JUS
POPULI
VINDICATUM
.
OR
The
Peoples
right
,
to
defend
themselves
and
their
covenanted
Religion
,
vindicated
.
CAP.
I.
The
Question
cleared
and
stated
.
THE
Surveyer
,
taking
but
an
overlye
,
slight
and
superficial
vieu
to
the
books
,
he
would
make
the
world
beleeve
,
he
confuteth
,
measureth
out
and
treadeth
down
(
as
any
of
ordinary
capacity
,
compareing
his
wordy
but
unworthy
pamphlet
,
with
what
,
is
orderly
&
methodically
set
downe
,
and
strongly
and
unanswerably
confirmed
(
as
the
event
shall
demonstrate
)
in
these
books
,
which
he
unmanlike
snarleth
at
,
rather
then
answereth
)
thinketh
it
of
his
advantage
(
as
it
is
the
advantage
of
all
who
desire
not
to
be
seen
in
their
own
colours
,
nor
to
have
plaine
truth
discovered
,
and
their
pernicious
errours
and
practices
suteable
thereunto
,
unfolded
,
to
cast
a
mist
before
the
eyes
of
such
as
would
observe
them
,
or
raise
some
ignis
fatuus
to
misguide
them
,
&
take
them
off
the
way
)
to
use
his
out-most
endeavour
to
deceive
his
unwarry
warry
&
inadvertant
reader
,
&
lead
him
,
(
who
is
so
simple
as
to
beleeve
every
thing
which
he
and
his
fraternity
say
,
though
they
have
manifestly
and
undenyably
forefaulted
all
faith
and
credite
,
with
all
who
know
what
is
the
fundamental
bonde
of
all
society
and
commerce
)
into
the
same
sinful
and
irrational
abhorrency
,
of
an
exploite
and
interprise
so
consonant
to
scripture
,
law
,
equity
and
reason
,
and
to
the
practice
of
worthy
Zelots
abroad
,
and
at
home
,
from
the
very
beginning
of
the
work
of
reformation
;
and
for
this
cause
,
as
he
hath
foolishly
and
ignorantly
paralleled
these
worthies
,
(
whose
late
practice
we
shall
,
godwilling
,
abundantly
vindicate
,
from
all
which
this
flaunting
and
windy
adversary
,
who
cometh
forth
to
shake
his
speare
,
as
if
he
were
another
Goliah
,
hath
said
here
against
it
)
with
the
irrational
,
furious
,
and
brutish
rabble
of
Anabaptists
who
followed
Knipperdoling
and
Iohn
of
Leyden
;
So
all
alongs
in
his
discourse
;
he
hath
not
only
snarled
at
,
picked
out
,
and
miserably
wrested
some
expressions
in
these
books
he
would
confute
,
especially
in
the
Naphtali
,
and
then
run
away
with
a
cry
veni
,
vidi
,
vici
,
as
if
he
had
gained
the
day
;
which
way
of
dealing
with
an
adversary
,
is
,
to
all
men
of
judgment
and
understanding
,
very
un-faire
,
base
and
puerile
,
no
way
beseeming
a
man
pretending
to
plead
for
truth
,
and
to
discover
verity
,
as
he
pretendeth
to
do
;
yea
judicious
persons
will
,
from
such
dis-ingenuous
&
unhandsome
way
of
answereing
,
easily
perceive
on
whose
side
trueth
stands
firme
&
unshaken
;
But
(
which
is
yet
more
palpable
and
grosse
)
he
hath
either
ignorantly
,
or
fraudulently
,
perverted
the
true
state
of
the
question
,
both
in
Thesi
and
in
Hypothesi
,
which
is
a
sufficient
proof
of
the
disperatnesse
of
the
cause
which
he
would
maintaine
,
and
of
the
mans
purpose
to
wrangle
,
when
he
can
not
answere
,
and
to
buske
up
an
adversary
of
straw
to
himself
to
fight
against
,
when
he
cannot
,
dar
not
,
look
his
real
adversary
in
the
face
;
and
a
ground
more
then
sufficient
to
make
wise
men
judge
,
that
he
hath
rather
confirmed
the
hands
of
his
adversaries
and
strengthened
their
cause
,
then
,
in
the
least
,
weakened
the
same
,
for
all
his
hidious
out-cryes
,
and
dexterous
heaping
up
of
many
words
to
little
or
no
purpose
,
unlesse
to
take
with
such
,
as
think
the
best
cause
is
on
their
side
,
who
have
the
manyest
,
most
darring
,
big
and
plausible
expressions
,
but
are
not
able
to
judge
righteous
judgement
,
nor
discerne
whether
or
not
there
be
true
groud
for
such
confident
exclamations
,
and
bold
assertions
.
I
am
confident
that
all
who
have
not
prostituted
their
judgements
and
understandings
,
to
a
blinde
and
irrational
beleef
of
what
,
such
as
have
un-manned
themselves
,
and
voluntarily
given
away
that
masculine
constancy
and
fidelity
,
which
men
,
but
of
ordinary
spirits
,
would
account
the
height
of
basenesse
;
and
have
now
adorned
themselves
with
a
more
then
fëminine
levity
,
yea
,
and
embroidered
themselves
with
such
a
dale
of
intolerable
falshood
,
unfaithfulnesse
,
impiety
and
perjury
,
as
would
make
Heathens
,
(
though
none
of
the
best
refined
)
account
them
unworthy
of
humane
society
,
do
,
with
more
then
ordinary
confidence
,
and
bold
audacity
,
assert
and
maintaine
.
That
I
may
not
,
after
the
a
methodical
methode
of
this
disputer
,
who
loveth
to
walk
in
by-wayes
,
still
keep
the
Reader
in
the
dark
,
I
shall
first
cleare
the
true
state
of
the
question
,
confirme
the
truth
,
and
vindicate
it
from
what
he
here
asserteth
,
answereth
,
or
objecteth
,
that
is
apposite
to
the
purpose
;
forbearing
once
to
take
notice
of
his
many
scurrilous
,
base
,
unchristian
,
yea
and
un-manly
expressions
,
which
shew
what
spirit
he
is
of
:
and
afterward
I
shall
consider
and
examine
his
excursions
which
have
not
such
a
closse
connexion
with
the
present
question
,
as
he
would
make
his
Reader
beleeve
,
lest
he
should
vaunt
,
as
having
spoken
that
which
no
man
can
answere
.
