministers
,
who
think
they
have
avoided
and
answered
the
Imputations
fastened
upon
it
,
when
they
have
loaded
them
with
hard
and
uncivil
Terms
.
For
tho
he
be
pleased
to
assume
to
himself
an
Absolute
Power
,
which
all
are
bound
to
obey
without
reserve
;
and
in
the
virtue
of
which
he
Suspends
,
Stops
and
Disables
what
Laws
he
pleaseth
,
yet
I
do
not
know
but
that
his
Intellectuals
being
of
the
Size
of
other
Mens
,
and
that
seeing
neither
his
Sovereignty
,
nor
Catholicalness
,
have
vested
in
him
an
Inerrability
,
why
we
may
not
enter
our
Plea
and
Demur
to
the
Dictates
of
his
Judgment
,
tho
we
know
not
how
to
withstand
the
Efforts
of
his
Power
.
Nor
shall
I
subjoyn
any
more
,
save
that
whereas
his
Majesty
declares
so
many
Laws
to
be
disabled
to
all
Intents
and
Purposes
,
he
ought
to
have
remembred
,
that
beside
other
Intents
and
Purposes
,
that
several
of
them
may
hereafter
serve
unto
,
as
the
Papists
may
possibly
come
to
have
Experience
;
there
is
one
thing
,
in
reference
to
which
he
cannot
,
even
at
present
,
hinder
and
prevent
their
Usefulness
and
Efficacy
,
and
that
is
,
not
only
their
raising
and
exciting
all
just
Resentments
in
the
minds
of
free-born
and
generous
Men
,
for
his
challenging
a
Power
to
Suspend
and
Cassate
them
,
but
their
remaining
and
continuing
Monuments
of
his
Infidelity
to
the
Trust
reposed
in
him
,
of
his
departure
from
all
Promises
made
at
and
since
his
entering
upon
the
Government
,
and
of
his
Invading
and
Subverting
all
the
Rules
of
the
Constitution
.
The
Declaration
of
His
Highness
William
Henry
(
by
the
Grace
of
God
)
Prince
of
Orange
,
&c.
Of
the
Reasons
inducing
him
to
appear
in
Arms
in
the
Kingdom
of
England
,
for
Preserving
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
for
Restoring
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
England
,
Scotland
and
Ireland
.
IT
is
both
certain
and
evident
to
all
Men
,
that
the
Publick
Peace
and
Happiness
of
any
State
or
Kingdom
cannot
be
preserved
,
where
the
Laws
,
Liberties
and
Customs
established
,
by
the
Lawful
Authority
in
it
,
are
openly
Transgressed
and
Annulled
:
More
especially
where
the
Alteration
of
Religion
is
endeavored
,
and
that
a
Religion
which
is
contrary
to
Law
is
endeavored
to
be
introduced
:
Upon
which
those
who
are
most
immediately
concerned
in
it
,
are
Indispensably
bound
to
endeavor
to
preserve
and
maintain
the
established
Laws
,
Liberties
and
Customs
;
and
above
all
,
the
Religion
and
Worship
of
God
that
is
established
among
them
:
And
to
take
such
an
effectual
Care
,
that
the
Inhabitants
of
the
said
State
or
Kingdom
,
may
neither
be
deprived
of
their
Religion
,
nor
of
their
Civil
Rights
.
Which
is
so
much
the
more
Necessary
,
because
the
Greatness
and
Security
both
of
Kings
,
Royal
Families
,
and
of
all
such
as
are
in
Authority
,
as
well
as
the
Happiness
of
their
Subjects
and
People
,
depend
,
in
a
most
especial
manner
,
upon
the
exact
Observation
and
Maintenance
of
these
their
Laws
,
Liberties
and
Customs
.
Upon
these
grounds
it
is
,
that
we
cannot
any
longer
forbear
to
Declare
,
That
to
our
great
Regret
,
we
see
that
those
Counsellors
,
who
have
now
the
chief
Credit
with
the
King
,
have
overturned
the
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
of
those
Realms
;
and
subjected
them
in
all
things
relating
to
their
Consciences
,
Liberties
and
Properties
,
to
Arbitrary
Government
;
and
that
not
only
by
Secret
and
Indirect
ways
,
but
in
an
open
and
undisguised
manner
.
Those
Evil
Counsellors
for
the
advancing
and
colouring
this
with
some
plausible
Pretexts
,
did
invent
and
set
on
foot
,
the
King
's
Dispensing
Power
,
by
virtue
of
which
,
they
pretend
,
that
according
to
Law
,
he
can
Suspend
and
Dispence
with
the
Execution
of
the
Laws
,
that
have
been
enacted
by
the
Authority
of
the
King
and
Parliament
,
for
the
Security
and
Happiness
of
the
Subject
,
and
so
have
rendered
those
Laws
of
no
Effect
:
Tho
there
is
nothing
more
certain
,
than
that
as
no
Laws
can
be
made
,
but
by
the
joynt
Concurrence
of
King
and
Parliament
,
so
likewise
Laws
so
enacted
,
which
secure
the
Publick
Peace
and
Safety
of
the
Nation
,
and
the
Lives
and
Liberties
of
every
Subject
in
it
,
cannot
be
Repealed
or
Suspended
,
but
by
the
same
Authority
.
For
tho
the
King
may
pardon
the
Punishment
that
a
Transgressor
has
incurred
,
and
to
which
he
is
condemned
,
as
in
the
cases
of
Treason
or
Felony
;
yet
it
cannot
be
with
any
colour
of
Reason
inferred
from
thence
,
that
the
King
can
entirely
Suspend
the
Execution
of
those
Laws
,
relating
to
Treason
or
Felony
:
Unless
it
is
pretended
that
he
is
cloathed
with
a
Despotick
and
Arbitrary
Power
,
and
that
the
Lives
,
Liberties
,
Honors
and
Estates
of
the
Subjects
,
depend
wholly
on
his
good
Will
and
Pleasure
,
and
are
entirely
subject
to
him
;
which
must
infallibly
follow
,
on
the
King
's
having
a
Power
to
Suspend
the
Execution
of
Laws
,
and
to
Dispense
with
them
.
Those
Evil
Counsellors
,
in
order
to
the
giving
some
Credit
to
this
strange
and
execrable
Maxim
,
have
so
conducted
the
Matter
,
that
they
have
obtained
a
Sentence
from
the
Judges
,
declaring
that
this
Dispensing
Power
is
a
Right
belonging
to
the
Crown
;
as
if
it
were
in
the
Power
of
the
Twelve
Judges
,
to
offer
up
the
Laws
,
Rights
and
Liberties
of
the
whole
Nation
to
the
King
,
to
be
disposed
of
by
him
Arbitrarily
,
and
at
his
Pleasure
,
and
expresly
contrary
to
Laws
enacted
,
for
the
Security
of
the
Subjects
.
In
order
to
the
obtaining
this
Judgment
,
those
Evil
Counsellors
did
before-hand
examine
secretly
the
Opinion
of
the
Judges
,
and
procured
such
of
them
,
as
could
not
in
Conscience
concur
in
so
pernicious
a
Sentence
,
to
be
turned
out
,
and
others
to
be
substituted
in
their
rooms
,
till
by
the
Changes
which
were
made
in
the
Courts
of
Judicature
,
they
at
last
obtained
that
Judgment
.
And
they
have
raised
some
to
those
Trusts
,
who
make
open
Profession
of
the
Popish
Religion
,
tho
those
are
by
Law
rendred
Incapable
of
all
such
Employments
.
It
is
also
Manifest
and
Notorious
,
that
as
his
Majesty
was
,
upon
his
coming
to
the
Crown
,
received
and
acknowledged
by
all
the
Subjects
of
England
,
Scotland
and
Ireland
,
as
their
King
,
without
the
least
Opposition
,
tho
he
made
then
open
Profession
of
the
Popish
Religion
,
so
he
did
then
Promise
,
and
Solemnly
Swear
,
at
his
Coronation
,
that
he
would
maintain
his
Subjects
in
the
Free
Enjoyment
of
their
Laws
,
Rights
and
Liberties
,
and
in
particular
,
that
he
would
maintain
the
Church
of
England
as
it
was
established
by
Law
:
It
is
likewise
certain
,
that
there
have
been
at
diverse
and
sundry
times
,
several
Laws
enacted
for
the
Preservation
of
those
Rights
and
Liberties
,
and
of
the
Protestant
Religion
:
And
among
other
Securities
,
it
has
been
enacted
,
That
all
Persons
whatsoever
,
that
are
advanced
to
any
Ecclesiastical
Dignity
,
or
to
bear
Office
in
either
University
;
as
likewise
all
others
,
that
should
be
put
in
any
Imployment
,
Civil
or
Military
,
should
declare
that
they
were
not
Papists
,
but
were
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
that
by
their
taking
of
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
,
and
the
Test
;
yet
these
Evil
Counsellors
have
,
in
effect
,
annulled
and
abolished
all
those
Laws
,
both
with
relation
to
Ecclesiastical
and
Civil
Employments
.
In
order
to
Ecclesiastical
Dignities
and
Offices
,
they
have
not
only
without
any
colour
of
Law
,
but
against
most
express
Laws
to
the
contrary
,
set
up
a
Commission
of
a
certain
number
of
Persons
,
to
whom
they
have
committed
the
Cognisance
and
Direction
of
all
Ecclesiastical
Matters
;
in
the
which
Commission
there
has
been
and
still
is
,
one
of
His
Majesties
Ministers
of
State
,
who
makes
now
publick
Profession
of
the
Popish
Religion
,
and
who
at
the
time
of
his
first
professing
it
,
declared
that
for
a
great
while
before
,
he
had
believed
that
to
be
the
only
true
Religion
.
By
all
this
the
deplorable
State
to
which
the
Protestant
Religion
is
reduced
is
apparent
,
since
the
Affairs
of
the
Church
of
England
are
now
put
into
the
Hands
of
Persons
,
who
have
accepted
of
a
Commission
that
is
manifestly
Illegal
,
and
who
have
executed
it
contrary
to
all
Law
;
and
that
now
one
of
their
chief
Members
has
abjured
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
declared
himself
a
Papist
,
by
which
he
is
become
incapable
of
holding
any
Publick
Employment
:
The
said
Commissioners
have
hitherto
given
such
proof
of
their
Submission
to
the
Directions
given
them
,
that
there
is
no
reason
to
doubt
,
but
they
will
still
continue
to
promote
all
such
Designs
as
will
be
most
agreeable
to
them
.
And
those
Evil
Counsellors
take
care
to
raise
none
to
any
Ecclesiastical
Dignities
,
but
Persons
that
have
no
Zeal
for
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
that
now
hide
their
Unconcernedness
for
it
,
under
the
specious
Pretence
of
Moderation
.
The
said
Commissioners
have
Suspended
the
Bishop
of
London
,
only
because
he
refused
to
obey
an
Order
that
was
sent
him
to
Suspend
a
Worthy
Divine
,
without
so
much
as
citing
him
before
him
,
to
make
his
own
Defence
,
or
observing
the
common
Forms
of
Process
.
They
have
turned
out
a
President
,
chosen
by
the
Fellows
of
Magdalen
College
,
and
afterwards
all
the
Fellows
of
that
College
,
without
so
much
as
citing
them
before
any
Court
that
could
take
legal
Cognisance
of
that
Affair
,
or
obtaining
any
Sentence
against
them
by
a
Competent
Judge
.
And
the
only
reason
that
was
given
for
turning
them
out
,
was
their
refusing
to
chuse
,
for
their
President
,
a
Person
that
was
recommended
to
them
,
by
the
Instigation
of
those
Evil
Counsellors
;
tho
the
Right
of
a
Free
Election
belonged
undoubtedly
to
them
.
But
they
were
turned
out
of
their
Freeholds
,
contrary
to
Law
,
and
to
that
express
provision
in
the
Magna
Charta
,
That
no
Man
shall
loose
Life
or
Goods
,
but
by
the
Law
of
the
Land
.
And
now
these
Evil
Counsellors
have
put
the
said
College
wholly
into
the
Hands
of
Papists
,
tho
,
as
is
abovesaid
,
they
are
incapable
of
all
such
Employments
,
both
by
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
and
the
Statutes
of
the
College
.
These
Commissioners
have
also
cired
before
them
all
the
Chancellors
and
Arch-deacons
of
England
,
requiring
them
to
certifie
to
them
the
Names
of
all
such
Clergy-men
as
have
read
the
King's
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
and
of
such
as
have
not
read
it
;
without
considering
that
the
reading
of
it
was
not
enjoyned
the
Clergy
by
the
Bishops
,
who
are
their
Ordinaries
.
The
Illegality
and
Incompetency
of
the
said
Court
of
the
Ecclesiastical
Commissioners
was
so
notoriously
known
,
and
it
did
so
evidently
appear
,
that
it
tended
to
the
Subversion
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
that
the
Most
Reverend
Father
in
God
,
William
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
Primate
and
Metropolitan
of
all
England
,
seeing
that
it
was
raised
for
no
other
end
,
but
to
oppress
such
Persons
as
were
of
eminent
Vertue
,
Learning
and
Piety
,
refused
to
sit
or
to
concur
in
it
.
And
tho
there
are
many
express
Laws
against
all
Churches
or
Chappels
,
for
the
Exercise
of
the
Popish
Religion
,
and
also
against
all
Monasteries
and
Convents
,
and
more
particularly
against
the
Order
of
the
Jesuits
,
yet
those
Evil
Counsellors
have
procured
orders
for
the
building
of
several
Churches
and
Chappels
,
for
the
Exercise
of
that
Religion
:
They
have
also
procured
diverse
Monasteries
to
be
erected
,
and
in
contempt
of
the
Law
,
they
have
not
only
set
up
several
Colleges
of
Jesuits
,
in
diverse
places
,
for
the
corrupting
of
the
Youth
,
but
have
raised
up
one
of
the
Order
to
be
a
Privy
Counsellor
and
a
Minister
of
State
.
By
all
which
they
do
evidently
show
,
that
they
are
restrained
by
no
Rules
or
Law
whatsoever
;
but
that
they
have
subjected
the
Honors
and
Estates
of
the
Subjects
,
and
the
establish'd
Religion
to
a
Despotick
Power
,
and
to
Arbitrary
Government
;
in
all
which
they
are
served
and
seconded
by
those
Ecclesi●stical
Commissioners
.
They
have
also
followed
the
same
Methods
with
relation
to
Civil
Affairs
:
For
they
have
procured
orders
to
examine
all
Lords-Lieutenants
,
Deputy-Lieutenants
,
Sheriffs
,
Justices
of
Peace
,
and
all
others
that
were
in
any
publick
Imployment
,
if
they
would
concur
with
the
King
in
the
Repeal
of
the
Test
and
Penal
Laws
;
and
all
such
,
whose
Consciences
did
not
suffer
them
to
comply
with
their
Designs
,
were
turned
out
,
and
others
were
put
in
their
places
,
who
they
believed
would
be
more
compliant
to
them
,
in
their
designs
of
defeating
the
intent
and
Execution
of
those
Laws
,
which
had
been
made
with
so
much
Care
and
Caution
for
the
Security
of
the
Protestant
Religion
.
And
in
many
of
these
places
they
have
put
professed
Papists
,
tho
the
Law
has
disabled
them
,
and
warranted
the
Subjects
not
to
have
any
regard
to
their
Order
.
They
have
also
invaded
the
Privileges
,
and
seised
on
the
Charters
of
most
of
those
Towns
that
have
a
right
to
be
represented
by
their
Burgesses
in
Parliament
;
and
have
procured
Surrenders
to
be
made
of
them
,
by
which
the
Magistrates
in
them
have
delivered
up
all
their
Rights
and
Privileges
,
to
be
disposed
of
at
the
Pleasure
of
those
Evil
Counsellors
;
who
have
thereupon
placed
new
Magistrates
in
those
Towns
,
such
as
they
can
most
entirely
confide
in
;
and
in
many
of
them
they
have
put
Popish
Magistrates
,
notwithstanding
the
Incapacities
under
which
the
Law
has
put
them
.
And
whereas
no
Nation
whatsoever
can
subsist
without
the
Administration
of
good
and
impartial
Justice
,
upon
which
Men
Lives
,
Liberties
,
Honors
and
Estates
do
depend
;
those
Evil
Counsellors
have
subjected
these
to
an
Arbitrary
and
Despotick
Power
:
In
the
most
important
Affairs
they
have
studied
to
discover
before-hand
the
Opinions
of
the
Judges
;
and
have
turned
out
such
,
as
they
found
would
not
conform
themselves
to
their
Intentions
;
and
have
put
others
in
their
places
,
of
whom
they
were
more
assured
,
without
having
any
regard
to
their
Abilities
.
And
they
have
not
stuck
to
raise
even
professed
Papists
to
the
Courts
of
Judicature
,
notwithstanding
their
Incapacity
by
Law
,
and
that
no
regard
is
due
to
any
Sentences
flowing
from
them
.
They
have
carried
this
so
far
,
as
to
deprive
such
Judges
,
who
in
the
common
Administration
of
Justice
,
shew
that
they
were
governed
by
their
Consciences
,
and
not
by
the
Directions
which
the
others
gave
them
:
By
which
it
is
apparent
,
that
they
design
to
render
themselves
the
absolute
Masters
of
the
Lives
,
Honors
and
Estates
of
the
Subjects
,
of
what
Rank
or
Dignity
soever
they
may
be
;
and
that
without
having
any
regard
either
to
the
Equity
of
the
Cause
,
or
to
the
Consciences
of
the
Judges
,
whom
they
will
have
to
submit
in
all
things
to
their
own
Will
and
Pleasure
;
hoping
by
such
ways
to
intimidate
those
other
Judges
,
who
are
yet
in
Imployment
,
as
also
such
others
as
they
shall
think
fit
to
put
in
the
rooms
of
those
whom
they
have
turned
out
;
and
to
make
them
see
what
they
must
look
for
,
if
they
should
at
any
time
act
in
the
least
contrary
to
their
good
liking
;
and
that
no
Failings
of
that
kind
are
pardoned
in
any
Persons
whatsoever
.
A
great
deal
of
Blood
has
been
shed
in
many
places
of
the
Kingdom
,
by
Judges
governed
by
those
Evil
Counsellors
,
against
all
the
Rules
and
Forms
of
Law
;
without
so
much
as
suffering
the
Persons
that
were
accused
to
plead
in
their
own
Defence
.
They
have
also
,
by
putting
the
Administration
of
Justice
in
the
Hands
of
Papists
,
brought
all
the
Matters
of
Civil
Justice
into
great
Uncertainties
;
with
how
much
exactness
and
Justice
soever
that
these
Sentences
may
have
been
given
.
For
since
the
Laws
of
the
Land
do
not
only
exclude
Papists
from
all
places
of
Judicature
,
but
have
put
them
under
an
Incapacity
,
none
are
bound
to
acknowledge
or
to
obey
their
Judgments
,
and
all
Sentences
given
by
them
,
are
null
and
void
of
themselves
;
so
that
all
Persons
who
have
been
cast
in
Trials
before
such
Popish
Judges
,
may
justly
look
on
their
pretended
Sentences
,
as
having
no
more
Force
than
the
Sentences
of
any
private
and
unauthorised
Person
whatsoever
.
So
deplorable
is
the
case
of
the
Subjects
,
who
are
obliged
to
answer
to
such
Judges
,
that
must
in
all
things
stick
to
the
Rules
which
are
set
them
by
those
Evil
Counsellors
,
who
as
they
raised
them
up
to
those
Imployments
,
so
can
turn
them
out
of
them
at
pleasure
,
and
who
can
never
be
esteemed
Lawful
Judges
;
so
that
all
their
Sentences
are
in
the
Construction
of
the
Law
,
of
no
Force
and
Efficacy
.
They
have
likewise
disposed
of
all
Military
Imployments
in
the
same
manner
:
For
tho
the
Laws
have
not
only
excluded
Papists
from
all
such
Imployments
,
but
have
in
particular
provided
that
they
should
be
disarmed
;
yet
they
in
contempt
of
those
Laws
,
have
not
only
armed
the
Papists
,
but
have
likewise
raised
them
up
to
the
greatest
Military
Trusts
,
both
by
Sea
and
Land
,
and
that
Strangers
as
well
as
Natives
,
and
Irish
as
well
as
English
,
that
so
by
these
means
they
having
rendered
themselves
Masters
both
of
the
Affairs
of
the
Church
,
of
the
Government
of
the
Nation
,
and
of
the
course
of
Justice
,
and
subjected
them
all
to
a
Despotick
and
Arbitrary
Power
,
they
might
be
in
a
capacity
to
maintain
and
execute
their
wicked
Designs
by
the
assistance
of
the
Army
,
and
thereby
to
enslave
the
Nation
.
The
dismal
Effects
of
this
Subversion
of
the
established
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
in
England
,
appear
more
evidently
to
us
,
by
what
we
see
done
in
Ireland
;
where
the
whole
Government
is
put
into
the
hands
of
Papists
,
and
where
all
the
Protestant
Inhabitants
are
under
the
daily
Fears
of
what
may
be
justly
apprehended
from
the
Arbitrary
Power
which
is
set
up
there
;
which
has
made
great
Numbers
of
them
leave
that
Kingdom
,
and
abandon
their
Estates
in
it
,
remembering
well
that
Cruel
and
Bloody
Massacre
which
fell
out
in
that
Island
in
the
year
1641.
Those
Evil
Counsellors
have
also
prevailed
with
the
King
to
declare
in
Scotland
,
that
he
is
cloathed
with
Absolute
Power
,
and
that
all
the
Subjects
are
bound
to
obey
him
without
Reserve
;
upon
which
he
has
assumed
an
Arbitrary
Power
,
both
over
the
Religion
and
Laws
of
that
Kingdom
;
from
all
which
it
is
apparent
,
what
is
to
be
looked
for
in
England
,
as
soon
as
Matters
are
duly
prepared
for
it
.
Those
great
and
insufferable
Oppressions
,
and
the
open
Contempt
of
all
Law
,
together
with
the
Apprehensions
of
the
said
Consequences
that
must
certainly
follow
upon
it
,
have
put
the
Subjects
under
great
and
just
Fears
;
and
have
made
them
look
after
such
lawful
Remedies
as
are
allowed
of
in
all
Nations
;
yet
all
has
been
without
effect
.
And
those
Evil
Counsellors
have
endeavored
to
make
all
Men
apprehend
the
loss
of
their
Lives
,
Liberties
,
Honors
and
Estates
,
if
they
should
go
about
to
preserve
themselves
from
this
Oppression
by
Petitions
,
Representations
,
or
other
means
authorised
by
Law
.
Thus
did
they
proceed
with
the
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
and
the
other
Bishops
,
who
having
offered
a
most
Humble
Petition
to
the
King
,
in
Terms
full
of
Respect
,
and
not
exceeding
the
number
limited
by
Law
,
in
which
they
set
forth
in
short
,
the
Reasons
for
which
they
could
not
obey
that
Order
,
which
by
the
Instigation
of
those
Evil
Counsellors
was
sent
them
,
requiring
them
to
appoint
their
Clergy
to
read
in
their
Churches
the
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
;
were
sent
to
Prison
,
and
afterwards
brought
to
a
Trial
,
as
if
they
had
been
guilty
of
some
enormous
Crime
.
They
were
not
only
obliged
to
defend
themselves
in
that
pursuit
,
but
to
appear
before
professed
Papists
,
who
had
not
taken
the
Test
,
and
by
consequence
were
Men
whose
Interest
led
them
to
condemn
them
;
and
the
Judges
that
gave
their
Opinion
in
their
Favors
,
were
thereupon
turned
out
.
And
yet
it
cannot
be
pretended
that
any
Kings
,
how
great
soever
their
Power
has
been
,
and
how
Arbitrary
and
Despotick
soever
they
have
been
in
the
Exercise
of
it
,
have
ever
reckoned
it
a
Crime
for
their
Subjects
to
come
in
all
Submission
and
Respect
,
and
in
a
due
Number
,
not
exceeding
the
Limits
of
the
Law
,
and
represent
to
them
the
Reasons
that
made
it
impossible
for
them
to
obey
their
Orders
.
Those
Evil
Counsellors
have
also
treated
a
Peer
of
the
Realm
as
a
Criminal
,
only
because
he
said
,
that
the
Subjects
were
not
bound
to
obey
the
orders
of
a
Popish
Justice
of
Peace
;
tho
it
is
evident
,
that
they
being
by
Law
rendred
incapable
of
all
such
Trust
,
no
regard
is
due
to
their
orders
:
This
being
the
Security
which
the
People
have
by
the
Law
for
their
Lives
,
Liberties
,
Honors
and
Estates
,
that
they
are
not
to
be
subjected
to
the
Arbitrary
Proceedings
of
Papists
,
that
are
,
contrary
to
Law
,
put
into
any
Employments
Civil
or
Military
.
Both
we
our selves
,
and
our
Dearest
and
most
Entirely
Beloved
Consort
,
the
Princess
,
have
endeavored
to
signifie
in
Terms
full
of
Respect
to
the
King
,
the
just
and
deep
Regret
which
all
these
Proceedings
have
given
us
;
and
in
Compliance
with
His
Majesties
Desires
signified
to
us
,
we
declared
both
by
word
of
Mouth
,
to
his
Envoy
,
and
in
Writing
,
what
our
Thoughts
were
,
touching
the
Repealing
of
the
Test
and
Penal
Laws
;
which
we
did
in
such
a
manner
,
that
we
hoped
we
had
proposed
an
Expedient
,
by
which
the
Peace
of
those
Kingdoms
,
and
a
happy
Agreement
among
the
Subjects
,
of
all
Perswasions
,
might
have
been
settled
;
but
those
Evil
Counsellors
have
put
such
ill
Constructions
on
these
our
good
Intentions
,
that
they
have
endeavored
to
alienate
the
King
more
and
more
from
us
;
as
if
we
had
designed
to
disturb
the
Quiet
and
Happiness
of
the
Kingdom
.
The
last
and
great
Remedy
for
all
those
Evils
,
is
The
calling
of
a
Parliament
,
for
securing
the
Nation
against
the
Evil
Practises
of
those
wicked
Counsellors
;
but
this
could
not
be
yet
compassed
,
nor
can
it
be
easily
brought
about
.
For
those
Men
apprehending
,
that
a
lawful
Parliament
being
once
assembled
,
they
would
be
brought
to
an
account
for
all
their
open
Violations
of
Law
,
and
for
their
Plots
and
Conspiracies
against
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Lives
and
Liberties
of
the
Subjects
,
they
have
endeavored
,
under
the
specious
Pretence
of
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
first
to
sow
Divisions
among
Protestants
,
between
those
of
the
Church
of
England
,
and
the
Dissenters
:
The
design
being
laid
to
engage
Protestants
,
that
are
all
equally
concerned
,
to
preserve
themselves
from
Popish
Oppression
,
into
mutual
Quarrellings
;
that
so
by
these
,
some
Advantages
might
be
given
to
them
to
bring
about
their
Designs
;
and
that
both
in
the
Election
of
the
Members
of
Parliament
,
and
afterwards
in
the
Parliament
it self
.
For
they
see
well
,
that
if
all
Protestants
could
enter
into
a
mutual
good
Understanding
one
with
another
,
and
concur
together
in
the
Preserving
of
their
Religion
,
it
would
not
be
possible
for
them
to
compass
their
wicked
ends
.
They
have
also
required
all
Persons
in
the
several
Counties
of
England
,
that
either
were
in
any
Imployment
,
or
were
in
any
considerable
Esteem
,
to
declare
before-hand
,
that
they
would
concur
in
the
Repeal
of
the
Test
and
Penal
Laws
;
and
that
they
would
give
their
Voices
in
the
Elections
to
Parliament
,
only
for
such
as
would
concur
in
it
.
Such
as
would
not
thus
pre-ingage
themselves
,
were
turned
out
of
all
Imployments
;
and
others
who
entered
into
those
Engagements
were
put
in
their
places
,
many
of
them
being
Papists
.
And
contrary
to
the
Charters
and
Privileges
of
those
Boroughs
,
that
have
a
Right
to
send
Burgesses
to
Parliament
,
they
have
ordered
such
Regulations
to
be
made
,
as
they
thought
fit
and
necessary
,
for
assuring
themselves
of
all
the
Members
that
are
to
be
chosen
by
those
Corporations
;
and
by
this
means
they
hope
to
avoid
that
Punishment
which
they
have
deserved
;
tho
it
is
apparent
,
that
all
Acts
made
by
Popish
Magistrates
,
are
null
and
void
of
themselves
;
so
that
no
Parliament
can
be
Lawful
,
for
which
the
Elections
and
Returns
are
made
by
Popish
Sheriffs
and
Mayors
of
Towns
;
and
therefore
as
long
as
the
Authority
and
Magistracy
is
in
such
Hands
,
it
is
not
possible
to
have
any
Lawful
Parliament
.
And
tho
according
to
the
Constitution
of
the
English
Government
,
and
Immemorial
Custom
,
all
Elections
of
Parliament-men
ought
to
be
made
with
an
entire
Liberty
,
without
any
sort
of
Force
,
or
the
requiring
the
Electors
to
chuse
such
Persons
as
shall
be
named
to
them
,
and
the
Persons
thus
freely
elected
,
ought
to
give
their
Opinions
freely
,
upon
all
Matters
that
are
brought
before
them
,
having
the
good
of
the
Nation
ever
before
their
Eyes
,
and
following
in
all
things
the
Dictates
of
their
Conscience
,
yet
now
the
People
of
England
cannot
expect
a
Remedy
from
a
Free
Parliament
,
legally
Called
and
Chosen
.
But
they
may
perhaps
see
one
called
,
in
which
all
Elections
will
be
carried
by
Fraud
or
Force
,
and
which
will
be
composed
of
such
Persons
,
of
whom
those
Evil
Counsellors
hold
themselves
well
assured
,
in
which
all
things
will
be
carried
on
according
to
their
Direction
and
Interest
,
without
any
regard
to
the
Good
or
Happiness
of
the
Nation
.
Which
may
appear
evidently
from
this
,
that
the
same
Persons
tried
the
Members
of
the
last
Parliament
,
to
gain
them
to
consent
to
the
Repeal
of
the
Test
and
Penal
Laws
;
and
procured
that
Parliament
to
be
dissolved
,
when
they
found
that
they
could
not
,
neither
by
Promises
nor
Threatnings
,
prevail
with
the
Members
to
comply
with
their
wicked
Designs
.
But
to
Crown
all
,
there
are
great
and
violent
Presumptions
,
inducing
us
to
believe
,
that
those
Evil
Counsellors
,
in
order
to
the
carrying
on
of
their
ill
Designs
,
and
to
the
gaining
to
themselves
the
more
time
for
the
effecting
of
them
,
for
the
encouraging
of
their
Complices
,
and
for
the
discouraging
of
all
Good
Subjects
,
have
published
,
that
the
Queen
hath
brought
forth
a
Son
;
tho
there
have
appeared
both
during
the
Queens
Pretended
Biggness
,
and
in
the
manner
in
which
the
Birth
was
managed
,
so
many
just
and
visible
Grounds
of
Suspition
,
that
not
only
we
our selves
,
but
all
the
good
Subjects
of
those
Kingdoms
,
do
vehemently
suspect
,
that
the
Pretended
Prince
of
Wales
was
not
born
by
the
Queen
.
And
it
is
notoriously
known
to
all
the
World
,
that
many
both
doubted
of
the
Queens
Biggness
,
and
of
the
Birth
of
the
Child
,
and
yet
there
was
not
any
one
thing
done
to
satisfie
them
,
or
to
put
an
end
to
their
Doubts
.
And
since
our
Dearest
and
most
Entirely
Beloved
Consort
,
the
Princess
,
and
likewise
we
our selves
,
have
so
great
an
Interest
in
this
Matter
,
and
such
a
Right
,
as
all
the
World
knows
,
to
the
Succession
to
the
Crown
;
since
also
the
English
did
in
the
Year
1672.
when
the
States
General
of
the
United
Provinces
were
Invaded
in
a
most
unjust
War
,
use
their
utmost
Endeavors
to
put
an
end
to
that
War
,
and
that
in
Opposition
to
those
who
were
then
in
the
Government
;
and
by
their
so
doing
,
they
run
the
Hazard
of
losing
both
the
Favor
of
the
Court
,
and
their
Imployments
:
And
since
the
English
Nation
has
ever
testified
a
most
particular
Affection
and
Esteem
both
to
our
Dearest
Consort
the
Princess
,
and
to
our selves
,
We
cannot
excuse
our selves
from
espousing
their
Interests
,
in
a
matter
of
such
high
Consequence
,
and
from
Contributing
all
that
lies
in
us
,
for
the
Maintaining
both
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
of
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
those
Kingdoms
,
and
for
the
Securing
to
them
the
continual
Enjoyment
of
all
their
just
Rights
.
To
the
doing
of
which
,
we
are
most
earnestly
solicited
by
a
great
many
Lords
,
both
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
by
many
Gentlemen
and
other
Subjects
of
all
Ranks
.
Therefore
it
is
,
that
we
have
thought
fit
to
go
over
to
England
,
and
to
carry
over
with
us
a
Force
,
sufficient
,
by
the
Blessing
of
God
,
to
defend
us
from
the
Violence
of
those
Evil
Counsellors
.
And
we
being
desirous
that
our
Intentions
in
this
may
be
rightly
understood
,
have
for
this
end
prepared
this
Declaration
,
in
which
as
we
have
hitherto
given
a
true
Account
of
the
Reasons
inducing
us
to
it
,
So
we
now
think
fit
to
Declare
,
that
this
our
Expedition
,
is
intended
for
no
other
Design
,
but
to
have
a
free
and
lawful
Parliament
assembled
as
soon
as
is
possible
;
and
that
in
order
to
this
,
all
the
late
Charters
,
by
which
the
Elections
of
Burgesses
are
limited
contrary
to
the
Ancient
Custom
,
shall
be
considered
as
null
and
of
no
force
:
And
likewise
all
Magistrates
who
have
been
Injustly
turned
out
,
shall
forthwith
resume
their
former
Imployments
,
as
well
as
all
the
Boroughs
of
England
shall
return
again
to
their
Ancient
Prescriptions
and
Charters
:
And
more
particularly
that
the
Ancient
Charter
of
the
Great
and
Famous
City
of
London
shall
again
be
in
Force
:
And
that
the
Writs
for
the
Members
of
Parliament
shall
be
addressed
to
the
proper
Officers
according
to
Law
and
Custom
.
That
also
none
be
suffered
to
choose
or
to
be
chosen
Members
of
Parliament
,
but
such
as
are
qualified
by
Law
:
And
that
the
Members
of
Parliament
,
being
thus
lawfully
chosen
,
they
shall
meet
and
sit
in
full
Freedom
,
that
so
the
Two
Houses
may
concur
in
the
preparing
of
such
Laws
,
as
they
upon
full
and
free
Debate
shall
judge
necessary
and
convenient
,
both
for
the
confirming
and
executing
the
Law
concerning
the
Test
,
and
such
other
Laws
as
are
necessary
for
the
Security
and
Maintenance
of
the
Protestant
Religion
;
as
likewise
for
making
such
Laws
as
may
establish
a
good
Agreement
between
the
Church
of
England
,
and
all
Protestant
Dissenters
,
as
also
for
the
covering
and
securing
of
all
such
,
who
will
live
Peaceable
under
the
Government
as
becomes
good
Subjects
,
from
all
Persecution
,
upon
the
account
of
their
Religion
,
even
Papists
themselves
not
excepted
;
and
for
the
doing
of
all
other
things
,
which
the
Two
Houses
of
Parliament
shall
find
necessary
for
the
Peace
,
Honor
and
Safety
of
the
Nation
;
so
that
there
may
be
no
more
danger
of
the
Nations
falling
at
any
time
hereafter
,
under
Arbitrary
Government
.
To
this
Parliament
we
will
also
refer
the
Enquiry
into
the
Birth
of
the
Pretended
Prince
of
Wales
,
and
of
all
things
relating
to
it
,
and
to
the
Right
of
Succession
.
And
we
,
for
our
part
,
will
concur
in
every
thing
that
may
procure
the
Peace
and
Happiness
of
the
Nation
,
which
a
Free
and
Lawful
Parliament
shall
determine
;
Since
we
have
nothing
before
our
Eyes
,
in
this
our
Undertaking
,
but
the
Preservation
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
covering
of
all
Men
from
Persecution
for
their
Consciences
,
and
the
Securing
to
the
whole
Nation
the
free
Enjoyment
of
all
their
Laws
,
Rights
and
Liberties
,
under
a
Just
and
Legal
Government
.
This
is
the
design
that
we
have
proposed
to
our selves
,
in
appearing
upon
this
occasion
in
Arms
:
In
the
Conduct
of
which
,
we
will
keep
the
Forces
under
our
Command
,
under
all
the
Strictness
of
Martial
Discipline
;
and
take
a
special
Care
,
that
the
People
of
the
Countries
,
through
which
we
must
march
,
shall
not
suffer
by
their
means
:
And
as
soon
as
the
State
of
the
Nation
will
admit
of
it
,
we
promise
that
we
will
send
back
all
those
Foreign
Forces
that
we
have
brought
along
with
us
.
We
do
therefore
hope
,
that
all
People
will
judge
rightly
of
us
,
and
approve
of
these
our
Proceedings
:
But
we
chiefly
rely
on
the
Blessing
of
God
,
for
the
Success
of
this
our
Undertaking
,
in
which
we
place
our
whole
and
only
Confidence
.
We
do
,
in
the
last
place
,
invite
and
require
all
Persons
whatsoever
,
all
the
Peers
of
the
Realm
,
both
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
all
Lords-Lieutenants
,
Deputy-Lieutenants
,
and
all
Gentlemen
,
Citizens
,
and
other
Commons
of
all
Ranks
,
to
come
and
assist
us
,
in
order
to
the
Executing
of
this
our
Design
,
against
all
such
as
shall
endeavor
to
oppose
us
;
that
so
we
may
prevent
all
those
Miseries
which
must
needs
follow
,
upon
the
Nations
being
kept
under
Arbitrary
Government
and
Slavery
:
And
that
all
the
Violences
and
Disorders
,
which
have
overturned
the
whole
Constitution
of
the
English
Government
,
may
be
fully
redressed
,
in
a
Free
and
Legal
Parliament
.
And
we
do
likewise
resolve
,
that
as
soon
as
the
Nations
are
brought
to
a
State
of
Quiet
,
we
will
take
care
that
a
Parliament
shall
be
called
in
Scotland
,
for
the
restoring
the
Ancient
Constitution
of
that
Kingdom
,
and
for
bringing
the
Matters
of
Religion
to
such
a
Settlement
,
that
the
People
may
live
Easie
and
Happy
,
and
for
putting
an
end
to
all
the
Injust
Violences
that
have
been
in
a
course
of
so
many
Years
committed
there
.
We
will
also
study
to
bring
the
Kingdom
of
Ireland
to
such
a
State
,
that
the
Settlement
there
may
be
Religiously
observed
;
and
that
the
Protestant
and
British
Interest
there
may
be
secured
.
And
we
will
endeavor
,
by
all
possible
means
,
to
procure
such
an
Establishment
in
all
the
Three
Kingdoms
,
that
they
may
all
live
in
a
Happy
Union
and
Correspondence
together
;
and
that
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Peace
,
Honor
and
Happiness
of
those
Nations
,
may
be
established
upon
Lasting
Foundations
.
Given
under
our
Hand
and
Seal
,
at
our
Court
at
the
Hague
,
the
Tenth
day
of
October
,
in
the
Year
1688.
William
Henry
,
Prince
of
Orange
.
By
His
Highness's
Special
Command
,
C.
HUYGENS.
His
Highness's
Additional
Declaration
.
AFter
we
had
prepared
and
printed
this
our
Declaration
,
we
have
understood
,
that
the
Subverters
of
the
Religion
and
Laws
of
those
Kingdoms
,
hearing
of
our
Preparations
to
assist
the
People
against
them
,
have
begun
to
retract
some
of
the
Arbitrary
and
Despotick
Powers
that
they
had
assumed
,
and
to
vacate
some
of
their
Injust
Judgments
and
Decrees
.
The
Sense
of
their
Guilt
,
and
the
distrust
of
their
Force
,
have
induced
them
to
offer
to
the
City
of
London
,
some
seeming
Relief
from
their
Great
Oppressions
;
hoping
thereby
to
quiet
the
People
,
and
to
divert
them
from
demanding
a
Secure
Re-establishment
of
their
Religion
and
Laws
under
the
shelter
of
our
Arms.
They
do
also
give
out
,
that
we
intend
to
Conquer
and
Enslave
the
Nation
:
And
therefore
it
is
,
that
we
have
thought
fit
to
add
a
few
words
to
our
Declaration
.
We
are
Confident
,
that
no
Persons
can
have
such
hard
thought
of
us
,
as
to
imagine
that
we
have
any
other
Design
in
this
Undertaking
,
than
to
procure
a
Settlement
of
the
Religion
,
and
of
the
Liberties
and
Properties
of
the
Subjects
upon
so
sure
a
Foundation
,
that
there
may
be
no
danger
of
the
Nations
relapsing
into
the
like
Miseries
at
any
time
hereafter
.
And
as
the
Forces
that
we
have
brought
along
with
us
,
are
utterly
disproportioned
to
that
wicked
Design
of
Conquering
the
Nation
,
if
we
were
capable
of
intending
it
,
so
the
Great
Numbers
of
the
Principal
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
that
are
Men
of
Eminent
Quality
and
Estates
,
and
Persons
of
known
Integrity
and
Zeal
both
for
the
Religion
and
Government
of
England
;
many
of
them
being
also
distinguished
by
their
constant
Fidelity
to
the
Crown
,
who
do
both
accompany
us
in
this
Expedition
,
and
have
earnestly
solicited
us
to
it
,
will
cover
us
from
all
such
Malicious
Insinuations
.
For
it
is
not
to
be
imagined
,
that
either
those
who
have
invited
us
,
or
those
that
are
already
come
to
assist
us
,
can
joyn
in
a
wicked
Attempt
of
Conquest
,
to
make
void
their
own
lawful
Titles
to
their
Honors
,
Estates
and
Interests
.
We
are
also
confident
,
that
all
Men
see
how
little
weight
there
is
to
be
laid
,
on
all
Promises
and
Engagements
that
can
be
now
made
;
since
there
has
been
so
little
regard
had
in
time
past
,
to
the
most
solemn
Promises
.
And
as
that
imperfect
Redress
that
is
now
offered
,
is
a
plain
Confession
of
those
Violations
of
the
Government
that
we
have
set
forth
;
so
the
Defectiveness
of
it
is
no
less
Apparent
,
for
they
lay
down
nothing
which
they
may
not
take
up
at
Pleasure
;
and
they
reserve
entire
,
and
not
so
much
as
mentioned
,
their
Claims
and
Pretences
to
an
Arbitrary
and
Despotick
Power
;
which
has
been
the
Root
of
all
their
Oppression
,
and
of
the
total
Subversion
of
the
Government
.
And
it
is
plain
,
that
there
can
be
no
Redress
nor
Remedy
offered
but
in
Parliament
;
by
a
Declaration
of
the
Rights
of
the
Subjects
that
have
been
invaded
;
and
not
by
any
Pretended
Acts
of
Grace
,
to
which
the
Extremity
of
their
Affairs
has
driven
them
.
Therefore
it
is
that
we
have
thought
fit
to
declare
,
That
we
will
refer
all
to
a
Free
Assembly
of
the
Nation
,
in
a
Lawful
Parliament
.
Given
under
our
Hand
and
Seal
,
at
our
Court
in
the
Hague
,
the
24th
.
day
of
October
,
in
the
Year
of
our
Lord
1688.
William
Henry
,
Prince
of
Orange
.
By
His
Highness's
Special
Command
,
G.
HUYGENS.
By
his
Highness
William
Henry
,
Prince
of
Orange
,
A
Declaration
.
Printed
in
the
Year
,
1688.
WE
have
in
the
course
of
our
whole
Life
,
and
more
particularly
by
the
apparent
Hazards
both
by
Sea
and
Land
,
to
which
we
have
so
lately
exposed
our
Person
,
given
to
the
whole
World
so
high
and
undoubted
Proofs
of
our
fervent
Zeal
for
the
Protestant
Religion
,
that
we
are
fully
confident
no
true
English-man
and
good
Protestant
can
entertain
the
least
Suspicion
of
our
firm
Resolution
,
rather
to
spend
our
dearest
Blood
and
perish
in
the
Attempt
,
than
not
carry
on
the
Blessed
and
Glorious
Design
which
by
the
Favour
of
Heaven
we
have
so
successfully
begun
,
to
Rescue
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
from
Slavery
and
Popery
,
and
in
a
Free
Parliament
to
Establish
the
Religion
,
the
Laws
,
and
the
Liberties
of
those
Kingdoms
upon
such
a
sure
and
lasting
Foundation
,
that
it
shall
not
be
in
the
Power
of
any
Prince
for
the
future
to
introduce
Popery
and
Tyranny
.
Towards
the
more
easy
Compassing
this
great
Design
,
we
have
not
been
hitherto
deceived
in
the
just
Expectation
we
had
of
the
Concurrence
of
the
Nobility
,
Gentry
,
and
People
of
England
with
Us
,
for
the
Security
of
their
Religion
,
the
Restitution
of
the
Laws
,
and
the
Re-establishment
of
their
Liberties
and
Properties
:
Great
Numbers
of
all
Ranks
and
Qualities
having
joyned
themselves
to
us
;
and
others
at
great
Distances
from
Us
,
have
taken
up
Arms
and
Declared
for
Us.
And
,
which
we
cannot
but
particularly
mention
,
in
that
Army
which
was
Raised
to
be
the
Instrument
of
Slavery
and
Popery
,
may
(
by
the
special
Providence
of
God
)
both
Officers
and
common
Souldiers
have
been
touched
with
such
a
feeling
sense
of
Religion
and
Honour
,
and
of
true
Affection
for
their
Native
Country
,
that
they
have
already
deserted
the
Illegal
Service
they
were
ingaged
in
,
and
have
come
over
to
Us
,
and
have
given
us
full
Assurance
from
the
rest
of
the
Army
,
That
they
will
certainly
follow
this
Example
,
as
soon
as
with
our
Army
we
shall
approach
near
enough
to
receive
them
,
without
the
Hazard
of
being
prevented
and
betray'd
.
To
which
end
,
and
that
we
may
the
sooner
execute
this
just
and
necessary
Design
we
are
ingaged
in
for
the
publick
Safety
and
Deliverance
of
these
Nations
,
We
are
resolved
,
with
all
possible
Diligence
,
to
advance
forward
,
that
a
Free
Parliament
may
be
forthwith
called
,
and
such
Preliminaries
adjusted
with
the
King
,
and
all
things
first
settled
upon
such
a
foot
according
to
Law
,
as
may
give
Us
and
the
whole
Nation
just
Reason
to
believe
the
King
is
disposed
to
make
such
necessary
Condescensions
on
his
part
,
as
will
give
intire
Satisfaction
and
Security
to
all
,
and
make
both
King
and
People
once
more
happy
.
And
that
we
may
effect
all
this
,
in
the
way
most
agreeable
to
our
Desires
,
if
it
be
possible
,
without
the
Effusion
of
any
Blood
,
except
of
those
execrable
Criminals
who
have
justly
forfeited
their
Lives
for
betraying
the
Religion
and
Subverting
the
Laws
of
their
Native
Country
,
We
do
think
fit
to
declare
,
That
as
we
will
offer
no
Violence
to
any
but
in
our
own
necessary
Defence
;
so
we
will
not
suffer
any
Injury
to
be
done
to
the
Person
even
of
a
Papist
,
provided
he
be
found
in
such
Place
,
and
in
such
Condition
and
Circumstances
as
the
Laws
require
.
So
we
are
resolved
and
do
declare
that
all
Papists
,
who
shall
be
found
in
open
Arms
,
or
with
Arms
in
their
Houses
,
or
about
their
Persons
,
or
in
any
Office
or
Imployment
Civil
or
Military
upon
any
Pretence
whatsoever
contrary
to
the
known
Laws
of
the
Land
,
shall
be
treated
by
Us
and
our
Forces
not
as
Soldiers
and
Gentlemen
,
but
as
Robbers
,
Free-Booters
and
Banditti
;
they
shall
be
incapable
of
Quarter
,
and
intirely
delivered
up
to
the
Discretion
of
our
Soldiers
.
And
We
do
further
declare
that
all
Persons
who
shall
be
found
any
ways
aiding
and
assisting
to
them
,
or
shall
march
under
their
Command
,
or
shall
joyn
with
or
submit
to
them
in
the
Discharge
or
Execution
of
their
Illegal
Commissions
or
Authority
,
shall
be
looked
upon
as
Partakers
of
their
Crimes
,
Enemies
to
the
Laws
,
and
to
their
Country
.