That
it
may
appeare
what
is
the
true
state
of
the
question
,
we
would
premite
these
few
things
as
necessary
to
be
considered
.
First
.
That
the
whole
body
of
the
people
of
Scotland
were
engadged
to
God
,
by
solemne
Covenants
,
vowes
,
purposes
and
promises
,
frequently
renewed
,
to
owne
and
endeavour
,
really
,
sincerily
,
and
constantly
,
through
the
grace
of
God
,
in
their
several
places
and
callings
,
with
the
hazard
of
life
,
lands
goods
,
and
all
what
they
had
,
the
preservation
of
the
reformed
Religion
in
the
Church
of
Scotland
in
doctrine
,
worshipe
,
discipline
and
government
;
and
without
respect
of
persons
,
the
extirpation
of
Popery
,
Prelacy
,
Superstition
,
Heresie
,
Schisme●
Prophanesse
,
and
whatsoever
shall
be
found
to
be
contrary
to
sound
doctrine
,
and
the
power
of
Godlinesse
,
lest
they
should
partake
in
other
mens
sinnes
,
and
thereby
be
in
danger
to
receive
of
their
plagues
:
and
that
they
should
mutually
,
with
the
Privileges
of
Parliaments
,
preserve
and
defend
the
libertyes
of
the
Kingdo
me
:
and
in
this
common
cause
of
religion
,
liberty
,
&
peace
,
assist
and
defend
all
those
,
who
would
enter
into
these
bonds
,
in
the
maintaining
and
pursueing
thereof
.
Secondly
.
Not
only
did
the
body
of
the
commonalty
subscribe
,
and
solemnely
with
hands
lifted
up
to
the
Most
High
God
,
sweare
these
Covenants
and
engagements
,
at
the
command
of
Magistrats
;
But
the
Magistrats
themselves
,
both
superior
and
inferior
,
did
take
on
them
,
in
a
most
solemne
manner
,
these
same
vowes
and
engagements
,
and
solemnel
promised
,
as
they
should
answere
to
God
in
the
great
day
,
to
promove
this
covenanted
work
of
Reformation
,
and
to
prosecute
,
in
their
places
,
stations
and
capacities
,
the
Ends
of
the
Covenant
.
Thirdly
.
When
this
King
(
vvho
did
svveare
and
subscribe
these
Covenants
,
before
he
came
to
Scotland
)
vvas
crovvned
,
and
solemnely
inaugurated
,
He
not
only
renevved
these
solemne
vovves
and
engagements
;
But
upon
these
termes
and
conditions
,
vvas
he
admitted
;
the
people
declared
their
vvillingnesse
to
admit
of
him
,
as
King
,
the
svvord
vvas
put
in
his
hand
and
accepted
,
the
People
did
svveare
fidelity
,
and
allegiance
,
according
to
these
Covenants
;
the
like
did
the
Nobles
one
by
one
,
viz
svveare
to
be
true
and
faithfull
to
him
,
according
to
the
Nationall
,
and
solemne
League
and
Covenant
.
And
all
this
vvas
aftervvard
,
vvhen
the
King
attained
the
age
of
21
years
compleat
,
in
a
full
and
free
Parliament
,
ratified
,
concluded
,
and
enacted
by
King
and
all
the
Estates
of
Parliament
:
vvhere
by
as
Naphtals
Pag.
72.
vvell
observeth
,
the
same
did
passe
into
a
perpetual
lavv
,
and
became
one
of
the
principal
fundamental
lavves
of
the
constitution
of
our
Kingdome
,
vvhereupon
all
the
rights
and
privileges
.
either
of
King
or
People
,
are
principally
bottomed
and
secured
.
These
things
,
as
to
matter
of
fact
,
cannot
be
denyed
.
Fourthly
.
Whatever
was
done
of
late
,
by
King
or
Parliament
,
or
enacted
,
and
concluded
contrary
to
these
covenants
,
vowes
and
engagements
,
was
(
as
unlawful
,
so
)
a
real
and
formal
subversion
of
the
fundamental
constitution
of
our
Christian
and
reformed
Kingdome
;
This
none
will
deny
who
knoweth
the
true
nature
of
these
covenants
,
and
the
real
interest
they
had
,
and
yet
have
de
jure
,
in
our
constitution
,
before
this
late
revolution
,
as
was
now
expressed
.
Fiftly
.
Notwithstanding
of
all
that
hath
been
done
by
King
and
Parliament
,
of
late
,
in
rescinding
,
abjuring
,
and
looseing
of
the
obligation
of
these
National
bonds
,
and
divine
covenants
,
yet
they
remaine
Covenants
,
and
National
tyes
perpetually
obligeing
,
before
God
,
the
King
,
Nobles
,
&
People
of
all
ranks
;
and
will
do
,
so
long
as
Scotland
is
Scotland
.
This
is
abundantly
made
out
,
by
the
Apologist
;
and
is
a
fixed
and
everlastingly
confirmed
truth
,
in
the
hearts
of
all
who
fear
God
,
and
looke
for
his
appearing
as
a
swift
witness
against
all
such
as
sweare
falsly
.
Sixtly
.
That
nothing
was
allaiged
or
allaigeable
,
against
those
persones
in
Galloway
,
and
places
adjacent
,
as
ground
,
or
cause
,
or
occasion
of
all
that
extremitie
and
rigour
of
iniquity
,
that
was
exercised
against
them
,
but
their
simple
non-obedience
to
the
act
enjoyning
conformitie
and
obedience
to
the
Ecclesiastical
authoritie
then
established
,
which
was
diametrically
opposite
unto
their
vow
and
promise
,
in
their
solemne
and
National
covenants
.
So
that
really
,
upon
the
matter
,
their
suffering
was
meerly
because
of
their
conscience
making
,
and
faithful
endeavouring
to
adhere
,
through
the
grace
of
their
God
,
unto
their
covenants
and
engagements
solemnely
sworne
and
taken
.
Seventhly
.
It
will
be
easily
granted
by
all
rational
persons
,
That
in
all
Kingdomes
and
Commonwealths
,
a
free
people
not
redacted
unto
a
state
of
base
bondage
and
slavery
,
should
be
ruled
and
governed
civilly
,
according
to
the
civil
and
municipal
lawes
of
the
land
,
and
not
by
military
force
and
cruelty
.
Tyrants
use
to
lay
aside
the
wholesome
and
established
lawes
of
the
land
,
and
to
rule
in
an
arbitrary
manner
,
by
the
cruel
and
mercylesse
sword
,
because
they
neither
intend
,
nor
seek
the
good
of
their
subjects
;
But
only
their
owne
ambition
and
base
ends
;
But
Magistrats
who
ought
to
seek
the
good
of
the
common-wealth
and
preferre
it
to
their
owne
particular
ends
,
will
have
respect
to
the
lawes
,
and
accordingly
rule
their
subjects
,
and
not
by
an
aribitrary
cruelty
,
and
force
of
armes
,
which
are
used
against
enemies
.
Eightly
.
The
very
law
enjoyning
this
conformity
,
prescribeth
the
way
how
the
same
shall
be
put
to
due
execution
,
viz.
[
That
for
this
end
the
Council
shall
call
before
them
all
such
persons
,
as
after
admonition
of
the
Minister
,
in
presence
of
two
sufficient
witnesses
,
and
by
himso
attested
,
shall
be
given
up
to
the
Council
as
transgressours
of
this
act
—
and
the
same
after
hearing
of
partyes
,
being
duely
found
,
to
decerne
&
inflict
the
censures
and
penalties
]
And
although
the
very
law
itself
be
so
iniquous
and
intolerable
,
as
would
undoubtedly
bring
sudden
ruine
,
to
all
such
as
would
not
obey
the
same
,
and
that
in
a
very
short
time
;
yet
if
this
legal
manner
of
procedour
,
had
been
followed
,
the
execution
,
(
though
cruel
,
and
sufficiently
barbarous
,
the
penalty
having
no
suteable
correspondence
with
,
nor
proportion
unto
,
the
supposed
transgression
;
for
,
can
any
think
that
a
persons
absenting
himself
twice
or
thrice
from
his
owne
parish
Church
,
can
be
a
transgression
of
such
a
high
nature
,
as
no
penalty
lesse
then
the
fourth
pairt
of
his
Estate
,
can
compensate
?
)
had
not
seemed
so
arbitrary
or
tyrannical
;
but
when
such
a
grievous
law
,
is
more
grievously
executed
,
and
that
arbitrarily
,
and
illegally
,
is
not
this
a
very
intolerable
oppression
?
Ninthly
It
is
notourly
knowne
and
unquestionably
clear
,
and
alas
too
too
wel
demonstrated
by
black
,
Tragical
and
inde
lible
characters
of
ruine
,
extirpation
,
and
beggery
of
many
honest
families
,
yea
,
and
of
landed
and
sufficiently
provided
Gentlemen
and
others
,
so
that
none
will
,
or
can
,
(
if
he
hath
not
resolved
to
beleeve
neither
what
he
seeth
,
nor
what
he
heareth
)
deny
it
:
That
Sr
Iames
Turner
,
and
his
souldiers
,
under
pretence
of
executeing
this
law
,
used
such
inhumane
crueltyes
,
savage
barbarities
,
unparallelable
exorbitancies
,
by
illegal
amercements
,
fineings
,
quarterings
,
plunderings
,
beatings
,
dragging
to
prisones
,
wounding
,
binding
men
like
beasts
,
chaseing
them
to
moors
and
mountaines
,
laying
waste
their
lands
,
houses
,
and
habitations
,
devouring
what
they
could
with
horse
,
dogs
,
&
men
,
burning
plenishing
,
utensils
and
other
necessaries
in
houses
,
and
thus
laying
whole
parishes
and
almost
countreysides
waste
and
desolate
,
and
that
without
respect
had
to
conscience
humane
,
let
be
Christian
,
to
law
divine
,
civil
,
or
municipal
grievous
or
not
grievous
,
yea
without
respect
had
to
persones
guilty
or
not
guilty
;
for
when
they
had
consumed
the
Landlord
,
they
oppressed
the
Tennants
though
not
guilty
,
&
when
they
had
ruined
the
Tnenants
,
fel
upon
the
Landlord
though
a
conformist
,
avowing
and
professing
they
came
to
destroy
,
and
they
would
destroy
;
nor
having
any
respect
to
poor
or
rich
,
widowes
or
marryed
persons
,
old
or
young
,
yea
,
or
to
such
as
stouped
for-age
,
to
sick
,
or
bedrid
creples
,
or
to
one
or
other
;
yea
and
did
sesse
and
quarter
,
till
persons
were
forced
to
pay
such
summes
,
as
the
civil
judges
,
before
whom
the
cause
was
depending
,
had
not
determined
to
be
justly
addebted
by
them
.
All
which
is
fully
,
and
particularly
laid
open
by
Naphtaly
,
and
will
appeare
to
all
who
have
not
renunced
humanity
,
to
be
more
then
lesser
injuries
,
as
the
Surveyer
pag.
70
is
pleased
to
account
them
,
and
to
be
most
unjust
,
though
he
make
a
question
thereof
,
yea
and
such
grievous
and
intolerable
oppressions
,
the
hundereth
part
whereof
(
as
Naphtaly
said
well
.
)
would
make
him
and
his
complices
curse
both
God
and
their
King
.
Tenthly
.