And
whereas
we
are
certainly
informed
that
great
Numbers
of
armed
Papists
have
of
late
resorted
to
London
and
Westminster
,
and
parts
adjacent
,
where
they
remain
,
as
we
have
reason
to
suspect
,
not
so
much
for
their
own
Security
,
as
out
of
a
wicked
and
barbarous
Design
to
make
some
desperate
Attempt
upon
the
said
Cities
,
and
their
Inhabitants
by
Fire
,
or
a
sudden
Massacre
,
or
both
;
or
else
to
be
the
more
ready
to
joyn
themselves
to
a
Body
of
French
Troops
,
designed
,
if
it
be
possible
,
to
land
in
England
,
procured
of
the
French
King
,
by
the
Interest
and
Power
of
the
Jesuits
in
Pursuance
of
the
Engagements
,
which
at
the
Instigation
of
that
pestilent
Society
,
his
most
Christian
Majesty
,
with
one
of
his
Neighbouring
Princes
of
the
same
Communion
,
has
entred
into
for
the
utter
Extirpation
of
the
Protestant
Religion
out
of
Europe
.
Tho
we
hope
we
have
taken
such
effectual
care
to
prevent
the
one
,
and
secure
the
other
,
that
by
God's
Assistance
,
we
cannot
doubt
but
we
shall
defeat
all
their
wicked
Enterprises
and
Designs
.
We
cannot
however
forbear
out
of
the
great
and
tender
Concern
We
have
to
preserve
the
People
of
England
,
and
particularly
those
great
and
populous
Cities
,
from
the
cruel
Rage
and
bloody
Revenge
of
the
Papists
,
to
Require
and
expect
from
all
the
Lord-Lieutenants
,
Deputy-Lieutenants
,
and
Justices
of
the
Peace
,
Lord-Mayors
,
Mayors
,
Sheriffs
,
and
all
other
Magistrates
and
Officers
Civil
and
Military
,
of
all
Counties
,
Cities
and
Towns
of
England
,
especially
of
the
County
of
Middlesex
,
and
Cities
of
London
and
Westminster
,
and
parts
adjacent
,
that
they
do
immediately
disarm
and
secure
,
as
by
Law
they
may
and
ought
,
within
their
respective
Counties
,
Cities
and
Jurisdictions
,
all
Papists
whatsoever
,
as
Persons
at
all
times
,
but
now
especially
most
dangerous
to
the
Peace
and
Safety
of
the
Government
,
that
so
not
only
all
Power
of
doing
mischief
may
be
taken
from
them
;
but
that
the
Laws
,
which
are
the
greatest
and
best
Security
,
may
resume
their
Force
,
and
be
strictly
Executed
.
And
We
do
hereby
likewise
Declare
that
We
will
Protect
and
Defend
all
those
who
shall
not
be
afraid
to
do
their
Duty
in
Obedience
to
these
Laws
.
And
that
for
those
Magistrates
and
others
of
what
condition
soever
they
be
,
who
shall
refuse
to
assist
Us
,
and
in
Obedience
to
the
Laws
to
Execute
vigorously
what
we
have
required
of
them
,
and
suffer
themselves
at
this
Juncture
to
be
cajoled
or
terrified
out
of
ther
Duty
,
We
will
esteem
them
the
most
Criminal
and
Infamous
of
all
Men
;
Betrayers
of
their
Religion
,
the
Laws
,
and
their
Native
Country
,
and
shall
not
fail
to
treat
them
accordingly
;
resolving
to
expect
and
require
at
their
hands
the
Life
of
every
single
Protestant
that
shall
perish
,
and
every
House
that
shall
be
burnt
or
destroyed
by
their
Treachery
and
Cowardise
.
William
Henry
,
Prince
of
Orange
.
Given
under
our
Hand
and
Seal
at
our
Head-quarters
at
Sherburn
-
Castle
,
the
28th
day
of
November
,
1688.
By
his
Highness
special
Command
,
C.
HUYGENS.
The
following
Paper
was
Published
by
Mr.
Samuel
Johnson
,
in
the
Year
,
1686.
for
which
he
was
Sentenc'd
by
the
Court
of
King's
-
Bench
,
(
Sir
Edward
Herbert
being
Lord
Chief
Justice
)
to
stand
three
times
on
the
Pillory
,
and
to
be
whipp'd
from
Newgate
to
Tyburn
:
Which
barbarous
Sentence
was
Executed
.
An
Humble
and
Hearty
Address
to
all
the
English
Protestants
in
this
present
Army
.
Gentlemen
,
NExt
to
the
Duty
which
we
owe
to
God
,
which
ought
to
be
the
principal
Care
of
Men
of
your
Profession
especially
,
(
because
you
carry
your
Lives
in
your
Hands
,
and
often
look
Death
in
the
Face
)
;
The
second
Thing
that
deserves
your
Consideration
,
is
,
The
service
of
your
Native
Country
,
wherein
you
drew
your
first
Breath
,
and
breathed
a
free
English
Air.
Now
I
would
desire
you
to
consider
,
how
well
you
comply
with
these
two
main
Points
,
by
engaging
in
this
present
Service
.
Is
it
in
the
Name
of
God
,
and
for
his
Service
,
that
you
have
joyned
your selves
with
Papists
;
who
will
indeed
fight
for
the
Mass-book
but
burn
the
Bible
,
and
who
seek
to
Extirpate
the
Protestant
Religion
with
Your
Swords
,
because
they
cannot
do
it
with
their
Own
?
And
will
you
be
Aiding
and
Assisting
to
set
up
Mass-houses
,
to
Erect
that
Popish
Kingdom
of
Darkness
and
Desolation
amongst
us
,
and
to
train
up
all
our
Children
in
Popery
?
How
can
you
do
these
Things
,
and
yet
call
your selves
Protestants
?
And
then
what
Service
can
be
done
your
Country
,
by
being
under
the
Command
of
French
and
Irish
Papists
,
and
by
bringing
the
Nation
under
a
Foreign
Yoke
?
Will
you
help
them
to
make
forcible
Entry
into
the
Houses
of
your
Country-men
,
under
the
Name
of
Quartering
,
directly
contrary
to
Magna
Charta
and
the
Petition
of
Right
?
Will
you
be
Aiding
and
Assisting
to
all
the
Murders
and
Outrages
which
they
shall
commit
by
their
void
Commissions
?
Which
were
declared
Illegal
,
and
sufficiently
blasted
by
both
Houses
of
Parliament
,
(
if
there
had
been
any
need
of
it
)
for
it
was
very
well
known
before
,
That
a
Papist
cannot
have
a
Commission
,
but
by
the
Law
is
utterly
Disabled
and
Disarmed
.
Will
you
exchange
your
Birth-right
of
English
Laws
and
Liberties
for
Martial
or
Club-law
,
and
help
to
destroy
all
others
,
only
to
be
eaten
last
your selves
?
If
I
know
you
well
,
as
you
are
English
Men
,
you
hate
and
scorn
these
Things
.
And
therefore
be
not
unequally
yoaked
with
Idolatrous
and
Bloody
Papists
.
Be
Valiant
for
the
Truth
,
and
shew
your selves
Men.
The
same
Considerations
are
likewise
humbly
offered
to
all
the
English
Seamen
,
who
have
been
the
Bulwark
of
this
Nation
against
Popery
and
Slavery
ever
since
Eighty
Eight
.
Several
Reasons
for
the
Establishment
of
a
standing
Army
,
and
Dissolving
the
Militia
.
By
Mr.
S.
Johnson
.
1.
BEcause
the
Lords
Lieutenants
,
Deputy
Lieutenants
,
and
the
whole
Militia
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
Lords
,
Gentlemen
,
and
Free-holders
of
England
,
are
not
fit
to
be
trusted
with
their
own
Laws
,
Lives
,
Liberties
,
and
Estates
,
and
therefore
ought
to
have
Guardians
and
Keepers
assigned
to
them
.
2.
Because
Mercenary
Soldiers
,
who
fight
for
twelve
Pence
a
Day
,
will
fight
better
,
as
having
more
to
lose
than
either
the
Nobility
or
Gentry
.
3.
Because
there
are
no
Irish
Papists
in
the
Militia
,
who
are
certainly
the
best
Soldiers
in
the
World
,
for
they
have
slain
Men
,
Women
,
and
Children
,
by
Hundreds
of
Thousands
at
once
.
4.
Because
the
Dragooners
have
made
more
Converts
than
all
the
Bishops
and
Clergy
of
France
.
5.
The
Parliament
ought
to
establish
one
standing
Army
at
the
least
,
because
indeed
there
will
be
need
of
Two
,
that
one
of
them
may
defend
the
People
from
the
other
.
6.
Because
it
is
a
thousand
pities
that
a
brave
Popish
Army
should
be
a
Riot
.
7.
Unless
it
be
Established
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
The
Justices
of
Peace
will
be
forced
to
suppress
it
in
their
own
Defence
;
for
they
will
be
loth
to
forfeit
an
hundred
Pounds
every
day
they
rise
,
out
of
Complement
to
a
Popish
Rout.
13
H.
4.
c.
7.
2
H.
5.
c.
8.
8.
Because
a
Popish
Army
is
a
Nullity
.
For
all
Papists
are
utterly
disabled
(
and
punishable
besides
)
from
bearing
any
Office
in
Camp
,
Troop
,
Band
,
or
Company
of
Soldiers
,
and
are
so
far
disarmed
by
Law
,
that
they
cannot
wear
a
Sword
,
so
much
as
in
their
Defence
,
without
the
allowance
of
four
Justices
of
the
Peace
of
the
County
:
And
then
upon
a
March
they
will
be
perfectly
Inchanted
,
for
they
are
not
able
to
stir
above
five
Miles
from
their
own
Dwelling-house
.
3.
Jac.
5.
Sect.
8.27
,
28
,
29.35
Eliz.
2.3
Jac.
5.
Sect.
7.
9.
Because
Persons
utterly
disabled
by
Law
are
utterly
Unauthorized
;
and
therefore
the
void
Commissions
of
Killing
and
Slaying
in
the
Hands
of
Papists
,
can
only
enable
them
to
Massacre
and
Murder
.
To
the
King
's
Most
Excellent
Majesty
,
The
Humble
Petition
of
William
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
,
and
divers
of
the
Suffragan
Bishops
of
that
Province
(
now
present
with
him
)
in
behalf
of
themselves
,
and
others
of
their
absent
Brethren
,
and
of
the
Clergy
of
their
respective
Diocesses
.
Humbly
sheweth
,
THAT
the
great
averseness
they
find
in
themselves
to
the
distributing
and
publishing
in
all
their
Churches
,
your
Majesty's
late
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
proceeds
neither
from
any
want
of
Duty
and
Obedience
to
your
Majesty
,
(
our
Holy
Mother
the
Church
of
England
,
being
both
in
her
Principles
and
in
her
constant
Practice
unquestionably
Loyal
;
and
having
to
her
great
Honour
,
been
more
than
once
publickly
acknowledg'd
to
be
so
by
your
Gracious
Majesty
;
)
Nor
yet
from
any
want
of
due
tenderness
to
Dissenters
,
in
relation
to
whom
they
are
willing
to
come
to
such
a
Temper
as
shall
be
thought
fit
,
when
that
Matter
shall
be
considered
and
settled
in
Parliament
and
Convocation
.
But
among
many
other
Considerations
,
from
this
especially
,
because
that
Declaration
is
founded
upon
such
a
Dispensing
Power
,
as
has
been
often
declared
Illegal
in
Parliament
,
and
particularly
in
the
years
1662
,
and
1672.
and
in
the
beginning
of
your
Majesty's
Reign
;
and
is
a
matter
of
so
great
Moment
and
Consequence
to
the
whole
Nation
,
both
in
Church
and
State
,
that
your
Petitioners
cannot
in
Prudence
,
Honour
,
or
Conscience
,
so
far
make
themselves
Parties
to
it
,
as
the
distribution
of
it
all
over
the
Nation
,
and
the
solemn
Publication
of
it
once
and
again
,
even
in
God's
House
,
and
in
the
Time
of
his
Divine
Service
,
must
amount
to
in
common
and
reasonable
Construction
.
Your
Petitioners
therefore
most
Humbly
and
Earnestly
beseech
your
Majesty
,
that
you
will
be
ciously
pleased
,
not
to
insist
upon
their
Distributing
and
Reading
your
Majesty's
said
Declaration
.
And
Your
Petitioners
,
as
in
Duty
bound
,
shall
ever
Pray
.
-
Will
.
Cant.
-
Will
.
Asaph
.
-
Fr
Ely
.
-
Jo.
Cicestr
.
-
Tho.
Bathon
.
&
Wellen.
-
Tho.
Peterburgen
.
-
Jonath
.
Bristol
.
His
Majesties
Answer
was
to
this
effect
.
I
Have
heard
of
this
before
,
but
did
not
believe
it
!
I
did
not
expect
this
from
the
Church
of
England
,
especially
from
some
of
you
.
If
I
change
my
Mind
,
you
shall
hear
from
me
;
if
not
,
I
expect
my
Command
shall
be
obeyed
.
The
PETITION
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
for
the
Calling
of
a
Free
Parliament
:
Together
with
his
Majesty's
Gracious
Answer
to
their
Lordships
.
To
the
KING
's
most
Excellent
Majesty
.
The
Humble
Petition
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
whose
Names
are
subscribed
.
May
it
please
your
Majesty
,
WE
your
Majesty's
most
loyal
Subjects
,
in
a
deep
sense
of
the
Miseries
of
a
War
now
breaking
forth
in
the
Bowels
of
this
your
Kingdom
and
of
the
Danger
to
which
your
Majesty's
Sacred
Person
is
thereby
like
to
be
exposed
,
and
also
of
the
Distractions
of
your
People
,
by
reason
of
their
present
Grievances
,
do
think
our selves
bound
in
Conscience
of
the
duty
we
owe
to
God
,
and
our
holy
Religion
,
to
your
Majesty
,
and
our
Country
,
most
humbly
offer
to
your
Majesty
,
That
in
our
Opinion
,
the
only
visible
Way
to
preserve
your
Majesty
,
and
this
your
Kingdom
,
would
be
the
Calling
of
a
Parliament
,
Regular
and
Free
in
all
its
Circumstances
.
We
therefore
do
most
earnestly
beseech
your
Majesty
,
That
you
would
be
graciously
pleased
,
with
all
speed
,
to
call
such
a
Parliament
,
wherein
we
shall
be
most
ready
to
promote
such
Counsels
and
Resolutions
of
Peace
and
Settlement
in
Church
and
State
,
as
may
conduce
to
your
Majesty's
Honour
and
Safety
,
and
to
the
quieting
the
Minds
of
your
People
.
We
do
likewise
humbly
beseech
your
Majesty
,
in
the
mean
time
,
to
use
such
means
for
the
preventing
the
Effusion
of
Christian
Blood
,
as
to
your
Majesty
shall
seem
most
meet
.
And
your
Petitioners
shall
ever
pray
,
&c.
-
W.
Cant.
-
Grafton
.
-
Ormond
.
-
Dorset
.
-
Clare
.
-
Clarendon
.
-
Burlington
.
-
Anglesey
.
-
Rochester
.
-
Newport
.
-
Nom.
Ebor.
-
W.
Asaph
.
-
Fran.
Ely
.
-
Tho.
Roffen.
-
Tho.
Petriburg
.
-
Tho.
Oxon.
-
Paget
.
-
Chandois
.
-
Osulston
.
Presented
by
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
,
the
Arch-Bishop
of
York
Elect
,
the
Bishop
of
Ely
,
and
the
Bishop
of
Rochester
the
17th
of
November
,
1688.
His
Majesty's
most
Gracious
Answer
.
My
LORDS
,
What
You
ask
of
Me
,
I
most
passionately
desire
:
And
I
promise
You
,
upon
the
Faith
of
a
King
,
That
I
will
have
a
Parliament
,
and
such
an
One
as
You
ask
for
,
as
soon
as
ever
the
Prince
of
Orange
has
quitted
this
Realm
;
For
,
How
is
it
possible
a
Parliament
should
be
Free
in
all
its
Circumstances
,
as
You
Petition
for
,
whil'st
an
Enemy
is
in
the
Kingdom
,
and
can
make
a
Return
of
near
an
Hundred
Voices
?
The
Lords
Petition
,
with
the
King's
Answer
,
may
be
printed
,
Novemb.
29.
1688.
The
P.
O.'s
Letter
to
the
English
Army
.
Gentlemen
and
Friends
,
WE
have
given
you
so
full
,
and
so
true
an
Account
of
Our
Intentions
,
in
this
Expedition
in
Our
Declaration
,
that
as
We
can
add
nothing
to
it
,
so
We
are
sure
you
can
desire
nothing
more
of
us
.
We
are
come
to
preserve
your
Religion
,
and
to
restore
and
establish
your
Liberties
and
Properties
;
and
therefore
We
cannot
suffer
Our selves
to
doubt
but
that
all
true
English
men
will
come
and
concur
with
Us
,
in
Our
desire
to
secure
these
Nations
from
POPERY
and
SLAVERY
.
You
must
all
plainly
see
,
that
you
are
only
made
use
of
as
Instruments
to
enslave
the
Nation
,
and
ruin
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
when
that
is
done
,
you
may
judge
what
ye
your selves
ought
to
expect
,
both
from
the
cashiering
of
all
the
Protestant
and
English
Officers
and
Soldiers
in
Ireland
,
and
by
the
Irish
Soldiers
being
brought
over
to
be
put
in
your
places
;
and
of
which
you
have
seen
so
fresh
an
instance
,
that
we
need
not
put
you
in
mind
of
it
.
You
know
how
many
of
your
Fellow-Officers
have
been
used
for
their
standing
firm
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
to
the
Laws
of
England
,
and
you
cannot
flatter
your selves
so
far
as
to
expect
to
be
better
used
,
if
those
who
have
broke
their
word
so
often
,
should
by
your
means
be
brought
out
of
those
Straits
to
which
they
are
reduced
at
present
.
We
hope
likewise
,
that
you
will
not
suffer
your selves
to
be
abused
by
a
false
Notion
of
Honour
,
but
that
you
will
in
the
first
place
consider
,
what
you
owe
to
Almighty
God
and
your
Religion
,
to
your
Country
,
to
your Selves
,
and
to
your
Posterity
,
which
you
,
as
Men
of
Honour
,
ought
to
prefer
to
all
private
Considerations
and
Engagements
whatsoever
.
We
do
therefore
expect
,
that
you
will
consider
the
Honour
that
is
now
set
before
you
,
of
being
the
Instruments
of
serving
your
Country
,
and
securing
your
Religion
,
and
We
will
ever
remember
the
Service
you
shall
do
Us
upon
this
Occasion
;
and
will
promise
unto
you
,
that
We
shall
place
such
particular
Marks
of
our
Favour
on
every
one
of
you
,
as
your
Behaviour
at
this
time
shall
deserve
of
Us
,
and
the
Nation
;
in
which
we
will
make
a
great
Distinction
of
those
that
shall
come
seasonably
to
join
their
Arms
with
ours
,
and
you
shall
find
us
to
be
Your
Well-wishing
,
and
Assured
Friend
,
W.
H.
P.
O.
Prince
George
's
Letter
to
the
King
.
SIR
,
WITH
a
Heart
full
of
Grief
am
I
forced
to
Write
,
what
Prudence
will
not
permit
me
to
say
to
your
Face
.
And
may
I
e'er
find
Credit
with
your
Majesty
,
and
protection
from
Heaven
,
as
what
I
now
do
,
is
free
from
Passion
,
Vanity
or
Design
,
with
which
Actions
of
this
Nature
are
too
often
accompanied
.
I
am
not
ignorant
of
the
frequent
Mischiefs
wrought
in
the
World
by
factious
pretences
of
Religion
;
but
were
not
Religion
the
most
justifiable
Cause
,
it
would
not
be
made
the
most
specious
pretence
.
And
your
Majesty
has
always
shewn
too
uninterested
a
Sense
of
Religion
,
to
doubt
the
just
Effects
of
it
in
one
whose
Practices
,
have
,
I
hope
,
never
given
the
World
cause
to
censure
his
real
conviction
of
it
,
or
his
backwardness
to
perform
what
his
Honour
and
Conscience
prompt
him
to
:
How
then
can
I
longer
disguise
my
just
Concern
for
that
Religion
in
which
I
have
been
so
happily
Educated
,
which
my
Judgment
throughly
convinces
me
to
be
best
;
and
for
the
Support
of
which
I
am
so
highly
interested
in
my
Native
Country
?
And
is
not
England
now
by
the
most
endearing
Tie
become
so
?
Whilst
the
restless
Spirits
of
the
Enemies
of
the
REFORMED
RELIGION
,
back'd
by
the
cruel
Zeal
and
prevailing
Power
of
France
,
justly
alarm
and
unite
all
the
Protestant
Princes
of
Christendom
,
and
engage
them
in
so
vast
an
Expence
for
the
support
of
it
,
can
I
act
so
degenerous
and
mean
a
part
,
as
to
deny
my
Concurrence
to
such
worthy
Endeavours
for
disabusing
of
your
Majesty
by
the
Reinforcement
of
those
Laws
,
and
Establishment
of
that
Government
,
on
which
alone
depends
the
well-being
of
your
Majesty
,
and
of
the
PROTESTANT
RELIGION
in
Europe
?
This
,
Sir
,
is
that
irresistible
and
only
Cause
that
cou'd
come
in
Competition
with
my
Duty
and
Obligations
to
your
Majesty
,
and
be
able
to
tear
me
from
You
,
whilst
the
same
Affectionate
Desire
of
serving
You
continues
in
me
.
Could
I
secure
your
Person
by
the
Hazard
of
my
Life
,
I
should
think
it
could
not
be
better
Employed
:
And
wou'd
to
God
these
Your
distracted
Kingdoms
might
yet
receive
that
satisfactory
Compliance
from
your
Majesty
in
all
their
justifiable
pretensions
,
as
might
upon
the
only
sure
Foundation
,
that
of
the
Love
and
Interest
of
your
Subjects
,
establish
your
Government
,
and
as
strongly
Unite
the
Hearts
of
all
your
Subjects
to
You
,
as
is
that
of
,
SIR
,
Your
Majesty's
most
Humble
,
and
most
Obedient
Son
and
Servant
.
The
Lord
Churchill
's
Letter
to
the
King
.
SIR
,
SInce
Men
are
seldom
suspected
of
Sincerity
,
when
they
act
contrary
to
their
Interests
;
and
though
my
dutiful
Behaviour
to
your
Majesty
in
the
worst
of
Times
,
(
for
which
I
acknowledge
my
poor
Services
much
over
paid
)
may
not
be
sufficient
to
incline
You
to
a
charitable
Interpretation
of
my
Actions
,
yet
I
hope
,
the
great
Advantage
I
enjoy
under
Your
Majesty
,
which
I
can
never
expect
in
any
other
change
of
Government
,
may
reasonably
convince
Your
Majesty
and
the
World
,
that
I
am
acted
by
a
higher
Principle
,
when
I
offer
that
violence
to
my
inclination
and
interest
,
as
to
desert
Your
Majesty
at
a
time
when
your
Affairs
seem
to
challenge
the
strictest
Obedience
from
all
your
Subjects
,
much
more
from
one
who
lies
under
the
greatest
personal
Obligations
imaginable
to
Your
Majesty
.
This
Sir
,
could
proceed
from
nothing
but
the
inviolable
Dictates
of
my
CONSCIENCE
,
and
a
necessary
concern
for
my
RELIGION
(
which
no
good
man
can
oppose
)
and
with
which
I
am
instructed
nothing
ought
to
come
in
Competition
.
Heaven
knows
with
what
partiality
my
dutiful
Opinion
of
Your
Majesty
hath
hitherto
represented
those
unhappy
Designs
,
which
inconsiderate
and
self-interested
men
have
framed
against
Your
Majesty's
true
Interest
and
the
Protestant
Religion
.
But
as
I
can
no
longer
joyn
with
such
to
give
a
pretence
by
Conquest
to
bring
them
to
effect
,
so
will
I
always
with
the
hazard
of
my
Life
and
Fortune
(
so
much
your
Majesty's
due
)
endeavour
to
preserve
Your
Royal
Person
and
Lawful
Rights
,
with
all
the
tender
Concern
and
dutiful
Respect
that
becomes
,
SIR
,
Your
Majesty's
most
Dutiful
and
most
Obliged
Subject
and
Servant
.
The
Princess
Ann
of
Denmark
's
Letter
to
the
Queen
.
Madam
,
I
Beg
your
pardon
if
I
am
so
deeply
affected
with
the
surprising
News
of
the
Princes
being
gon
,
as
not
to
be
able
to
see
You
,
but
to
leave
this
Paper
to
Express
my
humble
Duty
to
the
King
and
your Self
;
and
to
let
You
know
that
I
am
〈◊〉
to
absent
my self
to
avoid
the
King's
Displeasure
,
which
I
am
not
able
to
bear
●ur
ther
against
the
Prince
or
my Self
:
And
I
shall
stay
at
so
great
a
distance
,
as
not
to
return
before
I
hear
the
happy
News
of
a
Reconcilement
:
And
as
I
am
confident
the
Prince
did
not
leave
the
King
with
any
other
design
,
than
to
use
all
possible
means
for
His
Preservation
;
so
I
hope
You
will
do
me
the
Justice
to
believe
that
I
am
uncapable
of
following
Him
for
any
other
End
.
Never
was
any
one
in
such
an
unhappy
Condition
,
so
divided
between
Duty
and
Affection
,
to
a
Father
,
and
a
Husband
;
and
therefore
I
know
not
what
to
do
,
but
to
follow
one
to
preserve
the
other
.
I
see
the
general
falling
off
of
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
who
avow
to
have
no
other
end
,
than
to
prevail
with
the
King
to
secure
their
Religion
,
which
they
saw
so
much
in
danger
by
the
Violent
Counsels
of
the
Priests
;
who
to
promote
their
own
Religion
,
did
not
care
to
what
dangers
they
exposed
the
King
:
I
am
fully
perswaded
that
the
Prince
of
Orange
designs
the
King's
safety
and
preservation
,
and
hope
all
things
may
be
composed
without
more
Blood-shed
,
by
the
calling
a
Parliament
.
God
grant
a
happy
End
to
these
Troubles
,
that
the
King's
Reign
may
be
prosperous
,
and
that
I
may
shortly
meet
You
in
perfect
peace
and
safety
;
till
when
,
let
me
beg
You
to
continue
the
same
favourable
Opinion
that
You
have
hitherto
had
of
Your
most
Obedient
Daughter
and
Servant
,
ANNE
.
A
Memorial
of
the
Protestants
of
the
Church
of
England
,
Presented
to
their
Royal
Highnesses
the
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
.
YOur
Royal
Highnesses
cannot
be
ignorant
that
the
Protestants
of
England
,
who
continue
true
to
their
Religion
and
the
Government
Established
by
Law
,
have
been
many
ways
troubled
and
vexed
by
restless
contrivances
and
designs
of
the
Papists
,
under
pretence
of
the
Royal
Authority
,
and
things
required
of
them
unaccountable
before
God
and
Man
;
Ecclesiastical
Benefices
and
Preferments
taken
from
them
,
without
any
other
Reason
but
the
King's
Pleasure
;
that
they
have
been
summoned
and
sentenced
by
Ecclesiastical
Commissioners
,
contrary
to
Law
,
deprived
of
their
Birth-Right
in
the
free
Choice
of
their
Magistrates
and
Representatives
;
divers
Corporations
dissolved
;
the
Legal
Security
of
our
Religion
and
Liberty
,
established
and
ratified
by
King
and
Parliament
,
annull'd
and
overthrown
by
a
pretended
Dispensing
Power
;
new
and
unheard
of
Maxims
have
been
preached
,
as
if
Subjects
had
no
Right
but
what
depends
on
the
King's
Will
and
Pleasure
.
The
Militia
put
into
the
Hands
of
persons
not
qualified
by
Law
;
and
a
Popish
Mercenary
Army
maintained
in
the
Kingdom
in
time
of
Peace
,
absolutely
contrary
to
Law
:
The
Execution
of
the
Law
against
several
high
Crimes
and
Misdemeanours
superseded
and
prohibited
;
the
Statutes
against
Correspondence
with
the
Court
of
Rome
,
Papal
Jurisdiction
,
and
Popish
Priests
,
suspended
;
that
in
Courts
of
Justice
those
Judges
are
displaced
who
dare
acquit
them
whom
the
King
would
have
Condemned
,
as
happened
to
Judg
Powel
and
Holloway
for
acquitting
the
Seven
Bishops
:
Liberty
of
chusing
Members
of
Parliament
notwithstanding
all
the
Care
taken
,
and
Provision
made
by
Law
on
that
behalf
)
wholly
taken
away
by
Quo
Warranto's
served
against
Corporations
,
and
the
three
known
Questions
.
All
things
carried
on
in
open
view
for
the
Propagation
and
Growth
of
Popery
;
for
which
the
Courts
of
England
and
France
have
so
long
joyntly
laboured
with
so
much
Application
and
Earnestness
.
Endeavours
used
to
perswade
your
Royal
Highnesses
to
consent
to
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
and
abrogating
the
Penal
Laws
and
Tests
,
wherein
they
fell
short
of
their
aim
.
That
they
most
humbly
implore
the
Protection
of
your
Royal
Highnesses
,
as
to
the
〈◊〉
ending
and
incroachments
made
upon
the
Law
for
maintenance
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
our
Civil
and
Fundamental
Rights
and
Priviledg
;
and
that
Your
Royal
Highness
would
be
pleased
to
insist
,
that
the
Free
Parliament
of
England
,
according
to
Law
,
may
be
restored
,
the
Laws
against
Papists
,
Priests
,
Papal
Jurisdiction
,
&c.
put
in
Execution
,
and
the
Suspending
and
Dispensing
Power
declared
null
and
void
;
the
Rights
and
Priviledges
of
the
City
of
London
,
the
free
Choice
of
their
Magistrates
,
and
the
Li●●●ties
as
well
of
that
as
other
Corporations
restored
,
and
all
things
returned
to
their
〈◊〉
Channel
,
&c.
Admiral
Herbert
's
Letter
to
all
Commanders
of
Ships
and
Seamen
in
His
Majesties
Fleet.
Gentlemen
,
I
Have
little
to
add
to
what
his
Highness
has
express'd
in
general
Terms
,
besides
laying
before
you
the
dangerous
way
you
are
at
present
in
,
where
Ruin
or
Infamy
must
inevitably
attend
you
,
if
you
don't
joyn
with
the
Prince
in
the
Common
Cause
,
for
the
Defence
of
your
Religion
and
Liberties
;
for
should
it
please
God
,
for
the
sins
of
the
English
Nation
,
to
suffer
your
Arms
to
prevail
,
to
what
can
your
Victory
serve
you
,
but
to
enslave
you
deeper
,
and
overthrow
the
true
Religion
,
in
which
you
have
liv'd
,
and
your
Fathers
dy'd
?
Of
which
,
I
beg
you
,
as
a
Friend
,
to
consider
the
Consequences
,
and
to
reflect
on
the
Blot
and
Infamy
it
will
bring
on
you
,
not
only
now
,
but
in
all
After-Ages
,
That
by
Your
means
the
Protestant
Religion
was
destroy'd
,
and
your
Country
depriv'd
of
its
Ancient
Liberties
:
And
if
it
pleases
God
to
bless
the
Prince's
Endeavours
with
success
,
as
I
don't
doubt
but
he
will
,
consider
then
what
their
Condition
will
be
that
oppose
him
in
this
so
good
a
Design
,
where
the
greatest
Favour
they
can
hope
for
,
is
,
their
being
suffer'd
to
end
their
Days
in
Misery
and
Want
,
detested
and
despised
by
all
good
Men.
It
is
therefore
,
and
for
many
more
Reasons
,
too
long
to
insert
here
,
that
I
,
as
a
true
English-man
and
your
Friend
,
exhort
you
to
joyn
your
Arms
to
the
Prince
,
for
the
Defence
of
the
Common
Cause
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Liberties
of
your
Country
.
It
is
what
I
am
well
assured
the
major
and
best
part
of
the
Army
,
as
well
as
the
Nation
,
will
do
so
soon
as
convenience
is
offered
.
Prevent
them
in
so
good
an
Action
whilst
it
is
in
your
power
;
and
may
it
appear
,
That
as
the
Kingdom
hath
always
depended
on
the
Navy
for
its
Defence
,
so
you
will
yet
go
further
,
by
making
it
,
as
much
as
in
you
lies
,
the
Protection
of
her
Religion
and
Liberties
;
and
then
you
may
assure
your selves
of
all
Marks
of
Favour
and
Honour
suitable
to
the
Merits
of
so
great
and
glorious
an
Action
.
After
this
I
ought
not
to
add
so
inconsiderable
a
thing
,
as
that
it
will
for
ever
engage
me
to
be
in
a
most
particular
manner
,
Your
faithful
Friend
,
and
humble
Servant
,
AR.
HERBERT
.
Aboard
the
Leyden
in
the
Gooree
.
Lord
Delamear
's
Speech
.
THE
occasion
of
this
,
is
to
give
you
my
Thoughts
upon
the
present
Conjuncture
,
which
concerns
not
only
you
,
but
every
Protestant
,
and
Free-born
Man
of
England
,
I
am
confident
,
that
wishes
well
to
the
Protestant
Religion
and
his
Country
;
and
I
am
perswaded
that
every
Man
of
you
thinks
both
in
danger
,
and
now
to
lie
at
stake
.
I
am
also
perswaded
,
that
every
Man
of
you
will
rejoyce
to
see
Religion
and
Property
settled
;
if
so
,
then
I
am
not
mistaken
in
my
Conjectures
concerning
you
.
Can
you
ever
hope
for
a
better
Occasion
to
root
out
POPERY
and
SLAVERY
,
than
by
joining
with
the
P.
of
O.
whose
Proposals
contain
and
speak
the
Desires
of
every
Man
that
loves
his
Religion
and
Liberty
?
And
in
saying
this
,
I
will
invite
you
to
nothing
but
what
I
will
do
my self
;
and
I
will
not
desire
any
of
you
to
go
any
further
than
I
will
move
my self
;
neither
will
I
put
you
upon
any
Danger
where
I
will
not
take
share
in
it
.
I
propose
this
to
you
,
not
as
you
are
my
Tenants
,
but
as
my
Friends
,
and
as
you
are
Englishmen
.
No
Man
can
love
Fighting
for
its
own
sake
,
nor
find
any
pleasure
in
danger
.
And
you
may
imagine
,
I
would
be
very
glad
to
spend
the
rest
of
my
days
in
peace
,
I
having
had
so
great
a
share
in
Troubles
;
but
I
see
all
lies
at
stake
,
I
am
to
chuse
whether
I
will
be
a
Slave
and
a
Papist
,
or
a
Protestant
and
a
Free
man
;
and
therefore
the
Case
being
thus
,
I
shall
think
my self
false
to
my
Country
,
if
I
sit
still
at
this
time
.
I
am
of
Opinion
,
that
when
the
Nation
is
Deliver'd
,
it
must
be
by
Force
or
by
Miracle
:
It
would
be
too
great
a
presumption
to
expect
the
latter
,
and
therefore
our
Deliverance
must
be
by
Force
,
and
I
hope
this
is
the
Time
for
it
;
a
Price
is
now
put
into
our
Hands
,
and
if
it
miscarry
for
want
of
Assistance
,
our
Blood
is
upon
our
own
Heads
;
and
he
that
is
passive
at
this
Time
,
may
very
well
expect
that
God
will
mock
when
the
Fear
of
Affliction
comes
upon
him
,
which
he
thought
to
avoid
by
being
indifferent
.
If
the
King
prevails
,
farewel
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
which
has
hitherto
been
allowed
,
not
for
the
sake
of
the
Protestants
,
but
in
order
to
settle
Popery
.
You
may
see
what
to
expect
if
he
get
the
better
;
and
he
hath
lately
given
you
,
of
this
Town
,
a
taste
of
the
Method
,
whereby
he
will
maintain
his
Army
.
And
you
may
see
of
what
sort
of
People
he
intends
his
Army
to
consist
;
and
if
you
have
not
a
mind
to
serve
such
Masters
,
then
stand
not
by
and
see
your
Country-men
perish
,
when
they
are
endeavouring
to
defend
you
.
I
promise
this
on
my
Word
and
Honour
,
to
every
Tenant
that
goes
along
with
me
,
That
if
he
fall
,
I
will
make
his
Lease
〈◊〉
good
to
his
Family
,
as
it
was
when
he
went
from
home
.
The
thing
then
which
●●se
●esire
,
and
your
Country
does
expect
from
you
,
is
this
,
That
every
Man
that
hath
a
to●rable
Horse
,
or
can
procure
one
,
will
meet
me
on
Boden-Downs
to
morrow
,
where
I
Rendezvouz
:
But
if
any
of
you
is
rendred
unable
by
reason
of
Age
,
or
any
other
just
Excuse
,
then
that
he
would
mount
a
fitter
person
,
and
put
five
Pounds
in
his
Pocket
.
Those
that
have
not
,
nor
cannot
procure
Horse
,
let
them
stay
at
home
and
assist
with
their
Purses
,
and
send
it
to
me
with
a
particular
of
every
Mans
Contribution
.
I
impose
on
no
Man
,
but
let
him
lay
his
Hand
on
his
Heart
,
and
consider
what
he
is
willing
to
give
to
recover
his
Religion
and
Liberty
;
and
to
such
I
promise
,
and
to
all
that
go
along
with
〈…〉
if
we
prevail
,
I
will
be
as
industrious
to
have
him
recompensed
for
his
Charge
and
●●azard
,
as
I
will
be
to
seek
it
for
my self
.
This
Advice
I
give
to
all
that
stay
behind
,
That
when
you
hear
the
Papists
have
committed
any
Out-rage
,
or
any
Rising
,
that
you
will
get
together
;
for
it
is
better
to
meet
your
danger
than
expect
it
.
I
have
no
more
to
say
,
but
that
I
am
willing
to
lose
my
Life
in
the
Cause
,
if
God
see
it
good
,
for
I
was
never
unwilling
to
die
for
my
Religion
and
Country
.
An
Engagement
of
the
Noblemen
,
Knights
and
Gentlemen
at
Exeter
,
to
Assist
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
in
the
Defence
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
People
of
England
,
Scotland
and
Ireland
.
WE
do
engage
to
Almighty
God
,
and
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
and
with
one
another
,
to
stick
firm
to
this
Cause
,
and
to
one
another
in
the
Defence
of
it
,
and
never
to
depart
from
it
,
until
our
Religion
,
Laws
,
and
Liberties
are
so
far
secured
to
us
in
a
Free-Parliament
,
that
we
shall
be
no
more
in
danger
of
falling
under
Popery
and
Slavery
.
And
whereas
we
are
engaged
in
the
Common
Cause
under
the
Protection
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
by
which
means
his
Person
may
be
exposed
to
Danger
,
and
to
the
desperate
and
cursed
Designs
of
Papists
,
and
other
bloody
Men
,
we
do
therefore
solemnly
engage
to
God
and
to
one
another
,
That
if
any
such
Attempts
be
made
upon
him
,
we
will
pursue
not
only
those
that
made
them
,
but
all
their
Adherents
,
and
all
we
find
in
Arms
against
us
,
with
the
utmost
Severity
of
just
Revenge
in
their
Ruin
and
Destruction
;
and
that
the
executing
any
such
Attempt
(
which
God
of
his
Infinite
Mercy
forbid
)
shall
not
deprive
us
from
pursuing
this
Cause
which
we
do
now
undertake
,
but
that
it
shall
encourage
us
to
carry
it
on
with
all
the
Vigour
that
so
Barbarous
Approach
shall
deserve
.
The
Declaration
of
the
Nobility
,
Gentry
,
and
Commonalty
at
the
Rendezvouz
at
Nottingham
,
Nov.
22.
1688.
WE
the
Nobility
,
Gentry
,
and
Commonalty
of
these
Northern
Counties
assembled
together
at
Nottingham
,
for
the
Defence
of
the
Laws
,
Religion
,
and
Properties
,
according
to
those
free-born
Liberties
and
Priviledges
,
descended
to
us
from
our
Ancestors
,
as
the
undoubted
Birth-right
of
the
Subjects
of
this
Kingdom
of
England
,
(
not
doubting
but
the
Infringers
and
Invaders
of
our
Rights
will
represent
us
to
the
rest
of
the
Nation
in
the
most
malicious
dress
they
can
put
upon
us
)
do
here
unanimously
think
it
our
Duty
to
declare
to
the
rest
of
our
Protestant
Fellow-Subjects
,
the
Grounds
of
our
present
Undertaking
.
We
are
by
innumerable
Grievances
made
sensible
,
that
the
very
Fundamentals
of
our
Religion
,
Liberties
and
Properties
,
are
about
to
be
rooted
out
by
our
late
Jesuitical
Privy
Council
,
as
hath
been
of
late
too
apparent
.
1.
By
the
King's
dispensing
with
all
the
Establish'd
Laws
at
his
pleasure
.
2.
By
displacing
all
Officers
out
of
all
Offices
of
Trust
and
Advantage
,
and
placing
others
in
their
room
that
are
known
Papists
,
deservedly
made
incapable
by
the
Establish'd
Laws
of
our
Land
.
3.
By
destroying
the
Charters
of
most
Corporations
in
the
Land
.
4.
By
discouraging
all
Persons
that
are
not
Papists
,
preferring
such
as
turn
to
Popery
.
5.
By
displacing
all
honest
and
conscientious
Judges
,
unless
they
would
,
●●ntrary
to
their
Consciences
,
declare
that
to
be
Law
which
was
meerly
arbitrary
.
〈…〉
By
branding
all
Men
with
the
name
of
Rebels
,
that
but
offered
to
justifie
the
Law
〈…〉
a
legal
course
against
the
arbitrary
proceedings
of
the
King
,
or
any
of
his
corrupt
Ministers
.
7.
By
burthening
the
Nation
with
an
Army
,
to
maintain
the
Violation
of
the
Rights
of
the
Subjects
.
8.
By
discountenancing
the
Establish'd
Reformed
Religion
.
9.
By
forbidding
the
Subjects
the
benefit
of
Petitioning
,
and
const●●ing
them
Libellers
;
so
rendring
the
Laws
a
Nose
of
Wax
,
to
serve
their
Arbitrary
〈…〉
And
many
more
such-like
,
too
long
here
to
enumerate
.
We
being
thus
made
sadly
sensible
o●
he
Arbitrary
and
Tyrannical
Government
that
is
by
the
Influence
of
Jesuitical
Counsels
coming
upon
us
,
do
unanimously
declare
,
That
not
being
willing
to
deliver
our
Posterity
over
to
such
a
Condition
of
Popery
and
Slavery
,
as
the
aforesaid
Oppressions
inevitably
threaten
;
we
will
,
to
the
utmost
of
our
power
,
oppose
the
same
,
by
joining
with
the
Prince
of
Orange
(
whom
we
hope
God
Almighty
hath
sent
to
rescue
us
from
the
Oppressions
aforesaid
)
will
use
our
utmost
Endeavours
for
the
recovery
of
our
almost
ruin'd
Laws
,
Liberties
and
Religion
:
And
herein
we
hope
all
good
Protestant
Subjects
will
with
their
Lives
and
Fortunes
be
assistant
to
us
,
and
not
be
bugbear'd
with
the
opprobrious
Terms
of
Rebels
,
by
which
they
would
fright
us
,
to
become
perfect
Slaves
to
their
Tyrannical
Insolences
and
Usurpations
;
for
we
assure
our selves
,
that
no
rational
and
unbyassed
Person
will
judge
it
Rebellion
to
defend
our
Laws
and
Religion
,
which
all
our
Princes
have
sworn
at
their
Coronations
:
Which
Oath
,
how
well
it
hath
been
observed
of
late
,
we
desire
a
Free
Parliament
may
have
the
Consideration
of
.
We
own
it
Rebellion
to
resist
a
King
that
governs
by
Law
,
but
he
was
always
accounted
a
Tyrant
that
made
his
Will
his
Law
,
and
to
resist
such
an
one
we
justly
esteem
no
Rebellion
,
but
a
necessary
Defence
:
And
in
this
Consideration
we
doubt
not
of
all
Honest
Mens
Assistance
,
and
humbly
hope
for
,
and
implore
the
great
Gods
Protection
,
that
turneth
the
Hearts
of
People
as
pleaseth
him
best
;
it
having
been
observed
,
That
People
can
never
be
of
one
Mind
without
his
Inspiration
,
which
hath
in
all
Ages
confirmed
that
Observation
,
Vox
Populi
est
Vox
Dei
.
The
present
restoring
of
Charters
,
and
reversing
the
oppressing
and
unjust
Judgment
given
on
Magdalen
Colledg
Fellows
,
is
plain
,
are
but
to
still
the
People
,
like
Plums
to
Children
,
by
deceiving
them
for
a
while
;
but
if
they
shall
by
this
Stratagem
be
fooled
,
till
this
present
Storm
that
threatens
the
Papists
,
be
past
,
as
soon
as
they
shall
be
resetled
,
the
former
Oppression
will
be
put
on
with
greater
vigour
:
But
we
hope
in
vain
is
the
Net
spread
in
the
sight
of
the
Birds
;
For
(
1.
)
the
Papists
old
Rule
is
,
That
Faith
is
not
to
be
kept
with
Hereticks
,
as
they
term
Protestants
,
tho
the
Popish
Religion
is
the
greatest
Heresie
.
And
(
2.
)
Queen
Mary's
so
ill
observing
her
Promises
to
the
Suffolk-men
that
help'd
her
to
the
Throne
.
And
above
all
,
(
3.
)
the
Popes
dispensing
with
the
breach
of
Oaths
,
Treaties
,
or
Promises
,
at
his
pleasure
,
when
it
makes
for
the
service
of
Holy
Church
,
as
they
term
it
.
These
,
we
say
,
are
such
convincing
Reasons
to
hinder
us
from
giving
Credit
to
the
aforesaid
Mock-Shews
of
Redress
,
that
we
think
our selves
bound
in
Conscience
to
rest
on
no
Security
that
shall
not
be
approved
by
a
Freely
Elected
Parliament
,
to
whom
,
under
God
,
we
refer
our
Cause
.
His
Grace
the
Duke
of
Norfolk
's
Speech
to
the
Mayor
of
Norwich
,
on
the
First
of
December
,
in
the
Market-place
of
Norwich
.
Mr.
Mayor
,
NOT
doubting
but
you
and
the
rest
of
your
Body
,
as
well
as
the
whole
City
and
Country
,
may
be
Alarmed
by
the
great
Concourse
of
Gentry
,
with
the
numerous
Appearance
of
their
Friends
and
Servants
,
as
well
as
of
your
own
Militia
,
here
this
Morning
,
I
have
thought
this
the
most
proper
place
,
as
being
the
most
publick
one
,
to
give
you
an
Account
of
our
Intentions
.
Out
of
the
deep
sense
we
had
that
in
the
present
unhappy
Juncture
of
Affairs
,
nothing
we
could
think
of
was
possible
to
secure
the
Laws
,
Liberties
,
and
Protestant
Religion
,
but
a
Free
Parliament
;
WE
ARE
HERE
MET
TO
DECLARE
,
That
we
will
do
our
utmost
to
defend
the
same
,
by
declaring
for
such
a
Free
Parliament
.
And
since
His
Majesty
hath
been
pleased
(
by
the
News
we
hear
this
day
)
to
order
Writs
for
a
Parliament
to
sit
the
Fifteenth
of
January
next
,
I
can
only
add
,
in
the
name
of
my Self
and
all
these
Gentlemen
,
and
others
here
met
,
That
we
will
ever
be
ready
to
support
and
defend
the
Laws
,
Liberties
,
and
Protestant
Religion
.
And
so
GOD
SAVE
THE
KING
.
To
this
the
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Corporation
,
and
a
numerous
Assembly
,
did
concur
with
his
Grace
and
the
rest
of
the
Gentry
.
His
Grace
at
his
lighting
from
his
Horse
,
perceiving
great
numbers
of
Common
People
gathering
together
,
called
them
to
him
,
and
told
them
,
He
desired
they
would
not
take
any
occasion
to
commit
any
Disorder
or
Outrage
,
but
go
quietly
to
their
Homes
;
and
acquainted
them
that
the
King
had
ordered
a
Free
Parliament
to
be
called
.
The
Speech
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
to
some
Principal
Gentlemen
of
Somersetshire
and
Dorsetshire
,
on
their
coming
to
joyn
his
Highness
at
Exeter
the
15th
of
Nov.
1688.
THO
we
know
not
all
your
Persons
,
yet
we
have
a
Catalogue
of
your
Names
,
and
remember
the
Character
of
your
Worth
and
Interest
in
your
Country
.
You
see
we
are
come
according
to
your
Invitation
and
our
Promise
.
Our
Duty
to
God
obliges
us
to
protect
the
Protestant
Religion
;
and
our
Love
to
Mankind
,
your
Liberties
and
Properties
.
We
expected
you
that
dwelt
so
near
the
place
of
our
Landing
,
would
have
joyn'd
us
sooner
,
not
that
it
is
now
too
late
,
nor
that
we
want
your
Military
Assistance
so
much
as
your
Countenance
and
Presence
,
to
justifie
our
declar'd
Pretensions
,
rather
than
accomplish
our
good
and
gracious
Designs
.
Tho
we
have
brought
both
a
good
Fleet
,
and
a
good
Army
,
to
render
these
Kingdoms
happy
,
by
rescuing
all
Protestants
from
Popery
,
Slavery
,
and
Arbitrary
Power
;
by
restoring
them
to
their
Rights
and
Properties
established
by
Law
,
and
by
promoting
of
Peace
and
Trade
,
which
is
the
Soul
of
Government
,
and
the
very
Life-Blood
of
a
Nation
;
yet
we
rely
more
on
the
goodness
of
God
and
the
Justice
of
our
Cause
,
than
on
any
Humane
Force
and
Power
whatever
.
Yet
since
God
is
pleased
we
shall
make
use
of
Human
Means
,
and
not
expect
Miracles
,
for
our
Preservation
and
Happiness
;
let
us
not
neglect
making
use
of
this
gracious
Opportunity
,
but
with
Prudence
and
Courage
put
in
Execution
our
so
honourable
Purposes
.
Therefore
,
Gentlemen
,
Friends
and
Fellow-Protestants
,
we
bid
you
and
all
your
Followers
most
heartily
Welcom
to
our
Court
and
Camp
.
Let
the
whole
World
now
judg
,
if
our
Pretensions
are
not
Just
,
Generous
,
Sincere
and
above
Price
;
since
we
might
have
even
a
Bridge
of
Gold
to
return
back
:
But
it
is
our
Principle
and
Resolution
,
rather
to
die
in
a
good
Cause
,
than
live
in
a
bad
One
,
well
knowing
that
Vertue
and
True
Honour
is
its
own
Reward
,
and
the
Happiness
of
Mankind
Our
Great
and
Only
Design
The
true
Copy
of
a
Paper
delivered
by
the
Lord
Devonshire
,
to
the
Mayor
of
Darby
,
where
he
quarter'd
the
one
and
twentieth
of
November
,
1688.
WE
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
of
the
Northern
parts
of
England
,
being
deeply
sensible
of
the
Calamities
that
threaten
these
Kingdoms
,
do
think
it
our
Duty
,
as
Christians
and
good
Subjects
,
to
endeavour
what
in
us
lies
,
the
Healing
of
our
present
Distractions
,
and
preventing
greater
:
And
as
with
grief
we
apprehend
the
said
Consequences
that
may
arise
from
the
Landing
of
an
Army
in
this
Kingdom
from
Foreign
parts
;
So
we
cannot
but
deplore
the
Occasion
given
for
it
,
by
so
many
Invasions
,
made
of
late
Years
,
on
our
Religion
and
Laws
.
And
whereas
we
cannot
think
of
any
other
Expedient
to
compose
our
Differences
,
and
prevent
Effusion
of
Blood
,
than
that
which
procured
a
Settlement
in
these
Kingdoms
,
after
the
late
Civil
Wars
,
the
Meeting
and
Sitting
of
a
Parliament
,
freely
and
duly
Chosen
,
we
think
our selves
obliged
(
as
far
as
in
us
lies
)
to
promote
it
;
And
the
rather
,
because
the
Prince
of
Orange
(
as
appears
by
his
Declaration
)
is
willing
to
submit
his
own
Pretensions
,
and
all
other
Matters
,
to
their
Determination
:
We
heartily
Wish
,
and
humbly
Pray
,
That
His
Majesty
would
Consent
to
this
Expedient
,
in
order
to
a
future
Settlement
;
And
hope
that
such
a
Temperament
may
be
thought
of
,
as
that
the
Army
now
on
Foot
,
may
not
give
any
Interruption
to
the
proceeding
of
a
Parliament
.
But
if
to
the
great
Misfortune
and
Ruin
of
these
Kingdoms
,
it
should
prove
otherwise
,
we
further
declare
,
That
we
will
,
to
our
utmost
,
defend
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
the
Rights
and
Liberties
of
the
Subject
.
A
Letter
from
a
Gentleman
at
King's-Lynn
,
December
7.
1688.
To
his
Friend
in
London
.
Sir
,
THE
Duke
of
Norfolk
came
to
Town
on
Wednesday
Night
,
with
many
of
the
chiefest
of
the
County
;
and
yesterday
in
the
Market-place
received
the
Address
following
,
which
was
presented
by
the
Mayor
,
attended
by
the
Body
,
and
many
hundreds
of
the
Inhabitants
.
To
his
Grace
the
most
Noble
Henry
Duke
of
Norfolk
,
Lord
Marshal
of
England
.
My
Lord
,
THE
daily
Allarms
we
receive
,
as
well
from
Foreign
as
Domestick
Enemies
,
give
us
just
Apprehensions
of
the
approaching
Danger
which
we
conceive
we
are
in
;
and
to
apply
with
all
earnestness
to
your
Grace
as
your
great
Patron
,
in
all
humble
Confidence
to
succeed
in
our
Expectations
,
That
we
may
be
put
into
such
a
posture
by
your
Grace's
Directions
and
Conduct
,
as
may
make
us
appear
as
zealous
as
any
in
the
Defence
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
Laws
and
Ancient
Government
of
this
Kingdom
.
Being
the
desire
of
many
hundreds
,
who
must
humbly
callenge
a
Right
of
your
Grace's
Protection
.
His
Grace's
Answer
.
Mr.
Mayor
,
I
Am
very
much
obliged
to
you
,
and
the
rest
of
your
Body
,
and
those
here
present
,
for
your
good
Opinion
of
me
;
and
the
Confidence
you
have
,
that
I
will
do
what
in
me
lies
to
support
and
defend
the
Laws
,
Liberties
,
and
Protestant
Religion
,
in
which
I
will
never
deceive
you
.
And
since
the
coming
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
hath
given
us
an
opportunity
to
declare
for
the
defence
of
them
;
I
can
only
assure
you
,
that
no
Man
will
venture
his
Life
and
Fortune
more
freely
for
the
Defence
of
the
Laws
,
Liberties
,
and
Protestant
Religion
,
than
I
will
do
;
and
with
all
these
Gentlemen
here
present
,
and
many
more
,
will
unanimously
concur
therein
;
and
you
shall
see
that
all
possible
Care
shall
be
taken
,
that
such
a
Defence
shall
be
made
as
you
require
.
AFter
which
the
Duke
was
,
with
his
Retinue
,
received
at
the
Mayor's
House
at
Dinner
,
with
great
Acclamations
;
and
his
Proceedings
therein
have
put
our
County
into
a
Condition
of
Defence
,
of
which
you
shall
hear
further
in
a
little
time
,
our
Militia
being
ordered
to
be
raised
throughout
the
County
.
Our
Tradesmen
,
Seamen
,
and
Mobile
,
have
this
morning
generally
put
Orange
Ribbon
on
their
Hats
,
Ecchoing
Huzza's
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
and
Duke
of
Norfolk
.
All
are
in
a
hot
Ferment
:
God
send
us
a
good
Issue
of
it
.
Lynn-Regis
,
Decemb.
10.
1688.
Sir
,
BY
mine
of
the
7th
Instant
,
I
gave
you
an
Account
of
the
Address
of
this
Corporation
to
his
Grace
the
Duke
of
Norfolk
,
and
of
his
Grace's
Answer
thereto
.
Since
which
his
Grace
has
sent
for
the
Militia
Troops
,
and
put
them
in
a
posture
of
Defence
,
as
appears
by
the
ensuing
Speech
.
The
Duke
of
Norfolk's
second
Speech
at
Lynn
.
I
Hope
you
see
I
have
endeavoured
to
put
you
in
the
posture
you
desired
,
by
sending
both
for
Horse
and
Foot
of
the
Militia
,
and
am
very
glad
to
see
such
an
Appearance
of
this
Town
in
so
good
a
Condition
.
And
I
do
again
renew
my
former
Assurances
to
you
,
that
I
will
ever
stand
by
you
to
Defend
the
Laws
,
Liberties
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
to
procure
a
Settlement
in
Church
and
State
,
in
concurrence
with
the
Lords
and
Gentlemen
in
the
North
,
and
pursuant
to
the
Declaration
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
.
And
so
God
save
the
King
.
The
Declaration
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
in
and
about
the
Cities
of
London
and
Westminster
,
Assembled
at
Guild-hall
,
Dec.
1688.
WE
doubt
not
but
the
World
believes
that
in
this
great
and
dangerous
Conjuncture
,
we
are
heartily
and
zealously
concerned
for
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
and
the
Liberties
and
Properties
of
the
Subject
.
And
we
did
reasonably
Hope
,
that
the
King
having
Issued
His
Proclamation
and
Writs
for
a
Free
Parliament
,
we
might
have
rested
Secure
under
the
Expectation
of
that
Meeting
:
But
His
Majesty
having
withdrawn
Himself
,
and
,
as
we
apprehend
,
in
order
to
His
Departure
out
of
this
Kingdom
,
by
the
pernicious
Counsels
of
Persons
ill-affected
to
our
Nation
and
Religion
,
we
cannot
,
without
being
wanting
to
our
Duty
,
be
silent
under
those
Calamities
,
wherein
the
Popish
Counsels
,
which
so
long
prevailed
,
have
miserably
Involved
these
Realms
.
We
do
therefore
Unanimously
resolve
to
apply
our Selves
to
His
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
who
with
so
great
Kindness
to
these
Kingdoms
,
so
vast
Expence
,
and
so
much
Hazard
to
his
own
Person
,
hath
Undertaken
,
by
endeavouring
to
procure
a
Free
Parliament
to
rescue
Us
,
with
as
little
Effusion
as
possible
,
of
Christian
Blood
,
from
the
Imminent
Dangers
of
Popery
and
Slavery
.
And
we
do
hereby
Declare
,
That
we
will
,
with
our
utmost
Endeavours
,
assist
his
Highness
in
the
obtaining
such
a
Parliament
with
all
speed
,
wherein
our
Laws
,
our
Liberties
and
Properties
may
be
Secured
,
the
Church
of
England
in
particular
;
with
a
due
Liberty
to
Protestant
Dissenters
,
and
in
general
the
Protestant
Religion
and
Interest
over
the
whole
World
may
be
Supported
and
Encouraged
,
to
the
glory
of
God
,
the
Happiness
of
the
Established
Government
in
these
Kingdoms
,
and
the
Advantage
of
all
Princes
and
States
in
Christendom
that
may
be
herein
concerned
.
In
the
mean
time
,
we
will
endeavour
to
preserve
,
as
much
as
in
us
lies
,
the
Peace
and
Security
of
these
great
and
populous
Cities
of
London
and
Westminster
,
and
the
Parts
adjacent
,
by
taking
care
to
Disarm
all
Papists
,
and
secure
all
Jesuits
and
Romish
Priests
,
who
are
in
our
about
the
same
.
And
if
there
be
any
thing
more
to
be
performed
by
us
,
for
promoting
his
Highness's
generous
Intentions
for
the
Publick
good
,
we
shall
be
ready
to
do
it
as
occasion
shall
require
.
-
W.
Cant.
-
Tho.
Ebor.
-
Pembroke
.
-
Dorset
.
-
Mulgrave
.
-
Thanet
.
-
Carlisle
.
-
Craven
.
-
Ailesbury
.
-
Burlington
.
-
Sussex
.
-
Barkelay
.
-
Rochester
.
-
Newport
.
-
Waymouth
.
-
P.
Winchester
.
-
W.
Asaph
.
-
Fran.
Ely
.
-
Tho.
Roffen
.
-
Tho.
Petriberg
.
-
P.
Wharton
.
-
North
and
Grey
.
-
Chandos
.
-
Montague
.
-
T.
Jermyn
.
-
Vaughan
Carbery
.
-
Culpeper
.
-
Crewe
.
-
Osulston
.
WHereas
His
Majesty
hath
privately
this
Morning
withdrawn
Himself
,
we
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
whose
Names
are
subscribed
,
being
assembled
at
Guild-hall
in
London
,
having
Agreed
upon
,
and
Signed
a
Declaration
,
Entituled
,
The
Declaration
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
in
and
about
the
Cities
of
London
and
Westminster
,
Assembled
at
Guild-hall
,
11.
Decemb.
1688.
Do
desire
the
Right
Honourable
the
Earl
of
Pembroke
,
the
Right
Honourable
the
Lord
Viscount
Weymouth
,
the
Right
Reverend
Father
in
God
the
Lord
Bishop
of
Ely
,
and
the
Right
Honourable
the
Lord
Culpeper
,
forthwith
to
attend
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
with
the
said
Declaration
;
and
at
the
same
time
acquaint
his
Highness
with
what
we
have
further
done
at
that
Meeting
.
Dated
at
Guild-hall
the
11th
of
December
,
1688.
A
Paper
delivered
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
by
the
Commissioners
sent
by
his
Majesty
to
treat
with
him
.
And
his
Highness's
Answer
.
WHereas
on
the
8th
of
December
,
1688.
at
Hungerford
,
a
Paper
signed
by
the
Marquess
of
Hallifax
,
the
Earl
of
Nottingham
,
and
the
Lord
Godolphin
,
Commissioners
sent
unto
us
from
His
Majesty
,
was
delivered
to
Us
in
these
Word
following
,
viz.
Sir
,
THE
King
commanded
us
to
acquaint
You
,
That
he
observeth
all
the
Differences
and
Causes
of
Complaint
alledged
by
Your
Highness
seem
to
be
referred
to
a
Free
Parliament
.
His
Majesty
,
as
He
hath
already
declared
,
was
resolved
before
this
to
call
one
,
but
thought
that
in
the
present
State
of
Affairs
it
was
advisable
to
defer
it
till
things
were
more
compos'd
.
Yet
seeing
that
His
People
still
continue
to
desire
it
;
He
hath
put
forth
His
Proclamation
in
order
to
it
,
and
hath
issued
forth
His
Writs
for
the
calling
of
it
.
And
to
prevent
any
Cause
of
Interruption
in
it
,
He
will
consent
to
every
thing
that
can
be
reasonably
required
for
the
Security
of
all
those
that
shall
come
to
it
.
His
Majesty
hath
therefore
sent
Us
to
attend
Your
Highness
for
the
adjusting
of
all
Matters
that
shall
be
agreed
to
be
necessary
to
the
Freedom
of
Elections
,
and
the
Security
of
Sitting
,
and
is
ready
immediately
to
enter
into
a
Treaty
in
Order
to
it
.
His
Majesty
proposeth
that
in
the
mean
time
the
respective
Armies
may
be
restrained
within
such
Limits
,
and
at
such
a
Distance
from
London
,
as
may
prevent
the
Apprehensions
that
the
Parliament
may
in
any
kind
be
disturbed
,
being
desirous
that
the
Meeting
of
it
may
be
no
longer
delay'd
than
it
must
be
by
the
usual
and
necessary
Forms
.
Hungerford
,
Dec.
8.
88.
Signed
,
Hallifax
,
Nottingham
,
Godolphin
.
We
,
with
the
Advice
of
the
Lords
and
Gentlemen
assembled
with
Vs
,
have
,
in
Answer
to
the
same
,
made
these
following
Proposals
.
I.
THAT
all
Papists
,
and
such
Persons
as
are
not
qualified
by
Law
,
be
Disarmed
,
Disbanded
,
and
Removed
from
all
Employments
,
Civil
and
Military
.
II.
That
all
Proclamations
which
Reflect
upon
Us
,
or
any
that
have
come
to
Us
,
or
declared
for
Us
,
be
recalled
;
and
that
if
any
Persons
for
having
so
assisted
,
have
been
committed
,
that
they
be
forthwith
set
at
Liberty
.
III.
That
for
the
Security
and
Safety
of
the
City
of
London
,
the
Custody
and
Government
of
the
Tower
be
immediately
put
into
the
Hands
of
the
said
City
.
IV.
That
if
His
Majesty
shall
think
fit
to
be
at
London
,
during
the
Sitting
of
the
Parliament
,
that
We
may
be
there
also
,
with
equal
Number
of
our
Guards
.
Or
if
his
Majesty
shall
please
to
be
in
any
place
from
London
,
at
what-ever
distance
he
thinks
fit
,
that
We
may
be
at
a
place
of
the
same
distance
.
And
that
the
respective
Armies
do
remove
from
London
Thirty
Miles
,
and
that
no
more
Foreign
Forces
be
brought
into
the
Kingdom
.
V.
That
for
the
Security
of
the
City
of
London
and
their
Trade
,
Tilbury
Fort
be
put
into
the
Hands
of
the
said
City
.
VI.
That
to
prevent
the
Landing
of
French
,
or
other
Foreign
Troops
,
Portsmouth
may
be
put
into
such
Hands
,
as
by
Your
Majesty
and
Us
shall
be
agreed
upon
.
VII
.
That
some
sufficient
part
of
the
Publick
Revenue
be
Assigned
Us
,
for
the
Maintaining
of
our
Forces
,
until
the
Meeting
of
a
Free
Parliament
.
Given
at
Littlecott
,
the
Ninth
of
December
,
1688.
W.
H.
Prince
of
Orange
.
The
Speech
of
the
Recorder
of
Bristol
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
Monday
,
January
the
7th
1688.
The
Mayor
,
Recorder
,
Aldermen
,
and
Commons
of
the
Principal
Citizens
of
the
City
of
Bristol
,
waited
upon
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
being
introduced
by
his
Grace
the
Duke
of
Ormond
,
their
High-Steward
,
and
the
Earl
of
Shrewsbury
:
Where
the
Recorder
spake
to
this
Effect
.
May
it
please
your
Highness
,
THE
Restitution
of
our
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
,
and
the
Freeing
us
from
that
Thraldom
which
hath
rendred
us
for
many
Years
useless
,
and
at
last
dangerous
to
the
Common
Interest
of
the
Protestant
World
,
by
your
Highness's
singular
Wisdom
,
Courage
and
Conduct
,
are
not
only
a
Stupendious
Evidence
of
the
Divine
Favour
and
Providence
for
our
Preservation
;
but
will
be
,
and
ought
to
be
an
Everlasting
Monument
of
your
Highness's
Magnanimity
,
and
other
the
Heroick
Vertues
which
Adorn
your
great
Soul
,
by
whom
such
a
Revolution
is
wrought
in
this
Nation
,
as
is
become
the
Joy
and
Comfort
of
the
Present
,
and
will
be
the
Wonder
of
all
Succeeding
Ages
.
In
the
Contrivance
and
Preparation
of
which
great
Work
,
your
Highness
(
like
the
Heavens
)
did
shed
your
propitious
Influences
upon
us
,
whilst
we
slept
,
and
had
scarce
any
prospect
from
whence
we
might
expect
our
Redemption
.
But
as
since
your
happy
Arrival
in
England
,
we
did
among
the
first
,
Associate
our selves
to
assist
and
promote
your
Highness's
most
glorious
Design
,
with
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
;
so
we
now
think
our selves
bound
in
the
highest
Obligation
of
Gratitude
,
most
humbly
to
present
to
your
Highness
our
humble
and
hearty
Thanks
,
for
this
our
Deliverance
from
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
;
and
likewise
,
for
declaring
your
gracious
Intentions
,
That
by
the
Advice
of
the
Estates
of
this
Kingdom
,
you
will
rectifie
the
late
Disorders
in
the
Government
,
both
Ecclesiastical
and
Civil
,
according
to
the
known
Laws
.
The
due
and
inviolable
Observation
of
which
,
will
in
our
poor
Opinion
,
be
the
only
proper
Means
to
render
the
Soveraign
Secure
,
and
both
Soveraign
and
Subject
happy
.
To
which
his
Highness
returned
a
most
Gracious
Answer
.
By
the
Commissioners
of
Lieutenancy
for
the
said
City
.
Guild-hall
,
London
.
December
the
11th
.
1688.
Ordered
,
THat
Sir
Robert
Clayton
,
Kt.
Sir
William
Russel
,
Kt.
Sir
Basil
Firebrass
Kt.
and
Charles
Duncomb
,
Esq
be
a
Committee
from
the
said
Lieutenancy
to
Attend
his
Royal
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
and
present
to
his
Highness
the
Address
agreed
by
the
Lieutenancy
for
that
purpose
:
And
that
they
begin
their
Journey
to
Morrow
Morning
.
By
the
Commissioners
Command
,
Geo.
Evans
,
Cl.
Lieu.
London
.
To
His
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
.
The
Humble
Address
of
the
Lieutenancy
of
the
City
of
London
.
May
it
please
Your
Highness
,
WE
can
never
sufficiently
express
the
deep
Sense
we
have
conceived
,
and
shall
ever
retain
in
our
Hearts
,
That
Your
Highness
has
exposed
Your
Person
to
so
many
Dangers
,
both
by
Sea
and
Land
,
for
the
Preservation
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
this
Kingdom
;
without
which
unparallel'd
Undertaking
we
must
probably
have
suffered
all
the
Miseries
that
Popery
and
Slavery
could
have
brought
upon
us
.
We
have
been
greatly
concerned
,
that
before
this
time
we
have
not
had
any
seasonable
Opportunity
to
give
Your
Highness
and
the
World
a
real
Testimony
,
that
it
has
been
our
firm
Resolution
to
venture
all
that
is
Dear
to
Us
to
attain
those
glorious
Ends
which
Your
Highness
has
proposed
for
restoring
and
settling
these
Distracted
Nations
.
We
therefore
now
unanimously
present
to
Your
Highness
our
just
and
due
Acknowledgments
for
the
happy
Relief
You
have
brought
to
us
;
and
that
we
may
not
be
wanting
in
this
present
Conjuncture
,
we
have
put
our selves
into
such
a
Posture
,
that
(
by
the
Blessing
of
God
)
we
may
be
capable
to
prevent
all
ill
Designs
,
and
to
preserve
this
City
in
Peace
and
Safety
till
your
Highness's
Happy
Arrival
.
We
therefore
humbly
desire
that
your
Highness
will
please
to
repair
to
this
City
with
what
convenient
speed
you
can
,
for
the
perfecting
the
great
Work
which
Your
Highness
has
so
happily
begun
,
to
the
general
Joy
and
Satisfaction
of
us
all
.
December
the
17th
1688.
THE
said
Committee
this
day
made
Report
to
the
Lieutenancy
,
that
they
had
presented
the
said
Address
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
and
that
His
Highness
received
them
very
kindly
.
December
the
17th
.
1688.
By
the
Lieutenancy
.
Ordered
,
That
the
said
Order
and
Address
be
forwith
Printed
.
Geo.
Evans
.
To
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
:
The
Humble
Address
of
the
Lord
Mayor
,
Aldermen
and
Commons
of
the
City
of
London
,
in
Common
Council
assembled
.
May
it
please
Your
Highness
,
WE
taking
into
Consideration
your
Highness's
fervent
Zeal
for
the
Protestant
Religion
,
manifested
to
the
World
,
in
your
many
and
hazardous
Enterprizes
,
which
it
hath
pleased
Almighty
God
to
bless
You
with
miraculous
Success
.
We
render
our
deepest
Thanks
to
the
Divine
Majesty
for
the
same
;
And
beg
leave
to
present
our
most
humble
Thanks
to
your
Highness
,
particularly
for
your
appearing
in
Arms
in
this
Kingdom
,
to
carry
on
and
perfect
your
glorious
Design
,
to
rescue
England
,
Scotland
and
Ireland
from
Slavery
and
Popery
,
and
in
a
Free
Parliament
to
establish
the
Religion
,
the
Laws
,
and
the
Liberties
of
these
Kingdoms
upon
a
sure
and
lasting
Foundation
.
We
have
hitherto
look'd
for
some
Remedy
for
these
Oppressions
and
Imminent
Dangers
:
We
,
together
with
our
Protestant
Fellow-Subjects
,
laboured
under
,
from
His
Majesty's
Concessions
and
Concurrences
with
Your
Highness's
Just
and
Pious
purposes
,
expressed
in
Your
gracious
Declaration
.
But
herein
finding
Our Selves
finally
disappointed
by
his
Majesty's
withdrawing
Himself
,
We
presume
to
make
Your
Highness
Our
Refuge
:
And
do
in
the
Name
of
this
Capital
CITY
,
implore
Your
Highness's
Protection
;
and
most
humbly
beseech
Your
Highness
to
vouchsafe
to
repair
to
this
CITY
,
where
Your
Highness
will
be
received
with
Universal
Joy
and
Satisfaction
.
The
Speech
of
Sir
George
Treby
,
Kt.
Recorder
of
the
Honourable
City
of
London
,
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
Dec.
20.
1688.
May
it
please
your
Highness
,
THE
Lord
Mayor
being
disabled
by
Sickness
,
your
Highness
is
attended
by
the
Aldermen
and
Commons
of
the
Capital
City
of
this
Kingdom
,
deputed
to
Congratulate
your
Highness
upon
this
great
and
glorious
Occasion
.
In
which
,
labouring
for
Words
,
we
cannot
but
come
short
in
Expression
.
Reviewing
our
late
Danger
,
we
remember
our
Church
and
State
,
over-run
by
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
,
and
brought
to
the
Point
of
Destruction
,
by
the
Conduct
of
Men
(
that
were
our
true
Invaders
)
that
brake
the
Sacred
Fences
of
our
Laws
,
and
(
which
was
worst
)
the
very
Constitution
of
our
Legislature
.
So
that
there
was
no
Remedy
left
but
the
Last
.
The
only
Person
,
under
Heaven
,
that
could
apply
this
Remedy
,
was
Your
Highness
.
You
are
of
a
Nation
,
whose
Alliances
in
all
Times
,
has
been
agreeable
and
prosperous
to
us
.
You
are
of
a
Family
most
Illustrious
,
Benefactors
to
Mankind
.
To
have
the
Title
of
Soveraign
Prince
,
Stadtholder
,
and
to
have
worn
the
Imperial
Crown
,
are
among
their
lesser
Dignities
.
They
have
long
enjoyed
a
Dignity
singular
and
transcendent
,
viz.
To
be
Champions
of
Almighty
God
,
sent
forth
in
several
Ages
,
to
vindicate
his
Cause
against
the
greatest
Oppressions
.
To
this
Divine
Commission
,
our
Nobles
,
our
Gentry
,
and
among
them
our
brave
English
Soldiers
,
rendred
themselves
and
their
Arms
upon
your
appearing
.
GREAT
SIR
,
When
we
look
back
to
the
last
Month
,
and
contemplate
the
Swiftness
and
Fulness
of
our
present
Deliverance
,
astonish'd
,
we
think
it
miraculous
.
Your
Highness
,
led
by
the
Hand
of
Heaven
,
and
called
by
the
Voice
of
the
People
,
has
preserved
our
dearest
Interests
.
The
Protestant
Religion
,
which
is
Primitive
Christianity
restor'd
.
Our
Laws
,
which
are
our
ancient
Title
to
our
Lives
,
Liberties
and
Estates
,
and
without
which
this
World
were
a
Wilderness
.
But
what
Retribution
can
We
make
to
your
Highness
?
Our
Thoughts
are
full-charged
with
Gratitude
.
Your
Highness
has
a
lasting
Monument
in
the
Hearts
,
in
the
Prayers
,
in
the
Praises
of
all
good
Men
among
us
.
And
late
Posterity
will
celebrate
your
ever-glorious
Name
,
till
Time
shall
be
no
more
.
Chapman
,
Mayor
.
Cur'
special'
tent'
die
Jovis
xx
.
die
Decemb
'
1688.
Annoque
RR.
Jacobi
Secundi
Angl
'
&c.
quarto
.
THIS
Court
doth
desire
Mr.
Recorder
to
print
his
Speech
this
day
made
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
at
the
time
of
this
Court
's
attending
his
Highness
with
the
Deputies
of
the
several
Wards
,
and
other
Members
of
the
Common
Council
.
Wagstaffe
.
His
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange's
Speech
to
the
Scots
Lords
and
Gentlemen
.
With
their
Advice
,
and
his
Highness's
Answer
.
With
a
true
Account
of
what
past
at
their
Meeting
in
the
Council-Chamber
at
Whitehall
,
January
7th
.
168●
.
His
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
having
caused
Advertise
such
of
the
Scots
Lords
and
Gentlemen
as
were
in
Town
,
met
them
in
a
Room
at
St.
James's
,
upon
Monday
the
Seventh
of
January
,
at
Three
of
the
Clock
in
the
Afternoon
,
and
had
this
Speech
to
them
.
My
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
THE
only
Reason
that
induced
me
to
undergo
so
great
an
Vndertaking
,
was
,
That
I
saw
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
these
Kingdoms
overturned
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
in
Imminent
Danger
:
And
seeing
you
are
here
so
many
Noblemen
and
Gentlemen
,
I
have
called
you
together
,
that
I
may
have
your
Advice
,
what
is
to
be
done
for
Securing
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
Restoring
your
Laws
and
Liberties
,
according
to
my
Declaration
.
As
soon
as
his
Highness
had
retired
,
the
Lords
and
Gentlemen
went
to
the
Council-Chamber
at
Whitehall
;
and
having
chosen
the
Duke
of
Hamilton
their
President
,
they
fell
a
consulting
,
what
Advice
was
fit
to
be
given
to
his
Highness
in
this
Conjuncture
:
And
after
some
hours
Reasoning
,
they
agreed
upon
the
Materials
of
it
,
and
appointed
the
Clerks
,
with
such
as
were
to
assist
them
,
to
draw
up
in
Writing
,
what
the
Meeting
thought
expedient
,
to
advise
his
Highness
,
and
to
bring
it
in
to
the
Meeting
the
next
in
the
Afternoon
.
Tuesday
,
the
Eighth
Instant
,
the
Writing
was
presented
in
the
Meeting
:
And
some
time
being
spent
in
Reasoning
about
the
fittest
way
of
Coveening
a
General
Meeting
of
the
Estates
of
Scotland
.
At
last
the
Meeting
came
to
agree
in
their
Opinion
,
and
appointed
the
Advice
to
be
writ
clean
over
,
according
to
the
Amendments
.
But
as
they
were
about
to
part
for
that
Dyet
,
the
Earl
of
Arran
proposed
to
them
,
as
his
Lordship's
Advice
,
that
they
should
move
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
to
desire
the
King
to
return
and
call
a
Free
Parliament
,
which
would
be
the
best
way
to
secure
the
Protestant
Religion
and
Property
,
and
to
heal
all
Breaches
.
This
Proposal
seemed
to
dissatisfie
the
whole
Meeting
,
and
the
Duke
of
Hamilton
their
President
,
Father
to
the
Earl
;
but
they
presently
parted
.
Wednesday
,
the
Ninth
of
January
,
they
met
at
three
of
the
Clock
in
the
same
Room
,
and
Sir
Patrick
Hume
took
notice
of
the
Proposal
made
by
the
Earl
of
Arran
,
and
desired
to
know
if
there
was
any
there
that
would
second
it
:
But
none
appearing
to
do
it
,
he
said
,
That
what
the
Earl
had
proposed
,
was
evidently
opposite
and
inimicous
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange's
Undertaking
,
his
Declaration
,
and
the
good
Intentions
of
preserving
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
of
Restoring
their
Laws
and
Liberties
exprest
in
it
;
and
further
,
desired
that
the
Meeting
should
declare
this
to
be
their
Opinion
of
it
.
The
Lord
Cardross
seconded
Sir
Patrick's
Motion
:
It
was
answered
by
the
Duke
of
Hamilton
,
President
of
the
Meeting
,
That
their
Business
was
to
prepare
an
Advice
to
be
offered
to
the
Prince
;
and
the
Advice
being
now
ready
to
go
to
the
Vote
,
there
was
no
need
that
the
Meeting
should
give
their
Sense
of
the
Earl's
Proposal
,
which
neither
before
nor
after
Sir
Patrick's
Motion
,
any
had
pretended
to
own
or
second
;
so
that
it
was
fallen
and
out
of
doors
;
and
that
the
Vote
of
the
Meeting
,
upon
the
Advice
brought
in
by
their
Order
,
would
sufficiently
declare
their
Opinion
:
This
being
seconded
by
the
Earl
of
Sutherland
,
the
Lord
Cardross
and
Sir
Patrick
did
acquiesce
in
it
;
and
the
Meeting
Voted
unanimously
the
Advice
following
.
To
His
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
.
WE
the
Lords
and
Gentlemen
of
the
Kingdom
of
Scotland
,
Assembled
at
your
Highness's
desire
,
in
this
Extraordinary
Conjunction
,
do
give
your
Highness
our
Humble
and
Hearty
Thanks
for
your
Pious
and
Generous
Undertaking
,
for
Preserving
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
Restoring
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
these
Kingdoms
.
In
order
to
the
Attaining
these
Ends
,
our
humble
Advice
and
Desire
is
,
That
your
Highness
take
upon
You
the
Administration
of
all
Affairs
,
both
Civil
and
Military
;
the
Disposal
of
the
Publick
Revenues
and
Fortresses
of
the
Kingdom
of
Scotland
,
and
the
doing
every
Thing
that
is
necessary
for
the
Preservation
of
the
Peace
of
the
Kingdom
,
until
a
general
Meeting
of
the
States
of
the
Nation
,
which
we
humbly
desire
your
Highness
to
Call
,
to
be
holden
at
Edinburgh
the
Fourteenth
day
of
March
next
,
by
your
Letters
or
Proclamation
,
to
be
published
at
the
Market-Cross
of
Edingburgh
,
and
other
Head-Boroughs
of
the
several
Shires
and
Stewartries
,
as
sufficient
Intimation
to
All
concerned
,
and
according
to
the
Custom
of
the
Kingdom
:
And
that
the
Publication
of
these
your
Letters
or
Proclamation
,
be
by
the
Sheriffs
,
or
Stewart
Clerks
,
for
the
Free-holders
,
who
have
the
value
of
Lands
,
holden
according
to
Law
,
for
making
Elections
;
and
by
the
Town-Clerks
of
the
several
Burroughs
,
for
the
meeting
of
the
whole
Burgesses
of
the
respective
Royal
Burroughs
,
to
make
their
Elections
at
least
Fifteen
Days
before
the
Meeting
of
the
Estates
at
Edingburgh
;
and
the
Respective
Clerks
to
make
Intimation
thereof
,
at
least
Ten
Days
before
the
Meetings
for
Elections
:
And
that
the
whole
Electors
and
Members
of
the
said
Meeting
at
Edingburgh
,
qualified
as
above
Exprest
,
be
Protestants
,
without
any
other
Exception
or
Limitation
whatsoever
;
to
Deliberate
and
Resolve
what
is
to
be
done
for
securing
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
Restoring
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
Kingdom
,
according
to
your
Highness's
Declaration
.
Dated
at
the
Council-Chamber
in
White
hall
,
the
Tenth
Day
of
January
,
1689.
This
Address
being
Subscribed
by
Thirty
Lords
,
and
about
Eighty
Gentlemen
,
was
presented
in
their
presence
at
St.
James's
,
by
the
Duke
of
Hamilton
their
President
,
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
who
thanked
them
for
the
Trust
they
reposed
in
him
,
and
desired
time
to
consider
upon
so
weighty
an
Affair
.
Upon
the
Fourteenth
of
January
,
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
met
again
with
the
Scots
Lords
and
Gentlemen
at
St.
James's
;
And
spoke
to
them
as
follows
.
My
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
IN
persuance
of
your
Advice
,
I
will
,
until
the
Meeting
of
the
States
in
March
next
,
give
such
Orders
concerning
the
Affairs
of
Scotland
,
as
are
necessary
for
the
Calling
of
the
said
Meeting
,
for
the
preserving
of
the
peace
;
the
applying
of
the
publick
Revenue
to
the
most
pressing
Vses
,
and
putting
the
Fortresses
in
the
Hands
of
persons
,
in
whom
the
Nation
can
have
a
just
Confidence
:
And
I
do
further
assure
you
,
That
you
will
always
find
me
ready
to
concur
with
you
in
every
Thing
that
may
be
found
necessary
for
Securing
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
Restoring
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
Nation
.
The
Earl
of
Crawfourd
desired
of
his
Highness
,
That
himself
,
the
Earl
of
Louthian
,
and
others
,
come
to
Town
since
the
Address
was
presented
,
might
have
an
opportunity
to
Subscribe
it
;
which
was
accordingly
done
:
His
Highness
Retired
,
and
all
shewed
great
Satisfaction
with
his
Answer
.
The
Emperor
of
Germany
's
Account
of
K.
James
's
Misgovernment
in
joyning
with
the
King
of
France
,
(
the
Common
Enemy
of
Christendom
)
in
his
Letter
to
King
James
,
viz.
LEOPOLD
,
&c.
WE
have
received
your
Majesties
Letters
,
dated
from
St.
Germans
the
sixth
of
February
last
,
by
the
Earl
of
Carlingford
,
your
Envoy
in
our
Court
:
By
them
we
have
understood
the
Condition
your
Majesty
is
reduced
to
;
and
that
you
being
deserted
after
the
Landing
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
by
your
Army
,
and
even
by
your
Domestick
Servants
,
and
by
those
you
most
consided
in
,
and
almost
by
all
your
Subjects
,
you
have
been
forced
by
a
sudden
Flight
to
provide
for
your
own
Safety
,
and
to
seek
Shelter
and
Protection
in
France
:
Lastly
,
that
you
desire
Assistance
from
us
for
the
recovering
your
Kingdoms
.
We
do
assure
your
Majesty
,
that
as
soon
as
we
heard
of
this
severe
turn
of
Affairs
,
we
were
moved
at
it
,
not
only
with
the
common
sense
of
Humanity
,
but
with
much
deeper
Impressions
suitable
to
the
sincere
Affection
which
we
have
always
born
to
you
.
And
we
were
heartily
sorry
that
at
last
that
was
come
to
pass
,
which
(
tho
we
hoped
for
better
things
)
yet
our
own
sad
thoughts
had
suggested
to
us
would
ensue
.
If
your
Majesty
had
rather
given
Credit
to
the
Friendly
Remonstrances
that
were
made
you
,
by
our
late
Envoy
,
the
Count
de
Kaunitz
,
in
our
Name
,
than
the
deceitful
Insinuations
of
the
French
,
whose
chief
aim
was
,
by
fomenting
continual
Divisions
between
you
and
your
People
,
to
gain
thereby
an
Opportunity
to
insult
the
more
securely
over
the
rest
of
Christendom
:
And
if
your
Majesty
had
put
a
stop
,
by
your
Force
and
Authority
,
to
their
many
Infractions
of
the
Peace
,
of
which
by
the
Treaty
at
Nimegen
you
are
made
the
Guarantee
,
and
to
that
end
,
entred
into
Consultations
with
us
,
and
such
others
as
have
the
like
just
Sentiments
in
this
matter
;
We
are
verily
persuaded
that
by
this
means
you
should
have
in
a
great
measure
quieted
the
Minds
of
your
People
,
which
were
so
much
exasperated
through
their
aversion
to
our
Religion
,
and
the
publick
Peace
had
been
preserved
as
well
in
your
Kingdoms
as
here
in
the
Roman
Empire
.
But
now
we
refer
it
even
to
your
Majesty
,
to
judg
what
condition
we
can
be
in
to
afford
you
any
Assistance
,
we
being
not
only
Engaged
in
a
War
with
the
Turks
,
but
finding
our selves
,
at
the
same
time
unjustly
and
barbarously
Attacked
by
the
French
,
contrary
to
,
and
against
the
Faith
of
Treaties
,
they
then
reckoning
themselves
secure
of
England
.
And
this
ought
not
to
be
concealed
;
that
the
greatest
Injuries
which
have
been
done
to
our
Religion
have
flowed
from
no
other
than
the
French
themselves
;
who
not
only
esteem
it
lawful
for
them
,
to
make
perfidious
Leagues
with
the
sworn
Enemies
of
the
Holy
Cross
,
tending
to
the
destruction
both
of
us
and
of
the
whole
Christian
World
,
in
order
to
the
checking
our
Endeavours
which
were
undertaken
for
the
glory
of
God
,
and
to
stop
those
Successes
which
it
hath
pleased
Almighty
God
to
give
us
hitherto
;
but
further
have
heaped
one
Treuchery
upon
another
,
even
within
the
Empire
it self
.
The
Cities
of
the
Empire
which
were
Surrendred
upon
Articles
,
signed
by
the
Dauphin
himself
,
have
been
exhausted
by
excessive
Impositions
;
and
after
their
being
exhausted
,
have
been
Plundred
,
and
after
Plundring
have
been
Burned
and
Razed
.
The
Palaces
of
Princes
,
which
in
all
times
,
and
even
in
the
most
destructive
Wars
,
have
been
preserved
,
are
now
burnt
down
to
the
ground
.
The
Churches
are
Robbed
,
and
such
as
submitted
themselves
to
them
are
in
a
most
Barbarous
manner
,
carried
away
as
Slaves
.
In
short
,
It
is
become
a
Diversion
to
them
to
commit
all
manner
of
Insolences
and
Cruelties
in
many
places
,
but
chiefly
in
Catholick
Countries
,
exceeding
the
Cruelties
of
the
Turks
themselves
;
which
having
imposed
an
absolute
necessity
upon
us
to
secure
our selves
and
the
holy
Roman
Empire
by
the
best
means
we
can
think
on
,
and
that
no
less
against
them
than
against
the
Turks
;
we
promise
our selves
from
your
Justice
ready
assent
to
this
,
That
it
ought
not
to
be
imputed
to
us
,
if
we
endeavour
to
procure
,
by
a
just
War
,
that
security
to
our selves
which
we
could
not
hitherto
obtain
by
so
many
Treaties
;
and
that
in
order
to
the
obtaining
thereof
,
we
take
measures
for
our
mutual
Defence
of
Preservation
,
with
all
those
who
are
equally
concerned
in
the
same
Design
with
us
.
It
remains
that
we
beg
of
God
that
he
would
Direct
all
things
to
his
glory
,
and
that
he
would
grant
your
Majesty
true
and
solid
Comforts
under
this
your
great
Calamity
;
we
embrace
you
with
tender
Affections
of
a
Brother
.
At
Vienna
the
9th
of
April
,
1689.
The
Declaration
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
Commons
Assembled
at
Westminster
;
concerning
the
Misgovernment
of
King
James
,
and
filling
up
the
Throne
.
Presented
to
King
William
and
Queen
Mary
,
by
the
right
Honourable
the
Marquess
of
Hallifax
,
Speaker
to
the
House
of
Lords
.
With
His
Majesties
most
gracious
Answer
thereunto
.
WHereas
the
late
King
James
the
Second
,
by
the
Assistance
of
divers
Evil
Counsellors
,
Judges
,
and
Ministers
Imploy'd
by
Him
,
did
endeavour
to
Subvert
and
Extirpate
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
this
Kingdom
;
By
Assuming
and
Exercising
a
Power
of
Dispensing
with
,
and
Suspending
of
Laws
,
and
the
Execution
of
Laws
,
without
consent
of
Parliament
.
By
Committing
and
Prosecuting
divers
Worthy
Prelates
,
for
humbly
Petitioning
to
be
Excused
from
concurring
to
the
said
assumed
Power
.
By
〈◊〉
,
and
causing
to
be
executed
,
a
Commission
under
the
great
Seal
,
for
erecting
a
Court
called
,
The
Court
of
Commissioners
for
Ecclesiastical
Causes
.
By
Levying
Mony
for
and
to
the
Use
of
the
Crown
,
by
pretence
of
Prerogative
,
for
other
time
,
and
in
other
manner
,
than
the
same
was
granted
by
Parliament
.
By
raising
and
keeping
a
standing
Army
within
this
Kingdom
in
the
time
of
Peace
,
whithout
consent
of
Parliament
;
and
Quartering
Soldiers
contrary
to
Law
.
By
causing
several
good
Subjects
,
being
Protestants
,
to
be
Disarmed
at
the
same
time
,
when
Papists
were
both
Armed
and
Imployed
contrary
to
Law
.
By
violating
the
Freedom
of
Election
of
Members
to
serve
in
Parliament
.
By
Prosecutions
in
the
Court
of
King's-Bench
for
Matters
and
Causes
cognizable
only
in
Parliament
;
and
by
divers
other
Arbitrary
and
Illegal
Courses
.
And
whereas
of
late
Years
,
Partial
,
Corrupt
,
and
Unqualified
Persons
,
have
been
returned
and
served
on
Juries
in
Tryals
,
and
particularly
divers
Jurors
in
Tryals
for
High-Treason
,
which
were
not
Free-holders
.
And
Excessive
Bail
hath
been
required
of
Persons
committed
in
Criminal
Cases
,
to
elude
the
Benefit
of
the
Laws
made
for
the
Liberty
of
the
Subjects
.
And
Excessive
Fines
have
been
Imposed
.
And
Illegal
and
Cruel
Punishments
inflicted
.
And
several
Grants
and
Promises
made
of
Fines
and
Forfeitures
before
any
Convictions
or
Judgment
against
the
Persons
upon
whom
the
same
were
to
be
Levied
.
All
which
are
utterly
and
directly
contrary
to
the
known
Laws
and
Statutes
,
and
Freedom
of
this
Realm
.
And
whereas
the
said
late
K.
James
the
Second
having
abdicated
the
Government
,
and
the
Throne
being
thereby
vacant
,
His
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
(
whom
it
hath
pleased
Almighty
God
to
make
the
glorious
Instrument
of
Delivering
this
Kingdom
from
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
)
did
(
by
the
Advice
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
divers
principal
Persons
of
the
Commons
)
cause
Letters
to
be
written
to
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
being
Protestants
,
and
other
Letters
to
the
several
Counties
,
Cities
,
Universities
,
Burroughs
,
and
Cinque-Ports
,
for
the
Chusing
of
such
Persons
to
represent
them
,
as
were
of
Right
to
be
sent
to
Parliament
,
to
Meet
and
Sit
at
Westminster
upon
the
22d
Day
of
January
in
this
Year
1688
,
in
order
to
such
an
Establishment
,
as
that
their
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
,
might
not
again
be
in
danger
of
being
Subverted
:
Upon
which
Letters
Elections
having
been
accordingly
made
;
And
thereupon
the
said
Lord's
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
Commons
,
pursuant
to
their
respective
Letters
and
Elections
,
being
now
Assembled
in
a
Full
and
Free
Representative
of
this
Nation
,
taking
into
their
most
serious
Consideration
the
best
Means
for
attaining
the
Ends
aforesaid
,
do
in
the
first
place
(
as
their
Ancestors
in
like
Case
have
usually
done
)
for
the
Vindicating
and
Asserting
their
Ancient
Rights
and
Liberties
,
Declare
,
That
the
pretended
Power
of
Suspending
of
Laws
,
or
the
Execution
of
Laws
,
by
Regal
Authority
,
without
Consent
of
Parliament
,
is
Illegal
.
That
the
pretended
Power
of
Dispensing
with
Laws
,
or
the
Execution
of
Laws
,
by
Regal
Authority
,
as
it
hath
been
assumed
and
exercised
of
late
,
is
Illegal
.
That
the
Commission
for
erecting
the
late
Court
of
Commissioners
for
Ecclesiastical
Causes
,
and
all
other
Commissions
and
Courts
of
the
like
Nature
,
are
Illegal
and
Pernicious
.
That
levying
of
Mony
for
or
to
the
Use
of
the
Crown
,
by
pretence
of
Prerogative
,
without
grant
of
Parliament
for
longer
time
,
or
in
other
manner
,
than
the
same
is
or
shall
be
granted
,
is
Illegal
.
That
it
is
the
Right
of
the
Subjects
to
Petition
the
King
,
and
all
Commitments
and
Prosecutions
for
such
Petitioning
,
are
Illegal
.
That
the
Raising
or
Keeping
a
standing
Army
within
the
Kingdom
in
time
of
Peace
,
unless
it
be
with
Consent
of
Parliament
,
is
against
Law
.
That
the
Subjects
which
are
Protestants
may
have
Arms
for
their
Defence
suitable
to
their
Condition
,
and
as
allowed
by
Law
.
That
Election
of
Members
of
Parliament
ought
to
be
Free
.
That
the
Freedom
of
Speech
,
and
Debates
or
Proceedings
in
Parliament
,
ought
not
to
be
impeached
or
questioned
in
any
Court
or
place
out
of
Parliament
.
That
excessive
Bail
ought
not
to
be
required
,
nor
excessive
Fines
imposed
,
nor
cruel
and
unusual
Punishments
inflicted
.
That
Jurors
ought
to
be
duly
empannell'd
and
return'd
,
and
Jurors
which
pass
upon
Men
in
Tryals
for
High-Treason
ought
to
be
Freeholders
.
That
all
grants
and
promises
of
Fines
and
Forfeitures
of
particular
Persons
before
Conviction
,
are
Illegal
and
Void
.
And
that
for
Redress
of
all
Grievances
,
and
for
the
amending
,
strengthening
and
preserving
of
the
Laws
,
Parliaments
ought
to
be
held
frequently
.
And
they
do
claim
,
demand
,
and
insist
upon
all
and
singular
the
Premises
,
as
their
undoubted
Rights
and
Liberties
;
and
that
no
Declarations
Judgments
,
Doings
,
or
Proceedings
,
to
the
prejudice
of
the
People
in
any
of
the
said
Premises
,
ought
in
any
wise
to
be
drawn
hereafter
into
Consequence
or
Example
.
To
which
Demand
of
their
Rights
they
are
particularly
encouraged
by
the
Declaration
of
His
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
as
being
the
only
Means
for
obtaining
a
full
redress
and
remedy
therein
.