To
all
these
forementioned
cruelties
and
barbarities
,
He
added
this
,
that
he
would
suffer
no
man
to
complaine
to
him
of
any
wrong
they
had
suffered
by
the
brutish
and
barbarous
souldiery
,
nay
nor
supplicate
for
relief
,
and
if
they
did
,
their
cause
was
helped
by
doubling
their
miseries
,
yea
,
and
which
might
exceed
all
beleef
(
if
its
notoriety
were
not
undenyable
)
forced
them
,
after
all
these
horrid
,
dreadful
,
inhumane
,
and
brutish
outrages
and
oppressions
,
to
subscribe
an
acknowledgment
,
That
he
had
used
them
civilly
and
discretly
;
and
there
by
necessitated
them
to
deny
what
was
as
not
oure
as
the
sun
at
noonday
,
and
their
very
common
sense
and
feelings
,
and
also
to
prejudge
themselves
of
all
hope
or
possibility
of
getting
redresse
by
law
.
Eleventhly
Though
this
forementioned
acknowledgement
had
neither
been
asked
nor
granted
,
yet
their
condition
was
irremediable
:
for
neither
they
,
nor
any
in
the
land
,
might
Supplicat
King
or
Councel
,
either
for
relaxation
of
the
rigorousnesse
of
the
lawes
,
or
for
a
more
civil
,
moderate
,
yea
or
for
a
strick
and
legal
execution
of
the
iniquous
and
grievous
lawes
made
,
under
the
paine
of
treason
and
lese
Majesty
.
Though
it
vvas
an
old
received
maxime
,
and
is
to
this
day
,
vvhere
tyranny
is
not
avovvedly
exercised
,
that
cuivis
licet
supplicare
&
protestari
:
yet
the
late
Parliament
concluded
,
contrary
to
the
lavv
of
nature
and
nations
,
That
petitions
vvere
seditious
and
treasonable
.
So
that
hovv
arbitrarily
soever
King
or
Parliament
yea
or
Council
,
or
any
deputed
by
them
,
did
rage
,
or
should
opprresse
&
injure
the
Subjects
,
vvhether
in
conscience
,
body
or
goods
,
there
vvas
no
remedy
,
nor
hope
of
redresse
,
no
petition
or
supplication
how
humble
soever
,
might
be
once
presented
by
the
grieved
subjects
:
yea
nor
durst
they
meet
together
to
poure
out
their
complaint
unto
the
God
of
heaven
,
the
hearer
of
prayers
,
&
the
righteous
judge
of
heaven
&
earth
.
What
height
of
opprression
&
tyranny
this
is
,
Let
all
the
vvorld
judge
.
Twelvethly
.
It
is
uncertaine
,
yea
much
doubted
,
if
Sr.
Iames
Turner
,
that
singular
instrument
of
barbarous
cruelty
,
had
any
commission
form
King
or
Council
,
impovvering
him
to
such
illegal
exorbitancies
(
whatever
he
might
have
had
,
under
hand
,
from
some
Members
of
Council
vvho
had
most
sold
themselves
to
cruelty
,
and
to
the
utter
extirpation
of
all
who
would
not
run
vvith
them
,
to
the
same
excesse
of
riot
)
sure
if
any
such
thing
be
,
the
records
vvill
manifest
it
;
but
since
they
cashired
him
and
some
of
his
associats
,
and
made
an
offer
of
causeing
him
ansvvere
for
vvhat
he
had
done
,
it
is
very
probable
,
he
had
no
formal
commission
for
vvhat
he
did
;
and
yet
since
he
and
others
are
permitted
to
live
,
after
such
crueltyes
,
barbarities
,
and
un
heard
of
vvickednesses
,
and
no
reparation
made
to
the
persones
injured
,
it
is
certane
he
is
but
too
vvell
approved
in
all
he
did
,
and
of
vvhat
use
this
shall
be
,
vvill
appeare
afterward
.
Thirteenthly
.
The
intent
and
designe
of
those
poor
people
who
rose
in
armes
,
was
not
to
dethrone
the
King
,
to
enjure
him
,
or
to
lessen
his
just
and
legal
authoritie
;
but
to
resist
,
repel
,
and
defend
themselves
from
,
unjust
violence
and
oppression
▪
and
to
seek
reparations
of
the
wrongs
done
them
;
and
the
removal
of
that
detestable
and
abjured
Hierarchy
,
the
establishing
and
upholding
of
which
,
as
it
was
,
&
is
a
great
provocation
of
the
anger
of
God
against
the
land
,
so
it
was
the
fountaine
and
rise
of
all
these
horrid
oppressions
which
they
suffered
,
and
of
the
making
of
such
grievous
statutes
,
and
establishing
iniquitie
into
a
law
,
and
was
to
be
a
lasting
cause
and
occasion
of
violent
.
unjust
and
illegal
oppressions
,
and
intolerabel
vexations
to
all
the
faithful
of
the
land
;
and
withal
,
to
have
security
for
their
lives
,
lands
,
libertyes
,
consciences
,
and
Religion
,
conforme
to
the
agreement
made
with
his
Majesty
,
and
the
National
Covenant
,
and
the
Solemne
league
and
covenant
,
which
he
solemnely
swore
once
and
againe
,
and
vowed
and
promised
to
defend
and
prosecute
,
in
all
their
ends
:
and
that
for
this
end
,
all
such
lawes
made
for
prelacy
,
and
against
the
work
of
God
and
the
reformation
,
which
through
Gods
blessing
we
had
attained
to
,
might
be
repealed
,
annulled
and
rescinded
.
This
and
nothing
else
could
be
the
intent
and
designe
of
these
valient
though
naked
worthyes
.
That
they
intended
no
harme
to
the
King
,
or
to
his
just
&
lawful
government
&
authority
,
is
notoure
by
the
last
speaches
&
testimonies
of
such
as
were
apprehended
&
publickly
executed
;
&
the
petition
Which
they
sent
in
to
the
Council
with
William
Lauwry
Tutor
of
Blakewood
doth
aboundantly
testify
that
they
would
have
had
the
free
exerciso
of
their
covenanted
Religion
&
freedom
from
the
domeneering
tyranny
of
Prelats
&
their
adherents
;
their
renewing
of
the
League
&
Covenant
doth
sufficiently
cleare
that
they
intended
no
insurrection
or
rebellion
against
the
Kings
just
and
lawful
authority
;
for
they
swore
to
defend
the
Kings
Majestyes
person
and
authority
,
in
the
preservation
and
defence
of
the
True
Religion
,
and
libertyes
of
the
Kingdoms
.