Having
therefore
an
intire
Confidence
,
that
his
said
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
will
perfect
the
Deliverance
so
far
advanced
by
Him
,
and
will
still
preserve
them
from
the
Violation
of
their
Rights
,
which
they
have
here
asserted
,
and
from
all
other
Attempts
upon
their
Religion
,
Rights
,
and
Liberties
;
The
said
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
Commons
Assembled
at
Westminster
,
do
resolve
,
That
William
and
Mary
,
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
,
be
,
and
be
declared
,
King
and
Queen
of
England
,
France
,
and
Ireland
,
and
the
Dominions
thereunto
belonging
,
to
hold
the
Crown
and
Royal
Dignity
of
the
said
Kingdoms
and
Dominions
,
to
them
the
said
Prince
and
Princess
,
during
their
Lives
,
and
the
Life
of
the
Survivor
of
them
;
And
that
the
sole
and
full
Exercise
of
the
Regal
Power
be
only
in
,
and
executed
by
the
said
Prince
of
Orange
,
in
the
Names
of
the
said
Prince
and
Princess
during
their
joynt
lives
;
and
after
their
Deceases
,
the
said
Crown
and
Royal
Dignity
of
the
said
Kingdoms
and
Dominions
to
be
to
the
Heirs
of
the
Body
of
the
said
Princess
;
and
for
default
of
such
Issue
,
to
the
Princess
Ann
of
Denmark
,
and
the
Heirs
of
Her
Body
;
and
for
default
of
such
Issue
,
to
the
Heirs
of
the
Body
of
the
said
Prince
of
Orange
.
And
the
said
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
Commons
,
do
pray
the
said
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
to
accept
the
same
accordingly
.
And
that
the
Oaths
hereafter
mentioned
be
taken
by
all
Persons
,
of
whom
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
might
be
required
by
Law
,
instead
of
them
;
and
that
the
said
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
be
Abrogated
.
I
A.
B.
do
sincerely
promise
and
swear
,
That
I
will
be
Faithful
,
and
bear
true
Allegiance
to
their
Majesties
King
WILLIAM
and
Queen
MARY
.
So
help
me
God
.
I
A.
B.
do
swear
,
That
I
do
from
my
Heart
Abhor
,
Detest
,
and
Abjure
,
as
Impious
and
Heretical
,
this
Damnable
Doctrin
and
Position
,
That
Princes
Excommunicated
or
Deprived
by
the
Pope
,
or
any
Authority
of
the
See
of
Rome
,
may
be
Deposed
or
Murthered
by
their
Subjects
,
or
any
other
whatsoever
.
And
I
do
declare
,
That
no
Foreign
Prince
,
Person
,
Prelate
,
State
,
or
Potentate
,
hath
,
or
ought
to
have
,
any
Jurisdiction
,
Power
,
Superiority
,
Preeminence
,
or
Authority
Ecclesiastical
or
Spiritual
,
within
this
Realm
.
So
help
me
God
.
Jo.
Browne
,
Cleric'
Parl.
Die
Veneris
15
Feb.
1688.
His
Majesties
Gracious
Answer
,
to
the
Declaration
of
both
Houses
.
My
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
THIS
is
certainly
the
greatest
proof
of
the
Trust
you
have
in
Vs
,
that
can
be
given
,
which
is
the
thing
that
maketh
us
value
it
the
more
;
and
we
thankfully
Accept
what
you
have
Offered
.
And
as
I
had
no
other
Intention
in
coming
hither
,
than
to
preserve
your
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
;
so
you
may
be
sure
,
That
I
shall
endeavour
to
support
them
,
and
shall
be
willing
to
concur
in
any
thing
that
shall
be
for
the
Good
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
to
do
all
that
is
in
my
Power
to
advance
the
Welfare
and
Glory
of
the
Nation
.
Jo.
Browne
,
Cleric'
Parliamentorum
.
Die
Veneris
〈◊〉
Februarii
1688.
ORdered
by
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
Assembled
at
Westminster
,
That
His
Majesties
Gracious
Answer
to
the
Declaration
of
both
Houses
,
and
the
Declaration
,
be
forthwith
Printed
and
Published
;
And
that
His
Majesties
Gracious
Answer
this
Day
be
added
to
the
Engrossed
Declaration
in
Parchment
,
to
be
Enrolled
in
Parliament
and
Chancery
.
A
PROCLAMATION
.
WHereas
it
hath
pleased
Almighty
God
,
in
his
Great
Mercy
to
this
Kingdom
,
to
Vouchsafe
us
a
Miraculous
Deliverance
from
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
;
and
that
our
Preservation
is
due
,
next
under
God
,
to
the
Resolution
and
Conduct
of
His
Highness
the
Prince
of
ORANGE
,
whom
God
hath
Chosen
to
be
the
Glorious
Instrument
of
such
an
Inestimable
Happiness
to
us
and
our
Posterity
:
And
being
highly
sensible
,
and
fully
persuaded
,
of
the
Great
and
Eminent
Vertues
of
Her
Highness
the
Princess
of
ORANGE
,
whose
Zeal
for
the
Protestant
Religion
,
will
,
no
doubt
,
bring
a
Blessing
along
with
Her
upon
this
Nation
.
And
whereas
the
Lords
and
Commons
,
now
Assembled
at
Westminster
,
have
made
a
Declaration
,
and
Presented
the
same
to
the
said
Prince
and
Princess
of
ORANGE
,
and
therein
desired
them
to
Accept
the
Crown
;
who
have
Accepted
the
same
Accordingly
.
We
therefore
,
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
Commons
,
together
with
the
Lord
Mayor
and
Citizens
of
London
,
and
others
of
the
Commons
of
this
Realm
,
do
with
a
full
Consent
Publish
and
Proclaim
,
according
to
the
said
Declaration
,
WILLIAM
and
MARY
,
Prince
and
Princess
of
ORANGE
,
to
be
KING
and
QUEEN
of
England
,
France
and
Ireland
,
with
all
the
Dominions
and
Cerritories
thereunto
belonging
:
Who
are
accordingly
so
to
be
Owned
,
Deemed
,
Accepted
and
taken
by
all
the
People
of
the
aforesaid
Realms
and
Dominions
,
who
are
from
henceforward
bound
to
Acknowledge
and
Pay
unto
them
all
Faith
and
true
Allegiance
;
Beseeching
God
,
by
whom
Kings
Reign
,
to
Bless
King
WILLIAM
and
Queen
MARY
with
Long
and
Happy
Years
to
Reign
over
Vs.
God
Save
King
WILLIAM
and
Queen
MARY
.
Jo.
Brown
,
Cleric'
Parliamentorum
.
The
Declaration
of
the
Estates
of
Scotland
concerning
the
Misgovernment
of
King
James
the
Seventh
,
and
filling
up
the
Throne
with
King
William
and
Queen
Mary
.
THAT
King
James
the
7th
had
acted
irregularly
.
1.
By
His
Erecting
publick
Schools
and
Societies
of
the
Jesuits
;
and
not
only
allowing
Mass
to
be
publickly
said
,
but
also
inverting
Protestant
Chapels
and
Churches
,
to
Publick
Mass-houses
,
contrary
to
the
express
Laws
against
saying
and
hearing
of
Mass
.
2.
By
allowing
Popish
Books
to
be
Printed
and
Dispersed
,
by
a
Gift
to
a
Popish
Printer
,
designing
him
Printer
to
his
Majesties
Houshold
,
College
and
Chapel
,
contrary
to
the
Laws
.
3.
By
taking
the
Children
of
Protestant
Noblemen
and
Gentlemen
,
sending
them
abroad
to
be
bred
Papists
,
making
great
Funds
and
Donations
to
Popish
Schools
and
Colleges
abroad
;
bestowing
Pensions
on
Priests
,
and
perverting
Protestants
from
their
Religion
,
by
Offers
of
Places
,
Preferments
and
Pensions
.
4.
By
disarming
Protestants
,
while
at
the
same
time
he
employed
Papists
in
the
Places
of
greatest
Trust
,
Civil
and
Military
,
such
as
Chancellor
,
Secretaries
,
Privy
Councellors
,
and
Lords
of
Session
,
thrusting
out
Protestants
,
to
make
room
for
Papists
,
and
intrusting
the
Forts
and
Magazines
of
the
Kingdom
in
their
hands
.
5.
By
Imposing
Oaths
contrary
to
Law
.
6.
By
giving
Gifts
and
Grants
for
exacting
of
Mony
without
Consent
of
Parliament
,
or
Convention
of
Estates
.
7.
By
Levying
and
keeping
on
foot
a
standing
Army
in
time
of
Peace
,
without
consent
of
Parliament
;
which
Army
did
exact
Locality
,
free
and
day
Quarters
.
8.
By
Employing
the
Officers
of
the
Army
,
as
Judges
through
the
Kingdom
,
and
imposing
them
where
there
were
held
Offices
and
Jurisdictions
,
by
whom
many
of
the
Leiges
were
put
to
Death
summarily
without
legal
Tryal
,
Jury
or
Record
.
9.
By
imposing
exorbitant
Fines
to
the
Value
of
the
Parties
Estates
,
exacting
extravagant
Bail
,
and
disposing
Fines
and
Forfaulture
before
any
Process
or
Conviction
.
10.
By
Imprisoning
Persons
without
expressing
the
Reason
,
and
delaying
to
put
them
to
Tryal
.
11.
By
causing
pursue
and
forfault
several
Persons
upon
stretches
of
old
and
obsolete
Laws
,
upon
frivolous
and
weak
pretences
,
upon
lame
and
defective
Probations
;
as
particularly
the
late
Earl
of
Argyle
,
to
the
scandal
and
reproach
of
the
Justice
of
the
Nation
.
12.
By
Subverting
the
Right
of
the
Royal
Boroughs
,
the
Third
Estate
of
Parliament
,
imposing
upon
them
not
only
Magistrates
,
but
also
the
whole
Town
Council
and
Clerks
,
contrary
to
the
Liberties
and
express
Charters
,
without
the
pretence
either
of
Sentence
,
Surrender
or
Consent
:
So
that
the
Commissioners
to
Parliaments
being
chosen
by
the
Magistrates
and
Councils
,
the
King
might
in
effect
as
well
nominate
that
entire
Estate
of
Parliament
;
many
of
the
said
Magistrates
put
in
by
him
were
avowed
Papists
;
and
the
Burghs
were
forced
to
pay
Mony
for
the
Letters
,
imposing
these
Illegal
Magistrates
and
Council
upon
them
.
13.
By
sending
Letters
to
the
chief
Courts
of
Justice
,
not
only
ordering
the
Judges
to
stop
and
desist
sine
die
,
to
determine
Causes
,
but
also
ordering
and
commanding
them
how
to
proceed
in
Cases
depending
before
them
,
contrary
to
the
express
Laws
:
And
by
changing
the
Nature
of
the
Judges
Gifts
,
ad
vitam
aut
culpam
,
and
giving
them
Commissions
ad
bene
placitum
,
to
dispose
them
to
compliance
by
Arbitrary
Courses
,
turning
them
out
of
their
Offices
when
they
did
not
comply
.
14.
By
granting
Personal
Protections
for
Civil
Debts
,
contrary
to
Law
.
All
which
are
utterly
and
directly
contrary
to
the
known
Laws
,
Freedoms
and
Statutes
of
this
Realm
.
Therefore
the
Estates
of
the
Kingdom
of
Scotland
,
find
,
and
declare
,
That
King
James
the
Seventh
,
being
a
profest
papist
,
did
assume
the
Regal
Power
,
and
acted
as
a
King
,
without
ever
taking
the
Oath
required
by
Law
;
and
have
by
advice
of
Evil
and
Wicked
Counsellors
invaded
the
Fundamental
Constitution
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
altered
it
from
a
Legal
,
limited
Monarchy
,
to
an
Arbitrary
and
Despotick
Power
;
and
hath
exercised
the
same
to
the
subversion
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
violation
of
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
Kingdom
:
Inverting
all
the
Ends
of
Government
,
whereby
he
hath
forfaulted
the
Right
to
the
Crown
,
and
the
Throne
is
become
vacant
.
And
whereas
his
Royal
Highness
,
William
,
then
Prince
of
Orange
,
now
King
of
England
,
whom
it
hath
pleased
the
Almighty
God
to
make
the
glorious
Instrument
of
delivering
these
Kingdoms
from
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
,
did
,
by
advice
of
several
Lords
and
Gentlemen
of
this
Nation
,
at
London
,
for
the
time
,
call
the
Estates
of
this
Kingdom
to
meet
the
Fourteenth
of
March
last
,
in
order
to
such
an
Establishment
,
as
that
their
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
might
not
be
again
in
danger
of
being
subverted
.
And
the
said
Estates
being
now
assembled
,
in
a
full
and
free
Representative
of
this
Nation
,
taking
to
their
most
serious
consideration
,
the
best
means
for
attaining
the
Ends
aforesaid
,
Do
in
the
first
place
,
as
their
Ancestors
in
the
like
cases
have
usually
done
,
for
the
vindicating
and
asserting
their
Ancient
Rights
and
Liberties
,
declare
,
That
by
the
Law
of
this
Kingdom
no
Papist
can
be
King
or
Queen
of
the
Realm
,
nor
bear
any
Office
whatsoever
therein
;
nor
can
any
Protestant
Successor
,
exercise
the
Regal
Power
,
until
he
or
she
swear
the
Coronation
Oath
.
That
all
Proclamations
asserting
an
Absolute
Power
,
to
cass
,
annul
and
disable
Laws
;
the
erecting
Schools
and
Colleges
for
Jesuits
;
the
inverting
Protestant
Chapels
and
Churches
to
publick
Mass-houses
,
and
the
allowing
Mass
to
be
said
,
are
contrary
to
Law
.
That
the
allowing
Popish
Books
to
be
printed
and
dispersed
,
is
contrary
to
Law
.
That
the
taking
the
Children
of
Noblemen
,
Gentlemen
and
others
,
sending
and
keeping
them
abroad
to
be
bred
Papists
:
The
making
Funds
and
Donations
to
Popish
Schools
and
Colleges
;
the
bestowing
Pensions
on
Priests
,
and
the
perverting
Protestants
from
their
Religion
by
offers
of
Places
,
Preferments
and
Pensions
,
are
contrary
to
Law
.
That
the
disarming
of
Protestants
,
and
imploying
Papists
in
the
Places
of
greatest
Trust
,
both
Civil
and
Military
;
the
thrusting
out
Protestants
to
make
room
for
Papists
,
and
the
entrusting
Papists
with
the
Forts
and
Magazines
of
the
Kingdom
,
are
contrary
to
Law
.
That
the
Imposing
Oaths
,
without
Authority
of
Parliament
,
is
contrary
to
Law
.
That
the
giving
Gifts
or
Grants
for
raising
of
Mony
without
the
Consent
of
Parliament
,
or
Convention
of
Estates
,
is
contrary
to
Law
.
That
the
employing
Officers
of
the
Army
as
Judges
through
the
Kingdom
,
or
imposing
them
where
there
were
several
Offices
and
Jurisdictions
,
and
the
putting
the
Lieges
to
death
summarily
,
and
without
legal
Tryal
,
Jury
or
Record
,
are
contrary
to
Law
.
That
the
imposing
extraordinary
Fines
,
the
exacting
of
exorbitant
Bail
,
and
the
disposing
of
Fines
and
Forfaultures
before
Sentence
,
are
contrary
to
Law
.
That
the
Imprisoning
Persons
,
without
expressing
the
reason
thereof
,
and
delaying
to
put
them
to
Tryal
,
are
contrary
to
Law
.
That
the
causing
pursue
and
forfault
Persons
upon
Stretches
of
old
and
obsolete
Laws
,
upon
frivolous
and
weak
Pretences
,
upon
lame
and
defective
Probation
,
as
particularly
the
late
Earl
of
Argyle
,
are
contrary
to
Law
.
That
the
nominating
and
imposing
Magistrates
,
Councils
and
Clerks
upon
Burghs
,
contrary
to
the
Liberties
and
express
Charters
,
is
contrary
to
Law
.
That
the
sending
Letters
to
the
Courts
of
Justice
,
ordaining
the
Judges
to
stop
or
desist
from
determining
Causes
,
or
ordaining
them
how
to
proceed
in
Causes
depending
before
them
;
and
the
changing
the
Nature
of
the
Judges
Gifts
ad
vitam
aut
culpam
,
unto
Commissions
Durante
bene
placito
,
are
contrary
to
Law
.
That
the
granting
Personal
Protections
for
Civil
Debts
,
is
contrary
to
Law
.
That
the
forcing
the
Lieges
to
depone
against
themselves
in
Capital
Crimes
,
however
the
Punishment
be
restricted
,
is
contrary
to
Law
.
That
the
using
Torture
without
Evidence
,
or
in
ordinary
Crimes
,
is
contrary
to
Law
.
That
the
sending
of
an
Army
in
a
Hostile
manner
upon
any
part
of
the
Kingdom
,
in
a
peaceable
time
,
and
exacting
of
Locality
,
and
any
manner
of
free
Quarter
,
is
contrary
to
Law
.
That
the
charging
the
Lieges
with
Law-burroughs
at
the
King's
instance
,
and
the
imposing
of
Bands
without
the
Authority
of
Parliament
,
and
the
suspending
the
Advocates
from
their
Imployments
for
not
compearing
when
such
Bands
were
offered
,
were
contrary
to
Law
.
That
the
putting
of
Garisons
on
private
Mens
Houses
in
a
time
of
peace
,
without
the
consent
of
the
Authority
of
Parliament
,
is
contrary
to
Law
.
That
the
opinion
of
the
Lords
of
Session
in
the
two
Causes
following
,
were
contrary
to
Law
(
viz.
)
1.
That
the
concerting
the
demand
of
a
Supply
for
a
Forfaulted
Person
,
although
not
given
,
is
Treason
.
(
2.
)
That
Persons
refusing
to
discover
what
are
their
private
thoughts
and
judgments
in
relation
to
points
of
Treason
,
or
other
Mens
actions
,
are
guilty
of
Treason
.
That
the
fining
Husbands
for
their
Wives
withdrawing
from
the
Church
,
was
contrary
to
Law
.
That
Prelacy
,
and
Superiority
of
any
Office
in
the
Church
above
Presbyters
,
is
and
hath
been
a
great
and
unsupportable
Grievance
and
Trouble
to
this
Nation
,
and
contrary
to
the
Inclinations
of
the
Generality
of
the
People
ever
since
the
Reformation
,
they
having
Reformed
from
Popery
by
Presbyters
,
and
therefore
ought
to
be
abolished
.
That
it
is
the
Right
and
Privilege
of
the
Subjects
to
protest
for
remand
of
Law
to
the
King
and
Parliament
,
against
Sentences
pronounced
by
the
Lords
of
Session
,
providing
the
same
do
not
stop
execution
of
the
said
Sentences
.
That
it
is
the
Right
of
the
Subjects
to
Petition
the
King
,
and
that
all
Imprisonments
and
Prosecutions
for
such
Petitions
are
contrary
to
Law
.
That
for
redress
of
all
Grievances
,
and
for
the
amending
,
strengthning
and
preserving
of
the
Laws
,
Parliaments
ought
to
be
frequently
called
and
allowed
to
sit
,
and
the
freedom
of
Speech
and
Debate
secured
to
the
Members
.
And
they
do
claim
and
demand
and
insist
upon
all
and
sundry
the
Premisses
,
as
their
undoubted
Right
and
Liberties
,
and
that
no
Declarations
,
Doings
or
Proceedings
to
the
prejudice
of
the
People
in
any
of
the
said
Premisses
,
ought
in
any
ways
to
be
drawn
hereafter
in
consequence
and
example
,
but
that
all
Forfaultures
,
Fines
,
loss
of
Offices
,
Imprisonments
,
Banishments
,
Pursuits
,
Persecutions
and
Rigorous
Executions
be
considered
,
and
the
Parties
seized
,
be
redressed
.
To
which
demand
of
the
Rights
,
and
Redressing
of
their
Grievances
,
they
are
particularly
incouraged
by
his
Majesty
the
King
of
England
his
Declaration
for
the
Kingdom
of
Scotland
of
the
_____
day
of
October
last
,
as
being
the
only
means
for
obtaining
a
full
Redress
and
remead
therein
.
Having
therefore
an
entire
Confidence
,
That
his
said
Majesty
the
King
of
England
,
will
perfyte
the
Deliverance
so
far
advanced
by
him
,
and
will
still
preserve
them
from
the
Violation
of
the
Rights
which
they
have
here
asserted
;
and
from
all
other
Attempts
upon
their
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
,
The
said
Estates
of
the
Kingdom
of
Scotland
,
do
resolve
,
That
William
and
Mary
,
King
and
Queen
of
England
,
France
and
Ireland
,
●e
and
Be
Declared
King
and
Queen
of
Scotland
;
to
Hold
the
Crown
and
Royal
Dignity
of
the
said
Kingdom
of
Scotland
,
to
them
the
said
King
and
Queen
during
their
Lives
,
and
the
longest
Liver
of
them
;
and
that
the
sole
and
full
exercise
of
the
Royal
Power
,
be
only
in
,
and
exercised
by
him
the
said
King
,
in
the
Names
of
the
said
King
and
Queen
,
during
their
joynt
lives
:
And
after
their
deceases
,
the
said
Crown
and
Royal
Dignity
of
the
said
Kingdom
to
be
to
the
Heirs
of
the
Body
of
the
said
Queen
.
Which
failing
,
to
the
Princess
Ann
of
Denmark
,
and
the
Heirs
of
her
Body
:
Which
also
failing
,
to
the
Heirs
of
the
Body
of
the
said
William
King
of
England
.
And
they
do
pray
the
said
King
and
Queen
of
England
to
accept
the
same
accordingly
.
And
that
the
Oath
hereafter
mentioned
be
taken
by
all
Protestants
of
whom
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
and
any
other
Oaths
and
Declarations
might
be
required
by
Law
instead
thereof
.
And
that
the
said
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
and
other
Oaths
and
Declarations
,
may
be
Abrogated
.
I
A.
B.
Do
sincerely
Promise
and
Swear
,
That
I
will
be
Faithful
and
bear
True
Allegiance
to
Their
Majesties
King
William
and
Queen
Mary
.
So
help
me
God
.
A
Proclamation
declaring
William
and
Mary
King
and
Queen
of
England
,
to
be
King
and
Queen
of
Scotland
.
Edinburgh
,
April
11.
1689.
WHereas
,
the
Estates
of
this
Kingdom
of
Scotland
,
by
their
Act
of
the
Date
of
these
Presents
,
have
Resolved
,
That
WILLIAM
and
MARY
,
King
and
Queen
of
England
,
France
and
Ireland
,
Be
,
and
Be
declared
King
and
Queen
of
Scotland
,
to
hold
the
Crown
and
Royal
Dignity
of
the
said
Kingdom
of
Scotland
,
to
them
the
said
King
and
Queen
,
during
their
Lives
,
and
the
longest
Liver
of
Them
;
and
that
the
Sole
and
Full
Exercise
of
the
Regal
Power
,
be
only
in
,
and
Exercised
by
the
said
King
,
in
the
Names
of
the
said
King
and
Queen
,
during
their
joynt
Libes
.
As
also
,
the
Estates
having
Resolved
and
Enacted
an
Instrument
of
Government
,
or
Claim
of
Right
,
to
be
presented
with
the
Offer
of
the
Crown
,
to
the
said
King
and
Queen
.
They
do
Statute
and
Ordain
,
that
William
and
Mary
,
King
and
Queen
of
England
,
France
and
Ireland
,
be
accordingly
forthwith
Proclaimed
King
and
Queen
of
Scotland
,
at
the
Mercat
Cross
of
Edinburgh
,
by
the
Lyon
King
at
Arms
,
or
his
Deputs
,
his
Brethren
Heraulds
,
Macers
and
Pursevants
,
and
at
the
Head-Burghs
of
all
the
Shires
,
Stewarties
,
Bailliaries
,
and
Regalities
within
the
Kingdom
,
by
Messengers
at
Arms.
Extracted
forth
of
the
Meeting
of
the
Estates
,
by
me
,
Ja.
Dalrymple
,
Cls.
God
save
King
WILLIAM
and
Queen
MARY
.
The
Manner
of
the
King
and
Queen
taking
the
Scotish
Coronation
Oath
.
May
11.
1689.
THis
day
being
appointed
for
the
publick
Reception
of
the
Commissioners
,
viz.
The
Earl
of
Argyle
,
Sir
James
Montgomery
of
Skelmerly
,
and
Sir
John
Dalrymple
of
Stair
younger
,
who
were
sent
by
the
Meeting
of
the
Estates
of
Scotland
,
with
an
Offer
of
the
Crown
of
that
Kingdom
to
Their
Majesties
,
they
accordingly
,
at
three
of
the
Clock
,
met
at
the
Council-Chamber
,
and
from
thence
were
Conducted
by
Sir
Charles
Cotterel
,
Master
of
the
Ceremonies
,
attended
by
most
of
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
of
that
Kingdom
,
who
reside
in
and
about
this
place
,
to
the
Banqueting-House
;
where
the
King
and
Queen
came
attended
by
many
Persons
of
Quality
,
the
Sword
being
carried
before
them
by
the
Lord
Cardrosse
,
(
and
Their
Majesties
being
placed
on
the
Throne
under
a
Rich
Canopy
)
they
first
presented
a
Letter
from
the
Estates
to
his
Majesty
;
then
the
Instrument
of
Government
;
Thirdly
,
a
Paper
containing
the
Grievances
,
which
they
desired
might
be
Redressed
;
and
Lastly
,
an
Address
to
His
Majesty
for
turning
the
Meeting
of
the
said
Estates
into
a
Parliament
:
All
which
being
Signed
by
his
Grace
the
Duke
of
Hamilton
,
as
President
of
the
Meeting
,
and
read
to
their
Majesties
,
the
King
returned
to
the
Commissioners
the
following
Answer
.
WHen
I
engaged
in
this
Vndertaking
,
I
had
particular
Regard
and
Consideration
for
Scotland
,
and
therefore
I
did
emit
a
Declaration
in
relation
to
That
as
well
as
to
this
Kingdom
,
which
I
intend
to
make
good
and
effectual
to
them
.
I
take
it
very
kindly
that
Scotland
hath
expressed
so
much
Confidence
in
,
and
Affection
to
Me
;
They
shall
find
Me
willing
to
assist
them
in
every
thing
that
concerns
the
Weal
and
Interest
of
that
Kingdom
,
by
making
what
Laws
shall
be
necessary
for
the
Security
of
their
Religion
,
Property
,
and
Liberty
,
and
to
ease
them
of
what
may
be
justly
grievous
to
them
.
After
which
,
the
Coronation-Oath
was
tendred
to
Their
Majesties
,
which
the
Earl
of
Argyle
spoke
word
by
word
directly
,
and
the
King
and
Queen
repeated
it
after
him
,
holding
Their
Right
Hands
up
after
the
manner
of
taking
Oaths
in
Scotland
.
The
Meeting
of
the
Estates
of
Scotland
did
Authorize
their
Commissioners
to
represent
to
His
Majesty
,
That
that
Clause
in
the
Oath
in
relation
to
the
rooting
out
of
Hereticks
did
not
import
the
destroying
of
Hereticks
;
And
that
by
the
Law
of
Scotland
no
Man
was
to
be
persecuted
for
his
private
Opinion
;
And
even
Obstinate
and
Convicted
Hereticks
were
only
to
be
denounced
Rebels
or
Outlawed
,
whereby
their
Moveable
Estates
are
Confiscated
.
His
Majesty
at
the
repeating
that
Clause
in
the
Oath
,
Did
declare
,
that
He
did
not
mean
by
these
words
,
That
He
was
under
any
Obligation
to
become
a
Persecutor
.
To
which
the
Commissioners
made
Answer
,
That
neither
the
meaning
of
the
Oath
,
or
the
Law
of
Scotland
did
import
it
.
Then
the
King
replyed
,
That
He
took
the
Oath
in
that
Sense
,
and
called
for
Witnesses
the
Commissioners
and
others
present
;
And
then
both
Their
Majesties
Signed
the
said
Coronation-Oath
.
After
which
the
Commissioners
and
several
of
the
Scotish
Nobility
kissed
Their
Majesties
Hands
.
The
Coronation
OATH
of
England
.
The
Arch-bishop
or
Bishop
shall
say
,
WIll
You
solemnly
Promise
and
Swear
to
govern
the
People
of
this
Kingdom
of
England
,
and
the
Dominions
thereto
belonging
,
according
to
the
Statues
in
Parliament
agreed
on
,
and
the
Laws
and
Customs
of
the
same
?
The
King
and
Queen
shall
say
,
I
solemnly
Promise
so
to
do
.
Arch-bishop
or
Bishop
.
Will
You
to
Your
Power
,
cause
Law
and
Justice
in
Mercy
to
be
Executed
in
all
Your
Judgments
?
King
and
Queen
.
I
Will
.
Arch-bishop
or
Bishop
.
Will
You
to
the
utmost
of
Your
Power
Maintain
the
Laws
of
God
,
the
true
Profession
of
the
Gospel
,
and
the
Protestant
Reformed
Religion
Established
by
Law
?
And
will
You
Preserve
,
unto
the
Bishops
and
Clergy
of
this
Realm
,
and
to
the
Churches
committed
to
their
Charge
,
all
such
Rights
and
Priviledges
as
by
Law
do
or
shall
appertain
unto
them
,
or
any
of
them
?
King
and
Queen
.
All
this
I
Promise
to
do
.
[
After
this
,
the
King
and
Qeen
laying
His
and
Her
Hand
upon
the
Holy
Gospels
,
shall
say
,
]
King
and
Queen
.
The
Things
which
I
have
here
before
Promised
,
I
will
Perform
and
Keep
.
So
help
me
God
.
[
Then
the
King
and
Queen
shall
kiss
the
Book
.
)
The
Coronation
OATH
of
Scotland
.
WE
William
and
Mary
,
King
and
Queen
of
Scotland
,
faithfully
Promise
and
Swear
,
by
this
Our
solemn
Oath
in
presence
of
the
Eternal
God
,
that
during
the
whole
course
of
Our
Life
,
we
will
serve
the
same
Eternal
God
,
to
the
uttermost
of
Our
Power
,
according
as
he
has
required
in
his
most
holy
Word
,
reveal'd
and
contain'd
in
the
New
and
Old
Testament
,
and
according
to
the
same
Word
shall
maintain
the
True
Religion
of
Christ
Jesus
,
the
Preaching
of
his
holy
Word
,
and
the
due
and
right
Ministration
of
the
Sacraments
,
now
Received
and
Preached
within
the
Realm
of
Scotland
;
and
shall
abolish
and
gainstand
all
false
Religion
contrary
to
the
same
,
and
shall
Rule
the
People
committed
to
our
Charge
,
according
to
the
Will
and
Command
of
God
,
revealed
in
his
aforesaid
Word
,
and
according
to
the
laudable
Laws
and
Constitutions
received
in
this
Realm
,
no
ways
repugnant
to
the
said
Word
of
the
Eternal
God
,
and
shall
procure
,
to
the
utmost
of
Our
Power
,
to
the
Kirk
of
God
,
and
whole
Christian
People
,
true
and
perfect
Peace
in
all
time
coming
.
That
we
shall
preserve
and
keep
inviolated
the
Rights
and
Rents
,
with
all
just
Privileges
of
the
Crown
of
Scotland
,
neither
shall
we
transfer
nor
alienate
the
same
;
That
we
shall
forbid
and
repress
in
all
Estates
and
Degrees
,
Reif
,
Oppression
,
and
all
kind
of
wrong
.
And
we
shall
Command
and
Procure
that
Justice
and
Equity
in
all
Judgments
be
keeped
to
all
persons
without
exception
,
as
the
Lord
and
Father
of
all
Mercies
shall
be
merciful
to
us
.
And
we
shall
be
careful
to
root
out
all
Hereticks
and
Enemies
to
the
true
Worship
of
God
,
that
shall
be
Convicted
by
the
true
Kirk
of
God
of
the
aforesaid
Crimes
,
out
of
Our
Lands
and
Empire
of
Scotland
.
And
we
faithfully
affirm
the
things
above
written
by
Our
Solemn
Oath
.
God
save
King
WILLIAM
and
Queen
MARY
.
Proposals
humbly
offered
to
the
Lords
and
Commons
in
the
present
Convention
,
for
settling
of
the
Government
,
&c.
My
Lords
and
Gentlemen
;
YOV
are
Assembled
upon
Matters
of
the
highest
Importance
to
England
and
all
Christendom
;
and
the
result
of
your
Thoughts
,
in
this
Convention
,
will
make
a
numerous
Posterity
Happy
or
Miserable
.
If
therefore
I
have
met
with
any
Thing
that
I
think
worthy
of
your
Consideration
,
I
should
think
my self
wanting
in
that
duty
which
I
owe
to
my
Country
and
Mankind
,
if
I
should
not
lay
it
before
You.
If
there
be
(
as
some
say
)
certain
Lineaments
in
the
Face
of
Truth
,
with
which
one
cannot
be
deceiv'd
,
because
they
are
not
to
be
counterfeited
;
I
hope
,
the
Considerations
which
I
presume
to
offer
You
,
will
meet
with
your
Approbation
:
That
,
bringing
back
our
Constitution
to
its
first
and
purest
Original
,
refining
it
from
some
gross
Abuses
,
and
supplying
its
Defects
,
You
may
be
the
Joy
of
the
present
Age
,
and
the
Glory
of
Posterity
.
FIrst
,
'T
is
necessary
to
distinguish
between
Power
it self
,
the
Designation
of
the
Persons
Governing
,
and
the
Form
of
Government
.
For
,
1.
All
Power
is
from
God
as
the
Fountain
and
Original
.
2.
The
Designation
of
the
Persons
,
and
the
Form
of
Government
,
is
either
,
First
,
immediately
from
God
,
as
in
the
Case
of
Saul
and
David
,
and
the
Government
of
the
Jews
;
or
,
Secondly
,
from
the
Community
,
chusing
some
Form
of
Government
,
and
subjecting
themselves
to
it
.
But
it
must
be
noted
,
that
though
Saul
and
David
had
a
Divine
Designation
,
yet
the
People
assembled
;
and
in
a
General
Assembly
,
by
their
Votes
,
freely
chose
them
:
Which
proves
,
that
there
can
be
no
orderly
or
lasting
Government
,
without
Consent
of
the
People
Tacit
or
Express'd
;
and
God
himself
would
not
put
Men
under
a
Government
without
their
Consent
.
And
in
case
of
a
Conquest
,
the
People
may
be
called
Prisoners
or
Slaves
(
which
is
a
state
contrary
to
the
Nature
of
Man
)
but
they
cannot
be
properly
Subjects
,
till
their
Wills
be
brought
to
submit
to
the
Government
:
So
that
Conquest
may
make
Way
for
a
Government
,
but
it
cannot
constitute
it
.
Secondly
,
There
is
a
Supreme
Power
in
every
Community
,
essential
to
it
,
and
inseparable
from
it
;
by
which
,
if
it
be
not
limited
immediately
by
God
,
it
can
form
it self
into
any
kind
of
Government
.
And
in
some
extraordinary
Occasions
,
when
the
Safety
and
Peace
of
the
Publick
necessarily
require
it
,
can
supply
the
Defects
,
reform
the
Abuses
,
and
re-establish
the
true
Fundamentals
of
the
Government
;
by
Purging
,
Refining
,
and
bringing
Things
back
to
their
first
Original
:
Which
Power
may
be
called
The
Supreme
Power
Real
.
Thirdly
,
When
the
Community
has
made
choice
of
some
Form
of
Government
,
and
subjected
themselves
to
it
,
having
invested
some
Person
or
Persons
with
the
Supreme
Power
:
The
Power
in
those
Persons
may
be
called
,
The
Supream
Power
Personal
.
Fourthly
,
If
this
Form
be
a
mix'd
Government
of
Monarchy
,
Aristocracy
and
Democracy
;
and
for
the
easie
Execution
of
the
Laws
,
the
Executive
Power
be
lodg'd
in
a
single
Person
;
He
has
,
a
Supream
Power
Personal
,
quoad
hoc
.
Fifthly
,
The
Supreme
Power
Personal
of
England
,
is
in
Kings
,
Lords
and
Commons
;
and
so
it
was
in
Effect
agreed
to
,
by
King
Charles
the
First
,
in
his
Answer
to
the
nineteen
Popositions
;
and
resolved
by
the
Convention
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
in
the
year
1660.
And
note
,
That
the
Acts
of
that
Convention
,
tho'
never
confirmed
by
Parliament
have
been
taken
for
Law
,
and
particularly
by
the
Lord
Chief
Justice
Hales
.
Sixthly
,
The
Supreme
Power
Personal
of
England
fails
three
Ways
.
1.
'T
is
dissolved
:
For
two
Essential
Parts
fail
.
1.
a
King
.
2.
a
House
of
Commons
;
which
cannot
be
called
according
to
Constitution
,
the
King
being
gone
,
and
the
Freedom
of
Election
being
destroyed
by
the
Kings
Incroachments
.
2.
The
King
has
forfeited
his
Power
several
Ways
.
Subjection
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
is
the
Subjection
against
which
our
Laws
cry
loudest
:
And
even
Barclay
(
that
Monarchical
Politician
)
acknowledges
,
That
if
a
King
alienate
his
Kingdom
,
or
subject
it
to
another
,
he
forfeits
it
.
And
Grotius
asserts
,
That
if
a
King
really
attempt
to
deliver
up
or
subject
his
Kingdom
,
he
may
be
therein
resisted
:
And
that
,
if
the
King
have
part
of
the
Supreme
Power
,
and
the
People
or
Senate
the
other
part
,
(
the
King
invading
that
part
which
is
not
his
)
a
just
Force
may
be
opposed
,
and
he
may
lose
his
Part
of
the
Empire
.
Grotius
de
Bello
,
&c.
Cap.
72.
But
that
the
King
has
subjected
the
Kingdom
to
the
Pope
,
needs
no
Proof
;
That
he
has
usurp'd
an
absolute
Power
superieur
to
all
Laws
;
made
the
Peoples
Share
in
the
Legislative
Power
impertinent
and
useless
,
and
thereby
invaded
their
just
Rights
,
none
can
deny
.
'T
were
in
vain
to
multiply
Instances
of
his
Forfeitures
:
And
,
if
we
consider
the
Power
exercis'd
by
him
of
late
,
it
will
most
evidently
appear
to
all
who
understand
the
English
Constitution
,
that
it
admits
of
no
such
King
,
nor
any
such
Power
.
3.
The
King
has
deserted
,
(
1.
)
By
incapacitating
himself
by
a
Religion
inconsistent
with
the
Fundamentals
of
our
Government
.
(
2.
)
By
forsaking
the
Power
the
Constitution
allow'd
him
,
and
usurping
a
Foreign
one
:
So
that
tho
the
Person
remained
,
the
King
was
gone
long
ago
.
(
3.
)
By
Personal
Withdrawing
.
Seventhly
,
The
Supreme
Power
Real
remains
in
the
Community
;
and
they
may
act
by
their
Original
Power
:
And
tho
every
Particular
Person
is
,
notwithstanding
such
Dissolution
,
Forfeiture
,
or
Desertion
,
subject
to
the
Laws
which
were
made
by
the
Supreme
Power
Personal
,
when
in
Being
;
yet
the
Communities
Power
is
not
bound
by
them
,
but
is
paramount
all
Laws
made
by
the
Supreme
Power
Personal
:
And
has
a
full
Right
to
take
such
Measures
for
Settling
the
Government
,
as
they
shall
think
most
sure
and
effectual
,
for
the
lasting
Security
and
Peace
of
the
Nation
.
For
we
must
note
,
that
it
was
the
Community
of
England
,
which
first
gave
Being
to
both
King
and
Parliament
,
and
to
all
the
other
Parts
of
our
Constitution
.
Eighthly
,
The
most
Renowned
Politician
observes
,
That
those
Kingdoms
and
Republicks
subsist
longest
that
are
often
renewed
,
or
brought
back
to
their
first
Beginnings
;
which
is
an
Observation
of
Self-evident
Truth
,
and
implies
,
That
the
Supreme
Power
Real
has
a
Right
to
renew
,
or
bring
back
.
And
the
most-ingenious
Lawson
observes
(
in
his
Politica
)
That
the
Community
of
England
,
in
the
late
Times
,
had
the
greatest
Advantage
that
they
or
their
Ancestors
had
had
for
many
Ages
,
for
this
purpose
;
tho
God
hid
it
from
their
Eyes
:
But
the
wonderful
Concurrence
of
such
a
series
of
Providences
,
as
we
now
see
and
admire
,
gives
ground
to
hope
,
That
the
Veil
is
removed
,
and
the
Nation
will
now
see
the
Things
that
concern
their
Peace
.
Ninthly
,
The
Acts
done
and
executed
by
the
Supreme
Power
Personal
(
when
in
Being
)
have
so
modell'd
the
Parts
and
Persons
of
the
Community
,
that
the
Original
Constitution
is
the
best
,
justest
,
and
the
most
desirable
.
The
Royal
Family
affords
a
Person
that
both
Heaven
and
Earth
point
out
for
King
.
There
are
Lords
,
whose
Nobility
is
not
affected
by
the
Dissolution
of
the
Government
,
and
are
the
subject
Matter
of
a
House
of
Lords
;
And
there
are
Places
,
which
by
Custom
or
Charter
have
Right
to
choose
Representatives
of
the
Commons
.
Tenthly
,
There
are
inextricable
Difficulties
in
all
other
Methods
.
For
,
1.
There
is
no
Demise
of
the
King
,
neither
Civil
nor
Natural
.
2.
There
is
consequently
no
Descent
.
3.
The
Community
only
has
a
Right
to
take
Advantage
of
the
King's
Forfeiture
or
Desertion
.
4.
Whatever
other
Power
may
be
imagin'd
in
the
two
Houses
,
as
Houses
of
Parliament
,
it
cannot
justify
it self
to
the
Reason
of
any
,
who
understand
the
Bottom
of
our
Constitution
.
5.
By
this
Method
all
Popish
Successors
may
be
excluded
;
and
the
Government
secured
,
in
case
all
the
Protestants
of
the
Family
die
without
Issue
:
And
this
by
the
very
Constitution
of
England
.
And
the
Question
can
never
arise
about
the
Force
or
the
Lawfulness
of
a
Bill
of
Exclusion
.
6.
The
Convention
will
not
be
oblig'd
to
take
Oaths
,
&c.
Eleventhly
,
If
these
things
be
granted
,
and
the
Community
be
at
Liberty
to
act
as
above
;
it
will
certainly
be
most
advisable
,
not
only
for
the
Security
and
Welfare
of
the
Nation
,
but
(
if
rightly
understood
)
for
the
Interest
of
their
Royal
Highnesses
,
to
limit
the
Crown
as
follows
:
—
To
the
Prince
of
Orange
during
his
Life
(
yet
with
all
possible
Honour
and
Respect
to
the
Princess
,
whose
Interests
and
Inclinations
are
inseparably
the
same
with
his
)
Remainder
to
the
Princess
of
Orange
,
and
the
Heirs
of
her
Body
;
Remainder
to
the
Princess
of
Denmark
,
and
the
Heirs
of
her
Body
;
Remainder
to
the
Heirs
of
the
Body
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
;
Remainder
as
an
Act
of
Parliament
shall
appoint
.
This
will
have
these
Conveniences
among
others
.
1.
Husband
and
Wife
are
but
one
Person
in
Law
,
and
her
Husbands
Honour
is
hers
.
2.
It
puts
the
present
Kingly
Power
into
the
best
Hand
in
the
World
;
which
(
without
Flattery
)
is
agreed
on
by
all
Men.
3.
It
asserts
the
above
said
Power
in
the
Community
.
4.
It
will
be
some
Acknowledgment
to
the
Prince
for
what
he
has
done
for
the
Nation
:
And
it
is
worthy
Observation
,
that
before
the
Theocracy
of
the
Jews
ceased
,
the
manner
of
the
Divine
Designation
of
their
Judges
,
was
by
God's
giving
the
People
some
Deliverance
by
the
hand
of
the
Person
,
to
whose
Government
they
ought
to
submit
;
and
this
even
in
that
time
of
extraordinary
Revelations
.
Thus
Othniel
,
Gideon
,
Jephthah
,
Sampson
,
and
others
were
invested
by
Heaven
with
the
Supreme
Authority
:
And
though
Joshua
had
an
immediate
Command
from
God
to
succeed
Moses
,
and
an
Anointing
to
that
purpose
,
by
the
laying
on
of
Moses's
Hands
:
Yet
the
Foundation
of
the
People's
Submission
to
him
was
laid
in
Jordan
.
And
I
challenge
the
best
Historians
to
give
an
Instance
(
since
that
Theocracy
ceased
)
of
a
Designation
of
any
Person
to
any
Government
more
visibly
Divine
than
that
which
we
now
admire
.
If
the
Hand
of
Providence
(
miraculously
and
timely
disposing
Natural
Things
,
in
every
Circumstance
to
the
best
advantage
)
should
have
any
influence
upon
Mens
Minds
;
most
certainly
we
ought
not
here
to
be
insensible
.
If
the
Voice
of
the
People
be
the
Voice
of
God
,
it
never
spoke
louder
:
If
a
Nation
of
various
Opinions
,
Interests
and
Factions
,
from
a
turbulent
and
fluctuating
State
,
falls
into
a
serene
and
quiet
Calm
,
and
Mens
Minds
are
strangely
united
on
a
sudden
;
it
shews
from
whence
they
are
influenced
.
In
a
word
,
if
the
Hand
of
God
is
to
be
seen
in
Human
Affairs
,
and
his
Voice
to
be
heard
upon
Earth
;
we
cannot
any where
(
since
the
ceasing
of
Miracles
)
find
a
clearer
and
more
remarkable
Instance
,
than
is
to
be
observ'd
in
the
present
Revolution
.
If
one
examines
the
Posture
of
Foreign
Affairs
,
making
way
for
the
Prince's
Expedition
by
some
sudden
Events
and
Occurrences
,
which
no
Human
Wisdom
or
Power
could
have
brought
about
;
if
one
observes
that
Divine
Influence
which
has
directed
all
his
Counsels
,
and
crown'd
his
Undertakings
,
notwithstanding
such
innumerable
Dangers
and
Difficulties
,
with
constant
Honour
and
Success
:
If
one
considers
how
happily
and
wonderfully
both
Persons
and
Things
are
changed
in
a
little
time
,
and
without
Blood
;
it
looks
like
so
many
marks
of
God's
Favour
,
by
which
he
thinks
fit
to
point
him
out
to
us
in
this
extraordinary
Conjuncture
.
I
will
trouble
you
but
with
one
Consideration
more
;
which
is
,
That
the
two
things
most
necessary
in
this
Affair
,
are
Unanimity
and
Dispatch
:
For
without
both
these
your
Counsels
will
have
little
Effect
.
In
most
things
't
is
good
to
be
long
in
resolving
;
but
in
some
't
is
fatal
not
to
conclude
immediately
:
And
presence
of
Mind
is
as
great
a
Vertue
,
as
Rashness
is
a
Vice
.
For
the
turns
of
Fortune
are
sometimes
so
quick
,
that
if
Advantage
be
not
taken
in
the
critical
hour
,
't
is
for
ever
lost
.
But
,
I
hope
,
your
Lordships
,
and
all
those
Gentlemen
who
compose
this
August
Assembly
,
will
proceed
with
so
much
Zeal
and
Harmony
,
that
the
Result
of
your
present
Consultations
may
be
a
lasting
and
grateful
Monument
to
Posterity
,
of
your
Integrity
,
Courage
and
Conduct
.
The
Late
Honourable
Convention
proved
a
Legal
Parliament
.
I.
THE
necessity
of
a
Parliament
agreed
by
the
Lords
and
Commons
Voting
that
the
Throne
is
Vacant
;
for
there
being
a
Vacancy
,
there
follows
an
immediate
necessity
of
setling
the
Government
,
especially
the
Writs
being
destroyed
,
and
the
Great
Seal
carried
away
,
put
a
period
to
all
publick
Justice
,
and
then
there
must
be
a
supply
by
such
means
as
the
necessity
requires
,
or
a
failure
of
Government
.
II.
Consider
the
Antecedents
to
the
calling
the
Convention
;
that
is
,
about
three
hundred
of
the
Commons
.
which
is
a
majority
of
the
fullest
House
that
can
be
made
,
above
sixty
Lords
,
being
a
greater
number
,
than
any
part
divided
amounted
to
at
this
great
Meeting
,
the
Lord
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
Common
Council
of
the
City
of
London
,
by
application
to
His
then
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
desired
him
to
accept
of
the
Administration
of
Publick
Affairs
,
Military
and
Civil
,
which
he
was
pleased
to
do
,
to
the
great
satisfaction
of
all
good
People
,
and
after
that
His
Highness
was
desired
to
Issue
forth
his
Circular
Letters
to
the
Lords
;
and
the
like
to
the
Coroners
,
and
in
their
absence
to
the
Clerks
of
the
Peace
,
to
Elect
Knights
,
Citizens
and
Burgesses
;
this
was
more
than
was
done
in
fifty
nine
,
for
the
calling
a
Parliament
in
April
1660.
for
there
the
Summons
was
not
real
,
but
fictitious
(
i.
e.
)
in
the
names
of
the
Keepers
of
the
Liberties
of
England
,
a
meer
Notion
set
up
as
a
Form
,
there
being
no
such
Persons
,
but
a
meer
Ens
rationis
,
impossible
really
to
exist
:
so
that
here
was
much
more
done
than
in
1659
,
and
all
really
done
which
was
possible
to
be
invented
,
as
the
Affairs
then
stood
.
Besides
King
Charles
the
2d.
had
not
abdicated
the
Kingdom
,
but
was
willing
to
return
,
and
was
at
Breda
,
whither
they
might
have
sent
for
Writs
,
and
in
the
mean
time
have
kept
their
form
of
Keepers
of
the
Liberties
,
&c.
But
in
the
present
case
there
was
no
King
in
being
,
nor
any
style
or
form
of
Government
,
neither
real
,
or
notional
left
;
so
that
in
all
these
respects
,
more
was
done
before
,
and
at
the
calling
of
this
Great
Convention
,
than
for
calling
that
Parliament
(
for
so
I
must
call
it
)
yet
that
Parliament
made
several
Acts
,
in
all
thirty
seven
,
as
appears
by
Keebles
Statutes
,
and
several
of
them
not
confirmed
;
I
shall
instance
but
in
one
,
but
it
is
one
which
there
was
occasion
to
use
in
every
County
of
England
;
I
mean
the
Act
for
Confirming
and
Restoring
Ministers
,
being
the
17th
.
of
that
Sessions
,
all
the
Judges
allowed
of
this
as
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
tho
never
confirmed
,
which
is
a
stronger
case
than
that
in
question
;
for
there
was
only
fictitious
Summons
,
here
a
real
one
.
III.
That
without
the
Consent
of
any
Body
of
the
People
;
this
at
the
Request
of
a
Majority
of
the
Lords
,
more
than
half
the
number
of
the
Commons
duly
chosen
in
King
Ch.
the
2d.
time
,
besides
the
great
Body
of
the
City
of
London
being
at
least
esteem'd
a
5th
part
of
the
Kingdom
;
yet
after
the
King's
Return
,
he
was
so
well
satisfied
with
the
calling
of
that
Parliament
,
that
it
was
Enacted
by
the
King
,
Lords
and
Commons
Assembled
in
Parliament
;
that
the
Lords
and
Commons
then
Sitting
at
Westmiuster
in
the
present
Parliament
,
were
the
two
Houses
of
Parliament
,
notwithstanding
any
want
of
the
Kings
Writs
or
Writ
of
Summons
,
or
any
defect
whatsoever
;
and
as
if
the
King
had
been
present
at
the
beginning
of
the
Parliament
;
this
I
take
to
be
a
full
Judgment
in
full
Parliament
of
the
case
in
question
,
and
much
stronger
than
the
present
case
is
,
and
this
Parliament
continued
till
the
29th
.
of
December
next
following
,
and
made
in
all
thirty
seven
Acts
,
as
abovementioned
.
The
13
Caroli
2.
chap.
7.
(
a
full
Parliament
called
by
the
Kings
Writ
)
recites
the
other
of
12
Caroli
2.
and
that
after
his
Majesties
return
they
were
continued
till
the
29th
.
of
December
,
and
then
dissolved
,
and
that
several
Acts
passed
;
this
is
the
plain
Judgment
of
another
Parliament
.
1.
Because
it
says
they
were
continued
,
which
shews
they
had
a
real
being
capable
of
being
continued
;
for
a
Confirmation
of
a
void
Grant
has
no
effect
,
and
Confirmation
shews
a
Grant
only
voidable
,
so
the
continuance
there
shewed
it
at
most
but
voidable
;
and
when
the
King
came
,
and
confirm'd
it
,
all
was
good
.
2.
The
dissolving
it
then
,
shews
they
had
a
being
,
for
,
as
ex
nihilo
nihil
fit
,
so
super
nihil
nil
operatur
,
as
out
of
nothing
nothing
can
be
made
,
so
upon
nothing
nothing
can
operate
.
Again
,
the
King
,
Lords
and
Commons
,
make
the
great
Corporation
or
Body
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
the
Commons
are
legally
taken
for
the
Free-holders
,
Inst.
4.
p.
2.
Now
the
Lords
and
Commons
having
Proclaimed
the
King
,
the
defect
of
this
great
Corporation
is
cured
,
and
all
the
Essential
parts
of
this
great
Body
Politique
united
and
made
compleat
,
as
plainly
as
when
the
Mayor
of
a
Corporation
dies
,
and
another
is
chosen
,
the
Corporation
is
again
perfect
;
and
to
say
,
that
which
perfects
the
great
Body
Politique
should
in
the
same
instant
destroy
it
,
I
mean
the
Parliament
,
is
to
make
contradictions
true
,
simul
&
semel
,
the
perfection
,
and
destruction
of
this
great
Body
at
one
instant
,
and
by
the
same
Act.
Then
if
necessity
of
Affairs
was
a
forcible
Argument
in
1660
,
a
time
of
great
peace
,
not
only
in
England
,
but
throughout
Europe
,
and
almost
in
all
the
World
;
certainly
't
is
of
a
greater
force
now
,
when
England
is
scarce
delivered
from
Popery
and
Slavery
;
when
Ireland
has
a
mighty
Army
of
Papists
,
and
that
Kingdom
in
hazard
of
final
destruction
,
if
not
speedily
prevented
;
and
when
France
has
destroyed
most
of
the
Protestants
there
,
and
threatens
the
ruine
of
the
Low-Countries
,
from
whence
God
has
sent
the
wonderful
Assistance
of
our
Gracious
,
and
therefore
most
Glorious
King
;
and
England
cannot
promise
safety
from
that
Foreign
Power
,
when
forty
days
delay
,
which
is
the
least
can
be
for
a
new
Parliament
,
and
considering
we
can
never
hope
to
have
one
more
freely
chosen
,
because
first
it
was
so
free
from
Court-influence
,
or
likelihood
of
all
design
,
that
the
Letters
of
Summons
issued
by
him
,
whom
the
great
God
in
infinite
Mercy
raised
to
save
us
,
to
the
hazard
of
his
Life
,
and
this
done
to
protect
the
Protestant
Religion
and
at
a
time
when
the
people
were
all
concerned
for
one
Common
interest
of
Religion
,
and
Liberty
,
it
would
be
vain
when
we
have
the
best
King
and
Queen
the
World
affords
,
a
full
house
of
Lords
,
the
most
solemnly
chosen
Commons
that
ever
were
in
the
remembrance
of
any
Man
Living
,
to
spend
Money
and
lose
time
(
I
had
almost
said
to
despise
Providence
)
and
take
great
pains
to
destroy
our selves
.
If
any
object
Acts
of
Parliament
mentioning
Writs
and
Summons
,
&c.
I
answer
,
the
Prededent
in
1660
is
after
all
those
Acts.
In
private
cases
as
much
as
has
been
done
in
point
of
necessity
;
a
Bishop
Provincial
dies
,
and
sede
vacant
a
Clerk
is
presented
to
a
Benefice
,
the
Presentation
to
the
Dean
and
Chapter
is
good
in
this
case
of
Necessity
;
and
if
in
a
Vacancy
by
the
Death
of
a
Bishop
a
Presentation
shall
be
good
to
the
Dean
and
Chapter
,
rather
than
a
prejudice
should
happen
by
the
Church
lying
void
;
Surely
a
fortiori
—
Vacancy
of
the
Throne
may
be
supplied
without
the
formality
of
a
Writ
,
and
the
great
Convention
turn'd
to
a
Real
Parliament
.
A
Summons
in
all
points
is
of
the
same
real
force
as
a
Writ
,
for
a
Summons
and
a
Writ
differ
no
more
than
in
name
,
the
thing
is
the
same
in
all
Substantial
parts
;
the
Writ
is
Recorded
in
Chancery
,
so
are
His
Highnesses
Letters
;
the
proper
Officer
Endorses
the
Return
,
so
he
does
here
(
for
the
Coroner
in
defect
of
the
Sheriff
is
the
proper
Officer
)
the
People
Choose
by
Virtue
of
the
Letters
,
&c.
&
quae
re
concordant
parum
differunt
,
they
agree
in
Reality
,
and
then
what
difference
is
there
between
the
one
and
the
other
?
Object
.
A
Writ
must
be
in
Actions
at
Common
Law
,
else
all
Pleading
after
,
will
not
make
it
good
,
but
Judgment
given
may
be
Reversed
by
a
Writ
of
Error
.
Answ.
The
case
differs
,
first
,
because
Actions
between
party
and
party
,
are
Adversary
Actions
,
but
Summons
to
Parliament
are
not
so
,
but
are
Mediums
only
to
have
●n
Election
.
2.
In
Actions
at
Law
the
Defendant
may
plead
to
the
Writ
,
but
there
is
no
plea
to
a
Writ
for
electing
Members
to
serve
in
Parliament
;
and
for
this
I
have
Littleton's
Argument
;
there
never
was
such
a
Plea
,
therefore
none
lies
.
Object
.
That
they
have
not
taken
the
Test
.
Answ.
They
may
take
the
Test
yet
,
and
then
all
which
they
do
will
be
good
,
for
the
Test
being
the
distinguishing
Mark
of
a
Protestant
from
a
Papist
,
when
that
is
taken
,
the
end
of
the
Law
is
performed
.
Object
.
That
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
ought
to
be
taken
,
and
that
the
new
ones
are
not
legal
.
Answ.
The
Convention
being
the
Supream
Power
,
have
abolish'd
the
old
Oaths
,
and
have
made
new
ones
;
and
as
to
the
making
new
Oaths
,
the
like
was
done
in
Alfreds
time
,
when
they
chose
him
King
,
vide
Mirror
of
Justice
.
Chap.
1.
for
the
Heptarchy
being
turn'd
to
a
Monarchy
,
the
precedent
Oaths
of
the
seven
Kings
could
not
be
the
same
King
Alfred
swore
.
Many
Precedents
may
be
cited
,
where
Laws
have
been
made
in
Parliament
,
without
the
King
's
Writ
to
summon
them
,
which
for
brevity's
sake
I
forbear
to
mention
.
For
a
farewel
,
the
Objections
quarrel
at
our
Happiness
,
fight
against
our
Safety
,
and
aim
at
that
which
may
indanger
Destruction
.
The
Present
Convention
,
a
Parliament
.
I.
THat
the
formality
of
the
Kings
Writ
of
Summons
is
not
so
essential
to
an
English
Parliament
,
but
that
the
Peers
of
the
Realm
,
and
the
Commons
,
by
their
Representatives
duly
Elected
,
may
legally
act
as
the
great
Council
and
representative
Body
of
the
Nation
,
though
not
summoned
by
the
King
,
especially
when
the
circumstances
of
the
time
are
such
,
that
such
Summons
cannot
be
had
,
will
(
I
hope
)
appear
by
these
following
Observations
.
First
,
The
Saxon
Government
was
transplanted
hither
out
of
Germany
,
where
the
meeting
of
the
Saxons
in
such
Assemblies
was
at
certain
fixed
times
;
viz.
at
the
New
and
Full
Moon
.
But
after
their
Transmigration
hither
,
Religion
changing
,
other
things
changed
with
it
;
and
the
times
for
their
publick
Assemblies
,
in
conformity
to
the
great
Solemnities
celebrated
by
Christians
,
came
to
be
changed
to
the
Feasts
of
Easter
,
Pentecost
,
and
the
Nativity
.
The
lower
we
come
down
in
Story
,
the
seldomer
we
find
these
General
Assemblies
to
have
been
held
;
and
sometimes
(
even
very
anciently
)
when
upon
extraordinary
occasions
,
they
met
out
of
course
,
a
Precept
,
an
Edict
,
or
Sanction
is
mentioned
to
have
Issued
from
the
King
:
But
the
Times
,
and
the
very
place
of
their
ordinary
Meeting
having
been
certain
,
and
determined
in
the
very
first
and
eldest
times
that
we
meet
with
any
mention
of
such
Assemblies
,
which
times
are
as
ancient
as
any
Memory
of
the
Nation
it self
;
hence
I
infer
,
that
no
Summons
from
the
King
can
be
thought
to
have
been
necessary
in
those
days
,
because
it
was
altogether
needless
.
Secondly
,
The
Succession
to
the
Crown
did
not
in
those
days
,
nor
till
of
late
years
,
run
in
a
course
of
Lineal
Succession
by
right
of
Inheritance
:
But
upon
the
death
of
a
Prince
,
those
Persons
of
the
Realm
that
Composed
the
then
Parliament
,
Assembled
in
order
to
the
choosing
of
another
.
That
the
Kingdom
was
then
Elective
,
though
one
or
other
of
the
Royal
Blood
was
always
chosen
,
but
the
next
in
Lineal
Succession
very
seldom
,
is
evident
from
the
Genealogies
of
the
Saxon
Kings
,
from
an
old
Law
made
at
Calchuyth
,
appointing
how
,
and
by
whom
Kings
shall
be
chosen
;
and
from
many
express
and
particular
Accounts
given
by
our
old
Historians
,
of
such
Assemblies
held
for
Electing
of
Kings
.
Now
such
Assemblies
could
not
be
Summon'd
by
any
King
;
and
yet
in
conjunction
with
the
King
that
themselves
set
up
,
they
made
Laws
,
binding
the
King
and
all
the
Realm
.
Thirdly
,
After
the
Death
of
King
William
Rufus
,
Robert
,
his
Elder
Brother
,
being
then
in
the
Holy
Land
,
Henry
,
the
younger
Son
of
King
William
the
First
,
procured
an
Assembly
of
the
Clergy
and
People
of
England
,
to
whom
he
made
large
Promises
of
his
good
Government
,
in
case
they
would
accept
of
him
for
their
King
;
and
they
agreeing
,
that
if
he
would
restore
to
them
the
Laws
of
King
Edward
the
Confessor
,
then
they
would
consent
to
make
him
their
King
:
He
swore
that
he
would
do
so
,
and
also
free
them
from
some
oppressions
,
which
the
Nation
had
groan'd
under
in
his
Brothers
and
his
Fathers
time
.
Hereupon
they
chose
him
King
,
and
the
Bishop
of
London
,
and
the
Archbishop
of
York
,
set
the
Crown
upon
his
Head
:
Which
being
done
,
a
Confirmation
of
the
English
Liberties
passed
the
Royal
Assent
in
that
Assembly
,
the
same
in
substance
,
though
not
so
large
as
King
John's
,
and
King
Henry
the
Third's
Magna
Charta's
afterwards
were
.
Fourthly
,
After
that
King's
Death
,
in
such
another
Parliament
,
King
Stephen
was
Elected
,
and
Mawd
the
Empress
put
by
,
though
not
without
some
stain
of
perfidiousness
upon
all
those
,
and
Stephen
himself
especially
,
who
had
sworn
in
her
Fathers
Life-time
,
to
acknowledge
her
for
their
Soveraing
after
his
decease
.
Fifthly
,
In
King
Richard
the
First
's
time
,
the
King
being
absent
in
the
Holy
Land
,
and
the
Bishop
of
Ely
then
his
Chancellor
,
being
Regent
of
the
Kingdom
in
his
Absence
,
whose
Government
was
intolerable
to
the
People
for
his
Insolence
and
manifold
Oppressions
,
a
Parliament
was
convened
at
London
,
at
the
Instance
of
Earl
John
,
the
Kings
Brother
,
to
treat
of
the
great
and
weighty
affairs
of
the
King
and
Kingdom
;
in
which
Parliament
this
same
Regent
was
depos'd
from
his
Government
,
and
another
set
up
,
viz.
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Roan
in
his
stead
.
This
Assembly
was
not
conven'd
by
the
King
,
who
was
then
in
Palaestine
,
nor
by
any
Authority
deriv'd
from
him
,
for
then
the
Regent
and
Chancellor
must
have
call'd
them
together
;
but
they
met
,
as
the
Historian
says
expresly
,
at
the
Instance
of
Earl
John
.
And
yet
,
in
the
Kings
Absence
,
they
took
upon
them
to
settle
the
publick
Affairs
of
the
Nation
without
Him
.
Sixthly
,
When
King
Henry
the
3d.
died
,
his
Eldest
Son
,
Prince
Edward
was
then
in
the
Holy
Land
,
and
came
not
home
till
within
the
third
year
of
his
Reign
;
yet
,
immediately
upon
the
Fathers
Death
,
all
the
Prelates
and
Nobles
,
and
4
Knights
for
every
Shire
,
and
4
Burgesses
for
every
Borough
,
Assembled
together
in
a
great
Council
and
setled
the
Government
till
the
King
should
return
:
Made
a
new
Seal
,
and
a
Chancellor
,
&c.
I
infer
from
what
has
been
said
,
that
Writs
of
Summons
are
not
so
Essential
to
the
being
of
Parliaments
,
but
that
the
People
of
England
,
especially
at
a
time
when
they
cannot
be
had
,
may
by
Law
,
and
according
to
our
old
Constitution
Assemble
together
in
a
Parliamentary
way
without
them
,
to
treat
of
and
settle
the
publick
Affairs
of
the
Nation
.
And
that
,
if
such
Assemblies
so
conven'd
,
find
the
Throne
Vacant
,
they
may
proceed
not
only
to
set
up
a
Prince
,
but
with
the
Assent
and
Concurrence
of
such
Prince
,
to
transact
all
Publick
business
whatsoever
,
without
a
new
Election
;
they
having
as
great
Authority
as
the
People
of
England
can
deligate
to
their
Representatives
.
II.
The
Acts
of
Parliaments
not
Formal
nor
Legal
in
all
their
Circumstances
,
are
yet
binding
to
the
Nation
so
long
as
they
continue
in
Force
,
and
not
liable
to
be
questioned
as
to
the
Validity
of
them
,
but
in
subsequent
Parliaments
.
First
,
The
two
Spencers
,
Temp.
Edvardi
Secundi
,
were
banished
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
and
that
Act
of
Parliament
repealed
by
Dures
&
Force
;
yet
was
the
Act
of
Repeal
a
good
Law
,
till
it
was
Annulled
1
Ed.
3.
Secondly
,
Some
Statutes
of
11
Rich.
2.
and
attainders
thereupon
were
repealed
in
a
Parliament
held
,
Ann.
21.
of
that
King
,
which
Parliament
was
procured
by
forced
Elections
;
and
yet
the
Repeal
stood
good
,
till
such
time
as
in
1
Henry
4.
the
Statutes
of
11
Rich.
2.
were
revived
and
appointed
to
be
firmly
held
and
kept
.
Thirdly
,
The
Parliament
of
1
Hen.
4.
consisted
of
the
same
Knights
.
Citizens
and
Burgesses
that
had
served
in
the
then
last
dissolved
Patliament
,
and
those
Persons
were
by
the
Kings
Writts
to
the
Sheriffs
commanded
to
be
returned
,
and
yet
they
passed
Acts
;
and
their
Acts
tho
never
confirmed
,
continue
to
be
Laws
at
this
day
.
Fourthly
,
Queen
Mary's
Parliament
that
restored
the
Popes
Supremacy
,
was
notoriously
known
to
be
pack'd
,
inso
much
that
it
was
debated
in
Queen
Elizabeth's
time
,
whether
or
no
to
declare
all
their
Acts
void
by
Act
of
Parliament
.
That
course
was
then
upon
some
prudential
considerations
declined
;
and
therefore
the
Acts
of
that
Parliament
,
not
since
repealed
,
continue
binding
Laws
to
this
day
.
The
reason
of
all
this
,
is
,
Because
no
inferiour
Courts
have
Authority
to
judge
of
the
Validity
or
Invalidity
of
the
Acts
of
such
Assemblies
,
as
have
but
so
much
as
a
colour
of
Parliamentary
Authority
.
The
Acts
of
such
Assemblies
being
Entred
upon
the
Parliament-Roll
,
and
certified
before
the
Judges
of
Westminster-Hall
as
Acts
of
Parliament
,
are
conclusive
and
binding
to
them
;
because
Parliaments
are
the
only
Judges
of
the
Imperfections
,
Invalidities
,
Illegalities
,
&c.
of
one
another
.
The
Parliament
that
call'd
in
King
Charles
the
Second
,
was
not
assembled
by
the
Kings
Writ
,
and
yet
they
made
Acts
,
and
the
Royal
assent
was
had
to
them
;
many
of
which
indeed
were
afterwards
confirmed
,
but
not
all
,
and
those
that
had
no
Confirmation
,
are
undoubted
Acts
of
Parliament
without
it
,
and
have
ever
since
obtained
as
such
.
Hence
I
inferr
that
the
present
Convention
,
may
,
if
they
please
,
assume
to
themselves
a
Parliamentary
Power
,
and
in
conjunction
with
such
King
or
Queen
as
they
shall
declare
,
may
give
Laws
to
the
Kingdom
as
a
legal
Parliament
.
The
Thoughts
of
a
Private
Person
,
about
the
Justice
of
the
Gentlemens
Vndertaking
at
York
,
Nov.
1688.
Wherein
is
shewed
,
That
it
is
neither
against
Scripture
,
nor
Moral
honesty
,
to
defend
their
Just
and
Legal
Rights
,
against
the
Illegal
Invaders
of
them
.
Occasioned
then
by
some
Private
Debates
,
and
now
submitted
to
better
Judgments
.
The
present
Undertaking
of
the
Gentlemen
at
York
,
Nov.
88.
taken
into
Consideration
;
wherein
is
shewed
,
That
it
is
neither
against
Scripture
,
nor
moral
Honesty
,
to
defend
their
Just
and
Legal
Rights
against
the
Illegal
and
Unjust
Invaders
of
them
;
by
way
of
Objection
and
Answer
.
-
1.
THat
it
is
not
against
Scripture
is
shewed
,
Obj.
1
,
2
,
3.
-
2.
That
it
is
not
inconsistent
with
the
Frame
of
the
Government
in
General
,
Obj.
4.
-
3.
Not
against
the
Law
,
but
the
Law-breakers
,
Obj.
5.
-
4.
Not
Rebellion
,
Obj.
6.
-
5.
No
Vsurpation
of
the
Power
of
the
Sword
,
Obj.
7.
-
6.
No
unlawful
Act
in
a
moral
Sense
,
Obj.
8.
-
7.
Not
against
true
Allegiance
,
Obj.
9.
-
8.
Not
against
the
Declaration
in
a
Legal
Sense
,
Obj
10.
-
9.
Not
against
Political
Power
,
but
Force
without
Political
Power
,
Obj.
11.
-
10.
Not
against
any
Royal
Prerogative
in
general
,
Obj.
12.
-
11.
Not
against
the
Supremacy
,
Obj.
13.
-
12.
Not
Criminal
Disobedience
,
Obj.
14.
-
13.
Not
incommodious
or
unsafe
for
the
Publick
in
respect
of
the
present
and
approaching
Evils
in
removes
,
Obj.
15
,
16.
-
14.
No
disparagement
to
the
Frame
of
the
Government
,
that
cannot
otherwise
decide
an
obstinate
difference
between
King
and
People
,
Obj.
17.
-
Lastly
,
The
Conclusion
,
shewing
,
That
Non-resistance
of
illegal
Force
,
does
in
effect
make
all
Monarchs
Arbitrary
,
and
the
People
Slaves
.
The
Thoughts
of
a
Private
Person
,
&c.
MEn
have
three
Rules
to
walk
by
,
which
we
may
call
Laws
,
that
is
,
Nature
,
Reason
,
and
Religion
;
and
answerable
to
these
three
a
Christian
hath
three
Principles
,
that
is
,
Sensitive
,
Rational
,
and
Spiritual
,
which
I
take
to
be
the
distinction
that
St.
Paul
makes
,
1
Thes.
5.23
.
I
pray
God
your
whole
Spirit
,
Soul
and
Body
,
be
preserved
blameless
unto
the
coming
of
our
Lord
Jesus
Christ
.
Nature
considers
all
Men
as
single
Persons
,
and
directs
them
to
Self-interest
and
Self-preservation
,
as
the
chief
end
.
Reason
considers
Men
as
sociable
Creatures
,
and
directs
them
to
unite
the
Government
for
the
publick
Good
(
inclusive
of
their
own
Safety
)
as
the
chief
End
.
And
the
Spirit
considers
Men
as
Candidates
for
Heaven
,
and
directs
them
to
live
according
to
the
Word
of
God
,
that
they
may
attain
Eternal
Happiness
,
the
chief
End
of
Man
.
All
these
have
the
divine
Warrant
,
and
are
of
force
where
the
Lower
is
not
superseded
by
the
Higher
.
A
single
Person
is
not
to
expose
himself
to
ruin
,
unless
it
be
for
the
Publick
good
;
and
the
Publick
are
not
to
expose
themselves
to
Beggary
and
Slavery
,
unless
it
be
for
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
.
Now
though
these
Rules
may
be
considered
separate
,
and
apart
,
yet
they
all
ought
to
be
in
a
Christian
Government
.
Laws
for
the
publick
Good
do
not
destroy
the
Law
of
Nature
,
but
supersede
it
for
a
greater
Good
;
and
the
Laws
of
God
do
not
destroy
the
Law
of
Reason
,
but
supersede
it
for
a
higher
end
,
and
so
makes
it
still
more
Reasonable
to
do
so
.
Nothing
therefore
can
justifie
a
Private
Injury
but
the
Publick
Good
,
and
nothing
can
hinder
the
Publick
Good
for
being
carried
on
but
Sin
.
For
these
Laws
are
not
destructive
but
supportive
of
one
another
,
and
all
supportive
of
Man
.
When
a
Man
cannot
defend
himself
,
by
the
Method
and
Measures
of
the
Publick
,
(
as
in
case
of
sudden
Assaults
)
he
may
by
the
Law
of
Nature
,
break
the
Peace
and
smite
his
Adversary
to
save
his
own
life
,
because
humane
Laws
can
reward
no
Person
's
obedience
with
so
good
a
thing
as
life
,
and
therefore
,
the
publick
good
excepted
,
his
life
is
to
be
preferred
before
all
forms
of
Law
.
But
it
is
not
so
with
the
Laws
of
God
;
for
if
I
be
urged
to
deny
my
Faith
,
or
dye
,
I
must
dye
rather
than
break
God's
Law
,
because
God
will
give
me
a
better
Life
,
and
an
infinite
Reward
.
Necessity
can
suspend
a
positive
Law
of
Man
,
that
is
merely
such
,
but
it
cannot
supersede
what
is
established
by
God
or
Nature
;
an
Act
therefore
that
is
civilly
Unlawful
,
may
notwithstanding
be
Lawful
,
because
it
is
not
Lawless
,
but
under
a
more
extensive
Law
.
If
it
be
according
to
the
Laws
of
God
,
or
sound
Reason
,
the
Conscience
is
safe
,
and
the
Act
commendable
before
God
and
good
Men
,
though
it
be
against
the
form
of
Political
Law
:
For
though
it
be
against
the
Form
,
it
is
not
against
the
Reason
of
that
Law
;
and
the
Form
not
being
extensive
enough
of
Man's
safety
,
it
must
give
place
to
necessity
,
and
absolve
him
of
his
duty
,
when
his
duty
would
destroy
him
.
The
Safety
of
Man
shows
us
both
the
Necessity
and
End
of
humane
Government
;
for
when
private
Persons
found
they
could
not
be
Safe
,
they
were
willing
to
enter
into
Compacts
and
Associations
,
and
reposite
their
private
Safety
in
the
publick
Interest
:
And
therefore
if
after
this
Association
some
of
their
Fellows
will
break
the
Covenants
,
and
go
about
to
destroy
the
Rest
,
it
is
lawful
,
both
by
the
Laws
of
God
and
Man
,
for
the
injured
to
defend
themselves
;
and
by
the
Laws
and
Compacts
by
them
made
,
and
consented
to
,
on
both
sides
,
for
the
publick
Good
.
Otherwise
it
would
be
unlawful
to
resist
Injustice
,
and
consequently
a
Thief
or
a
Robber
.
Object
.
1.
But
you
will
say
in
all
Governments
there
are
Superiours
and
Inferiours
,
and
God
has
made
Obedience
a
part
of
Religion
,
and
consequently
conducive
to
a
higher
end
than
the
Publick
Good
;
and
therefore
if
the
Governours
break
the
Laws
,
and
introduce
a
Publick
Evil
for
a
Private
Interest
,
they
must
not
be
resisted
upon
pain
of
Damnation
.
Answ.
This
were
a
good
Plea
,
if
it
were
true
,
but
God
is
not
the
Patron
of
Injustice
;
and
therefore
he
gives
no
Prince
or
Potentate
more
Authority
over
the
People
than
the
Tables
of
the
Government
express
,
and
of
these
there
are
diverse
degrees
.
Those
that
are
Govern'd
by
the
will
of
their
Prince
,
whose
Word
is
a
Law
,
if
he
command
their
Persons
for
Slaves
,
or
Estates
to
serve
his
Ambition
,
they
must
obey
,
and
God
requires
it
of
them
,
because
it
is
the
Princes
Right
.
Arbitrary
Princes
have
a
Political
Power
to
treat
a
Subject
cruelly
and
inhumanely
;
their
Immorality
is
an
offence
against
God
not
injustice
to
the
Subject
who
had
given
up
himself
to
be
used
at
their
discretion
.
But
those
that
are
to
rule
by
Laws
made
for
the
Publick
good
,
and
such
as
render
the
Subjects
Freemen
,
not
Slaves
;
such
as
secures
their
Religion
,
Liberty
and
Property
;
if
these
Princes
contrary
to
Law
imprison
their
persons
,
or
seize
their
Estates
,
they
do
it
unjustly
,
without
God's
Warrant
,
or
any
Political
Authority
,
and
may
be
resisted
,
or
else
we
might
not
resist
the
Devil
,
should
he
creep
into
the
Court
in
a
Jesuits
habit
,
and
Haman-like
,
get
a
Commission
to
cut
all
our
Throats
.
If
I
be
called
to
suffer
for
my
Religion
,
or
the
Faith
of
Christ
,
I
am
bound
to
suffer
upon
a
mighty
reasonable
account
:
For
first
,
It
is
the
best
way
to
overcome
,
my
Faith
can
Triumph
so
by
no
other
Victory
as
by
Death
,
for
that
is
a
Victory
never
to
be
lost
again
.
2.
Though
I
die
,
the
Tyrant
hath
not
his
end
,
but
is
by
that
means
utterly
defeated
of
it
.
And
3.
I
shall
be
an
infinite
gainer
by
it
,
for
I
shall
have
an
infinite
Reward
for
what
I
suffer
,
and
what
I
lose
.
But
there
is
a
vast
difference
between
suffering
for
the
Faith
of
Christ
,
and
for
the
frame
of
a
Political
Government
;
for
if
I
may
not
resist
I
am
overcome
.
2.
If
I
am
overcome
,
the
Tyrantgets
his
End
;
namely
,
an
Arbitrary
Power
.
And
3.
He
has
promis'd
no
Reward
for
such
Voluntary
entering
into
Bondage
,
or
owning
an
usurped
Authority
.
The
Church
and
the
frame
of
the
State
stand
upon
Two
several
Bottoms
,
God
has
promised
to
support
the
Church
,
and
there
needs
no
Arm
of
flesh
to
defend
it
under
the
worst
of
governments
:
But
the
frame
of
every
government
is
a
Humane
Structure
;
and
though
God
does
impower
and
authorize
every
government
,
yet
he
has
left
the
Choice
of
the
several
kinds
to
the
parties
,
and
has
promised
to
bless
them
in
the
just
Administration
of
their
several
Choices
;
but
no
where
has
he
promised
to
support
the
particular
frame
they
chose
,
that
as
their
prudence
raised
it
,
or
it
must
fall
at
every
King's
pleasure
,
and
when
they
have
chosen
out
the
Frame
,
God
that
approves
it
,
grants
neither
the
King
nor
the
people
greater
priviledges
than
the
Frame
it self
expresses
,
which
in
diverse
Nations
is
different
,
some
submitting
to
be
governed
by
the
will
of
him
they
Voluntarily
chose
.
Others
to
one
that
will
govern
by
Laws
of
their
own
making
,
and
his
approving
.
Others
to
one
of
their
precedent
Kings
Race
or
Line
.
Others
to
a
multitude
.
Others
to
a
few
of
the
best
and
presumptively
wisest
Persons
,
and
every
peoples
choice
must
be
the
measure
of
their
Obedience
,
if
they
have
made
an
ill
Bargain
they
must
stand
to
it
,
and
if
they
have
made
a
good
one
they
may
stand
for
it
.
If
therefore
any
Governor
challenge
more
of
the
Subject
than
is
in
the
Submission
,
That
Subjects
may
by
the
Laws
of
God
and
Man
deny
to
yield
it
.
And
if
the
Prince
deny
to
give
the
Subject
as
much
as
in
the
Grant
,
the
Subject
may
challenge
his
Right
,
and
if
by
Force
or
Fraud
,
contrary
to
the
Frame
of
the
government
,
the
Governor
will
force
the
governed
from
his
Right
,
the
Obligation
of
subjection
ceases
so
far
,
and
he
may
defend
himself
from
the
oppression
and
injustice
as
well
as
he
can
.
Obj.
2.
But
he
must
defend
himself
in
God's
way
,
his
defence
must
be
without
Sin
.
And
that
is
either
by
Prayers
to
God
,
or
Intreaties
to
the
Prince
,
or
by
Suffering
;
for
the
Scripture
says
,
all
Power
are
of
God
,
and
they
that
resist
the
Power
,
resist
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
Rom.
13.2
.
And
St.
Peter
gives
Christians
in
Charge
,
that
they
submit
to
every
Odinance
of
Man
for
the
Lord's
sake
.
Answ.
All
Powers
indeed
are
of
God
,
that
is
every
Government
has
God's
Warrant
to
proceed
according
to
the
Frame
of
the
government
,
to
the
End
of
the
government
,
which
is
the
publick
Good
.
The
Power
is
of
God
,
but
the
Restraint
of
the
Power
is
in
the
Frame
of
the
government
,
and
the
Frame
is
an
humane
Ordinance
or
Structure
,
as
the
Apostle
elegantly
Expresses
it
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
he
therefore
that
resisteth
the
government
,
proceedeth
according
to
the
Frame
of
thegovernment
,
resisteth
the
Ordinance
of
God
.
But
if
the
Governor
proceed
neither
according
to
the
Frame
of
the
government
,
nor
to
the
End
,
but
against
it
,
such
Process
cannot
be
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
unless
God
have
two
contradictory
Ordinances
of
Force
,
at
one
time
in
the
same
Government
,
and
then
the
command
may
be
true
and
false
,
and
the
Subjects
duty
good
and
evil
,
and
men
would
be
perpetually
distracted
with
serving
two
Masters
.
This
would
make
the
Government
God's
and
the
Devil
's
,
and
as
no
less
than
to
put
a
Blasphemous
Juggle
upon
the
Ordinance
of
God
:
which
is
always
simple
,
and
at
one
with
it self
.
These
Scriptures
therefore
can
tye
us
to
obey
the
Governor
contrary
to
the
Government
,
because
they
tye
us
to
obey
the
government
;
and
that
this
is
all
they
tye
us
from
resisting
,
is
evident
by
the
Reason
St.
Paul
gives
,
which
is
,
because
the
Resisters
resist
the
Ordinance
of
God
;
and
therefore
it
is
warily
exprest
,
if
it
were
but
as
warily
read
,
for
it
is
not
whosoever
resisteth
the
person
or
the
will
of
the
Governor
,
but
whosoever
resisteth
the
Power
(
and
that
Power
is
neither
more
nor
less
than
the
Frame
of
the
government
expresses
)
resisteth
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
and
to
this
Resistance
the
Penalty
is
annexed
.
But
it
does
not
follow
,
because
I
may
not
resist
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
that
I
may
not
resist
the
powerless
and
inauthoritative
,
unjust
Attempts
of
Superiours
upon
me
,
for
then
a
Souldier
might
not
resist
his
Captain
that
would
rob
him
,
nor
a
Married
Man-servant
his
Master
that
would
force
his
Wise
.
This
I
think
evidences
,
That
to
resist
a
Superiour
and
his
evil
Instruments
and
Accomplices
,
while
they
Act
contrary
to
the
Frame
of
the
Government
,
is
not
to
resist
the
Power
of
God
,
or
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
but
to
keep
off
those
who
usurp
upon
the
Power
of
God
,
and
the
Frame
of
the
Government
,
and
the
just
Rights
of
others
.
For
I
would
fain
know
of
the
Doctors
of
Non
resistance
,
whether
the
Act
that
contains
the
Test
,
have
the
stamp
of
God's
Authority
upon
it
or
no
;
if
it
have
not
,
the
Power
of
the
King
and
Parliament
is
no
Power
of
God
;
if
it
have
,
then
to
resist
,
that
is
to
resist
the
Ordinance
of
God
:
And
those
Commissions
that
are
contrary
to
it
,
have
no
power
from
God
:
If
the
affirmative
be
true
the
negative
is
of
no
force
.
And
therefore
to
resist
such
Commissions
,
is
not
to
resist
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
unless
God's
Ordinances
be
contradictory
,
and
that
would
render
God
guilty
of
double
dealing
,
as
well
as
the
Jesuits
.
Which
being
utterly
impossible
,
it
must
be
concluded
,
That
the
resisting
such
Commissions
,
and
the
Instruments
acting
by
them
,
is
not
to
resist
Lawful
Authority
,
but
to
remove
Unlawful
;
not
to
do
evil
,
but
to
hinder
it
;
not
to
sin
,
but
to
prevent
Sinners
for
doing
mischief
;
and
it
would
be
very
hard
measure
for
a
Man
to
be
damn'd
for
doing
such
a
good
Office
.
Bishop
Bilson
,
therefore
speaking
of
this
Text
,
says
,
It
is
not
resisting
the
King's
Will
against
Law
,
but
according
to
Law
that
is
forbidden
.
And
both
Barclay
,
and
Grotius
affirm
,
That
the
People
may
in
diverse
Cases
resist
Kings
that
are
tyed
to
govern
by
Law
,
which
they
could
not
do
,
did
they
think
these
Scriptures
forbad
all
resistance
.
Much
indeed
is
said
from
the
Practice
of
the
Jews
,
and
the
Primitive
Christians
,
and
the
Subjection
of
Servants
,
but
nothing
to
the
purpose
;
for
their
Case
is
not
ours
,
more
than
their
frame
of
Government
is
ours
;
their
Servants
were
Slaves
,
and
their
Kings
and
Emperours
Wills
were
their
Laws
;
their
People
had
no
Magna
Charta's
to
show
,
nor
Fundamental
Compacts
,
and
so
could
plead
no
injustice
in
any
command
,
the
frame
of
the
Government
Warranted
all
those
commands
that
had
the
Royal
pleasure
:
Their
Political
Power
was
more
extensive
than
their
Moral
Power
.
The
People
were
wholly
at
the
Mercy
of
the
Prince
:
All
their
Laws
were
Acts
of
Grace
,
not
fundamental
Reserves
and
inherent
Rights
,
and
therefore
in
Spirituals
they
had
no
Cause
to
resist
,
and
in
Temporals
they
might
not
,
as
was
observed
above
.
If
they
had
been
under
limited
Governments
as
we
are
,
we
might
have
heard
of
Blows
as
well
as
Words
,
St.
Paul
was
never
so
virulent
with
his
Tongue
,
as
when
he
was
smitten
contrary
to
Law
.
Obj.
3.
But
the
Person
of
the
King
is
sacred
,
and
must
not
he
touched
.
Answ.
I
say
so
too
;
but
it
is
his
just
Power
that
makes
him
so
.
And
therefore
in
dangerous
times
,
he
is
to
be
counselled
and
perswaded
to
secure
himself
,
by
keeping
within
the
Sanctuary
of
the
Laws
,
and
holding
them
forth
for
the
Publick
Good
,
by
gaining
the
Affections
of
the
People
,
and
being
content
with
that
measure
of
Power
that
is
proper
to
the
Government
.
For
if
he
doth
not
,
Right
may
and
ought
to
be
defended
,
and
resistance
(
for
the
Publick
good
)
of
Illegal
Commissioned
Forces
,
is
not
resisting
the
King's
Person
,
but
his
Forces
;
nor
his
Power
,
but
his
Force
without
Power
.
If
none
would
execute
the
King's
contradictory
Commands
,
none
would
resist
;
and
if
he
will
against
all
Justice
,
Prudence
and
Perswasions
,
joyn
with
wicked
Men
,
and
wilfully
expose
himself
to
the
mercy
of
blind
Bullets
,
charge
is
to
be
given
to
all
,
that
none
kill
him
wittingly
or
wilfully
;
the
hand
that
lifted
him
up
may
not
pull
him
down
:
God
forbid
that
any
should
think
of
killing
him
de
industrâ
,
or
despair
of
his
repentance
before
God
does
,
nothing
past
can
prejudice
a
Penitent
before
God
,
and
I
hope
not
before
Men
;
thus
the
King's
person
and
power
will
be
safe
in
the
midst
of
a
Civil
War
,
not
so
safe
as
in
peaceable
times
,
but
as
safe
as
can
consist
with
the
Subjects
Right
,
when
their
Religion
and
Laws
,
Liberty
and
Property
,
are
Violently
invaded
.
And
therefore
if
any
thing
befall
his
person
by
their
hands
,
it
is
but
a
chance
and
accidental
thing
,
which
may
happen
also
in
peaceable
times
.
This
shows
that
Resisting
the
King
's
illegal
commission'd
Forces
,
in
defence
of
their
own
just
Rights
,
is
not
resisting
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
and
consequently
no
Sin
;
and
then
the
Conscience
is
not
tyed
otherwise
than
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
and
the
particular
Frame
of
the
government
tyes
it
.
Obj.
4.
But
to
resist
the
King
,
or
his
Commissioners
,
is
against
the
Frame
of
the
Government
,
it
being
a
Monarchy
,
and
against
the
Laws
and
Statutes
of
the
Realm
.
Answ.
If
it
be
so
,
it
is
a
great
Sin
;
but
as
it
is
certain
this
is
a
Monarchy
,
so
it
is
certain
that
it
is
limited
in
the
Foundation
,
otherwise
the
King
would
have
all
the
Legislative
Power
,
and
the
Parliment
no
Authority
or
Right
but
derived
from
him
,
and
then
he
must
be
Arbitrary
,
and
we
Slaves
,
and
all
our
Laws
must
be
acts
of
Grace
,
not
Fundamental
Rights
:
Not
from
any
inherent
power
reserved
at
the
Institution
to
our selves
,
and
never
submitted
to
the
Princes
;
but
from
the
gracious
condescention
of
an
Absolute
Monarch
,
which
is
contrary
to
the
Story
of
all
times
,
which
shows
that
the
people
ever
claimed
Liberty
and
Property
,
according
to
their
Ancient
Laws
and
Customs
,
not
as
a
Gift
,
but
as
a
Right
inherent
in
themselves
,
and
never
Transferred
,
Aliened
,
or
Conveyed
to
any
King
,
but
Declared
.
Recognized
and
Confirmed
to
them
by
many
.
I
shall
therefore
suppose
(
what
I
think
none
can
upon
sufficient
grounds
deny
)
that
the
King
is
bound
by
all
the
sacred
Tyes
of
God
and
Man
,
to
govern
by
the
Laws
,
and
not
otherwise
,
neither
by
a
Foreign
Law
,
nor
by
one
of
his
own
framing
,
nor
by
any
Word
or
Will
contrary
to
Law
,
seeing
nothing
can
have
the
force
of
Law
here
,
but
what
has
the
joynt
Consent
of
King
and
Parliament
,
and
that
in
a
Parliamentary
way
,
and
this
shows
us
in
the
Terms
of
Submission
that
are
sworn
to
on
both
sides
.
The
King
and
the
people
by
a
joynt
consent
makes
Laws
,
and
make
them
the
common
Rule
betwixt
them
,
the
King
swears
to
observe
the
Laws
,
and
the
people
swear
to
obey
the
King
,
and
to
leave
the
Execution
of
the
Laws
to
the
King
to
be
managed
for
the
publick
good
.
Therefore
as
long
as
he
governs
by
Law
,
he
and
all
his
Ministers
are
safe
enough
from
Resistance
,
the
Resister
being
lyable
to
be
punished
both
by
God
and
Man
;
and
the
sole
administration
being
left
to
the
King
,
Subjects
all
but
himself
to
Criminal
process
,
and
even
himself
to
Civil
,
but
his
person
and
power
are
safe
in
both
,
he
may
be
severe
in
the
Execution
of
the
Laws
many
times
,
but
not
unjust
;
As
,
if
he
will
not
suspend
a
Burthensom
Law
,
or
Revive
an
Antiquated
one
,
when
the
publick
good
requires
it
,
This
may
render
him
uncharitable
or
imprudent
,
but
he
is
safe
yet
;
For
though
he
be
bound
to
proceed
according
to
Law
,
yet
he
is
not
tyed
to
proceed
always
according
to
the
best
Methods
,
when
there
are
diverse
.
But
if
he
stop
the
Courts
of
Justice
,
erect
new
ones
,
or
proceed
contrary
to
Law
,
he
Acts
without
Authority
and
against
his
own
Authority
,
and
puts
on
a
kind
of
a
Vizard
,
that
his
Subjects
can
neither
know
him
nor
their
Duty
;
for
it
is
the
Laws
that
direct
them
to
the
person
of
the
King
,
and
their
own
Duty
,
without
which
they
could
know
neither
:
And
if
the
End
be
not
the
publick
good
it
is
downright
Injustice
,
as
well
as
politically
powerless
.
Necessity
indeed
may
justifie
a
Political
,
unlawful
Act
for
the
Publick
good
.
As
in
case
of
an
Invasion
to
burn
a
garrison
rather
than
it
should
be
a
refuge
for
the
Enemy
,
or
to
open
Sluces
and
to
drown
a
part
of
the
Country
,
for
though
these
things
have
not
the
form
of
the
Law
,
they
have
the
reason
,
and
that
is
Publick
good
:
And
therefore
it
is
not
Law
but
Necessity
,
not
the
King's
Command
but
Publick
good
,
that
warrants
these
Acts.
And
when
Peace
returns
,
the
Injured
are
to
have
satisfaction
made
by
the
Publick
,
not
as
of
Charity
,
but
as
of
Justice
,
which
shows
that
the
Law
looks
upon
it
as
a
Trespass
,
justified
only
by
Necessity
and
the
Publick
good
.
And
the
particular
Persons
here
,
have
reason
to
be
quiet
and
make
no
resistance
,
because
they
shall
reap
double
benefit
by
it
,
one
in
the
Publick
good
,
and
another
from
the
Publick
Treasure
.
But
it
does
not
follow
,
that
if
the
King
in
an
angry
mood
,
should
command
his
guards
to
fire
Newmarket
,
because
he
had
lost
an
Horse-race
there
,
or
had
a
mind
to
have
a
Bonefire
,
because
he
had
won
one
,
that
the
Inhabitants
might
not
resist
them
.
Obj.
5.
By
what
Law
?
Not
by
the
Law
of
the
Land
?
Answ.
Yes
,
By
the
Law
of
the
Land
a
Petty
Constables
word
would
justifie
Resistance
,
better
then
the
Kings
Commission
could
justifie
the
illegal
Attempt
.
But
suppose
there
were
no
Person
that
had
the
least
Authority
,
and
that
the
resistance
could
not
be
within
the
prescribed
Form
of
government
;
yet
because
the
force
is
an
unauthoritative
force
,
and
because
there
is
greater
necessity
of
the
End
of
the
government
than
of
the
Form
;
Men
may
by
the
Law
of
Nature
and
the
Law
of
Reason
proceed
to
the
End
,
not
without
all
Form
,
but
without
the
Political
Form
,
for
those
proceedings
that
are
according
to
Reason
,
are
not
simply
under
no
Law
,
but
under
a
more
extensive
Law
;
and
that
Law
justifies
resistance
,
even
of
Superiors
,
when
there
is
no
other
way
of
defence
left
the
people
.
If
the
Case
will
admit
of
Intreaties
,
or
sober
Counsels
,
or
legal
Appeals
,
they
are
to
be
used
;
but
if
there
be
no
room
for
these
,
or
if
they
take
no
place
,
but
illegal
force
be
used
,
that
force
may
,
nay
must
be
resisted
,
or
evil
is
consented
to
.
For
he
that
will
not
serve
the
publick
by
that
means
when
there
is
no
other
,
does
actually
consent
to
the
ruine
of
it
.
He
that
has
his
house
on
fire
,
and
will
not
stir
to
quench
the
flames
though
he
be
able
,
is
willing
sure
it
should
be
burnt
.
The
Rules
of
prudence
indeed
are
to
be
observed
,
for
if
there
be
no
probability
that
resistance
will
prevent
the
Evil
,
the
attempt
is
Folly
,
and
if
resistance
will
do
more
harm
than
good
it
is
inserviceable
;
and
if
there
be
any
other
means
effectual
it
is
unreasonable
,
for
it
ought
to
be
the
last
refuge
,
and
then
if
the
Cause
be
good
,
Necessity
justifies
proceeding
to
the
End
:
Not
by
illegal
Means
,
but
by
suspending
the
Political
Form
,
and
appealing
to
the
Reason
of
Mankind
,
and
introducing
the
Law
of
Nature
:
And
this
is
no
more
than
when
Judgment
at
Common-Law
is
reversed
in
Chancery
,
the
Form
of
the
Law
gives
place
to
Equity
and
sound
Reason
.
Obj.
6.
But
is
it
Rebellion
?
Answ.
I
Answer
,
Rebellion
is
resisting
the
just
Power
of
the
Government
,
and
if
so
,
then
it
is
no
Rebellion
to
resist
the
unjust
and
usurped
Power
,
for
then
it
would
be
Rebellion
to
resist
Rebellion
,
and
there
could
be
no
such
thing
as
a
just
defence
against
the
exorbitant
Power
of
Princes
;
and
then
the
King
might
Commission
a
Captain
,
or
a
Collonel
,
to
role
up
and
down
in
the
Country
and
Plunder
,
and
it
would
be
Rebellion
in
the
Posse
Cum.