From
these
considerations
,
we
shall
now
lay
downe
the
true
state
of
the
question
,
thus
.
Whether
or
not
,
when
the
whole
body
of
a
land
,
Magistrats
higher
and
lower
,
People
,
are
engaged
by
solemne
vowes
,
made
to
the
most
high
God
,
joyntly
&
severally
,
to
promove
a
reformation
,
and
to
extirpat
Prelats
,
&
the
same
covenanted
work
is
becom
a
chief
corne
stone
of
the
constitution
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
one
of
the
mane
conditions
,
on
which
the
King
is
installed
on
his
throne
;
and
when
these
same
Magistrats
Supreme
and
inferiour
,
renunce
their
covenant
with
God
,
and
with
the
People
,
overturne
the
work
of
reformation
formerly
sworne
to
,
make
lawes
and
statutes
to
fortify
this
defection
,
&
to
compel
all
their
subjects
to
run
to
the
same
excesse
of
perjury
and
wickednesse
,
and
execute
these
lawes
upon
the
faithful
&
stedfastly
loyal
subjects
,
not
in
a
civil
orderly
manner
,
but
most
imperiously
and
tyrannically
,
with
meer
force
&
cruelty
,
and
the
edge
of
the
sword
of
souldiers
,
leavied
of
purpose
for
this
very
end
,
to
crush
and
oppresse
all
such
as
made
any
conscience
of
their
vowes
and
engagements
unto
God
;
and
when
these
barbarous
souldiers
exceed
their
commission
,
or
oppresse
,
plunder
,
harash
,
spoile
,
rob
and
pillage
the
people
,
and
lay
waste
the
land
,
without
law
or
expresse
order
from
King
or
Parliament
,
yea
contraire
to
the
expresse
letter
of
the
law
;
and
when
the
oppressed
have
not
so
much
as
liberty
to
supplicate
or
petition
for
help
or
releefe
;
may
privat
persons
without
the
conduct
of
a
Parliament
,
stand
to
their
owne
defence
,
against
unjust
&
illegal
oppression
and
tyranny
,
and
oppose
such
as
,
without
expresse
commission
,
endeavour
their
utter
ruine
and
destruction
,
though
pretending
warrant
from
the
superiour
Magstrats
,
and
allowed
of
them
;
and
seek
a
redresse
of
these
grievous
&
intolerable
injuries
,
and
liberty
for
the
free
exercise
of
the
covenanted
reformed
religion
,
with
the
extirpation
of
abjured
Prelats
,
the
spring
and
fountane
of
all
these
miseries
already
come
,
and
to
be
feared
,
while
in
the
mean
time
they
intend
no
harme
to
the
supream
Magistrat's
person
or
just
authority
,
but
sweare
to
mantaine
the
same
,
in
the
defence
of
the
true
religion
,
and
liberties
of
the
Kingdome
?
Or
a
if
you
will
have
it
shorter
.
Whether
or
not
,
when
King
and
Parliament
and
Council
have
abjured
a
covenant
,
&
overturned
a
reformation
,
which
they
solemnely
swore
to
defend
,
in
their
places
&
capacities
,
and
made
their
subjects
do
the
same
,
and
now
with
illegal
force
,
compel
the
subjects
to
the
like
perjury
and
wickednesse
,
may
these
privat
subjects
,
when
there
is
no
hope
or
possibility
otherwise
of
releefe
,
stand
to
their
owne
defence
,
and
withstand
the
mercylesse
cruelty
of
their
bloody
Emissaries
acting
without
their
commission
,
or
with
their
allowance
,
yet
contrare
to
expresse
law
;
and
seek
releef
,
and
security
for
Religion
,
lives
,
lands
and
liberties
,
having
no
intention
,
to
wronge
the
King's
person
or
just
government
?
That
this
is
the
true
state
of
the
question
,
is
abundantly
cleare
from
the
particulars
forementioned
,
and
I
think
no
Scottish
man
,
who
knew
the
then
state
of
affaires
,
and
hath
not
renunced
common
sense
,
and
resolved
to
beleeve
nothing
(
though
he
should
both
heare
it
,
see
it
,
and
feele
it
,
and
it
were
as
not
oure
as
the
light
when
the
Sun
shineth
)
which
is
for
the
vindication
of
these
poor
people
,
will
with
any
face
or
shew
of
reason
,
be
able
to
deny
this
to
be
the
true
state
of
affaires
,
&
of
the
present
question
.
Hence
we
see
,
how
the
Surveyer
sophistically
&
fraudulently
presents
the
state
(
which
he
may
well
call
the
great
Knot
,
as
being
no
way
loosed
and
laid
open
by
him
,
as
it
ought
to
have
been
)
of
the
question
Pag.
19.
when
he
sayes
[
Whether
meer
privat
persons
,
one
or
moe
,
separatly
of
joyntly
,
when
they
are
,
or
think
themselves
unjustly
afflicted
,
and
extremly
injuriously
handled
,
by
the
Magistrate
or
Supreme
power
proceeding
according
to
lawes
aggreed
to
,
betwixt
himself
and
the
body
of
the
community
?
Whether
or
not
(
upon
supposition
that
these
lawes
are
not
just
and
right
)
may
private
persons
defend
themselves
,
against
the
violence
of
the
Magistrate
thus
proceeding
,
even
by
violent
re-offending
;
yea
,
in
order
to
their
owne
defence
,
cut
off
the
Prince
of
Magistrat
whatsoever
,
or
their
Ministers
and
officers
standing
in
their
way
,
or
when
they
are
punishing
them
and
afflicting
them
according
to
law
?
]
&
againe
Pag.