(
at
least
in
any
private
Family
)
to
resist
them
.
And
a
private
Commission
to
cut
our
Throats
would
tye
our
hands
till
the
business
were
done
.
But
the
resisting
such
Force
,
as
has
neither
Moral
nor
political
power
,
is
no
more
Rebellion
than
to
fight
against
a
Wild
Beast
,
that
came
with
Strength
,
but
no
Authority
to
devour
them
.
The
Papists
indeed
have
taken
up
Arms
,
without
and
against
the
just
power
of
this
Land
,
not
only
against
the
Form
of
Law
,
but
to
the
overthrow
of
the
Laws
,
and
Fundamental
Rights
of
this
Government
,
directly
against
the
Letter
,
the
Power
,
and
the
End
of
the
Law
,
which
is
as
inslaving
to
the
Subjects
as
an
usurping
Conquest
;
and
it
is
no
more
Rebellion
to
resist
them
,
than
Wat
Tyler
or
Jack
Cade
:
They
are
Rebels
who
Arm
against
the
government
,
not
they
that
defend
it
by
Arms
Obj.
7.
But
this
is
to
usurp
the
Power
of
the
Sword
,
which
by
the
Frame
of
the
Government
is
wholly
in
the
Kings
Hand
.
Answ.
The
Political
Power
of
the
Sword
indeed
is
in
the
King
,
but
that
does
not
devest
the
Subject
of
all
defence
by
Arms
,
but
only
of
such
defence
as
is
against
or
inconsistent
with
the
Political
Power
.
If
force
be
offered
that
wants
Political
Power
,
whoever
does
it
,
does
it
but
in
the
Nature
of
a
private
Person
,
and
private
Persons
may
resist
such
.
The
Right
of
Self-defence
is
a
precedent
Right
to
all
Policy
;
and
every
Man
has
so
much
of
it
still
,
as
is
not
given
up
unto
the
Political
Power
he
lives
under
.
They
therefore
that
have
given
themselves
up
to
be
governed
by
Law
only
,
have
Right
to
defend
themselves
,
not
only
against
the
private
Assailant
,
which
is
allowed
in
all
Governments
,
but
also
against
illegal
Force
.
And
this
Resistance
is
no
Usurpation
upon
the
Magistrates
Power
,
because
it
is
not
an
Act
of
Civil
Authority
,
but
of
Natural
Right
:
And
if
thousands
joyn
in
the
Attempt
,
they
are
all
Voluntiers
;
a
Multitude
,
but
no
body
Corporate
;
and
such
as
challenge
no
Authority
over
those
they
resist
,
but
deny
Subjection
to
such
unauthoritative
Force
:
For
such
Force
wanting
Political
Power
,
has
no
Power
but
Strength
,
and
Strength
authorizes
none
to
injure
,
but
Natural
Right
authorizes
every
one
to
defend
himself
;
so
that
in
this
case
,
the
Resister
has
a
moral
Power
or
Warrant
,
but
the
illegal
Invader
none
at
all
.
Obj.
8.
But
the
Resisters
ought
not
to
do
an
unlawful
Act
to
suppress
such
illegal
Force
.
Answ.
I
Answer
,
That
Act
is
not
simply
Unlawful
that
wants
Political
Power
;
the
Law
is
made
for
the
publick
Good
as
the
End
,
and
therefore
if
the
prescribed
means
be
not
sufficient
for
the
End
,
the
Law
permits
that
other
reasonable
means
be
used
,
otherwise
People
might
dwell
upon
the
Shadow
till
they
've
lost
the
Substance
.
The
Posse
Com.
ought
not
by
the
prescribed
form
of
Law
to
go
into
another
County
;
but
if
the
other
Country
at
that
time
had
no
Sheriff
,
whereby
the
power
of
that
County
could
not
be
raised
to
defend
it self
;
or
if
there
were
Ships
in
the
Borders
of
the
next
County
,
to
which
the
Plunderers
might
escape
if
they
were
not
hotly
pursued
,
I
question
not
but
the
Posse
Com.
might
do
a
commendable
Act
to
pursue
them
,
and
take
them
in
the
next
County
.
The
Law
was
made
for
the
publick
Good
,
and
not
the
Publick
Good
for
the
Law
;
and
therefore
when
the
Law
cannot
answer
its
own
End
,
or
prescribes
ineffectual
Means
,
any
just
and
honest
Means
may
be
used
;
and
this
is
not
destructive
of
the
Law
,
but
suppletory
;
not
a
violating
the
Form
prescribed
,
but
an
improving
it
:
And
though
a
Man
may
be
called
to
account
for
doing
a
Good
Act
in
such
a
manner
,
I
suppose
it
is
but
to
know
the
Truth
of
the
Matter
,
and
to
preserve
the
Reverence
of
the
Laws
;
for
he
is
already
cleared
in
his
own
Conscience
,
and
in
the
Breasts
of
all
Good
Men
;
and
a
Pardon
in
that
case
does
but
declare
it
is
so
,
and
ought
of
Right
(
not
of
Grace
)
to
be
granted
.
For
it
is
not
necessary
in
respect
of
any
Crime
,
but
in
respect
of
some
defect
in
the
Law
,
which
had
not
made
sufficient
provision
for
the
Publick
Good
.
Object
.
9.
But
it
is
against
true
Allegiance
,
and
an
Oath
must
be
kept
though
it
be
to
our
own
hurt
.
Answ.
True
Allegiance
must
be
proportioned
to
the
Frame
of
the
Government
,
and
the
end
of
that
Frame
.
Therefore
if
the
Frame
be
to
restrain
Arbitrary
Power
,
the
Subject
cannot
owe
Arbitraty
Allegiance
.
Allegiance
is
more
in
some
Places
and
less
in
others
;
but
no
Man
can
owe
so
much
Duty
to
his
Prince
,
as
not
to
have
a
Salvo
for
God
and
his
Life
;
and
here
we
can
owe
none
that
is
against
our
Laws
and
the
Publick
Good
,
for
that
would
destroy
the
Government
.
Our
Allegiance
therefore
must
be
bounded
by
our
Laws
,
and
not
by
the
King's
Word
,
or
Will
:
No
Man
can
swear
to
obey
the
King's
Word
or
Will
simply
,
but
according
to
Law
.
It
would
be
Sin
to
tye
our selves
to
think
,
or
speak
,
or
do
,
what
he
would
have
us
at
large
.
Our
Allegiance
therefore
must
be
such
as
will
consist
with
the
Frame
of
our
Government
,
and
that
must
be
such
as
is
couched
in
the
Body
of
our
Laws
.
Other
Allegiance
there
can
be
none
,
but
what
is
wrapt
up
in
Courtesies
and
Formalities
.
For
it
seems
the
King
,
as
well
as
the
People
,
is
under
the
Law
in
some
Sense
,
under
the
direction
of
it
,
though
not
under
the
constraint
;
and
therefore
at
his
Coronation
,
he
does
a
kind
of
Fealty
to
the
Laws
and
Government
,
and
swears
Allegiance
to
them
,
as
to
a
Supream
Lord
.
The
Oath
is
not
only
,
Will
you
grant
the
Laws
,
but
will
you
grant
and
keep
the
Laws
and
Customs
of
England
;
and
the
Answer
is
,
I
grant
and
promise
to
keep
them
.
It
is
certain
therefore
,
no
Allegiance
to
the
King
can
be
against
Law
,
to
which
he
himself
owes
Allegiance
.
The
Case
being
thus
far
clear
,
That
the
Allegiance
sworn
to
,
is
no
other
but
our
Legal
Duty
;
it
does
not
hinder
but
that
we
may
resist
illegal
Force
.
When
the
King
of
the
Scots
swore
allegiance
to
our
King
,
it
did
not
deprive
him
of
a
just
defence
of
his
just
Right
,
by
taking
up
arms
if
he
were
opprest
.
And
the
King
of
England
when
he
swore
allegiance
to
the
King
of
France
,
made
no
scruple
to
take
up
arms
against
his
Liege
Lord
,
in
defence
of
his
just
Rights
:
And
the
Old
Lawyers
tell
us
,
That
the
very
Villain
might
in
case
of
Rape
and
Murther
arm
against
his
Lord
;
and
if
the
Law
arm
a
Villain
against
his
Lord
,
Subjects
are
worse
than
Villains
,
if
they
may
not
arm
against
their
Soveraign
Lord's
illegal
Forces
,
in
defence
of
their
Laws
,
Lives
,
Estates
,
and
the
publick
good
;
but
what
makes
it
most
evident
is
the
Clause
in
King
Henry's
Charter
,
which
says
,
If
the
King
invade
those
Rights
,
it
is
Lawful
for
the
Kingdom
to
rise
against
him
,
and
do
him
what
injury
they
can
,
as
though
they
owed
him
no
Allegiance
;
The
Words
are
these
(
if
my
Author
fail
me
not
)
Licet
omnibus
de
Regno
nostro
,
contra
nos
insurgere
,
&
omnia
agere
quae
gravamen
noster
respiciant
,
ac
si
nobis
in
nullo
tenerentur
.
Much
to
the
same
purpose
is
in
King
John's
Charter
,
which
I
find
thus
quoted
.
Et
Illi
Barones
,
cum
communa
totius
terrae
,
distringent
&
gravabunt
Nos
.
Modis
omnibus
quibus
poterunt
;
scilicet
per
captionem
Castrorum
,
terrarum
,
possessionum
,
etalis
modis
quibus
potuerint
,
donet
fuerint
emendatum
,
secundum
Arbitrium
eorum
,
salva
persona
nostra
&
Reginae
nostrae
&
Liberorum
nostrorum
.
Much
may
be
said
of
this
Nature
about
the
Old
Allegiance
,
which
was
all
couched
in
Homage
and
Fealty
;
but
this
is
enough
to
show
that
true
Allegiance
does
not
tye
us
from
resisting
illegal
Force
,
and
Intolerable
Incroachments
upon
our
just
Rights
.
Obj.
10.
But
such
Resistance
would
be
against
the
Declaration
,
which
says
,
It
is
not
Lawful
upon
any
pretence
whatsoever
to
take
up
Arms
against
the
King
,
&c.
Answ.
The
Latitude
of
the
word
Lawful
causes
the
Scruple
,
which
at
first
View
seems
to
tell
us
,
That
it
is
sinful
upon
any
pretence
whatsoever
,
to
take
up
arms
against
the
King
,
&c.
But
it
is
no
good
consequence
to
say
,
That
it
is
sinful
because
it
is
unlawful
,
unless
the
Discourse
be
restrained
to
the
Laws
of
God
.
I
must
confess
it
is
politically
unlawful
for
Subjects
in
any
Case
,
or
for
any
Cause
whatever
,
to
take
up
arms
against
the
King
,
and
those
Commission'd
by
him
;
because
such
a
taking
up
arms
here
can
have
no
political
authority
:
But
it
is
morally
lawful
in
all
limited
Governments
to
resist
that
Force
that
wants
political
power
.
The
regal
power
is
irresistable
in
all
Persons
,
from
the
King
to
the
petty
Constable
;
but
it
does
not
hinder
but
that
all
these
Persons
may
be
resisted
,
when
they
do
what
they
have
no
political
power
to
.
They
that
have
a
limited
power
,
and
a
prescribed
Duty
,
may
either
act
against
,
or
beyond
their
Commission
;
and
when
they
so
do
they
may
be
resisted
:
For
such
acts
have
no
political
power
in
them
,
though
the
Persons
have
to
other
purposes
.
If
a
Commission
should
be
granted
to
a
Company
of
Ruffians
to
plunder
and
massacre
,
they
might
have
something
more
of
the
King's
Affections
,
but
no
more
of
his
authority
than
Private
Robbers
had
;
and
consequently
might
be
resisted
with
equal
Honesty
.
None
therefore
can
make
this
Declaration
in
its
full
Latitude
,
but
upon
this
presumption
,
That
the
King
and
his
Ministers
keep
perpetually
within
the
Bounds
of
the
Law
;
otherwise
they
declare
the
King
has
an
arbitrary
power
,
which
is
against
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
this
Land
,
and
a
kind
of
Treason
against
the
State
:
For
if
he
may
not
be
resisted
in
any
Case
,
he
may
be
under
some
moral
restraint
,
but
under
no
political
restraint
;
and
consequently
the
political
frame
of
the
Government
must
be
arbitrary
.
The
meaning
therefore
of
this
Declaration
can
be
no
other
,
but
that
a
Man
can
have
no
Civil
power
or
authority
in
any
Case
to
take
up
arms
against
the
King
,
&c.
But
this
does
not
debar
any
man
of
the
Natural
Right
of
Self-defence
,
by
private
arms
against
Inauthoritative
Force
.
Obj.
11.
To
this
some
reply
,
that
seeing
God
hath
placed
the
Governing
(
though
limited
)
Power
in
the
King's
Hand
,
no
Man
may
,
by
any
Natural
Right
or
Private
Defence
,
resist
his
illegal
Force
;
God
s
Power
must
not
be
resisted
,
though
abused
.
Answ.
There
is
a
great
difference
between
the
abuse
of
power
,
and
the
want
of
power
;
and
therefore
this
argument
either
supposes
the
power
greater
than
it
is
,
or
concludes
ill
.
The
King
and
Parliament
have
indeed
an
arbitrary
power
(
I
do
not
say
Infinite
,
but
as
Extensive
as
the
frame
of
government
will
bear
)
and
therefore
if
they
make
a
very
grievous
Law
(
though
they
ought
not
,
for
they
are
under
a
moral
restraint
though
no
political
)
neither
the
King
nor
any
of
his
Ministers
may
be
resisted
in
the
due
Execution
of
it
.
But
the
King
has
no
power
to
burden
us
beyond
or
against
Law
;
and
we
may
thank
our
own
Weakness
if
ever
he
have
Strength
to
do
it
.
This
shows
us
there
is
a
great
difference
betwixt
the
abuse
of
political
power
and
the
want
of
it
.
Abused
power
must
not
be
resisted
,
but
Force
without
power
may
.
The
political
power
of
arbitrary
Princes
,
is
more
extensive
than
their
moral
power
:
And
this
tyes
the
Subject
to
Non-resistance
,
when
he
is
Immorally
or
Unchristianly
used
.
They
that
subject
themselves
to
anothers
Discretion
,
devest
themselves
of
all
defence
.
But
they
that
reserve
property
and
liberty
to
themselves
,
may
justly
defend
them
,
when
they
are
unjustly
invaded
.
Had
the
King
an
arbitrary
power
,
which
he
did
abuse
to
vex
the
Protestants
,
I
for
my
part
should
think
my self
obliged
to
suffer
and
not
to
resist
,
as
I
believe
did
all
the
Primitive
Christians
;
but
seeing
he
has
no
political
power
to
use
me
as
he
lists
,
and
the
most
absolute
Monarch
has
no
moral
power
to
do
an
unjust
Act
to
his
Subject
:
I
should
be
a
senseless
Fool
,
if
without
any
Obligation
either
from
God
or
Man
,
I
should
stand
Blows
rather
than
withstand
them
.
The
Truth
is
,
Non-resistance
stretch'd
thus
far
,
under
this
government
,
would
make
us
like
the
Two
Fools
that
went
to
the
Field
to
fight
with
one
Staff
,
with
which
Vice
Versa
,
he
that
had
it
,
cudgell'd
the
other
,
who
stood
all
the
while
with
his
Hands
in
his
pocket
Valiantly
bearing
all
the
blows
his
Brother
Fool
thought
good
to
lay
on
.
2.
Others
conclude
otherwise
against
this
Doctrine
,
and
say
,
The
King
having
the
Sacred
Power
Lodged
in
him
,
may
not
be
resisted
,
though
he
act
without
,
or
against
that
power
,
for
reverence
of
that
Just
power
of
God
that
is
in
him
.
This
looks
like
a
piece
of
Courtship
to
God
,
and
smells
more
of
Superstition
than
Divinity
:
God
requires
no
Honor
to
the
prejudice
of
Justice
,
or
the
advancement
of
Injustice
;
but
this
too
Devout
kind
of
Reverence
would
inable
a
bad
Prince
to
injure
the
Innocent
,
and
would
leave
Justice
defenceless
on
Earth
.
Just
power
is
a
Sanctuary
indeed
,
but
the
Sanctuary
is
of
no
larger
extent
than
the
power
.
This
is
evident
by
the
Tenour
of
all
Commissions
,
the
granter
must
have
a
competent
power
of
what
he
grants
,
and
that
warrants
the
Executor
to
proceed
to
the
End
of
the
grant
;
but
the
having
power
to
one
purpose
,
cannot
protect
a
Man
from
Resistance
,
if
he
proceed
to
another
.
The
Chimney
man
that
is
irresistable
in
his
Office
,
is
resistable
if
he
gather
the
Corn
in
the
Town-fields
;
And
the
King
that
receives
his
Commission
from
the
King
of
Heaven
to
execute
the
Law
,
and
is
therefore
Irresistable
in
the
execution
of
it
,
is
yet
resistable
,
if
he
shut
up
all
the
Courts
of
Justice
,
and
abuse
his
Subjects
contrary
to
Law
:
In
this
case
he
acts
not
by
the
power
of
God
,
but
his
Own
;
by
an
Arm
of
Flesh
,
or
the
Strength
of
Wicked
men
(
not
by
any
political
power
or
moral
power
)
but
by
the
Savage
power
of
a
Beast
,
or
the
malicious
power
of
Hell
.
And
how
any
Honor
should
accrue
to
God
by
a
Voluntary
submitting
to
such
a
power
,
is
beyond
my
comprehension
;
they
are
most
likely
to
Honor
God
,
that
stand
up
most
for
his
power
,
and
will
submit
to
no
other
.
I
have
brought
in
these
Two
Objections
here
,
because
the
Declaration
is
the
most
specious
and
obvious
Plea
for
Non-resistance
,
and
is
usually
back'd
with
one
of
these
Conceits
;
that
either
want
of
political
power
,
is
but
abuse
of
political
power
;
or
that
a
limited
political
power
is
a
Sanctuary
for
unlimited
Actions
in
whomsoever
it
rests
.
Obj.
12.
But
to
resist
such
Forces
as
are
Commission'd
by
the
King
,
is
against
the
Royal
Prerogative
of
the
Crown
.
Answ.
The
King
has
no
Prerogative
,
(
except
such
as
are
wrapt
up
in
honorary
Formalities
)
but
what
the
Law
gives
him
,
we
must
not
therefore
presume
a
Prerogative
,
and
then
conclude
it
Law
;
but
first
find
the
Law
,
and
by
it
prove
the
Prerogative
;
and
when
we
have
found
the
Prerogative
,
it
must
be
measured
by
what
the
Publick
Good
will
bear
,
and
not
by
what
the
Absoluteness
of
the
Prerogative
will
admit
:
For
no
Prerogative
can
be
used
that
is
against
the
frame
of
the
government
,
or
the
publick
good
.
Interpretations
of
Law
therefore
ought
rather
to
favour
Liberty
and
Property
than
Prerogative
;
because
the
benefiting
of
the
Subject
comes
nearer
to
the
End
of
the
government
,
than
the
excessive
Honouring
the
Prince
.
Honorary
Prerogatives
are
in
their
Degree
necessary
,
and
not
superfluous
;
there
must
be
something
to
maintain
the
Reverence
of
Magistrates
,
but
they
ought
to
give
way
to
publick
Interest
;
and
the
rest
are
nothing
but
powers
placed
in
the
King
to
do
good
with
,
and
not
good
or
ill
as
he
pleases
.
A
Prerogative
therefore
cannot
destroy
a
Law
,
but
it
may
supply
its
Defects
,
pardoning
a
Condemn'd
Innocent
,
or
a
hopeful
penitent
,
or
dispencing
with
a
Law
,
to
one
,
that
by
particular
Accident
,
the
Law
in
its
Rigour
would
undo
:
But
no
Prerogative
can
impower
the
King
to
destroy
the
peoples
liberty
or
property
.
That
dispencing
power
,
that
like
a
State
Opium
,
casts
all
the
Laws
asleep
,
and
is
an
Engine
of
publick
Mischief
,
is
no
Prerogative
belonging
to
the
Crown
of
England
,
but
a
Vice
that
does
not
belong
to
it
.
For
it
brings
guilt
upon
the
King
,
and
damage
upon
the
Subject
,
and
is
a
real
diminution
of
the
Dignities
of
the
Crown
:
For
it
,
and
such
like
,
serve
only
to
Impower
the
King
to
do
Mischief
with
securely
;
that
is
,
they
give
an
Immunity
from
punishment
,
but
not
from
guilt
.
As
suppose
the
King
by
such
a
claimed
Prerogative
,
should
shut
up
all
the
Courts
of
Justice
,
so
that
none
should
be
had
;
he
might
be
free
from
punishment
,
but
not
from
guilt
;
he
is
clear
by
Necessity
only
,
not
by
Right
;
the
Case
Transcends
the
Frame
of
the
government
,
none
can
Judge
him
that
has
neither
Equals
nor
Superiors
,
and
so
he
escapes
;
because
he
cannot
be
punished
,
not
because
he
deserves
it
not
.
Thus
the
pretended
Prerogative
bespatters
him
,
and
so
leaves
him
.
Obj.
13.
But
it
is
against
the
Supremacy
;
for
the
Supreme
ought
to
have
the
Supreme
credit
,
both
in
judging
what
is
Law
,
and
what
is
for
the
Publick
Good
.
Answ.
As
the
King
is
Supreme
in
the
Executive
part
,
so
the
Parliament
have
a
share
in
the
Legislative
,
which
I
take
to
be
the
very
Apex
of
Supremacy
,
and
therefore
they
ought
to
have
their
share
in
interpreting
Laws
as
well
as
the
King
,
or
his
Judges
;
because
none
knows
the
meaning
so
well
as
the
Makers
,
if
they
be
alive
;
and
if
they
be
dead
,
none
knows
the
publick
Necessities
so
well
;
none
so
unlikely
to
deceive
,
or
be
deceived
,
being
so
numerous
;
none
likely
to
be
so
faithful
,
and
so
unlikely
to
be
cortupted
,
having
so
great
an
interest
in
the
publick
good
;
none
like
to
be
so
effectual
in
working
a
compliance
in
the
Peoples
hearts
,
seeing
it
is
in
effect
their
own
Determination
:
But
yet
they
cannot
do
it
without
the
King
,
for
that
would
place
his
Parliament
above
himself
.
The
King
indeed
is
Supreme
in
the
Legislative
part
as
well
as
in
the
Executive
part
,
but
he
has
not
the
whole
Supremacy
in
the
Legislative
part
as
he
has
in
the
Executive
:
He
is
the
Head
of
that
Body
in
which
it
rests
,
but
the
Power
(
like
the
Soul
of
Man
)
is
in
the
whole
Body
,
though
most
eminently
in
the
Head
.
The
Parliament
have
their
Existence
,
but
not
their
Essence
from
him
.
When
they
are
called
together
,
they
Act
by
a
proper
and
inherent
Right
of
their
own
,
and
not
by
the
King's
Commission
and
Direction
.
It
may
be
good
Manners
to
fall
upon
what
he
directs
them
to
first
,
but
if
any
thing
of
greater
Moment
require
dispatch
,
they
must
wave
a
Complement
to
do
a
real
kindness
to
the
publick
Interest
;
which
they
could
not
do
,
were
they
his
Commissioners
,
and
received
their
power
to
act
by
from
him
:
It
is
unnatural
for
the
Stream
to
stop
the
Fountain
head
.
But
seeing
they
act
by
their
own
inherent
Power
,
when
met
,
they
can
restrain
in
the
King
that
he
cannot
make
a
Law
without
them
,
or
give
such
an
interpretation
of
any
,
either
by
himself
or
his
Judges
,
as
shall
bind
the
Subjects
to
follow
,
or
is
not
Reversible
in
Parliament
;
for
such
Interpretation
is
part
of
the
Legislative
power
,
and
that
rests
in
the
King
and
Subjects
Conjunctim
.
Had
the
King
Authority
to
bind
his
Interpretations
for
Law
upon
the
Subject
,
he
might
at
Pleasure
elude
any
Law
,
and
Law
would
be
but
a
Sconce
for
Arbitrary
power
.
The
Opinion
indeed
of
the
Judges
is
reverend
,
but
not
irreversible
.
None
can
finally
bind
an
Interpretation
on
the
Subject
but
those
that
can
make
Law
:
Therefore
if
the
King
and
Parliament
differ
about
the
sense
of
a
Law
,
it
is
not
legally
decided
till
both
agree
in
one
sense
.
But
that
sense
that
is
really
for
the
publick
good
has
the
Right
of
a
Law
,
though
not
the
Form
,
and
they
that
justifie
such
an
Interpretation
,
are
justifiable
by
the
Law
of
Nature
;
for
though
it
transcend
the
process
of
Courts
,
and
cannot
have
the
force
of
a
political
Law
,
yet
Reason
(
Mankinds
prime
Law
)
justifies
Men
to
prefer
a
publick
good
before
a
private
Interest
;
and
what
is
for
the
publick
good
,
they
that
feel
are
best
able
to
Judge
.
Obj.
14.
But
it
is
Disobedience
.
Answ.
Disobedience
to
a
Lawful
Command
is
a
grievous
Crime
,
and
a
great
Sin
;
but
it
may
be
a
great
duty
to
disobey
an
unlawful
Command
.
Obedience
is
due
as
far
as
the
Law
requires
,
and
something
farther
;
a
particular
person
must
suffer
rather
than
the
Honour
and
Majesty
of
the
Prince
should
be
brought
into
Contempt
;
for
though
the
Law
does
not
bind
to
this
,
yet
Conscience
and
Reason
do
,
the
publick
Interest
must
be
promoted
;
Scandal
prevented
,
and
the
Government
secured
from
Contempt
,
though
it
prejudice
some
particular
person
;
for
such
Contempt
may
arise
from
a
just
refusal
of
Obedience
in
some
small
and
single
Instances
,
and
may
be
of
worse
consequence
to
the
publick
than
a
private
Injury
,
but
if
the
thing
commanded
tend
to
destroy
the
Government
,
or
introduce
a
general
Calamity
,
Disobedience
becomes
a
Duty
,
and
such
commands
(
in
this
government
)
are
morally
,
politically
,
and
divinely
powerless
;
and
the
Disobedient
,
in
such
a
Case
,
does
the
King
as
good
Service
,
as
he
that
discovers
Treason
;
for
he
gives
him
Notice
that
his
Foot
is
entering
into
a
Snare
,
and
that
his
preservation
stands
in
desisting
,
and
repenting
if
he
would
but
heed
it
:
And
if
the
Disobedience
be
once
good
,
the
higher
it
goes
the
better
it
is
continuing
still
good
;
it
is
absurd
to
go
from
good
to
worse
extensively
.
Disobedience
that
is
good
,
is
still
better
as
it
is
more
likely
to
prevent
the
Evil
:
And
then
Disobedience
defensive
,
is
doubtless
better
than
passive
;
for
that
would
introduce
the
Evil
Voluntarily
,
that
is
,
they
that
were
not
willing
to
do
it
themselves
,
were
yet
willing
to
let
others
do
it
;
and
how
far
that
can
clear
them
I
see
not
.
For
though
it
is
not
a
downright
consenting
to
subvert
the
Government
,
yet
it
is
a
consenting
that
it
shall
be
done
,
rather
than
they
will
run
the
hazard
to
defend
it
,
or
prevent
it
;
which
is
but
Pilate-like
,
to
wash
the
Hands
of
what
their
Hearts
tell
them
they
are
Accessary
to
.
Obj.
15.
But
War
is
hurtful
to
the
State
.
Answ.
The
Arm
that
is
broke
cannot
set
it self
,
nor
can
he
that
sets
it
,
set
it
by
any
Natural
Power
derived
,
from
the
Spirit
;
but
by
a
Violent
disturbing
them
again
,
the
Bone-setter
is
often
forced
to
pull
them
further
asunder
e're
he
can
joyn
them
well
;
and
so
it
is
when
Wicked
Men
have
disjoynted
and
broken
the
Bones
of
State
,
the
languishing
Law
cannot
restore
it self
;
nor
can
those
that
seek
to
restore
it
,
restore
it
without
doing
Violence
to
its
broken
part
;
but
it
is
better
to
do
that
Violence
than
to
let
them
grow
Crooked
or
Gangreen
.
He
that
has
taken
Poyson
must
suffer
the
Violence
of
a
Vomit
;
and
they
that
are
Sick
must
be
made
Sicker
oft
before
they
can
be
made
Well
.
The
prejudice
therefore
the
Government
receives
,
by
those
that
go
about
to
restore
it
,
does
no
more
denominate
them
Enemies
to
the
State
than
the
little
griping
of
Physick
can
denominate
Physicians
Enemies
to
Nature
.
The
Evil
proceeds
from
the
Disease
,
not
the
Remedy
,
and
the
Guilt
is
upon
them
that
gave
the
Wound
not
those
that
drest
it
;
all
the
Anguish
and
Smart
that
follows
the
Skilful
Chirurgeons
Hand
,
is
not
to
be
attributed
to
the
Chirurgeon
,
but
to
the
wicked
Assassine
;
and
therefore
though
this
Restoration
have
the
Evil
of
a
Civil
War
,
yet
the
Guilt
of
all
that
Evil
lies
upon
the
Causers
.
Men
are
not
bound
to
lose
their
Right
for
fear
of
harming
Wicked
Men
,
nor
to
save
a
less
Good
,
by
losing
a
greater
;
a
short
Evil
is
to
be
chosen
rather
than
a
perpetual
one
:
Men
had
better
drudge
to
preserve
their
own
Freedom
,
than
to
enter
into
Bondage
to
drudge
for
others
;
and
the
Patriots
of
our
Country
do
well
to
bear
the
Burthen
of
a
War
,
rather
than
to
become
Slaves
themselves
,
and
leave
Popery
,
Beggary
,
and
Slavery
to
their
Posterity
.
Obj.
16.
But
it
is
an
unsafe
and
dangerous
Medicine
,
it
opens
a
Gap
to
the
People
to
rebel
at
Pleasure
,
and
may
indanger
the
change
of
the
Government
.
Answ.
A
desperate
Disease
must
have
a
desperate
Cure
;
but
doing
right
can
no
way
open
to
do
wrong
;
resisting
illegal
Forces
,
is
hedging
up
a
Gap
,
not
making
one
.
Raising
of
Men
to
take
a
Felon
,
will
not
excite
the
same
Men
to
rise
and
seize
an
honest
Man
.
We
must
not
therefore
forbear
to
take
up
Arms
in
a
just
Cause
,
lest
it
should
incourage
others
to
take
up
Arms
in
a
bad
Cause
;
for
then
some
that
were
breaking
the
Peace
,
and
would
not
be
quieted
with
Words
,
might
not
be
resisted
,
lest
it
should
teach
the
People
to
break
the
Peace
;
but
Blows
bestowed
on
such
Malefactors
is
no
breach
of
Peace
,
and
therefore
can
teach
the
People
no
such
thing
;
if
they
do
ill
by
that
Example
it
is
not
long
of
the
Copy
,
but
of
those
that
do
not
heed
to
write
by
it
.
2.
I
know
Men
in
Passion
,
and
heightned
with
Success
,
and
back'd
with
Strength
,
are
apt
to
soar
with
high
,
and
fall
in
love
with
new
Inventions
.
But
this
hazard
must
be
run
,
rather
than
a
certain
change
admitted
.
Resisting
Illegalities
,
and
Misgovernment
,
is
the
way
to
preserve
Government
;
and
as
long
as
the
King
is
safe
,
and
his
just
Power
and
Prerogatives
,
the
Government
is
in
no
danger
;
and
there
is
not
the
least
Colour
imaginable
that
those
that
have
surrendered
their
Offices
and
Honours
,
the
Court
and
the
King's
Favour
,
for
preserving
the
Government
,
and
are
now
ready
to
hazard
their
Lives
in
defence
of
it
,
will
ever
alter
it
:
No
,
their
design
is
to
preserve
it
;
a
greater
Evidence
of
which
they
could
not
give
at
present
than
to
petition
for
a
Free
Parliament
.
Obj.
17.
But
this
casts
dirt
upon
the
Frame
of
the
Government
,
leaving
room
for
perpetual
quarrelling
.
Answ.
1.
Neither
this
,
nor
any
other
Government
that
I
know
of
,
affords
absolute
means
of
Peace
and
Preservation
:
The
Government
is
effectual
enough
so
far
as
it
reaches
,
but
it
is
not
extensive
enough
.
If
the
Monarch
were
Arbitrary
,
then
no
Cause
could
introduce
Resistance
;
the
Nation
might
be
at
Peace
,
but
the
Subjects
could
not
be
safe
,
and
Liberty
and
Property
would
be
lost
:
Therefore
if
Safety
,
Liberty
and
Property
be
worth
the
preserving
,
they
must
be
defended
when
wicked
Men
would
wrest
them
from
us
.
The
Constitution
of
this
Government
is
such
,
That
if
the
King
and
Parliament
,
or
the
King
and
the
Subjects
differ
about
Fundamental
Rights
,
they
have
no
way
to
reconcile
the
Difference
but
by
their
own
Consent
.
If
the
King
without
the
Parliament
could
determine
the
Difference
,
he
would
be
Arbitrary
;
and
if
the
People
,
or
the
Parliament
,
could
determine
it
without
him
,
they
would
be
Supream
,
and
then
it
could
be
no
Monarchy
;
and
if
the
Judges
had
the
determining
Power
,
they
would
get
the
Supremacy
from
both
;
and
if
a
Foreigner
were
to
decide
the
Matter
,
he
would
seek
his
own
Advantage
;
so
that
they
must
either
condescend
for
Peace
sake
to
one
anothers
Proposals
,
so
as
not
to
destroy
the
Government
,
or
they
must
suffer
the
Grievance
,
and
let
the
Quarrel
fall
for
a
time
,
till
the
injurious
can
be
worn
to
a
compliance
,
or
they
must
fight
it
out
;
for
that
is
their
going
to
Law
,
the
Souldiers
are
their
Jury-men
,
and
Victory
is
their
Verdict
.
For
the
Question
is
not
about
breach
of
Government
,
but
whether
that
be
the
Government
,
or
no
;
and
seeing
this
Cause
transcends
the
executive
Part
of
the
Government
,
it
cannot
be
decided
by
Legal
Progress
,
but
by
Law-makers
;
and
if
they
cannot
agree
,
Men
are
at
liberty
to
join
with
that
side
they
judg
in
the
right
:
Reason
and
Conscience
must
be
their
Guide
,
the
Law
cannot
,
and
they
that
proceed
on
this
ground
are
their
own
Warrants
on
either
side
,
for
neither
have
a
Legal
Power
to
determine
the
other
:
Therefore
the
Power
of
Judging
is
neither
Authoritative
nor
Civil
,
and
so
argues
no
Superiority
in
those
that
judg
,
but
only
a
Power
residing
in
reasonable
Creatures
,
or
judging
of
their
own
Act
,
of
which
they
never
were
devested
by
any
lawful
Authority
,
and
therefore
may
lawfully
use
upon
such
Occasions
;
and
though
the
Government
does
not
Warrant
a
Civil
War
,
in
such
a
case
,
yet
the
End
and
Reason
of
this
Government
does
.
For
it
being
fram'd
to
prevent
the
exorbitant
Power
of
the
Prince
,
for
the
publick
Good
;
he
that
fights
for
the
publick
Good
,
against
an
Usurped
Power
,
or
an
Arbitrary
Invader
of
the
Governments
Rights
,
is
justified
by
the
design
and
intendment
of
the
Frame
,
and
consequently
by
the
Equity
of
the
Government
,
though
not
by
any
prescribed
Form
.
For
seeing
many
things
are
morally
honest
and
profitable
,
that
are
not
reduced
into
positive
Laws
,
Men
cannot
proceed
to
those
things
(
if
at
any
time
they
become
necessary
)
by
prescribing
Forms
of
Law
,
because
they
have
none
;
and
so
,
in
this
case
,
the
Question
being
not
about
Breach
of
Law
,
but
what
is
Law
.
And
the
Law
not
able
to
satisfy
both
King
and
People
,
each
claiming
contrary
Rights
from
the
same
Laws
,
the
Decision
of
this
Case
,
though
it
be
very
good
and
profitable
for
this
Nation
,
yet
has
no
prescribed
form
of
Law
to
direct
us
to
;
and
therefore
both
King
and
People
are
to
proceed
according
to
moral
Honesty
,
to
the
end
of
the
Government
,
that
is
,
the
publick
Good
.
The
Conclusion
of
all
which
,
is
,
That
seeing
resisting
of
Illegal
and
Arbitrary
Forces
,
in
defence
of
the
Laws
and
Publick
Interest
of
the
Land
,
is
not
against
the
Scriptures
,
and
consequently
no
Sin
;
nor
against
moral
Honesty
,
and
consequently
no
Crime
(
not
against
Law
but
Law-breakers
,
not
against
true
Allegiance
,
or
any
Prerogative
of
the
Crown
,
no
Rebellion
,
no
Usurpation
of
the
Sword
,
nor
Criminal
Disobedience
,
and
not
incommodious
or
unsafe
for
the
Publick
,
in
respect
of
the
impendant
Injuries
and
Hazards
it
removes
)
nor
inconsistent
with
the
Frame
of
Government
,
which
cannot
otherwise
decide
an
obstinate
Difference
betwixt
King
and
People
.
I
cannot
but
conclude
it
is
a
very
worthy
and
virtuous
Act
to
be
in
Arms
for
defence
of
the
Laws
,
the
King
's
just
Rights
,
and
the
Publick
Good
;
and
consequently
that
those
Gentlemen
,
who
are
in
Arms
for
defence
of
our
Laws
,
Liberties
,
and
Lives
,
against
Illegal
Forces
,
Arbitrary
Commands
,
and
Usurped
Powers
,
are
in
a
virtuous
Post
.
For
if
the
Subjects
Right
might
not
be
defended
by
this
means
,
it
would
be
all
lost
;
it
being
all
one
,
in
these
days
,
to
have
no
Right
,
and
to
have
no
sufficient
means
to
defend
it
.
The
Doctrine
of
Non-resistance
plainly
puts
all
we
have
into
an
ill
King's
hands
,
and
the
good
Ones
will
scarce
part
with
what
they
are
apt
to
love
so
dearly
,
and
we
parted
with
so
freely
;
should
we
therefore
preach
this
Doctrine
to
our
Princes
,
and
tell
them
that
they
might
take
what
we
have
without
danger
or
opposition
,
we
should
teach
them
to
try
our
Patience
:
if
all
must
be
referr'd
to
their
Consciences
,
they
will
soon
(
without
the
help
of
a
Jesuit
)
find
case
enough
and
cause
enough
to
secure
that
,
and
leave
the
examination
of
them
to
the
latter
Day
;
hatred
of
our
Persons
,
love
of
our
Estates
,
disgust
at
our
Words
or
Actions
,
or
dislike
of
our
Religion
,
will
soon
judg
us
unworthy
of
our
Liberty
and
Property
,
as
well
as
it
has
already
done
of
our
Offices
,
Honours
,
and
Preferments
:
Passion
and
Scorn
,
Pride
and
Ambition
,
Covetousness
and
Prodigality
,
would
all
prey
upon
what
we
had
,
with
a
quiet
(
though
not
with
a
good
)
Conscience
;
but
especially
if
the
King
were
poor
and
necessitous
,
either
by
wilful
Profuseness
or
Negligence
:
for
Nature
would
even
tell
him
in
such
a
Case
,
That
we
had
all
better
want
than
he
,
and
then
farewel
Property
;
the
worst
you
could
do
him
,
was
but
to
pet
and
cry
a
bit
,
and
perhaps
that
might
become
a
Pleasure
to
him
too
;
and
then
you
had
nothing
to
rest
on
,
but
that
God
would
give
you
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
,
for
beggering
your selves
,
impoverishing
the
Church
,
and
giving
what
you
had
to
the
Devil's
Service
;
an
ill
Ground
for
such
costly
Hopes
to
stand
upon
.
2.
This
Doctrine
renders
Government
prejudicial
to
the
greatest
part
of
Mankind
,
depriving
them
of
all
just
Defence
:
For
the
illegal
Force
bars
them
of
legal
Defence
;
and
the
Doctrine
of
Non-resistance
bars
them
of
Corporal
,
and
so
Man
(
under
one
of
the
best
Governments
in
the
World
)
is
left
naked
in
the
midst
of
Savage
Beasts
,
(
for
homo
lupus
)
and
must
not
,
though
he
be
able
,
make
any
defence
for
himself
.
Thus
all
the
Rights
of
Society
and
Nature
,
are
sacrificed
to
the
Lust
and
Age
of
a
wicked
King
,
and
his
evil
Instruments
;
and
the
Body
Politick
is
really
in
a
worse
Condition
than
an
unlimited
Multitude
,
for
they
may
defend
themselves
(
if
they
will
)
against
any
Enemy
;
but
these
have
an
Enemy
,
and
may
not
defend
themselves
,
though
in
never
so
just
a
Cause
;
and
what
is
worst
of
all
,
must
hold
their
own
Hands
whilst
others
cut
their
Throats
.
Lastly
,
This
Doctrine
would
make
all
Monarchs
Arbitrary
Monarchs
,
and
a
like
in
effect
;
for
if
the
Subjects
may
not
(
nor
ought
if
they
were
able
)
resist
the
Prince
any
further
than
by
refusing
to
join
with
him
,
then
he
were
Arbitrary
,
and
might
do
what
he
pleas'd
without
opposition
,
he
had
but
a
Moral
Restraint
,
and
the
most
absolute
Monarch
had
that
upon
him
;
and
all
Limitations
in
the
Fundamentals
of
Government
would
be
idle
and
superfluous
,
because
they
contained
only
such
Rights
as
others
might
take
from
us
at
pleasure
,
and
we
might
not
defend
or
oppose
.
But
the
end
of
limitted
Monarchies
is
,
not
that
the
Monarch
might
not
lawfully
or
rightfully
oppress
;
for
an
Arbitrary
Monarch
is
bound
to
all
that
:
but
the
end
of
all
Limitations
in
Government
,
is
,
That
the
Prince
may
want
Means
as
well
as
Right
to
oppress
,
that
he
may
not
be
able
to
injure
the
Subject
at
all
,
either
lawfully
or
unlawfully
;
they
are
limitted
to
govern
by
Laws
,
that
they
may
want
Means
as
well
as
Right
to
include
the
Subjects
Property
.
But
the
Doctrine
of
Non-resistance
give
them
Means
for
a
Temptation
,
and
is
indeed
but
a
fair
Bait
to
draw
them
into
a
Snare
.
An
Enquiry
into
the
Measures
of
Submission
to
the
SUPREAM
AUTHORITY
:
And
of
the
Grounds
upon
which
it
may
be
lawful
or
necessary
for
Subjects
to
defend
their
Religion
,
Lives
and
Liberties
.
THis
Enquiry
cannot
be
regularly
made
,
but
by
taking
in
the
first
place
,
a
true
and
full
view
of
the
Nature
of
Civil
Society
,
and
more
particularly
of
the
Nature
of
Supream
Power
,
whether
it
is
lodged
in
one
or
more
Persons
?
I.
It
is
certain
,
that
the
Law
of
Nature
has
put
no
difference
nor
subordination
among
Men
,
except
it
be
that
of
Children
to
Parents
,
or
of
Wives
to
their
Husbands
;
so
that
with
relation
to
the
Law
of
Nature
,
all
Men
are
born
free
:
and
this
Liberty
must
still
be
supposed
entire
,
unless
so
far
as
it
is
limited
by
Contracts
,
Provisions
and
Laws
.
For
a
Man
can
either
bind
himself
to
be
a
Slave
,
by
which
he
becomes
in
the
power
of
another
,
only
so
far
as
it
was
provided
by
the
Contract
:
since
all
that
Liberty
which
was
not
expresly
given
away
,
remains
still
entire
:
so
that
the
Plea
for
Liberty
always
proves
it self
,
unless
it
appears
that
it
is
given
up
or
limited
by
any
special
Agreement
.
II.
It
is
no
less
certain
,
that
as
the
light
of
Nature
has
planted
in
all
Men
a
natural
Principle
of
the
Love
of
Life
,
and
of
a
Desire
to
preserve
it
;
so
the
common
Principles
of
all
Religion
agree
in
this
,
that
God
having
set
us
in
this
World
,
we
are
bound
to
preserve
that
Being
,
which
he
has
given
us
,
by
all
just
and
lawful
Ways
.
Now
this
Duty
of
Self-preservation
,
is
exerted
in
Instances
of
two
sorts
;
the
one
are
,
in
the
resisting
of
violent
Aggressors
;
the
other
are
the
taking
of
just
Revenges
of
those
,
who
have
invaded
us
so
secretly
,
that
we
could
not
prevent
them
,
and
so
violently
,
that
we
could
not
resist
them
:
In
which
Cases
the
Principle
of
Self-preservation
warrants
us
,
both
to
recover
what
is
our
own
,
with
just
Damages
,
and
also
to
put
such
unjust
Persons
out
of
a
capacity
of
doing
the
like
Injuries
any
more
,
either
to
our selves
,
or
to
any
others
.
Now
in
these
Instances
of
Self-preservation
,
this
difference
is
to
be
observed
;
that
the
first
cannot
be
limited
by
any
slow
Forms
,
since
a
pressing
Danger
requires
a
vigorous
Repulse
,
and
cannot
admit
of
Delays
;
whereas
the
second
,
of
taking
Revenges
,
or
Reparations
,
is
not
of
such
haste
,
but
that
it
may
be
brought
under
Rules
and
Forms
.
III.
The
true
and
Original
Notion
of
Civil
Society
and
Government
,
is
,
that
it
is
a
Compromise
made
by
such
a
Body
of
Men
,
by
which
they
resign
up
the
right
of
demanding
Reparations
,
either
in
the
way
of
Justice
against
one
another
,
or
in
the
way
of
War
against
their
Neighbours
,
to
such
a
single
Person
,
or
to
such
a
Body
of
Men
as
they
think
fit
to
trust
with
this
.
And
in
the
management
of
this
Civil
Society
,
great
distinction
is
to
be
made
,
between
the
Power
of
making
Laws
for
the
Regulating
the
Conduct
of
it
,
and
the
Power
of
Executing
those
Laws
:
The
Supream
Authority
must
still
be
supposed
to
be
lodged
with
those
who
have
the
Legislative
Power
reserved
to
them
;
but
not
with
those
who
have
only
the
Executive
;
which
is
plainly
a
Trust
,
when
it
is
separated
from
the
Legislative
Power
;
and
all
Trusts
,
by
their
Nature
import
,
that
those
to
whom
they
are
given
,
are
accountable
,
even
though
it
should
not
be
expresly
specified
in
the
words
of
the
Trust
it self
.
IV.
It
cannot
be
supposed
by
the
Principles
of
Natural
Religion
,
that
God
has
authorized
any
one
Form
of
Government
,
any
other
way
than
as
the
general
Rules
of
Order
,
and
of
Justice
,
oblige
all
Men
not
to
subvert
Constitutions
,
nor
disturb
the
Peace
of
Mankind
,
or
invade
those
Rights
with
which
the
Law
may
have
vested
some
Persons
;
for
it
is
certain
,
that
as
private
Contracts
lodg
or
translate
private
Rights
,
so
the
publick
Laws
can
likewise
lodg
such
Rights
,
Prerogatives
,
and
Revenues
,
in
those
,
under
whose
Protection
they
put
themselves
,
and
in
such
a
manner
,
that
they
may
come
to
have
as
good
a
Title
to
these
,
as
any
private
Person
can
have
to
his
Property
:
so
that
it
becomes
an
Act
of
high
Injustice
and
Violence
,
to
invade
these
;
which
is
so
far
a
greater
Sin
than
any
such
Actions
would
be
against
a
private
Person
,
as
the
publick
Peace
and
Order
is
preferrable
to
all
private
Considerations
whatsoever
.
So
that
in
truth
,
the
Principles
of
natural
Religion
,
give
those
that
are
in
Authority
no
Power
at
all
,
but
they
do
only
secure
them
in
the
possession
of
that
which
is
theirs
by
Law
.
And
as
no
Considerations
of
Religion
can
bind
me
to
pay
another
more
than
I
indeed
owe
him
,
but
do
only
bind
me
more
strictly
to
pay
what
I
owe
;
so
the
Considerations
of
Religion
do
indeed
bring
Subjects
under
stricter
Obligations
to
pay
all
due
Allegiance
and
Submission
to
their
Princes
,
but
they
do
not
at
all
extend
that
Allegiance
further
than
the
Law
carries
it
.
And
though
a
Man
has
no
divine
Right
to
his
Property
,
but
has
acquired
it
by
human
Means
,
such
as
Succession
,
or
Industry
,
yet
he
has
a
security
for
the
Enjoyment
of
it
from
a
Divine
Right
;
so
though
Princes
have
no
immediate
Warrants
from
Heaven
,
either
for
their
original
Titles
,
or
for
the
extent
of
them
,
yet
they
are
secured
in
the
possession
of
them
by
the
Principles
and
Rules
of
Natural
Religion
.
V.