21.
he
sayes
[
The
true
state
of
the
question
at
this
time
is
,
when
the
corruption
of
these
who
are
in
power
leads
them
to
abuse
their
authority
,
either
on
making
unjust
lawes
,
or
punishing
according
to
these
,
whether
meer
private
subjects
should
with
violence
oppose
all
Magistrats
,
under
whom
they
are
,
from
the
highest
to
the
lowest
,
together
vvith
the
plurality
of
the
body
of
that
community
vvhere
of
they
are
members
,
yea
and
in
their
ovvne
defence
,
destroy
them
all
(
if
they
be
in
probable
capacity
for
such
vvork
,
and
if
they
cannot
eschew
this
,
and
preserve
themselves
)
yea
farther
,
after
they
have
subdued
(
providence
so
permitting
or
ordering
)
all
the
magistratical
power
,
and
major
part
of
the
people
,
they
may
use
a
vindicative
,
avenging
and
punishing
povver
upon
all
?
being
only
persons
of
privat
capacity
)
and
to
be
sure
he
repeats
the
same
over
againe
Pag.
24.
and
sayes
Pag.
26.
[
That
the
vvay
vvhich
vve
clearly
ovvne
is
,
That
every
privat
person
(
when
&
so
long
as
they
are
able
,
or
are
in
probable
capacity
to
acte
violently
against
the
Magist●ate
)
ought
to
counter
act
him
violently
,
vvhen
he
thinks
the
Magistrate
vvrongs
him
,
(
for
this
must
be
referred
to
every
mans
privat
discretive
judgment
)
and
more
to
this
purpose
there
,
and
againe
pag.
27
he
tells
us
[
The
question
is
what
duty
is
owed
by
the
subject
Unto
the
Magistrate
(
especially
the
Supreme
for
may
there
be
remedies
had
against
the
injuries
of
the
inferiour
by
appellation
)
In
case
of
his
mal-administration
,
&
unjust
lavves
and
sentences
according
to
these
lawes
,
or
executions
according
to
sentence
;
whether
they
may
violate
or
violent
the
person
invested
vvith
authority
,
and
not
submit
unto
him
,
but
counter-act
him
by
force
in
self
defence
against
his
violence
.
Or
if
they
be
bound
in
conscience
,
or
by
any
lavv
of
God
,
to
submit
humbly
to
vvhat
he
inflicts
(
although
unjustly
)
if
they
can
neither
move
him
by
their
humble
petitions
,
nor
can
flee
from
his
vvrath
,
or
goe
out
of
his
dominions
]
and
then
addeth
▪
That
the
author
of
Naphtaly
and
his
complices
[
Maintaine
,
That
if
the
Magistrat
abuse
his
povver
in
making
unjust
lavves
,
or
punishing
according
to
these
,
any
private
man
▪
or
company
of
men
,
that
think
themselves
strong
enough
for
the
Magistrate
ought
never
to
suffer
,
but
use
forcible
resistence
against
the
Magistrate
abuseing
his
power
:
&
that
al
the
patience
that
is
required
of
Christians
tovvard
oppressing
Magistrats
,
is
only
to
beare
suffering
patiently
,
vvhen
they
are
out
of
capicity
of
acting
,
and
may
not
better
do
,
and
to
suffer
patiently
vvhen
they
see
they
cannot
represse
the
violence
of
the
unjustly
-
dealing
Magistrate
vvith
a
sufficient
contrary
violence
.
]
That
it
may
appeare●
(
though
none
vvho
understandeth
the
controversy
,
&
readeth
what
he
allaigeth
,
is
the
state
of
the
question
,
can
readily
be
ignorant
of
his
deceit
,
but
may
easily
perceive
his
subdolous
sohistication
)
hovv
far
he
hath
misrepresented
the
businesse
,
let
these
fevv
particulars
be
pondered
.
1.
It
is
one
thing
,
to
say
that
private
persons
,
may
rise
and
take
the
svvord
of
defence
in
their
hand
,
and
resist
their
Magistrats
,
upon
the
ground
of
supposed
vvrongs
,
or
vvhen
they
think
in
their
privat
judgments
of
discretion
,
that
the
Magistrat
injureth
them
:
It
is
another
thing
to
say
,
This
vvay
of
defence
may
be
used
vvhen
the
injuries
are
real
,
and
not
supposed
,
or
judged
so
by
their
private
and
erring
judgement
or
discretion
only
.
He
cannot
have
the
fore-head
to
say
that
we
maintaine
the
former
;
nor
can
he
vvith
any
colour
of
half
a
reason
inferre
,
that
such
a
maintaine
this
last
,
do
consequentially
maintaine
the
former
,
as
men
of
understanding
will
easiely
perceive
,
and
shall
be
more
fully
spoken
to
aftervvard
in
due
place
.
yea
suppose
that
such
a
consequence
could
be
drawne
,
it
were
not
faire
,
but
utterly
disingenuous
,
and
un-becomeing
a
faire
disputant
,
to
bring
a
consequent
which
he
wire-draweth
from
his
adversaries
position
or
assertion
,
into
the
state
of
question
,
and
make
the
world
beleeve
,
that
his
adversary
doth
,
positively
,
clearly
&
avowedly
assert
,
what
indeed
he
doth
not
affirme
,
nay
nor
granteth
to
follow
from
what
he
holdeth
.
2.
It
is
one
thing
,
to
speak
of
resistence
made
to
lawes
iniquosly
made
,
and
yet
but
tending
to
the
hurt
of
some
private
persons
in
smaller
matters
:
it
is
a
far
other
thing
,
to
speak
of
resistance
made
to
lawes
,
whereby
the
established
religion
,
and
the
fundamentall
rights
,
and
basis
of
the
constitution
of
the
realme
is
overturned
;
and
so
not
only
only
mens
goods
,
or
smaller
matters
,
but
their
liberties
,
religion
,
consciences
,
lives
,
and
every
thing
that
is
dear
unto
them
,
is
in
inevitable
hazard
:
it
were
an
impudent
calumny
to
say
that
we
maintaine
the
former
.
3.
It
is
one
thing
,
to
say
that
any
private
person
alone
,
and
severally
,
may
resist
,
and
repel
unjust
violence
offered
by
the
Magistrats
of
the
land
:
and
another
thing
,
to
say
,
that
a
considerable
company
,
joyning
together
,
upon
just
grounds
,
may
endeavour
their
owne
faifty
.
Though
the
lawes
of
our
land
will
suffer
a
privat
subject
to
hinder
any
,
in
the
Kings
name
,
to
possesse
themselves
of
his
heritage
,
or
of
any
thing
he
possesseth
,
till
the
question
be
discussed
by
the
civil
judges
;
yet
we
state
not
our
disput
concerning
what
a
private
single
person
may
do
,
in
case
of
oppression
.
4.
It
is
one
thing
,
to
speak
of
unjust
lawes
in
the
general
:
and
another
thing
,
to
speak
of
unjust
lawes
made
by
Magistrats
,
preingadged
by
solemne
vowes
and
Covenants
never
to
make
such
lawes
,
and
who
have
given
the
people
all
the
security
imaginable
,
that
they
should
never
be
troubled
with
such
iniquous
lawes
:
This
last
is
our
case
.
5.
It
is
one
thing
,
to
speak
of
lawes
(
though
iniquous
and
grievous
,
yet
)
executed
legally
,
civily
,
by
way
of
formal
legal
procedure
.
But
it
is
another
thing
,
to
speak
of
lawes
,
in
themselves
grievous
and
iniquous
,
yet
executed
in
an
unformal
,
illegal
,
arbitrary
,
tumultuous
,
cruel
and
bloody
way
,
by
armed
,
mercylesse
and
bloody
souldiers
,
which
looketh
rather
like
the
execution
of
a
bloody
act
,
for
massacreing
,
then
of
a
law
made
for
the
good
of
the
Commonwealth
.
This
last
toucheth
our
case
,
as
was
shovved
.
6.
It
is
one
thing
,
to
speak
of
resisting
and
offering
violence
to
the
very
person
of
the
Magistrate
:
and
another
thing
,
to
speak
of
resisting
his
bloody
Emissaries
.
7.
So
,
it
is
one
thing
,
to
speak
of
resisting
his
bloody
Emissaries
cloathed
with
a
commission
to
exact
the
penalty
imposed
by
law
:
But
it
is
a
distinct
thing
,
to
speak
of
resisting
his
bloody
Emissaries
,
exorbitantly
exacting
what
they
please
,
without
any
regaird
had
to
the
standing
unrepeled
law
,
though
sufficiently
grevious
.
8.
It
is
one
thing
,
to
speak
of
vvhat
privat
persons
may
,
or
ought
to
do
when
injured
&
oppressed
,
&
there
is
some
door
open
to
get
themselves
eased
of
these
oppressions
,
by
complaineing
,
or
appealing
to
the
superior
Magistrats
,
or
by
simple
petition
and
supplications
.
But
it
is
a
far
other
thing
to
speak
of
what
a
People
may
do
,
when
all
door
of
hope
is
closed
,
and
when
simple
supplicating
would
make
them
lyable
to
the
crime
of
lese
Majesty
,
which
was
their
case
.
9.
It
is
one
thing
,
to
speak
of
what
a
company
of
private
persons
may
do
,
in
their
owne
particular
case
,
without
the
concurrence
of
the
rest
of
the
community
,
who
are
not
concerned
in
their
case
,
nor
particularly
engaged
to
help
and
concurre
with
them
,
in
that
particular
:
and
another
thing
to
speak
of
what
privat
persons
,
though
the
minor
part
of
a
community
,
may
do
,
in
a
case
which
concerneth
not
themselves
alone
,
but
is
common
to
all
;
though
it
ma●
be
,
they
suffer
most
of
the
heat
of
persecution
,
upon
the
account
of
that
common
cause
,
and
in
a
case
,
wherein
all
the
whole
community
is
bound
and
obliged
to
other
,
to
stand
to
,
and
maintaine
one
another
,
in
the
defence
of
that
common
cause
,
and
that
by
solemne
bonds
,
vowes
and
Covenants
.
Now
this
was
their
case
.
10.
It
is
one
thing
,
to
say
that
the
minor
pairt
of
a
community
may
rise
in
armes
,
against
all
the
Magistrats
,
and
seek
to
exauctorate
them
,
and
overturne
their
power
;
and
against
all
the
rest
of
the
body
,
and
presse
them
to
be
of
their
minde
:
and
another
thing
,
to
say
they
may
take
armes
in
their
owne
self
defence
,
when
tyrannically
oppressed
for
adhering
to
that
Covenant
and
cause
,
which
the
whole
body
of
the
land
was
engadged
to
maintaine
,
with
lives
and
fortunes
,
no
lesse
then
they
,
without
any
intention
to
wronge
the
Magistrat's
Just
power
and
authority
,
or
to
do
the
least
injury
to
any
of
the
community
,
who
would
not
carry
in
a
hostile
manner
towards
them
:
Now
such
was
the
case
and
carriage
of
that
poor
people
.
11.
It
is
one
thing
,
to
say
that
private
persons
when
injured
by
unjust
lawes
,
and
when
able
to
resist
and
oppose
the
Magistrate
,
may
never
submite
unto
undue
penaltyes
,
(
which
he
salsly
fathereth
on
Naphtaly
.
)
But
it
is
a
far
other
thing
▪
to
say
that
in
some
cases
hic
&
nu●c
privat
persons
may
resist
the
unjust
and
illegal
force
of
Magistrats
,
or
▪
that
it
is
false
to
say
that
in
no
case
imaginable
private
persons
may
resist
unjust
violence
offered
to
them
by
Magistrats
.
Or
,
which
is
all
one
,
that
in
every
case
whatsomever
,
it
is
the
duty
of
privat
persons
,
to
submit
unto
the
most
iniquous
,
illegal
,
and
tyrannical
impositions
,
penaltyes
,
and
exactions
;
or
unto
tyrannical
and
unjust
lawes
.
Now
this
is
the
true
state
of
the
question
in
thesi
,
and
if
this
be
granted
,
we
seek
no
more
,
as
to
that
,
being
persuaded
the
hypothesis
will
follow
clearly
from
the
thesis
,
and
hing
on
it
,
without
many
knots
of
arguments
to
fasten
it
.