It
is
to
be
considered
,
that
as
a
private
Person
can
bind
himself
to
another
Man's
Service
,
by
different
Degrees
,
either
as
an
ordinary
Servant
for
Wages
,
or
as
one
appropriate
for
a
longer
time
,
as
an
Apprentice
;
or
by
a
total
giving
himself
up
to
another
,
as
in
the
case
of
Slavery
:
In
all
which
Cases
the
general
Name
of
Master
may
be
equally
used
;
yet
the
Degrees
of
his
Power
are
to
be
judged
by
the
Nature
of
the
Contract
:
so
likewise
Bodies
of
Men
can
give
themselves
up
in
different
Degrees
,
to
the
Conduct
of
others
:
and
therefore
,
though
all
those
may
carry
the
same
name
of
King
,
yet
every
ones
Power
is
to
be
taken
from
the
Measures
of
that
Authority
which
is
lodged
in
him
,
and
not
from
any
general
Speculations
founded
on
some
equivocal
Terms
,
such
as
King
,
Sovereign
,
or
Supream
.
VI.
It
is
certain
,
that
God
,
as
the
Creator
and
Governour
of
the
World
,
may
set
up
whom
he
will
,
to
rule
over
other
Men
:
But
this
Declaration
of
his
Will
,
must
be
made
evident
by
Prophets
,
or
other
extraordinary
Men
sent
of
him
,
who
have
some
manifest
Proofs
of
the
Divine
Authority
that
is
committed
to
them
on
such
Occasions
;
and
upon
such
Persons
declaring
the
Will
of
God
,
in
favour
of
any
others
,
that
Declaration
is
to
be
submitted
to
,
and
obeyed
.
But
this
pretence
of
a
Divine
Delegation
,
can
be
carried
no
further
than
to
those
who
are
thus
expresly
marked
out
,
and
is
unjustly
claimed
by
those
who
can
prove
no
such
Declaration
to
have
been
ever
made
in
favour
of
them
,
or
their
Families
.
Nor
does
it
appear
reasonable
to
conclude
from
their
being
in
possession
,
that
it
is
the
Will
of
God
that
it
should
be
so
,
this
justifies
all
Usurpers
when
they
are
successful
.
VII
.
The
Measures
of
Power
,
and
by
consequence
of
Obedience
,
must
be
taken
from
the
express
Laws
of
any
State
,
or
Body
of
Men
,
from
the
Oaths
that
they
swear
,
or
from
immemorial
Prescription
,
and
a
long
Possession
,
which
both
give
a
Title
,
and
in
a
long
tract
of
Time
make
a
bad
one
become
good
,
since
Prescription
when
it
passes
the
Memory
of
Man
,
and
is
not
disputed
by
any
other
Pretender
,
gives
by
the
common
sense
of
all
Men
a
just
and
good
Title
:
So
upon
the
whole
matter
,
the
Degrees
of
all
Civil
Authority
,
are
to
be
taken
either
from
express
Laws
,
immemorial
Customs
,
or
from
particular
Oaths
,
which
the
Subjects
swear
to
their
Princes
:
this
being
still
to
be
laid
down
for
a
Principle
,
that
in
all
the
Disputes
between
Power
and
Liberty
,
Power
must
always
be
proved
,
but
Liberty
proves
it self
;
the
one
being
founded
only
upon
positive
Law
,
and
the
other
upon
the
Law
of
Nature
.
VIII
.
If
from
the
general
Principles
of
human
Society
,
and
natural
Religion
,
we
carry
this
matter
to
be
examined
by
the
Scriptures
;
it
is
clear
that
all
the
Passages
that
are
in
the
Old
Testament
,
are
not
to
be
made
use
of
in
this
matter
,
of
neither
side
.
For
as
the
Land
of
Canaan
was
given
to
the
Jews
by
an
immediate
Grant
from
Heaven
,
so
God
reserved
still
this
to
himself
,
and
to
the
Declarations
that
he
should
make
from
time
to
time
,
either
by
his
Prophets
,
or
by
the
Answers
that
came
from
the
Cloud
of
Glory
that
was
between
the
Cherubims
,
to
set
up
Judges
or
Kings
over
them
,
and
to
pull
them
down
again
as
he
thought
fit
.
Here
was
an
express
Delegation
made
by
God
,
and
therefore
all
that
was
done
in
that
Dispensation
,
either
for
or
against
Princes
,
is
not
to
be
made
use
of
in
any
other
State
,
that
is
founded
on
another
Bottom
and
Constitution
,
and
all
the
Expressions
in
the
Old
Testament
relating
to
Kings
,
since
they
belong
to
Persons
that
were
immediately
designed
by
God
,
are
without
any
sort
of
Reason
applied
to
those
,
who
can
pretend
to
no
such
designation
,
neither
for
themselves
nor
for
their
Ancestors
.
IX
.
As
for
the
New
Testament
,
it
is
plain
,
that
there
are
no
Rules
given
in
it
,
neither
for
the
Forms
of
Government
in
general
,
nor
for
the
Degrees
of
any
one
Form
in
particular
;
but
the
general
Rules
of
Justice
,
Order
and
Peace
,
being
established
in
it
upon
higher
Motives
,
and
more
binding
Considerations
,
than
ever
they
were
in
any
other
Religion
whatsoever
,
we
are
most
strictly
bound
by
it
,
to
observe
the
Constitution
in
which
we
are
;
and
it
is
plain
,
that
the
Rules
set
us
in
the
Gospel
,
can
be
carried
no
further
.
It
is
indeed
clear
from
the
New
Testament
,
that
the
Christian
Religion
,
as
such
,
gives
us
no
grounds
to
defend
or
propagate
it
by
force
.
It
is
a
Doctrine
of
the
Cross
,
and
of
Faith
,
and
Patience
under
it
:
And
if
by
the
Order
of
Divine
Providence
,
and
of
any
Constitution
of
Government
,
under
which
we
are
born
,
we
are
brought
under
Sufferings
for
our
professing
of
it
,
we
may
indeed
retire
and
fly
out
of
any
such
Country
,
if
we
can
;
but
if
that
is
denied
us
,
we
must
then
according
to
this
Religion
,
submit
to
those
Sufferings
under
which
we
may
be
brought
,
considering
that
God
will
be
glorified
by
us
in
so
doing
,
and
that
he
will
both
support
us
under
our
Sufferings
,
and
gloriously
reward
us
for
them
.
This
was
the
state
of
the
Christian
Religion
,
during
the
three
first
Centuries
,
under
Heathen
Emperors
,
and
a
Constitution
in
which
Paganism
was
established
by
Law
.
But
if
by
the
Laws
of
any
Government
,
the
Christian
Religion
,
or
any
Form
of
it
,
is
become
a
part
of
the
Subjects
Property
,
it
then
falls
under
another
Consideration
,
not
as
it
is
a
Religion
,
but
as
it
is
become
one
of
the
principal
Rights
of
the
Subjects
,
to
believe
and
profess
it
:
and
then
we
must
judg
of
the
Invasions
made
on
that
,
as
we
do
of
any
other
Invasion
that
is
made
on
our
other
Rights
.
X.
All
the
Passages
in
the
New
Testament
that
relate
to
Civil
Government
,
are
to
be
expounded
as
they
were
truly
meant
,
in
opposition
to
that
false
Notion
of
the
Jews
,
who
believed
themselves
to
be
so
immediately
under
the
Divine
Authority
,
that
they
could
not
become
the
Subjects
of
any
other
Power
;
particularly
of
one
that
was
not
of
their
Nation
,
or
of
their
Religion
;
therefore
they
thought
they
could
not
be
under
the
Roman
Yoke
,
nor
bound
to
pay
Tribute
to
Cesar
,
but
judged
that
they
were
only
subject
out
of
fear
,
by
reason
of
the
force
that
lay
on
them
,
but
not
for
Conscience
sake
:
and
so
in
all
their
dispersion
,
both
at
Rome
and
elsewhere
,
they
thought
they
were
God's
Freemen
,
and
made
use
of
this
pretended
Liberty
as
a
cloak
of
Maliciousness
.
In
opposition
to
all
which
,
since
in
a
course
of
many
Years
they
had
asked
the
Protection
of
the
Roman
Yoke
,
and
were
come
under
their
Authority
,
our
Saviour
ordered
them
to
continue
in
that
,
by
his
saying
,
Render
to
Cesar
that
which
is
Cesar
's
;
and
both
St.
Paul
in
his
Epistle
to
the
Romans
,
and
St.
Peter
in
his
General
Epistle
,
have
very
positively
condemned
that
pernicious
Maxim
;
but
without
any
formal
Declarations
made
of
the
Rules
or
Measures
of
Government
.
And
since
both
the
People
and
Senate
of
Rome
had
acknowledged
the
Power
that
Augustus
had
indeed
violently
usurped
,
it
became
Legal
when
it
was
thus
submitted
to
,
and
confirmed
both
by
the
Senate
and
People
:
and
it
was
established
in
his
Family
by
a
long
Prescription
,
when
those
Epistles
were
writ
:
so
that
upon
the
whole
matter
,
all
that
is
in
the
New
Testament
upon
this
Subject
,
imports
no
more
,
but
that
all
Christians
are
bound
to
acquiesce
in
the
Government
,
and
submit
to
it
,
according
to
the
Constitution
that
is
settled
by
Law
.
XI
.
We
are
then
at
last
brought
to
the
Constitution
of
our
English
Government
;
so
that
no
general
Considerations
from
Speculations
about
Sovereign
Power
,
nor
from
any
Passages
either
of
the
Old
and
New
Testament
,
ought
to
determin
us
in
this
matter
;
which
must
be
fixed
from
the
Laws
and
Regulations
that
have
been
made
among
us
.
It
is
then
certain
,
that
with
relation
to
the
executive
Part
of
the
Government
,
the
Law
has
lodged
that
singly
in
the
King
;
so
that
the
whole
Administration
of
it
is
in
him
:
but
the
Legislative
Power
is
lodged
between
the
King
and
the
Two
Houses
of
Parliament
;
so
that
the
Power
of
making
and
repealing
Laws
,
is
not
singly
in
the
King
,
but
only
so
far
as
the
Two
Houses
concur
with
him
.
It
is
also
clear
,
that
the
King
has
such
a
determined
extent
of
Prerogative
,
beyond
which
he
has
no
Authority
:
as
for
instance
,
if
he
levies
Money
of
his
People
,
without
a
Law
impowring
him
to
it
,
he
goes
beyond
the
Limits
of
his
Power
,
and
asks
that
to
which
he
has
no
right
:
so
that
there
lies
no
obligation
on
the
Subject
to
grant
it
;
and
if
any
in
his
Name
use
Violence
for
the
obtaining
it
,
they
are
to
be
looked
on
as
so
many
Robbers
,
that
invade
our
Property
,
and
they
being
violent
Aggressours
,
the
Principle
of
Self-preservation
seems
here
to
take
place
,
and
to
warrant
as
violent
a
Resistance
.
XII
.
There
is
nothing
more
evident
,
than
that
England
is
a
free
Nation
,
that
has
its
Liberties
and
Properties
reserved
to
it
by
many
positive
and
express
Laws
:
if
then
we
have
a
right
to
our
Property
,
we
must
likewise
be
supposed
to
have
a
right
to
preserve
it
:
for
those
Rights
are
by
the
Law
secured
against
the
Invasions
of
the
Prerogative
,
and
by
consequence
we
must
have
a
right
to
preserve
them
against
those
Invasions
.
It
is
also
evidently
declared
by
our
Law
,
that
all
Orders
and
Warrants
that
are
issued
out
in
opposition
to
them
,
are
null
of
themselves
;
and
by
consequence
,
any
that
pretend
to
have
Commissions
from
the
King
,
for
those
ends
,
are
to
be
considerd
as
if
they
had
none
at
all
:
since
those
Commissions
being
void
of
themselves
,
are
indeed
no
Commissions
in
the
Construction
of
the
Law
;
and
therefore
those
who
act
in
vertue
of
them
,
are
still
to
be
considered
as
private
Persons
who
come
to
invade
and
disturb
us
.
It
is
also
to
be
observed
,
that
there
are
some
Points
that
are
justly
disputable
and
doubtful
,
and
others
that
are
so
manifest
,
that
it
is
plain
that
any
Objections
that
can
be
made
to
them
,
are
rather
forced
Pretences
,
than
so
much
as
plausible
Colours
.
It
is
true
,
if
the
Case
is
doubtful
,
the
Interest
of
the
publick
Peace
and
Order
,
ought
to
carry
it
;
but
the
Case
is
quite
different
when
the
Invasions
that
are
made
upon
Liberty
and
Property
,
are
plain
and
visible
to
all
that
consider
them
.
XIII
.
The
main
and
great
Difficulty
here
,
is
,
that
though
our
Government
does
indeed
assert
the
Liberty
of
the
Subject
,
yet
there
are
many
express
Laws
made
,
that
lodg
the
Militia
singly
in
the
King
,
that
make
it
plainly
unlawful
upon
any
pretence
whatsoever
,
to
take
Arms
against
the
King
,
or
any
commissioned
by
him
:
And
these
Laws
have
been
put
in
the
form
of
an
Oath
,
which
all
that
have
born
any
Employment
either
in
Church
or
State
have
sworn
and
therefore
those
Laws
,
for
the
assuring
our
Liberties
,
do
indeed
bind
the
King's
Conscience
,
and
may
affect
his
Ministers
:
yet
since
it
is
a
Maxim
of
our
Law
,
that
the
King
can
do
no
wrong
,
these
cannot
be
carried
so
far
as
to
justify
our
taking
Arms
against
him
,
be
the
Transgressions
of
Law
ever
so
many
and
so
manifest
.
And
since
this
has
been
the
constant
Doctrine
of
the
Church
of
England
,
it
will
be
a
very
heavy
Imputation
on
us
,
if
it
appears
,
that
though
we
held
those
Opinions
as
long
as
the
Court
and
the
Crown
have
favoured
us
,
yet
as
soon
as
the
Court
turns
against
us
,
we
change
our
Principles
.
XIV
.
Here
is
a
true
Difficulty
of
this
whole
Matter
,
and
therefore
it
ought
to
be
exactly
considered
:
1.
All
general
Words
,
how
large
soever
,
are
still
supposed
to
have
a
tacit
exception
,
and
reserve
in
them
,
if
the
Matter
seems
to
require
it
.
Children
are
commanded
to
obey
their
Parents
in
all
things
:
Wives
are
declared
by
the
Scripture
to
be
subject
to
their
Husbands
in
all
things
,
as
the
Church
is
unto
Christ
:
And
yet
how
comprehensive
soever
these
Words
may
seem
to
be
,
there
is
still
a
reserve
to
be
understood
in
them
;
and
though
by
our
Form
of
Marriage
,
the
Parties
swear
to
one
another
till
Death
them
do
part
,
yet
few
doubt
but
that
this
Bond
is
dissolved
by
Adultery
,
though
it
is
not
named
;
for
odious
things
ought
not
to
be
suspected
,
and
therefore
not
named
upon
such
Occasions
:
But
when
they
fall
out
,
they
carry
still
their
own
force
with
them
.
2.
When
there
seem
to
be
a
Contradiction
between
two
Articles
in
the
Constitution
,
we
ought
to
examin
which
of
the
two
is
the
most
evident
,
and
the
most
important
,
and
so
we
ought
to
fix
upon
it
,
and
then
we
must
give
such
an
accommodating
sense
to
that
which
seems
to
contradict
it
,
that
so
we
may
reconcile
those
together
.
Here
then
are
two
seeming
Contradictions
in
our
Constitution
:
The
one
is
the
Publick
Liberty
of
the
Nation
;
the
other
is
the
renouncing
of
all
Resistance
,
in
case
that
were
invaded
.
It
is
plain
,
that
our
Liberty
is
only
a
thing
that
we
enjoy
at
the
King's
Discretion
,
and
during
his
Pleasure
,
if
the
other
against
all
Resistance
is
to
be
understood
according
to
the
utmost
extent
of
the
Words
.
Therefore
since
the
chief
Design
of
our
whole
Law
,
and
of
all
the
several
Rules
of
our
Constitution
,
is
to
secure
and
maintain
our
Liberty
,
we
ought
to
lay
that
down
for
a
Conclusion
,
that
it
is
both
the
most
plain
and
the
most
important
of
the
two
:
And
therefore
the
other
Article
against
Resistance
,
ought
to
be
so
softned
,
as
that
it
do
not
destroy
this
.
3.
Since
it
is
by
a
Law
that
Resistance
is
condemned
,
we
ought
to
understand
it
in
such
a
sense
,
as
that
it
does
not
destroy
all
other
Laws
:
And
therefore
the
intent
of
this
Law
,
must
only
relate
to
the
Executive
Power
,
which
is
in
the
King
,
and
not
to
the
Legislative
,
in
which
we
cannot
suppose
that
our
Legislators
,
who
made
that
Law
,
intended
to
give
up
that
,
which
we
plainly
see
they
resolved
still
to
preserve
entire
,
according
to
the
Antient
Constitution
.
So
then
,
the
not
resisting
the
King
,
can
only
be
applied
to
the
Executive
Power
,
that
so
upon
no
pretence
of
ill
Administrations
in
the
Execution
of
the
Law
,
it
should
be
lawful
to
resist
him
;
but
this
cannot
with
any
reason
be
extended
to
an
Invasion
of
the
Legislative
Power
,
or
to
a
total
Subversion
of
the
Government
.
For
it
being
plain
,
that
the
Law
did
not
design
to
lodg
that
Power
in
the
King
;
it
is
also
plain
,
that
it
did
not
intend
to
secure
him
in
it
,
in
case
he
should
set
about
it
.
4.
The
Law
mentioning
the
King
,
or
those
Commissionated
by
him
,
shews
plainly
,
that
it
only
designed
to
secure
the
King
in
the
Executive
Power
;
for
the
word
Commission
necessarily
imports
this
,
since
if
it
is
not
according
to
Law
,
it
is
no
Commission
;
and
by
consequence
,
those
who
act
in
virtue
of
it
,
are
not
commissionated
by
the
King
in
the
Sense
of
the
Law
.
The
King
likewise
imports
a
Prince
clothed
by
Law
with
the
Regal
Prerogative
;
but
if
he
goes
to
subvert
the
whole
Foundation
of
the
Government
,
he
subverts
that
by
which
he
himself
has
his
Power
,
and
by
consequence
he
annuls
his
own
Power
;
and
then
he
ceases
to
be
King
,
having
endeavoured
to
destroy
that
upon
which
his
own
Authority
is
founded
.
XV.
It
is
acknowledged
by
the
greatest
Assertors
of
Monarchial
Power
,
that
in
some
Cases
a
King
may
fall
from
his
Power
,
and
in
other
Cases
that
he
may
fall
from
the
Exercise
of
it
.
His
deserting
his
People
,
his
going
about
to
enslave
,
or
sell
them
to
any
other
,
or
a
furious
going
about
to
destroy
them
,
are
in
the
opinion
of
the
most
Monarchical
Lawyers
,
such
Abuses
,
that
they
naturally
divest
those
that
are
guilty
of
them
;
of
their
whole
Authority
.
Infancy
or
Phrenzy
,
do
also
put
them
under
the
Guardianship
of
others
.
All
the
crowned
Heads
of
Europe
have
,
at
least
secretly
,
approved
of
the
putting
the
late
King
of
Portugal
under
a
Guardianship
,
and
the
keeping
him
still
Prisoner
for
a
few
Acts
of
Rage
,
that
had
been
fatal
to
a
very
few
persons
:
And
even
our
Court
gave
the
first
countenance
to
it
,
though
of
all
others
the
late
King
had
the
most
reason
to
have
done
it
at
least
last
of
all
;
since
it
justified
a
younger
Brother's
supplanting
the
Elder
;
yet
the
evidence
of
the
thing
carried
it
even
against
Interest
.
Therefore
if
a
King
goes
about
to
subvert
the
Government
,
and
to
overturn
the
whole
Constitution
,
he
by
this
must
be
supposed
either
to
fall
from
his
Power
,
or
at
least
from
the
Exercise
of
it
,
so
far
as
that
he
ought
to
be
put
under
Guardians
;
and
according
to
the
Case
of
Portugal
,
the
next
Heir
falls
naturally
to
be
the
Guardian
.
XVI
.
The
next
thing
to
be
considered
,
is
to
see
in
Fact
whether
the
Foundations
of
this
Government
have
been
struck
at
,
and
whether
those
Errors
,
that
have
been
perhaps
committed
,
are
only
such
Malversations
,
as
ought
to
be
imputed
only
to
human
Frailty
,
and
to
the
Ignorance
,
Inadvertencies
,
or
Passions
to
which
all
Princes
may
be
subject
,
as
well
as
other
Men.
But
this
will
best
appear
if
we
consider
what
are
the
Fundamental
Points
of
our
Government
,
and
the
chief
Securities
that
we
have
for
our
Liberties
.
The
Authority
of
the
Law
is
indeed
all
in
one
word
,
so
that
if
the
King
pretends
to
a
Power
to
dispence
with
Laws
,
there
is
nothing
left
,
upon
which
the
Subject
can
depend
;
and
yet
as
if
Dispensing
Power
were
not
enough
,
if
Laws
are
wholly
suspended
for
all
time
coming
,
this
is
plainly
a
repealing
of
them
,
when
likewise
the
Men
in
whose
hands
the
Administration
of
Justice
is
put
by
Law
,
such
as
Judges
and
Sheriffs
,
are
allowed
to
tread
all
Laws
under
foot
,
even
those
that
infer
an
Incapacity
on
themselves
if
they
violate
them
;
this
is
such
a
breaking
of
the
whole
Constitution
,
that
we
can
no
more
have
the
Administration
of
Justice
,
so
that
it
is
really
a
Dissolution
of
the
Government
;
since
all
Trials
,
Sentences
,
and
the
Executions
of
them
,
are
become
so
many
unlawful
Acts
,
that
are
null
and
void
of
themselves
.
The
next
thing
in
our
Constitution
,
which
secures
to
us
our
Laws
and
Liberties
,
is
a
free
and
Lawful
Parliament
.
Now
not
to
mention
the
breach
of
the
Law
of
Triennial
Parliaments
,
it
being
above
three
years
since
we
had
a
Session
that
enacted
any
Law
,
Methods
have
been
taken
,
and
are
daily
a
taking
,
that
render
this
impossible
.
Parliaments
ought
to
be
chosen
with
an
entire
Liberty
,
and
without
either
Force
or
Preingagements
:
whereas
if
all
Men
are
required
beforehand
to
enter
into
Engagements
how
they
will
vote
if
they
are
chosen
themselves
,
or
how
they
will
give
their
Voices
in
the
Electing
of
others
?
This
is
plainly
such
a
preparation
to
a
Parliament
,
as
would
indeed
make
it
no
Parliament
,
but
a
Cabal
,
if
one
were
chosen
,
after
all
that
Corruption
of
Persons
,
who
had
preingaged
themselves
;
and
after
the
Threatning
and
Turning
out
of
all
Persons
out
of
Imployments
who
had
refused
to
do
it
;
and
if
there
are
such
daily
Regulations
made
in
the
Towns
,
that
it
is
plain
those
who
manage
them
intend
at
last
to
put
such
a
number
of
Men
in
the
Corporations
as
will
certainly
chuse
the
Persons
who
are
recommended
to
them
.
But
above
all
,
if
there
are
such
a
number
of
Sheriffs
and
Mayors
made
over
England
,
by
whom
the
Elections
must
be
conducted
and
returned
,
who
are
now
under
an
Incapacity
by
Law
,
and
so
are
no
Legal
Officers
,
and
by
consequence
those
Elections
that
pass
under
their
Authority
are
null
and
void
;
if
,
I
say
,
it
is
clear
that
things
are
brought
to
this
,
then
the
Government
is
dissolved
,
because
it
is
impossible
to
have
a
Free
and
Legal
Parliament
in
this
state
of
things
.
If
then
both
the
Authority
of
the
Law
,
and
the
Constitution
of
the
Parliament
are
struck
at
and
dissolved
,
here
is
a
plain
Subversion
of
the
whole
Government
.
But
if
we
enter
next
into
the
particular
Branches
of
the
Government
,
we
will
find
the
like
Disorder
among
them
all
.
The
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Church
of
England
,
make
a
great
Article
of
our
Government
,
the
latter
being
secured
not
only
of
old
by
Magna
Charta
,
but
by
many
special
Laws
made
of
late
;
and
there
are
particular
Laws
made
in
K.
Charles
the
First
,
and
the
late
King's
time
,
securing
them
from
all
Commissions
that
the
King
can
raise
for
Judging
or
Censuring
them
:
if
then
in
opposition
to
this
,
a
Court
so
condemned
is
erected
,
which
proceeds
to
judg
and
censure
the
Clergy
,
and
even
to
disseise
them
of
their
Freeholds
,
without
so
much
as
the
form
of
a
Trial
,
though
this
is
the
most
indispensable
Law
of
all
those
that
secures
the
Property
of
England
;
and
if
the
King
pretends
that
he
can
require
the
Clergy
to
publish
all
his
Arbitrary
Declarations
,
and
in
particular
,
one
that
strikes
at
their
whole
Settlement
,
and
has
ordered
Process
to
be
begun
against
all
that
disobey'd
this
illegal
Warrant
,
and
has
treated
so
great
a
number
of
the
Bishops
as
Criminals
,
only
for
representing
to
him
the
Reasons
of
their
not
obeying
him
;
if
likewise
the
King
is
not
satisfied
to
profess
his
own
Religion
openly
,
though
even
that
is
contrary
to
Law
,
but
has
sent
Ambassadors
to
Rome
,
and
received
Nuntio
's
from
thence
,
which
is
plainly
Treason
by
Law
;
if
likewise
many
Popish
Churches
and
Chappels
have
been
publickly
opened
;
if
several
Colledges
of
Jesuits
have
been
set
up
in
divers
parts
of
the
Nation
,
and
one
of
the
Order
has
been
made
a
Privy
Counsellor
,
and
a
principal
Minister
of
State
;
and
if
Papists
,
and
even
those
who
turn
to
that
Religion
,
though
declared
Traitors
by
Law
,
are
brought
into
all
the
chief
Employments
,
both
Military
and
Civil
;
then
it
is
plain
,
That
all
the
Rights
of
the
Church
of
England
,
and
the
whole
establishment
of
the
Protestant
Religion
are
struck
at
,
and
designed
to
be
overturned
;
since
all
these
things
,
as
they
are
notoriously
illegal
,
so
they
evidently
demonstrate
,
That
the
great
design
of
them
all
,
is
the
rooting
out
of
this
Pestilent
Heresy
,
in
their
stile
,
I
mean
the
Protestant
Religion
.
In
the
next
place
,
If
in
the
whole
Course
of
Justice
,
it
is
visible
,
that
there
is
a
constant
practising
upon
the
Judges
,
that
they
are
turned
out
upon
their
varying
from
the
Intentions
of
the
Court
,
and
if
Men
of
no
Reputation
nor
Abilities
are
put
in
their
places
;
if
an
Army
is
kept
up
in
time
of
Peace
,
and
Men
who
withdraw
from
that
illegal
Service
are
hanged
up
as
Criminals
,
without
any
colour
of
Law
,
which
by
consequence
are
so
many
Murders
;
and
if
the
Souldiery
are
connived
at
,
and
encouraged
in
the
most
enormous
Crimes
,
that
so
they
may
be
thereby
prepared
to
commit
greater
ones
,
and
from
single
Rapes
and
Murders
,
proceed
to
a
rape
upon
all
our
Liberties
and
a
destruction
of
the
Nation
:
if
,
I
say
,
all
these
things
are
true
in
fact
,
then
it
is
plain
,
that
there
is
such
a
dissolution
of
the
Government
made
,
that
there
is
not
any
one
part
of
it
left
found
and
entire
;
and
if
all
these
things
are
done
now
,
it
is
easy
to
imagine
what
may
be
expected
,
when
Arbitrary
Power
that
spares
no
Man
,
and
Popery
that
spares
no
Heretick
,
are
finally
established
:
Then
we
may
look
for
nothing
but
Gabelles
,
Tailles
,
Impositions
,
Benevolences
,
and
all
sorts
of
illegal
Taxes
,
as
from
the
other
we
may
expect
Burnings
,
Massacres
,
and
Inquisitions
.
In
what
is
doing
in
Scotland
,
we
may
gather
what
is
to
be
expected
in
England
;
where
if
the
King
has
over
and
over
again
declared
,
that
he
is
vested
with
an
Absolute
Power
,
to
which
all
are
bound
to
obey
without
reserve
,
and
has
upon
that
annulled
almost
all
the
Acts
of
Parliament
that
passed
in
K.
James
the
Ist's
Minority
,
though
they
were
ratified
by
himself
when
he
came
to
be
of
age
,
and
were
confirmed
by
all
the
subsequent
Kings
,
not
excepting
the
present
.
We
must
then
conclude
from
thence
,
what
is
resolved
on
here
in
England
,
and
what
will
be
put
in
execution
as
soon
as
it
is
thought
that
the
Times
can
bear
it
.
When
likewise
the
whole
Settlement
of
Ireland
is
shaken
,
and
the
Army
that
was
raised
,
and
is
maintained
by
Taxes
,
that
were
given
for
an
Army
of
English
Protestants
,
to
secure
them
from
a
new
Massacre
by
the
Irish
Papists
,
is
now
all
filled
with
Irish
Papists
,
as
well
as
almost
all
the
other
Imployments
;
it
is
plain
,
That
not
only
all
the
British
Protestants
inhabiting
that
Island
,
are
in
daily
danger
of
being
butchered
a
second
time
,
but
that
the
Crown
of
England
is
in
danger
of
losing
that
Island
,
it
being
now
put
wholly
into
the
hands
and
power
of
the
Native
Irish
,
who
,
as
they
formerly
offered
themselves
up
sometimes
to
the
Crown
of
Spain
,
sometimes
to
the
Pope
,
and
once
to
the
Duke
of
Lorrain
;
so
are
they
perhaps
at
this
present
treating
with
another
Court
for
the
sale
and
surrender
of
the
Island
,
and
for
the
Massacre
of
the
English
in
it
.
If
thus
all
the
several
Branches
of
our
Constitution
are
dissolved
,
it
might
be
at
least
expected
,
that
one
part
should
be
left
entire
,
and
that
is
the
Regal
Dignity
,
and
yet
even
that
is
prostituted
,
when
we
see
a
young
Child
put
in
the
reversion
of
it
,
and
pretended
to
be
the
Prince
of
Wales
;
concerning
whose
being
born
of
the
Queen
,
there
appear
to
be
not
only
no
certain
Proofs
,
but
there
are
all
the
Presumptions
that
can
possibly
be
imagined
to
the
contrary
.
No
Proofs
were
ever
given
either
to
the
Princess
of
Denmark
,
or
to
any
other
Protestant
Ladies
,
in
whom
we
ought
to
repose
any
Confidence
that
the
Queen
was
ever
with
Child
;
that
whole
matter
being
managed
with
so
much
Mysteriousness
,
that
there
were
violent
and
publick
Suspitions
of
it
before
the
Birth
.
But
the
whole
Contrivance
of
the
Birth
,
the
sending
away
the
Princess
of
Denmark
,
the
sudden
shortning
of
the
Reckoning
,
the
Queen's
sudden
going
to
St.
James's
,
her
no
less
sudden
pretended
Delivery
;
the
hurrying
the
Child
into
another
Room
without
shewing
it
to
those
present
,
and
without
their
hearing
it
cry
;
and
the
mysterious
Conduct
of
all
since
that
time
;
no
satisfaction
being
given
to
the
Princess
of
Denmark
upon
her
Return
from
the
Bath
,
nor
to
any
other
Protestant
Ladies
,
of
the
Queen's
having
been
really
brought
to
bed
.
These
are
all
such
evident
Indications
of
a
base
Imposture
,
in
this
matter
,
that
as
the
Nation
has
the
justest
reason
in
the
World
to
doubt
of
it
,
so
they
have
all
possible
reason
to
be
at
no
quiet
till
they
see
a
Legal
and
Free
Parliament
assembled
,
which
may
impartially
,
and
without
either
Fear
or
Corruption
,
examine
that
whole
matter
.
If
all
these
Matters
are
true
in
fact
,
then
I
suppose
no
Man
will
doubt
,
that
the
whole
Foundations
of
this
Government
,
and
all
the
most
sacred
Parts
of
it
,
are
overturned
.
And
as
to
the
truth
of
all
these
Suppositions
,
that
is
left
to
every
Englishman's
Judgment
and
Sense
.
The
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
no
Badges
of
Slavery
.
THE
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
of
the
Crown
of
England
,
having
been
invaded
and
broke
in
upon
by
the
Power
of
the
Court
of
Rome
,
in
K.
Henry
the
Eighth
's
time
all
Foreign
Power
was
abolished
,
and
the
Antient
Legal
Supremacy
restor'd
,
and
by
many
additional
Acts
corroborated
.
But
all
that
was
done
of
that
kind
,
in
K.
Henry
the
Eighth
's
time
,
was
undone
again
in
Queen
Mary's
;
and
therefore
in
the
first
Year
of
Queen
Elizabeth's
Reign
,
an
Act
of
Parliament
was
made
,
Intituled
,
All
Antient
Jurisdiction
restored
to
the
Crown
.
A
Repeal
of
divers
Statutes
,
and
Reviver
of
others
:
and
all
foreign
Power
Abolished
.
Which
Act
recites
,
that
whereas
in
the
Reign
of
R.
H.
8.
divers
good
Laws
were
made
and
established
,
as
well
for
the
utter
extinguishment
and
putting
away
of
all
Vsurped
and
Foreign
Powers
and
Authorities
out
of
this
Realm
,
as
also
for
restoring
and
uniting
to
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Realm
the
antient
Jurisdictions
,
Authorities
,
Superiorities
,
and
Preheminences
to
the
same
of
Right
belonging
and
appertaining
;
by
reason
whereof
,
the
Subjects
of
this
Realm
were
kept
in
good
order
,
and
disburthened
of
divers
great
and
intolerable
Charges
and
Exactions
,
until
such
time
as
all
the
said
good
Laws
and
Statutes
by
one
Act
of
Parliament
made
in
the
first
and
second
Years
of
the
Reigns
of
King
Philip
and
Queen
Mary
,
were
clearly
repealed
and
made
void
;
by
reason
of
which
Act
of
Repeal
,
the
Subjects
of
England
were
eftsoons
brought
under
an
usurped
Foreign
Power
and
Authority
,
and
yet
remained
in
that
Bondage
to
their
intolerable
Charges
;
and
then
Enacts
,
that
for
the
repressing
of
the
said
usurped
Foreign
Power
,
and
the
restoring
of
the
Rights
,
Jurisdictions
and
Preheminences
appertaining
to
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Realm
,
The
said
Act
made
in
the
first
and
second
Years
of
the
said
late
King
Philip
and
Queen
Mary
(
except
as
therein
is
excepted
)
be
repealed
,
void
,
and
of
none
effect
.
The
said
Act
of
Primo
Elizabethae
proceeds
,
First
,
to
revive
by
express
words
many
Statutes
that
had
been
made
in
King
Henry
the
Eighth's
time
,
and
repealed
in
Queen
Mary's
;
and
Secondly
,
to
abolish
all
Foreign
Authority
in
these
words
;
[
viz.
]
And
to
the
intent
that
all
Vsurped
and
Foreign
Power
and
Authority
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
may
for
ever
be
clearly
extinguished
,
and
never
to
be
used
or
obeyed
within
this
Realm
,
&c.
May
it
please
your
Highness
that
it
may
be
Enacted
,
That
no
Foreign
Prince
,
Person
,
Prelate
,
State
,
or
Potentate
,
Spiritual
or
Temporal
,
shall
at
any
time
after
the
last
day
of
this
Session
of
Parliament
,
use
,
enjoy
,
or
exercise
any
manner
of
Power
,
Jurisdiction
,
Superiority
,
Authority
,
Preheminence
or
Priviledg
,
Spiritual
or
Ecclesiastical
,
within
this
Realm
,
&c.
but
the
same
shall
be
clearly
abolished
out
of
this
Realm
,
&c.
Any
Statute
,
Custom
,
&c.
to
the
contrary
notwithstanding
.
Thirdly
,
The
said
Act
restores
,
in
the
next
Paragraph
,
to
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Realm
,
such
Jurisdictions
,
Priviledges
,
Superiorities
,
&c.
Spiritual
and
Ecclesiastical
,
as
by
any
Spiritual
or
Ecclesiastical
Power
or
Authority
had
heretofore
been
,
or
might
lawfully
be
exercised
or
used
,
&c.
Fourthly
,
the
Act
impowers
the
Queen
to
assign
Commissioners
to
exercise
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
.
And
Fifthly
,
For
the
better
observation
and
maintenance
of
this
Act
,
imposes
upon
Ecclesiastical
and
Temporal
Officers
and
Ministers
,
&c.
the
Oath
,
commonly
call'd
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
,
which
runs
thus
;
(
viz.
)
The
Oath
of
SUPREMACY
.
I
A.
B.
do
utterly
testify
and
declare
in
my
Conscience
,
that
the
Queen's
Highness
is
the
only
Supream
Governour
of
this
Realm
,
and
of
all
other
her
Highness's
Dominions
and
Countries
,
as
well
in
all
Spiritual
or
Ecclesiastical
Things
and
Causes
as
Temporal
;
and
that
no
Foreign
Prince
,
Person
,
Prelate
,
State
,
or
Potentate
hath
or
ought
to
have
any
Jurisdiction
,
Power
,
Superiority
,
Preheminence
or
Authority
,
Ecclesiastical
or
Spiritual
within
this
Realm
;
And
therefore
I
do
utterly
renounce
and
forsake
all
Foreign
Jurisdictions
,
Powers
,
Superiorities
and
Authorities
,
and
do
promise
that
from
henceforth
I
shall
bear
Faith
and
true
Allegiance
to
the
Queen's
Highness
,
her
Heirs
and
lawful
Successors
;
and
to
my
Power
shall
assist
and
defend
all
Jurisdictions
,
Priviledges
,
Preheminencies
and
Authorities
,
granted
or
belonging
to
the
Queen's
Highness
,
her
Heirs
and
Successors
,
or
united
and
annexed
to
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Realm
.
So
help
me
God
,
and
by
the
Contents
of
this
Book
.
It
cannot
but
be
obvious
to
every
impartial
Peruser
of
the
Statute
,
especially
if
he
have
the
least
knowledg
of
what
Condition
the
Government
of
this
Nation
was
reduced
to
by
Papal
Encroachments
and
Usurpations
,
That
the
Makers
of
this
Law
,
and
the
Sense
of
this
Oath
,
was
no
other
in
general
,
than
that
the
People
of
this
Realm
should
bear
Faith
and
true
Allegiance
,
even
in
Matters
relating
to
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
to
the
Queen's
Highness
,
her
Heirs
and
lawful
Successors
,
and
not
to
the
Pope
or
any
foreign
pretended
Jurisdiction
.
What
the
several
Jurisdictions
,
Priviledges
,
Preheminences
and
Authorities
,
granted
or
belonging
to
the
Queen
,
her
Heirs
and
Successors
,
are
in
particular
;
and
what
the
Jurisdictions
,
Priviledges
,
Preheminences
and
Authorities
,
United
and
Annexed
to
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Realm
,
are
in
particular
,
is
not
material
here
to
be
discoursed
of
;
though
the
several
Statutes
made
in
King
Henry
the
Eighth's
time
,
and
King
Edward
the
Sixth's
,
and
revived
in
Queen
Elizabeth's
,
will
unfold
many
of
them
;
and
clear
the
distinction
,
which
the
OATH
makes
,
betwixt
Authorities
granted
or
belonging
to
the
King
,
and
Authorities
united
and
annexed
to
the
Imperial
Crown
;
and
Mr.
Prynn's
History
of
the
Pope's
intolerable
Usurpations
upon
the
Liberties
of
the
Kings
and
Subjects
of
England
and
Ireland
;
together
with
Sir
Roger
Twisden's
Historical
Vindication
of
the
Church
of
England
in
point
of
Schism
,
will
in
a
great
measure
acquaint
the
Curious
how
matters
stood
with
us
here
,
with
respect
to
Church-Government
,
before
the
Pope
had
wrested
the
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
almost
wholly
out
of
the
hands
of
our
Kings
,
our
Parliaments
and
Courts
of
Justice
.
In
short
,
those
Jurisdictions
,
&c.
are
such
,
as
the
Antient
Laws
,
Customs
,
and
Usages
of
the
Realm
,
or
latter
Acts
of
Parliament
have
Created
,
Given
,
Limited
and
Directed
.
The
Makers
of
this
Law
did
not
design
to
impose
upon
the
People
of
England
any
new
Terms
of
Allegiance
,
but
to
secure
the
old
ones
,
exclusive
of
any
Pretences
of
the
Pope
or
See
of
Rome
.
Nor
are
there
any
words
in
this
Oath
more
strong
,
more
binding
to
Duty
and
Allegiance
,
than
are
words
which
the
old
Oath
of
Fealty
is
conceived
in
;
which
all
Men
were
antiently
obliged
,
and
may
yet
be
required
to
take
to
the
King
in
the
Court-Leet
at
twelve
years
of
Age
;
which
runs
thus
;
(
viz.
)
You
shall
swear
that
from
this
day
forward
you
shall
be
true
and
faithful
to
our
Soveraign
Lord
King
James
and
his
Heirs
:
And
Faith
and
Truth
shall
bear
of
Life
and
Limb
,
and
terrene
Honour
.
And
you
shall
not
know
nor
hear
of
any
ill
or
damage
intended
to
him
,
that
you
shall
not
defend
.
So
help
you
Almighty
God
.
This
is
as
full
and
comprehensive
,
as
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
;
I
do
promise
that
I
shall
bear
faith
and
true
Allegiance
to
the
Queen's
Highness
,
her
Heirs
and
lawful
Successors
,
and
to
my
power
shall
assist
and
defend
all
Jurisdictions
,
&c.
So
that
the
true
sense
and
meaning
of
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
,
is
this
;
viz.
I
will
be
true
and
faithful
to
our
Soveraign
Lord
the
King
,
his
Heirs
and
lawful
Successors
,
and
will
to
my
Power
assist
and
defend
all
his
Rights
,
notwithstanding
any
pretence
made
by
the
Pope
or
any
other
Foreign
Power
to
exercise
Jurisdiction
within
the
Realm
,
all
which
Foreign
Power
I
utterly
renounce
in
Matters
Ecclesiastical
as
well
as
Temporal
.
The
Oath
of
Allegiance
is
appointed
by
the
Act
of
3
Jac.
1.
Chap.
4.
Intituled
,
An
Act
for
discovering
and
repressing
of
Popish
Recusants
.
It
recites
the
daily
Experiences
that
many
of
his
Majesty's
Subjects
,
that
adhere
in
their
Hearts
to
the
Popish
Religion
,
by
the
Infection
drawn
from
thence
,
by
the
wicked
and
devillish
Counsel
of
Jesuits
,
Seminaries
,
and
other
like
Persons
dangerous
to
the
Church
and
State
,
are
so
far
perverted
in
the
point
of
their
Loyalties
and
due
Allegiance
to
the
King's
Majesty
,
and
the
Crown
of
England
,
as
they
are
ready
to
entertain
and
execute
any
Treasonable
Conspiracies
and
Practices
:
And
for
the
better
Trial
how
his
Majesty's
Subjects
stand
affected
in
point
of
their
Loyalties
and
due
Obedience
,
Enacts
,
that
it
shall
be
lawful
for
any
Bishop
in
his
Diocess
,
or
any
two
Justices
of
the
Peace
,
whereof
one
to
be
of
the
Quorum
,
within
the
Limits
of
their
Jurisdiction
,
out
of
the
Session
,
to
require
any
Person
of
the
age
of
eighteen
Years
or
above
,
which
shall
be
convict
or
indicted
of
Recusancy
,
other
than
Noblemen
,
&c.
or
which
shall
not
have
received
the
Sacrament
twice
within
the
Year
then
next
past
,
or
any
Person
passing
in
or
through
the
Country
,
unknown
,
that
being
examined
upon
Oath
shall
confess
,
or
not
deny
him
or
her self
to
be
a
Recusant
,
and
to
take
the
Oath
therein
after
expressed
;
viz.
&c.
The
Oath
of
Allegiance
.
So
that
by
the
occasion
of
imposing
the
Oath
,
and
by
the
appointing
it
to
be
tendred
only
to
Papists
or
suspected
Papists
,
it
is
apparent
that
the
Design
of
the
Law-makers
was
to
detect
such
Persons
as
were
perverted
,
or
in
danger
to
be
perverted
in
their
Loyalty
,
by
Infection
drawn
from
the
Popish
Religion
.
The
form
of
the
Oath
makes
it
yet
more
evident
,
being
wholly
levell'd
against
any
Opinion
of
the
Lawfulness
of
deposing
the
King
,
or
practising
any
Treason
against
him
,
upon
pretence
of
his
being
excommunicated
or
deprived
by
the
Pope
,
and
against
any
Opinion
of
the
Pope's
Power
to
discharge
Subjects
from
their
Oaths
of
Fidelity
to
their
Princes
.
It
runs
thus
;
viz.
I
A.
B.
Do
truly
and
sincerely
profess
,
testify
and
declare
in
my
Conscience
before
God
and
the
World
,
that
our
Soveraign
Lord
King
James
,
is
lawful
and
rightful
King
of
this
Realm
,
and
of
all
his
Majesty's
Dominions
and
Countries
:
And
that
the
Pope
,
neither
of
himself
,
nor
by
any
Authority
of
the
Church
or
See
of
Rome
,
or
by
any
other
means
,
with
any
other
,
hath
any
Power
or
Authority
to
depose
the
King
,
or
to
dispose
any
of
his
Majesty's
Kingdoms
or
Dominions
,
or
to
authorize
any
Foreign
Prince
to
invade
or
annoy
him
,
or
his
Countries
,
or
to
discharge
any
of
his
Subjects
of
their
Allegiance
or
Obedience
to
his
Majesty
,
or
to
give
licence
or
leave
to
any
of
them
to
bear
Arms
,
raise
Tumults
,
or
to
offer
any
Violence
or
Hurt
to
his
Majesty's
Royal
Person
,
State
or
Government
,
or
to
any
of
his
Majesty's
Subjects
within
his
Majesty's
Dominions
.
Also
I
do
swear
from
my
Heart
,
that
notwithstanding
any
Declaration
or
Sentence
of
Excommunication
,
or
Deprivation
made
or
granted
,
or
to
be
made
or
granted
by
the
Pope
or
his
Successors
,
or
by
any
Authority
derived
or
pretended
to
be
derived
from
him
or
his
See
,
against
the
said
King
,
his
Heirs
and
Successors
,
or
any
Absolution
of
the
said
Subjects
from
their
Obedience
,
I
will
bear
Faith
and
true
Allegiance
to
his
Majesty
,
his
Heirs
and
Successors
,
and
him
and
them
will
defend
to
the
uttermost
of
my
Power
against
all
Conspiracies
and
Attempts
whatsoever
,
which
shall
be
made
against
his
or
their
Persons
,
their
Crown
and
Dignity
,
by
reason
or
colour
of
any
such
Sentence
or
Declaration
,
or
otherwise
;
and
will
do
my
best
endeavour
to
disclose
and
make
known
unto
his
Majesty
,
his
Heirs
and
Successors
,
all
Treasons
and
traiterous
Conspiracies
,
which
I
shall
know
or
hear
of
to
be
against
him
,
or
any
of
them
.
And
I
do
further
swear
,
that
I
do
from
my
Heart
abhor
and
detest
and
abjure
,
as
impious
and
heretical
,
this
damnable
Doctrine
and
Position
,
That
Princes
which
be
excommunicated
or
deprived
by
the
Pope
,
may
be
deposed
or
murthered
by
their
Subjects
,
or
any
other
whatsoever
.
And
I
do
believe
,
and
in
Conscience
am
perswaded
,
that
neither
the
Pope
nor
any
Person
whatsoever
,
hath
Power
to
absolve
me
of
this
Oath
,
or
any
part
thereof
,
which
I
acknowledg
by
good
and
lawful
Authority
to
be
lawfully
administred
unto
me
,
and
I
do
renounce
all
Parsons
and
Dispensations
to
the
contrary
.
And
all
these
things
I
do
plainly
and
sincerely
acknowledg
and
swear
,
according
to
these
express
words
by
me
spoken
,
and
according
to
the
plain
and
common
Sense
and
Vnderstanding
of
the
same
words
,
without
any
Equivocation
,
or
mental
Evasion
,
or
secret
Reservation
whatsoever
.
And
I
do
make
this
Recognition
and
Acknowledgment
heartily
,
willingly
and
truly
,
upon
the
true
Faith
of
a
Christian
.
So
help
me
God
.
And
the
Statute
of
7
Jacobi
cap.
6.
recites
;
that
Whereas
by
a
Statute
made
in
the
third
Year
of
the
said
King's
Reign
,
the
form
of
an
Oath
to
be
ministred
and
given
to
certain
Persons
in
the
same
Act
mentioned
,
is
limited
and
prescribed
,
tending
only
to
the
Declaration
of
such
Duty
as
every
true
and
well
affected
Subject
,
not
only
by
bond
of
Allegiance
,
but
also
by
the
Commandment
of
Almighty
God
,
ought
to
bear
to
the
King
,
his
Heirs
and
Successors
;
Which
Oath
such
are
infected
with
Popish
Superstition
do
oppugne
with
many
false
and
unsound
Arguments
,
the
just
defence
whereof
the
King
had
therefore
undertaken
and
worthily
performed
,
to
the
great
contentment
of
all
his
Subjects
,
notwithstanding
the
Gainsayings
of
Contentious
Adversaries
.
And
to
shew
how
greatly
the
King
's
Loyal
Subjects
do
approve
the
said
Oath
,
they
beseech
his
Majesty
,
that
the
said
Oath
be
administred
to
all
his
Subjects
.
The
Pope
,
and
Authority
of
the
See
of
Rome
,
run
through
the
first
Paragraph
;
Notwithstanding
any
Declaration
,
or
Sentence
of
Excommunication
,
&c.
Governs
the
second
Paragraph
:
Excommunicated
and
deprived
the
Pope
are
the
material
words
in
the
third
Paragraph
.
The
fourth
is
added
in
Majorem
cautelam
,
in
opposition
to
the
Popish
Doctrine
of
Dispensing
with
Oaths
,
Absolving
Subjects
from
their
Allegiance
,
Equivocations
,
Mental
Evasions
,
&c.
So
that
as
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
did
but
enforce
the
Antient
Oath
of
Fealty
,
with
an
acknowledgment
of
the
Queen
's
supream
Authority
in
Ecclesiastial
Causes
and
things
,
as
well
as
Temporal
,
and
a
Renunciation
of
all
Foreign
Jurisdictions
;
so
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
does
but
enforce
the
same
old
Oath
of
Fealty
,
by
obliging
the
Subjects
of
England
expresly
to
disown
any
lawful
Authority
in
the
Pope
or
See
of
Rome
to
depose
,
invade
or
annoy
the
King
,
his
Dominions
or
Subjects
.
And
notwithstanding
any
Sentence
of
Excommunication
,
Deprivation
,
&c.
by
the
Pope
,
&c.
to
bear
Faith
and
true
Allegiance
to
the
King
,
his
Heirs
and
lawful
Successors
;
And
to
abjure
that
Position
,
that
it
is
lawful
to
depose
Princes
that
are
Excommunicated
or
Deprived
by
the
Pope
.
Whatever
is
added
,
is
either
Oath
over
and
above
what
was
exprest
in
the
old
Oath
of
Fealty
,
is
but
as
Explanatory
of
it
,
and
branching
it
out
into
such
Particulars
,
as
time
and
occasion
required
.
So
that
the
Oaths
of
Supremacy
and
Allegiance
not
having
altered
the
terms
of
Allegiance
,
due
from
the
People
of
England
to
their
Princes
,
if
their
Princes
by
antient
Laws
of
the
Realm
,
and
by
the
Practice
of
our
Forefathers
,
were
liable
to
be
deposed
by
the
great
Councils
of
the
Nation
,
for
Male-administration
,
Oppressions
,
and
other
Exorbitances
,
for
not
keeping
their
Coronation-Oaths
,
for
Insufficiency
to
govern
,
&c.
then
they
continue
still
liable
to
be
deposed
in
like
manner
,
the
said
Oaths
,
or
any
Obligation
contracted
thereby
,
notwithstanding
.
For
the
Practice
of
former
times
,
I
shall
begin
with
a
very
antient
Precedent
in
the
Kingdom
of
the
West-Saxons
,
(
viz.
)
Cudred
King
of
West-Saxony
being
dead
,
Sigebert
his
Kinsman
succeeded
him
in
that
Kingdom
,
and
held
it
but
a
small
time
;
for
being
puft
up
with
Pride
by
the
Successes
of
King
Cudred
his
Predecessor
,
he
grew
insolent
,
and
became
intolerable
to
his
People
.
And
when
he
evil
entreated
them
all
manner
of
ways
,
and
either
wrested
the
Laws
for
his
own
Ends
,
or
eluded
them
for
his
own
Advantage
;
Cumbra
one
of
his
chief
Officers
,
at
the
request
of
the
whole
People
,
intimated
their
Complaints
to
the
Savage
King
.
And
because
he
persuaded
the
King
to
govern
his
People
more
mildly
,
and
that
laying
aside
his
Barbarity
,
he
would
endeavour
to
appear
acceptable
to
God
and
Man
;
the
King
immediately
commanded
him
to
be
put
to
Death
,
and
increasing
his
Tyranny
,
became
more
cruel
and
intolerable
than
before
:
whereupon
in
the
beginning
of
the
second
Year
of
his
Reign
,
because
he
was
arriv'd
to
an
incorrigible
pitch
of
Pride
and
Wickedness
,
the
NOBLES
and
the
PEOPLE
OF
THE
WHOLE
KINGDOM
assembled
together
,
and
upon
MATURE
DELIBERATION
,
did
by
UNANIMOUS
CONSENT
OF
THEM
ALL
,
drive
him
out
of
the
Kingdom
.
In
whose
stead
they
chose
Kenwolph
an
excellent
Youth
,
and
of
the
Royal
Blood
,
to
be
King
over
the
People
and
Kingdom
of
the
West-Saxons
.
Collect.
p.
769
,
770.
ibid.
p.
795
,
796.
Cudredo
Rege
West-Saxiae
defuncto
,
Sigebertus
Cognatus
ejus
sibi
in
eodem
Regno
successit
;
brevi
tamen
tempore
Regnum
tenens
,
nam
ex
Cudredi
Regis
Precessoris
sui
eventibus
tumefactus
,
&
insolens
intolerabilis
suis
fuit
cum
autem
eos
modis
omnibus
male
tractaret
,
legesque
vel
ad
commodum
suum
depravaret
,
vel
pro
commodo
suo
devitaret
,
Cumbra
Consul
ejus
Nobilissimus
prece
totius
populi
Regi
fero
eorum
querimonias
intimavit
.
Et
quia
ipse
Regi
suaserat
,
ut
leniùs
Populum
suum
regeret
,
&
inhumanitate
depositâ
Deo
&
hominibus
amabilis
appareret
,
Rex
eum
impiâ
nece
mox
interfici
jubens
,
populo
saevior
&
intolerabilior
quàm
priùs
suam
tyrannidem
augmentavit
,
unde
in
principio
secundi
Anni
Regni
sui
cum
incorrigibilis
superbiae
&
nequitiae
esset
,
Congregati
sunt
PROCERES
&
POPVLVS
totius
REGNI
&
eum
PROVIDA
DELIBERATIONE
à
Regno
VNANIMI
CONSENSV
OMNIVM
expellebant
.
Cujus
loco
Kenwolfum
juvenem
egregium
de
Regiâ
stirpe
oriundum
,
in
Regem
super
Populum
&
Regnum
Wex-Saxiae
elegerunt
.
Collect.
769
,
770.
ibidem
,
p.
795
,
796.
This
Deposition
of
King
Sigebert
appears
to
have
been
done
in
a
formal
and
orderly
Manner
;
viz.
in
a
Convention
of
the
Proceres
and
the
Populus
totius
Regni
;
and
it
was
done
providâ
deliberatione
&
unanimi
Omnium
Consensu
,
and
consequently
was
not
an
Act
of
Heat
,
Rebellion
,
or
Tumultuary
Insurrection
of
the
People
:
But
was
what
the
whole
Nation
apprehended
to
be
Legal
,
Just
,
and
according
to
the
Constitution
of
their
Government
,
and
no
breach
of
their
Oaths
of
Allegiance
.
Nor
have
we
any
reason
to
wonder
that
the
English
Nation
should
free
themselves
in
such
a
manner
from
Oppression
,
if
we
consider
that
by
an
antient
Positive
Law
,
Enacted
in
K.
Edward
the
Conf.
time
,
and
confirmed
by
William
the
Conqueror
,
the
Kings
of
England
are
liable
to
be
deposed
,
if
they
turn
Tyrants
.
The
King
,
because
he
is
the
Vicar
of
the
Supream
King
,
is
constituted
to
this
end
and
purpose
,
that
he
may
govern
his
earthly
Kingdom
and
the
People
of
the
Lord
,
and
especially
to
govern
and
reverence
God's
holy
Church
,
and
defend
it
from
Injuries
,
and
root
out
,
destroy
,
and
wholly
to
extirpate
all
Wrong-doers
.
Which
if
he
do
not
perform
,
HE
SHALL
NOT
RETAIN
SO
MUCH
AS
THE
NAME
OF
A
KING
.
And
a
little
after
;
The
King
must
act
all
things
according
to
Law
,
and
by
the
Judgment
of
the
Proceres
Regni
.
For
Right
and
Justice
ought
to
reign
in
the
Realm
rather
than
a
perverse
Will.
It
is
the
Law
that
makes
Right
;
but
Wilfulness
,
Violence
and
Force
is
not
Right
.
The
King
ought
above
all
things
to
fear
and
love
God
,
and
to
keep
his
Commandments
throughout
his
Kingdom
.
He
ought
also
to
preserve
,
to
cherish
,
maintain
,
govern
and
defend
against
its
Adversaries
,
the
Church
within
his
Kingdom
entirely
and
in
all
freedom
,
according
to
the
Constitutions
of
the
Fathers
and
of
his
Predecessors
,
that
God
may
be
honoured
above
all
things
,
and
always
be
had
before
Men's
Eyes
.
He
ought
also
to
set
up
good
Laws
and
approv'd
Customs
,
and
to
abolish
evil
ones
,
and
put
them
away
in
his
Kingdom
.
He
ought
to
do
right
Judgment
in
his
Kingdom
,
and
maintain
Justice
by
advice
of
the
Proceres
Regni
sui
.
All
these
things
the
King
,
in
proper
Person
,
looking
upon
,
and
touching
the
Holy
Gospels
,
and
upon
the
Holy
and
Sacred
Relicks
,
must
swear
in
the
Presence
of
his
People
and
Clergy
to
do
,
before
he
be
crown'd
by
the
Archbishops
and
Bishops
of
the
Kingdom
.
Lamb.
of
the
Antient
Laws
of
England
,
pag.
142.
Rex
autem
,
quia
Vicarius
summi
Regis
est
,
ad
hoc
est
constitutus
,
ut
Regnum
terrenum
&
Populum
Domini
,
&
super
omnia
sanctam
veneretur
Ecclesiam
ejus
&
regat
,
&
ab
injuriosis
defendat
,
&
maleficos
ab
eâ
evellat
&
destruat
,
&
penitus
disper
.
Quod
nisi
fecerit
,
nec
nomen
Regis
in
eo
constabit
.
Et
paulò
post
;
Debet
Rex
omnia
ritè
facere
in
Regno
,
&
per
Judicium
Procerum
Regni
.
Debet
enim
Jus
&
Justitia
magis
regnare
in
Regno
,
quàm
voluntas
prava
.
Lex
est
semper
quod
Jus
facit
;
voluntas
autem
,
Violentia
&
Vis
non
est
Jus.
Debet
verò
Rex
Deum
timere
super
omnia
&
diligere
,
&
mandata
ejus
per
totum
Regum
suum
servare
.
Debet
etiam
sanctam
Ecclesiam
Regni
sui
cum
omni
integritate
&
libertate
,
juxta
Constitutiones
Patrum
&
Praedecessorum
,
servare
,
fovere
,
manutenere
,
regere
,
&
contrainimicos
defendere
,
it
a
ut
Deus
prae
coeteris
honoretur
,
&
prae
oculis
semper
habeatur
.
Debet
etiam
bonas
Leges
&
Consuetudines
approbat
as
erigere
,
pravas
autem
delere
,
&
omnes
à
Regno
deponere
.
Debet
Judicium
rectum
in
Regno
suo
facere
,
&
Justitiam
per
Consil●um
Procerum
Regni
sui
tenere
.
Ista
verò
debet
omnia
Rex
in
propriâ
personâ
,
inspectis
&
tactis
sacrosanctis
Evangeli
is
,
&
super
sacras
&
sanctas
reliquias
coram
Regno
&
Sacerdotio
&
Clero
jurare
,
antequam
ab
Archiepiscopis
&
Episcopis
Regni
coronetur
.
Lamb.
de
priscis
Anglorum
Legibus
,
p.
142.
Another
Instance
of
the
Deposition
of
a
King
of
England
,
subsequent
to
this
Law
,
we
find
in
King
John's
time
,
whose
Oppressions
and
Tyrannical
Government
our
Histories
are
full
of
.
Of
which
take
this
following
Account
out
of
a
very
Antient
Historian
.
Whereas
the
said
John
had
sworn
solemnly
at
his
Coronation
,
as
the
manner
is
,
that
he
would
preserve
the
Rights
and
Usages
of
the
Church
and
Realm
of
England
,
yet
contrary
to
his
Oath
,
he
subjected
,
as
far
as
in
him
lay
,
the
Kingdom
of
England
,
which
has
always
been
free
,
and
made
it
tributary
to
the
Pope
,
without
the
Advice
and
Consent
of
his
Barons
;
subverting
good
Customs
,
and
introducing
evil
ones
,
endeavouring
by
many
Oppressions
,
and
many
ways
,
to
enslave
both
the
Church
and
the
Realm
,
which
Oppressions
you
know
better
than
I
,
as
having
felt
them
by
manifold
Experience
.
For
which
Causes
,
when
after
many
Applications
made
,
War
was
waged
against
him
by
his
Barons
;
at
last
,
amongst
other
things
it
was
agreed
,
with
his
express
Consent
,
that
in
case
the
said
John
should
return
to
his
former
Villanies
,
the
Barons
should
be
at
liberty
to
recede
from
their
Allegiance
to
him
,
never
to
return
to
him
more
.
But
he
,
after
a
few
days
,
made
his
latter
end
worse
than
his
beginning
,
endeavouring
not
only
to
oppress
his
Barons
,
but
wholly
to
exterminate
them
;
who
therefore
in
a
GENERAL
ASSEMBLY
,
and
with
the
APPROBATION
of
ALL
THE
REALM
,
adjudging
him
unworthy
to
be
King
,
chose
US
for
their
Lord
and
King
.
Collect.
p.
1868
,
1869.
Chron.
W.
Thorn
.
Cum
praefatus
Johannes
in
Coronatione
suâ
solennitèr
,
prout
moris
est
,
jurasset
,
se
Jura
&
Consuetudines
Ecclesiae
&
Regni
Angliae
conservaturum
,
contra
juramentum
suum
absque
consilio
vel
consensu
Baronum
suorum
idem
Regnum
,
quod
semper
fuit
liberum
,
quantum
in
ipso
fuit
,
Domino
Papa
subjecit
,
&
fecit
tributarium
,
bonas
consuetudines
subvertens
,
malas
indutens
,
tam
Ecclesiam
quam
Regnum
multis
oppressionibus
multisque
modis
studens
ancellare
,
quas
oppressiones
vos
meliùs
nostis
,
quam
nos
,
ut
qui
eas
familiari
sensistis
experimento
.
Pro
quibus
,
cum
post
multas
requisitiones
guerra
mota
esset
contra
ipsum
à
Baronibus
suis
,
tandem
inter
caetera
de
ejus
expresso
Consensu
,
it
à
convenit
,
ut
si
idem
Johannes
ad
flagitia
prima
rediret
,
ipse
Barones
ab
ejus
fidelitate
recederent
,
nunquam
ad
eum
postmodùm
reversuri
.
Verùm
ipse
nihilominus
paucis
diebus
evolutis
,
fecit
novissima
sua
pejora
prioribus
,
studens
Barones
suos
non
tantum
opprimere
,
sed
potiùs
penitùs
exterminare
.
Qui
DE
COMMVNI
REGNI
CONSILIO
&
APPROBATIONE
ipsum
Regno
judicantes
indignum
,
nos
in
Regem
&
Dominum
elegerunt
.
Collect.
1868
,
1869.
Chron.
W.
Thorn
:
Lewis
his
Letter
to
the
Abbot
of
St.
Austins
,
Canterbury
.
The
next
Instance
shall
be
that
of
King
Edward
the
Second
;
the
Record
of
whose
Deposition
,
if
it
were
extant
,
would
probably
disclose
all
the
Legal
Formalities
that
were
then
accounted
proper
for
the
deposing
an
Unjust
,
Oppressive
King
:
But
they
were
cancelled
and
imbezled
(
as
is
highly
probable
from
Rastal's
Stat.
pag.
170
,
171.
compar'd
with
the
Articles
exhibited
in
Parliament
against
King
Richard
the
Second
,
of
which
hereafter
)
in
King
Richard
the
Second's
time
,
and
by
his
Order
:
Yet
the
Articles
themselves
are
preserv'd
in
the
Collect.
and
are
as
followeth
;
viz.
Accorde
est
que
Sire
Edward
Fitz
aisnè
du
Roy
ait
le
Goverment
du
Royalme
&
soit
Roy
Couronne
,
pur
les
causes
que
s'
ensuent
.
1.
Pur
ceo
que
la
Person
le
Roy
n'
est
pas
suffisant
de
Governer
.
Car
en
tout
son
temps
il
ad
estre
mene
&
governe
per
auters
que
ly
ont
mavaisement
conseillez
,
à
deshonour
de
ly
&
destruction
de
Saint
Esglise
,
&
de
tout
son
People
sanz
ceo
que
il
le
vousist
veer
ou
conuster
lequel
il
fust
bon
ou
mauvays
ou
remedie
mettre
,
au
faire
le
voufist
quant
il
fuit
requis
par
les
grants
&
sages
de
son
Royalme
,
ou
souffrir
que
amende
fuist
faite
.
2.
Item
,
Par
son
temps
il
ne
se
voloit
doner
à
bon
Counsel
,
ne
le
croire
,
ne
à
bon
Government
de
son
Royalme
,
mes
se
ad
done
tous
jours
as
Ouvrages
&
Occupations
nient
Convenables
,
enterlessant
l'esploit
des
besoignes
de
son
Royalme
.
3.
Item
,
Par
defaut
de
bon
goverment
ad
il
perdu
le
Royalme
d'Escoce
,
&
auters
Terres
&
Seigneuries
en
Gascoyne
&
Hyrland
,
les
queux
son
Pere
le
leisa
en
pees
&
amistè
du
Roy
de
France
,
&
dets
mults
des
auters
Grants
.
4.
Item
,
Par
sa
fiertè
&
qualte
&
par
mauvays
Counsel
ad
il
destruit
Saint
Esglise
,
&
les
Persons
de
Saint
Esglise
tenus
en
prison
les
uns
:
&
les
auters
en
distresce
,
&
auxynt
plusors
Grants
&
Nobles
de
sa
terre
mys
à
honteuse
mort
,
enprisones
,
exulets
&
desheritez
.
5.
Item
,
Là
ou
il
est
tenus
par
son
serment
à
faire
droit
à
toute
il
ne
l'
ad
pas
volu
faire
,
pur
son
propre
proffitt
&
covetise
de
ly
,
&
de
ces
maveis
consailires
,
que
ount
este
pres
de
ly
,
ne
ad
garde
les
auters
Points
del
serment
qu'
il
fist
à
son
Coronement
,
si
come
il
fuest
tenus
.
6.
Item
,
Il
deguerpist
son
Royalme
&
fist
tant
come
en
ly
fust
que
son
Royalme
&
son
People
fust
perduz
,
&
que
pys
est
,
pur
la
cruaute
de
ly
&
defaute
de
sa
personne
il
est
trove
incorrigible
saunz
esperance
de
amendment
,
les
queux
choses
sont
si
notoires
,
qu'
ils
ne
pount
este
desdits
.
For
these
Causes
,
De
consilio
&
assensu
omnium
Praelatorum
,
Comitum
&
Baronum
&
totius
Communitatis
Regni
,
amotus
est
à
regimine
Regni
.
[
Apolog.
Ade
de
Orleton
Collect
.
p.
2765
,
2766.
]
It
is
accorded
that
Prince
Edward
,
the
King
's
eldest
Son
,
shall
have
the
Government
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
be
crowned
King
for
the
Causes
following
.
1.
For
that
the
Person
of
the
King
is
insufficient
to
govern
:
for
that
during
his
whole
Reign
he
has
been
led
and
governed
by
others
,
who
have
given
him
evil
Counsel
,
to
his
Dishonour
,
and
the
Destruction
of
Holy-Church
,
and
of
all
his
People
;
he
being
unwilling
to
consider
or
know
what
was
good
or
evil
,
or
to
provide
remedy
,
even
when
it
was
required
of
him
by
the
great
and
wise
Men
of
his
Realm
,
or
suffer
any
to
be
made
.
2.
Also
,
during
all
his
time
,
he
would
neither
hearken
to
,
nor
believe
good
Counsel
,
nor
apply
himself
to
the
good
Government
of
his
Realm
,
but
hath
always
given
himself
over
to
Things
and
Occupations
altogether
inconvenient
,
omitting
in
the
mean
time
the
necessary
Affairs
and
Business
of
the
Kingdom
.
3.
Also
,
For
want
of
good
Government
,
he
hath
lost
the
Kingdom
of
Scotland
,
and
other
Lands
and
Territories
in
Gascoin
and
Ireland
,
which
his
Father
left
him
in
peace
and
friendship
with
the
French
King
,
and
with
many
other
Grandees
.
4.
Also
,
By
his
Pride
and
Arrogance
and
evil
Counsel
,
he
has
destroyed
Holy-Church
,
imprisoning
some
Persons
thereof
,
and
put
others
in
distress
.
And
also
he
hath
put
to
a
shameful
death
,
imprisoned
and
disinherited
many
of
the
great
Men
,
and
Nobles
of
the
Land
.
5.
Also
,
Whereas
he
is
bound
by
his
Oath
to
administer
Justice
to
all
,
he
would
not
do
it
,
through
his
own
Covetousness
,
and
that
of
Evil
Counsellors
,
that
were
about
him
;
neither
hath
he
kept
the
other
Points
of
the
Oath
,
which
he
took
at
his
Coronation
,
as
he
was
bound
.
6.
Also
,
He
hath
wasted
his
Kingdom
,
and
did
what
in
him
lay
,
that
his
Realm
and
People
should
be
destroy'd
;
and
,
which
is
worse
,
by
his
Cruelty
and
personal
Failings
or
Defects
,
he
is
found
to
be
incorrigible
,
and
past
all
hopes
of
amendment
.
All
which
things
are
so
notorious
,
that
they
cannot
be
denied
.
For
these
Causes
,
by
advice
and
assent
of
all
the
Prelats
,
Earls
and
Barons
,
and
of
the
whole
Commonalty
of
the
Kingdom
,
he
was
deposed
from
the
Government
.
[
Apology
of
Adam
de
Orleton
Collect.
p.
2765
,
2766.
]
These
Proceedings
against
King
Edward
the
Second
are
no-where
extant
but
in
that
Author
.
Which
is
the
less
to
be
wondred
at
,
if
we
consider
,
that
in
King
Richard
the
Second's
time
the
King
's
parasitical
Court-Favourites
so
influenced
the
Judges
;
That
to
the
Question
,
How
he
was
to
be
punished
,
that
moved
in
the
Parliament
,
that
the
Statute
should
be
sent
for
,
whereby
Edward
,
the
Son
of
King
Edward
,
was
another
time
indicted
in
the
Parliament
?
They
answered
,
That
as
well
he
that
moved
,
as
the
other
who
by
force
of
the
same
motion
brought
the
said
Statute
into
the
Parliament-House
,
be
as
Criminals
and
Traitors
worthy
to
be
punished
.
V.
Rastal
's
Statutes
,
170
,
171.
(
Tho
for
that
and
other
extravagant
,
pernicious
and
treasonable
Opinions
delivered
,
those
Judges
were
severely
punished
,
as
is
notoriously
known
.
)
And
also
,
That
it
was
afterwards
one
Article
of
Impeachment
against
King
Richard
the
Second
,
That
he
had
cancelled
and
razed
sundry
Records
.
In
King
Richard
the
Second's
time
,
many
Animosities
arose
from
time
to
time
betwixt
him
and
his
Parliaments
;
insomuch
,
that
in
the
eleventh
year
of
his
Reign
,
the
Parliament
then
sitting
at
London
,
the
King
absented
himself
from
them
,
and
staid
at
Eltham
,
refusing
to
come
at
them
,
and
join
with
them
in
the
Publick
Affairs
:
upon
which
occasion
,
the
Lords
and
Commons
sent
Messengers
to
him
with
an
Address
;
which
the
Historian
H.
Knighton
sets
forth
at
large
,
and
which
I
will
here
give
the
Reader
a
Transcript
of
at
large
,
because
it
will
afford
many
useful
Inferences
and
Observations
.
Salubri
igitur
usi
consilio
,
miserunt
de
communi
Assensu
totius
Parliamenti
Dominum
Thomam
de
Wodestoke
Ducem
Glocestriae
,
&
Thomam
de
Arundell
Episcopum
Elyensem
,
ad
Regem
apud
Eltham
,
qui
salutarent
eum
ex
parte
Procerum
&
Communium
Parliamenti
sui
,
sub
tali
sensu
verborum
ei
referentes
vota
eorum
.
Domine
Rex
,
Proceres
&
Domini
atque
totus
populus
Communitatis
Parliamenti
vestri
,
cum
humillimâ
subjectione
se
commendant
excellentissimo
Regalis
Dignitatis
vestrae
,
cupientes
prosperum
iter
invincibilis
honoris
vestri
contra
inimicorum
potentiam
,
&
validissimum
vinculum
pacis
&
dilectionis
cordis
vestri
erga
subditos
vestros
,
in
augmentum
commodi
vestri
erga
Deum
,
&
salutem
animae
vestrae
,
&
ad
inedicibilem
consolationem
totius
Populi
vestri
quem
regis
:
Ex
quorum
parte
haec
vobis
intimamus
,
Quod
ex
antiquo
Statuto
habemus
,
&
consuetudine
laudabili
&
approbata
,
cujus
contrarietati
dici
non
valebit
,
quod
Rex
noster
convocare
potest
Dominos
&
Proceres
Regni
atque
Communes
semel
in
anno
ad
Parliamentum
suum
,
tanquam
ad
summam
curiam
totius
Regni
,
in
quâ
omnis
aequitas
relucere
deberet
absque
qualibet
scrupulositate
vel
nota
,
tanquam
Sol
in
ascensu
meridiei
,
ubi
pauperes
&
divites
pro
refrigerio
tranquillitatis
&
pacis
,
&
repulsione
injuriarum
,
refugium
infallibile
quaerere
possent
;
ac
etiam
errata
Regni
reformare
,
&
de
Statu
&
Gubernatione
Regis
&
Regni
cum
sapientiori
consilio
tractare
,
&
us
inimici
Regis
&
Regni
intrinseci
&
hostes
extrinseci
destruantur
&
repellantur
,
quomodò
convenientius
&
honorificentius
fieri
poterit
cum
salubri
tractatu
in
eo
disponere
&
praevidere
;
qualiter
quaeque
onera
incumbentia
Regi
&
Regno
levius
ad
ediam
communitatis
supportari
poterunt
.
Videtur
etiam
iis
,
quod
ex
quo
onera
supportant
incumbentia
,
habent
etiam
supervidere
qualiter
&
per
quos
eorum
bona
&
catalla
expendantur
.
Dicunt
etiam
,
quod
habent
ex
antiquo
Statuto
,
quod
si
Rex
à
Parliamento
suo
se
alienaverit
suâ
sponte
,
non
aliquâ
infirmitate
,
aut
aliquâ
aliâ
de
causâ
necessitatis
,
sed
per
immoderatam
voluntatem
protervè
se
subtraxerit
per
absentiam
temporis
quadraginta
dierum
,
tanquam
de
vexatione
populi
sui
,
&
gravibus
eorum
expensis
non
curans
,
extunc
licitum
omnibus
&
singulis
eorum
absque
domigerio
Regis
redire
ad
propria
,
&
unicuique
eorum
in
patriam
suam
remeare
:
Et
jam
vos
ex
longiore
tempore
absentâstis
,
&
quâ
de
causâ
nesciunt
,
venire
renuistis
.
Ad
haec
Rex
,
Jam
planè
consideramus
,
quod
Populus
noster
atque
Communes
intendunt
resistere
,
atque
contra
nos
insurgere
moliuntur
;
&
in
tali
infestatione
melius
nobis
non
videtur
,
quin
cognatum
nostrum
Regem
Francia
,
&
ab
eo
consilium
&
auxilium
petere
contra
insidiantes
,
&
nos
ei
submittere
potiùs
quàm
succumbere
subditis
nostris
.
Ad
haec
illi
responderunt
,
Non
est
hoc
vobis
sanum
consilium
,
sed
magis
ducens
ad
inevitabile
detrimentum
;
nam
Rex
Franciae
capitalis
inimicus
vester
est
,
&
Regni
vestri
adversarius
permaximus
;
&
si
in
terram
Regni
vestri
pedem
figeret
potiùs
,
vos
spoliare
laboraret
,
&
Regnum
vestrum
invadere
,
vosque
à
sublimitate
Regalis
solii
expellere
,
quam
vobis
aliquatenùs
manus
adjutrices
cum
favore
apponere
;
si
,
quod
absit
,
ejus
suffragio
quandoque
indigeretis
.
Ad
memoriam
igitur
revocetis
,
qualiter
avus
vester
Edwardus
tertius
Rex
,
&
similiter
pater
Edwardus
Princeps
nomine
ejus
in
sudore
&
angustiis
in
omni
tempore
suo
per
innumerabiles
labores
in
frigori
&
calore
certaverunt
indefesse
pro
conquisitione
Regni
Franciae
,
quod
eis
jure
haereditario
attinebat
,
&
vobis
per
successionem
post
eos
.
Reminiscemini
quoque
qualitèr
Domini
Regni
&
Proceres
atque
Communes
innumerahiles
tam
de
Regno
Angliae
quam
Franciae
,
Reges
quoque
&
Domini
de
aliis
Regnis
atque
populi
innumerabiles
in
Guerrâ
illâ
mortem
&
mortis
periculum
sustinuerunt
,
bona
quoque
&
catalla
inaestimabilia
&
thesauros
innumerabiles
pro
sustentatione
hujus
guerrae
,
Communes
Regni
hujus
indefesse
effuderunt
.
Et
quod
graviùs
dolendum
est
,
jam
in
diebus
vestris
tanta
onera
iis
imposita
pro
guerris
vestris
sustinendis
,
supportaverunt
,
quod
ad
tantam
pauperiem
incredibilem
deducti
sunt
,
quod
nec
reditus
suos
pro
suis
tenementis
solvere
possunt
,
nec
Regi
subvenire
,
nec
vitae
necessaria
sibi
ipsis
ministrare
;
&
depauperatur
Regia
potestas
,
&
Dominorum
Regni
,
&
magnatum
infelicitas
adducitur
,
atque
totius
populi
debilitas
.
Nam
Rex
depauperari
nequit
,
qui
divitem
habet
populum
;
nec
dives
esse
potest
,
qui
pauperes
habet
communes
.
Et
mala
haec
omnia
redundant
non
solum
Regi
,
sed
&
omnibus
&
singulis
Dominis
&
Proceribus
Regni
,
unicuique
in
suo
gradu
.
Et
haec
omnia
eveniunt
per
iniquos
ministros
Regis
,
qui
malè
gubernaverunt
Regem
&
Regnum
usque
in
praesens
.
Et
nisi
manus
citiùs
apponamus
adjutrices
,
&
remedii
fulcimentum
adhibeamus
,
Regnum
Angliae
dolorosè
attenuabitur
tempore
,
quo
minus
opinamur
.
Sed
&
unum
aliud
de
nuncio
nostro
superest
nobis
ex
parte
populi
vestri
vobis
intimare
.
Habent
enim
EX
ANTIQUO
STATUTO
,
&
de
facto
non
longe
retroactis
temporibus
experienter
quod
dolendum
est
habito
,
si
Rex
,
EX
MALIGNO
CONSILIO
QUOCUNQUE
,
vel
INEPTA
CONTUMACIA
,
aut
CONTEMPTU
,
seu
PROTERVA
VOLUNTATE
SINGULARI
,
aut
QUOVIS
MODO
IRREGULARI
,
se
alienaverit
à
populo
suo
,
nec
voluerit
per
jura
Regni
,
&
Statuta
ac
laudabiles
Ordinationes
,
cum
salubri
consilio
Dominorum
&
Procerum
Regni
gubernari
&
regulari
,
sed
capitose
in
suis
insanis
consiliis
propriam
voluntatem
suam
singularem
proterve
exercere
,
extunc
licitum
est
iis
,
cum
communi
assensu
&
consensu
Populi
Regni
ipsum
REGEM
DE
REGALI
SOLIO
ABROGARE
,
&
propinquiorem
aliquem
de
stirpe
Regiâ
loco
ejus
in
Regni
solio
sublimare
.
H.
Knighton
,
Collect.
2681.
Wherefore
taking
wholsome
Advice
,
they
sent
by
common
Assent
of
the
whole
Parliament
,
the
Lord
Thomas
de
Woodstock
Duke
of
Glocester
,
and
Thomas
de
Arundell
Bishop
of
Ely
,
to
the
King
to
Eltham
,
to
salute
him
on
behalf
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
of
his
Parliament
,
who
express'd
their
Desires
to
the
King
to
this
effect
.
Sir
,
The
Lords
,
and
all
the
Commons
of
your
Parliament
,
have
themselves
commended
to
your
most
excellent
Majesty
,
desiring
the
Success
of
your
invincible
Honour
against
the
Power
of
your
Enemies
,
and
a
most
firm
Bond
of
Peace
and
Love
in
your
Heart
towards
your
Subjects
,
for
your
good
God-wards
,
and
the
good
of
your
Soul
,
and
to
the
unspeakable
Comfort
of
all
your
People
whom
you
govern
:
On
whose
behalf
we
intimate
these
things
to
you
;
That
it
appears
to
us
by
an
antient
Statute
,
and
by
laudable
and
approved
Vsage
,
which
cannot
be
deny'd
,
that
our
King
can
call
together
the
Peers
of
the
Realm
,
and
the
Commons
,
once
a
year
to
his
Parliament
,
as
to
the
supream
Court
of
the
whole
Kingdom
,
in
which
all
Right
and
Justice
ought
to
shine
forth
without
any
doubt
or
stain
,
as
the
Sun
at
Noon-day
,
where
Poor
and
Rich
may
find
an
infallible
Refuge
,
to
enjoy
the
Refreshments
of
Tranquillity
and
Peace
,
and
for
repelling
of
Injuries
;
where
also
Errors
in
Government
are
to
be
reformed
,
and
the
State
and
Government
of
King
and
Kingdom
treated
upon
by
sage
Advice
,
and
the
destroying
and
repelling
of
both
intestine
and
foreign
Enemies
to
the
King
and
Kingdom
,
with
most
Convenience
and
Honour
,
may
be
debated
upon
,
and
provided
for
;
as
also
in
what
manner
the
Charges
incumbent
upon
the
King
and
Kingdom
may
be
born
with
most
ease
to
the
Commonalty
.
They
conceive
likewise
,
that
since
they
bear
the
incumbent
Charges
,
it
concerns
them
to
inspect
how
and
by
whom
their
Goods
and
Chattels
are
expended
.
They
say
also
,
that
it
appears
to
them
by
an
antient
Statute
,
that
if
the
King
absent
himself
from
his
Parliament
voluntarily
,
not
by
reason
of
Sickness
,
or
for
any
other
necessary
cause
,
but
through
an
inordinate
Will
shall
wantonly
absent
himself
by
the
space
of
forty
days
,
as
not
regarding
the
Vexation
of
his
People
,
and
their
great
Expences
,
it
shall
then
be
lawful
to
all
and
singular
of
them
to
return
to
their
own
Homes
without
the
King's
leave
:
And
you
have
now
been
longer
absent
,
and
have
refused
to
come
to
them
,
for
what
cause
they
know
not
.
Then
said
the
King
,
I
now
plainly
see
that
my
People
and
the
Commons
design
to
oppose
me
with
Force
,
and
are
about
to
make
an
Insurrection
against
me
:
And
if
I
be
so
infested
,
I
think
the
best
course
I
can
take
will
be
to
_____
my
Cousin
the
King
of
France
,
and
ask
his
Advice
,
and
pray
in
aid
of
him
against
those
that
way-lay
me
,
and
rather
to
submit
my self
to
him
,
than
be
foil'd
by
my
own
Subjects
.
To
which
they
reply'd
,
That
Counsel
is
not
for
your
good
,
but
will
inevitably
tend
to
your
ruin
;
for
the
King
of
France
is
your
capital
Enemy
,
and
the
greatest
Adversary
that
your
Kingdom
has
,
and
if
he
should
set
his
foot
within
your
Kingdom
,
he
would
rather
endeavour
to
prey
upon
you
,
and
invade
your
Realm
,
and
to
depose
you
from
your
Royal
Dignity
,
than
afford
you
any
Assistance
,
if
,
which
God
forbid
,
you
should
stand
in
need
of
his
help
.
Call
to
mind
therefore
,
how
your
Grand-father
King
Edward
III
,
and
your
Father
Prince
Edward
for
him
,
fought
indefatigably
in
Sweat
and
Sorrow
all
their
days
,
and
went
through
innumerable
Hardships
of
Cold
and
Heat
,
to
acquire
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
which
by
hereditary
Right
appertain'd
to
Them
,
and
does
now
to
You
by
Succession
after
them
.
Remember
likewise
,
how
innumerable
Lords
and
Commons
of
both
Realms
,
and
Kings
and
Gentlemen
of
other
Kingdoms
,
and
People
innumerable
,
perished
,
or
hazarded
perishing
,
in
that
War
;
and
that
the
Commons
of
this
Realm
pour'd
out
Goods
of
inestimable
value
,
and
innumerable
Sums
of
Money
,
for
the
carrying
on
of
that
same
War
;
and
,
which
is
more
to
be
lamented
,
they
have
now
in
your
days
undergone
such
heavy
Taxes
towards
the
maintaining
of
your
Wars
,
that
they
are
reduced
to
such
incredible
Poverty
,
that
they
cannot
so
much
as
pay
their
Rents
for
their
Farms
,
nor
aid
the
King
,
nor
afford
themselves
Necessaries
;
and
the
King
himself
is
impoverish'd
,
and
the
Lords
become
uneasy
,
and
all
the
People
faint
;
for
a
King
cannot
become
poor
,
that
has
a
rich
People
;
nor
can
he
be
rich
,
whose
People
are
poor
.
And
all
these
Mischiefs
redound
not
to
the
King
only
,
but
also
to
all
and
singular
the
Peers
of
the
Realm
,
in
proportion
:
And
all
these
Mischiefs
happen
by
means
of
the
King
's
Evil
Ministers
,
who
have
hitherto
misgovern'd
both
the
King
and
Kingdom
;
and
if
some
course
be
not
taken
,
the
Kingdom
of
England
will
be
miserably
diminish'd
sooner
than
we
are
aware
.
But
there
remains
yet
another
part
of
our
Message
,
which
we
have
to
impart
to
you
on
the
behalf
of
your
People
.
They
find
in
an
antient
Statute
,
and
it
has
been
done
in
fact
not
long
ago
,
That
if
the
King
,
through
any
Evil
Counsel
,
or
foolish
Contumacy
,
or
out
of
Scorn
,
or
some
singular
petulant
Will
of
his
own
,
or
by
any
other
irregular
Means
,
shall
alienate
himself
from
his
People
,
and
shall
refuse
to
be
govern'd
and
guided
by
the
Laws
of
the
Realm
,
and
the
Statutes
and
laudable
Ordinances
thereof
,
together
with
the
wholsom
Advice
of
the
Lords
and
great
Men
of
his
Realm
,
but
persisting
head-strong
in
his
own
hare-brain'd
Counsels
,
shall
petulantly
prosecute
his
own
singular
humour
,
That
then
it
shall
be
lawful
for
them
,
with
the
common
assent
and
consent
of
the
People
of
the
Realm
,
to
depose
that
same
King
from
his
Regal
Throne
,
and
to
set
up
some
other
of
the
Royal
Blood
in
his
room
.
H.
Knight
.
Coll.
2681.
No
Man
can
imagine
that
the
Lords
and
Commons
in
Parliament
would
have
sent
the
King
such
a
Message
,
and
have
quoted
to
him
an
old
Statute
for
deposing
Kings
that
would
not
govern
according
to
Law
,
if
the
People
of
England
had
then
apprehended
that
an
Obedience
without
reserve
was
due
to
the
King
,
or
if
there
had
not
been
such
a
Statute
in
being
.
And
though
the
Record
of
that
Excellent
Law
be
lost
,
as
the
Records
of
almost
all
our
Antient
Laws
are
;
yet
is
the
Testimony
of
so
credible
an
Historian
,
who
lived
when
these
things
were
transacted
,
sufficient
to
inform
us
,
that
such
a
Law
was
then
known
and
in
being
,
and
consequently
that
the
Terms
of
English
Allegiance
,
according
to
the
Constitution
of
our
Government
,
are
different
from
what
some
Modern
Authors
would
persuade
us
they
are
.
This
Difference
betwixt
the
said
King
and
his
Parliament
ended
amicably
betwixt
them
,
in
the
punishment
of
many
Evil
Counsellors
,
by
whom
the
King
had
been
influenced
to
commit
many
Irregularities
in
Government
.
But
the
Discontents
of
the
People
grew
higher
by
his
After-management
of
Affairs
,
and
ended
in
the
Deposition
of
that
King
,
and
setting
up
of
another
,
who
was
not
the
next
Heir
in
Lineal
Succession
.
The
Articles
against
King
Richard
the
Second
may
be
read
at
large
in
H.
Knighton
,
Collect.
2746
,
2747
,
&c.
and
are
yet
extant
upon
Record
.
An
Abridgment
of
them
is
in
Cotton's
Records
,
pag.
386
,
387
,
388.
out
of
whom
I
observe
these
few
,
there
being
in
all
Thirty
three
.
The
First
was
,
His
wasting
and
bestowing
the
Lands
of
the
Crown
upon
unworthy
Persons
,
and
overcharging
the
Commons
with
Exactions
.
And
that
whereas
certain
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
were
assign'd
in
Parliament
to
intend
the
Government
of
the
Kingdom
,
the
King
by
a
Conventicle
of
his
own
Accomplices
endeavoured
to
impeach
them
of
High-Treason
.
Another
was
,
For
that
the
King
by
undue
means
procured
divers
Justices
to
speak
against
the
Law
,
to
the
destruction
of
the
Duke
of
Glocester
,
and
the
Earls
of
Arundel
and
Warwick
at
Shrewsbury
.
Another
,
For
that
the
King
,
against
his
own
Promise
and
Pardon
at
a
solemn
Procession
,
apprehended
the
Duke
of
Glocester
,
and
sent
him
to
Calice
,
there
to
be
choaked
and
murthered
,
beheading
the
Earl
of
Arundel
,
and
banishing
the
Earl
of
Warwick
,
and
the
Lord
Cobham
.
Another
,
For
that
the
King's
Retinue
,
and
a
Rout
gathered
by
him
out
of
Cheshire
,
committed
divers
Murders
,
Rapes
,
and
other
Felonies
,
and
refused
to
pay
for
their
Victuals
.
Another
,
For
that
the
Crown
of
England
being
freed
from
the
Pope
,
and
all
other
Foreign
Power
,
the
King
notwithstanding
procured
the
Pope's
Excommunication
on
such
as
should
break
the
Ordinances
of
the
last
Parliament
,
in
derogation
of
the
Crown
,
Statutes
and
Laws
of
the
Realm
.
Another
,
That
he
made
Men
Sheriffs
,
who
were
not
named
to
him
by
the
Great
Officers
,
the
Justices
and
others
of
his
Council
;
and
who
were
unfit
,
contrary
to
the
Laws
of
the
Realm
,
and
in
manifest
breach
of
his
Oath
.
Another
,
For
that
he
did
not
repay
to
his
Subjects
the
Debts
that
he
had
borrowed
of
them
.
Another
,
For
that
the
King
refused
to
execute
the
Laws
,
saying
,
That
the
Laws
were
in
his
Mouth
and
Breast
,
and
that
himself
alone
could
make
and
alter
the
Laws
.
Another
,
For
causing
Sheriffs
to
continue
in
Office
above
a
Year
,
contrary
to
the
tenor
of
a
Statute-Law
,
thereby
incurring
notorious
Perjury
.
Another
,
For
that
the
said
King
procured
Knights
of
the
Shires
to
be
returned
to
serve
his
own
Will.
Another
,
For
that
many
Justices
,
for
their
good
Counsel
given
to
the
King
,
were
with
evil
Countenance
and
Threats
rewarded
.
Another
,
For
that
the
King
passing
into
Ireland
,
had
carried
with
him
,
without
the
Consent
of
the
Estates
of
the
Realm
,
the
Treasure
,
Reliques
,
and
other
Jewels
of
the
Realm
,
which
were
used
safely
to
be
kept
in
the
King
's
own
Coffers
from
all
hazard
;
And
for
that
the
said
King
cancelled
and
razed
sundry
Records
.
Another
,
For
that
the
said
King
appear'd
by
his
Letters
to
the
Pope
,
to
Foreign
Princes
,
and
to
his
Subjects
,
so
variable
,
so
dissembling
,
and
so
unfaithful
and
inconstant
,
that
no
Man
could
trust
him
,
that
knew
him
;
insomuch
,
that
he
was
a
Scandal
both
to
himself
and
the
Kingdom
.
Another
,
That
the
King
would
commonly
say
amongst
the
Nobles
,
that
all
Subjects
Lives
,
Lands
and
Goods
were
in
his
hands
without
any
forfeiture
;
which
is
altogether
contrary
to
the
Laws
and
Vsages
of
the
Realm
.
Another
,
For
that
he
suffered
his
Subjects
to
be
condemned
by
Martial-Law
,
contrary
to
his
Oath
,
and
the
Laws
of
the
Realm
.
Another
,
For
that
whereas
the
Subjects
of
England
are
sufficiently
bound
to
the
King
by
their
Allegiance
,
yet
the
said
King
compell'd
them
to
take
new
Oaths
.
These
Articles
,
with
some
others
,
not
altogether
of
so
general
a
concern
,
being
considered
,
and
the
King
himself
confessing
his
Defects
,
the
same
seemed
sufficient
to
the
whole
Estates
for
the
King's
Deposition
,
and
he
was
depos'd
accordingly
.
The
Substance
and
Drift
of
all
is
,
That
our
Kings
were
antiently
liable
to
,
and
might
lawfully
be
deposed
for
Oppression
and
Tyranny
,
for
Insufficiency
to
govern
,
&c.
in
and
by
the
great
Council
of
the
Nation
,
without
any
breach
of
the
old
Oath
of
Fealty
;
because
(
to
say
nothing
of
the
nature
of
our
Constitution
)
express
and
positive
Laws
warranted
such
Proceedings
:
And
therefore
,
the
Frame
of
our
Government
being
the
same
still
,
and
the
Terms
of
our
Allegiance
being
the
same
now
that
they
were
then
,
without
any
new
Obligations
superinduced
by
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
,
a
King
of
England
may
legally
at
this
day
,
for
sufficient
cause
,
be
deposed
by
the
Lords
and
Commons
assembled
in
a
Great
Council
of
the
Kingdom
,
without
any
breach
of
the
present
Oaths
of
Supremacy
or
Allegiance
.
Quod
erat
demonstrandum
.
MANTISSA
.
WHen
Stephen
was
King
of
England
,
whom
the
People
had
chosen
rather
than
submit
to
Mawd
,
tho
the
Great
Men
of
the
Realm
had
sworn
Fealty
to
her
in
her
Father's
life-time
,
Henry
Duke
of
Anjou
,
Son
of
the
said
Mawd
,
afterwards
King
Henry
the
Second
,
invaded
the
Kingdom
An.
Dom.
1153
,
which
was
towards
the
latter-end
of
King
Stephen's
Reign
;
and
Theobald
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
endeavoured
to
mediate
a
Peace
betwixt
them
,
speaking
frequently
with
the
King
in
private
,
and
sending
many
Messages
to
the
Duke
;
and
Henry
Bishop
of
Winchester
took
pains
likewise
to
make
them
Friends
.
Factum
est
autem
,
ut
mense
Novembris
,
in
fine
mensis
,
EX
PRAECEPTO
REGIS
ET
DUCIS
,
Collect.
pag.
1374
,
1375.
convenirent
apud
Wintoniam
Praesules
&
Principes
Regni
,
ut
&
ipsi
jam
initae
paci
praeberent
assensum
,
&
unanimiter
juramenti
Sacramento
confirmarent
,
i.e.
It
came
to
pass
,
that
in
the
Month
of
November
,
towards
the
latter
end
of
the
Month
,
at
the
summons
of
the
King
and
of
the
Duke
,
the
Prelats
and
Great
Men
of
the
Kingdom
were
assembled
at
Winchester
,
that
they
also
might
assent
to
the
Peace
that
was
concluded
,
and
unanimously
swear
to
observe
it
.
In
that
Parliament
the
Duke
was
declared
King
Stephen's
adopted
Son
,
and
Heir
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
the
King
to
retain
the
Government
during
his
Life
.
I
observe
only
upon
this
Authority
,
That
there
being
a
Controversy
betwixt
the
King
and
the
Duke
,
which
could
no
otherwise
be
determined
and
settled
but
in
a
Parliament
,
the
Summons
of
this
Parliament
were
issued
in
the
Names
of
both
Parties
concerned
.
Quisquis
habet
aures
ad
audiendum
,
audiat
.
FINIS
.