12.
It
is
one
thing
,
to
say
that
private
persons
may
call
their
superiour
Magistrats
,
when
making
defection
,
to
an
account
,
judicially
processe
them
,
and
formally
give
out
sentence
against
them
,
vvhich
he
injuriously
allaigeth
upon
Naphtaly
,
as
any
,
vvho
vvill
impartially
consult
the
places
by
him
cited
,
vvill
finde
.
But
it
is
a
far
other
thing
,
to
say
that
private
persons
in
some
cases
in
way
of
defence
and
maintenance
of
the
reformed
Religion
,
may
stand
to
its
vindication
:
and
this
is
all
the
vindicative
povver
vvhich
Naphtali
,
Pag.
18
,
19.
(
the
places
vvhich
he
citeth
)
speaketh
of
,
as
incumbent
to
private
persons
.
From
these
things
it
is
apparent
to
any
of
an
ordinary
reach
,
in
those
matters
,
hovv
far
that
vvhich
he
maketh
the
knot
of
the
question
,
is
from
the
true
,
plaine
,
full
and
reall
state
of
the
businesse
novv
controverted
,
vvhich
vve
have
laid
dovvne
.
And
vvhat
unfaire
dealing
vve
way
expect
,
thorovv
the
rest
of
his
pamphlet
,
any
may
judge
by
what
we
here
finde
,
in
the
very
stateing
of
the
controversy
.
But
he
vvill
say
,
that
the
Author
of
Naphtali
(
vvhom
he
ignorantly
,
tearmeth
the
libeller
,
but
in
truth
,
the
honest
vindicator
of
the
innocency
of
the
suffering
people
of
God
)
hath
so
stated
it
,
in
his
book
.
It
is
true
,
this
Surveyer
sayeth
so
Pag.
21.
But
vvhy
did
not
he
direct
his
reader
unto
the
page
vvhere
such
a
state
of
the
question
vvas
to
be
found
?
I
appeale
to
any
vvho
ever
read
that
book
,
to
judge
,
vvhether
this
man
speaks
truth
or
not
.
Ay
but
you
vvil
say
,
He
hath
cited
Pag.
13
,
&
14.
Naphtalies
very
vvords
,
and
hath
cited
the
pages
where
these
are
to
be
found
,
out
of
which
words
,
the
State
of
the
controversy
as
by
him
proposed
,
may
be
drawne
.
I
Answer
It
is
one
thing
to
draw
conclusions
or
consequences
from
the
words
of
an
adversary
while
he
is
prosecuting
his
arguments
,
and
out
of
these
raise
a
state
of
a
controversy
;
and
another
thing
,
to
say
that
his
adversary
doth
so
state
the
controversy
,
while
as
he
speaks
no
such
thing
:
now
both
these
are
soloecismes
,
the
one
in
morality
,
the
other
in
way
of
disputing
:
and
of
both
he
is
guilty
,
first
it
is
an
un
truth
,
to
say
that
Naphtali
doth
so
state
the
question
as
he
allaigeth
he
doth
;
and
it
is
no
better
,
to
say
that
Naphtali
doth
so
state
the
question
because
here
and
there
in
his
book
,
he
hath
some
expressions
that
seem
to
look
there
away
:
Againe
,
it
is
an
absurd
way
of
disputing
,
and
intolerable
,
to
draw
the
state
of
a
question
out
of
a
mans
expressions
here
&
there
uttered
in
the
prosecution
of
his
arguments
;
Whereas
the
state
of
the
controversy
is
that
which
all
his
arguments
prove
&
conclude
.
But
what
if
al
these
expressions
which
he
hath
raked
together
out
of
Naphtaly
,
will
not
bottome
his
assertions
,
or
the
state
of
the
question
as
he
proposeth
it
?
sure
every
one
must
take
him
for
a
meer
wrangler
,
&
animpudent
ignoramus
in
the
matter
of
handleing
a
controversy
,
if
it
be
so
.
And
whether
it
be
so
or
otherwayes
let
us
now
try
.
The
words
he
citeth
first
,
are
out
of
Pag.
8.
viz.
these
(
which
I
shall
not
curtaile
as
he
doth
,
but
set
downe
fully
,
)
And
it
will
also
appear
that
the
necessity
of
convocations
and
combinations
(
though
not
only
without
,
but
even
against
authority
,
yet
being
in
order
to
such
necessary
and
just
ends
)
did
sufficiently
warrand
them
before
God
and
all
men
,
from
the
breach
of
any
law
or
act
then
standing
against
the
same
,
wherewith
they
might
have
been
charged
.
]
But
what
can
he
hence
inferre
?
Will
he
inferre
that
the
Author
of
Naphtaly
,
either
sayeth
or
thinketh
.
That
any
part
of
the
people
,
(
though
no
Magistrate
be
amongst
them
)
may
take
armes
against
all
Magistrats
,
and
violently
resist
them
,
when
they
think
their
lawes
either
unjust
,
or
the
punishment
executed
unjust
,
(
as
he
sayeth
he
doth
.
Ibid.
Pag.
13.
)
By
what
medium
will
he
couple
the
antecedent
and
consequent
together
?
May
not
a
man
disallow
that
any
part
of
the
people
,
though
they
had
all
the
Magistrats
with
them
,
except
the
Supreame
,
may
take
up
armes
against
the
Supreame
,
and
violently
resist
him
,
whensoever
they
think
that
the
lawes
are
unjust
,
or
the
punishment
executed
unjust
(
as
I
verily
think
the
Author
of
Naphtaly
will
)
and
yet
say
,
That
when
strong
and
inevitable
necessity
urgeth
,
in
order
to
necessary
and
just
ends
,
people
may
have
their
owne
convocations
,
even
against
authority
,
and
de
jure
be
guilty
of
the
breach
of
no
standing
law
against
the
same
,
seing
all
know
that
salus
populi
est
supreme
lex
,
and
that
no
law
or
act
,
vvhen
the
strik
observation
thereof
,
tendeth
to
the
detriment
of
the
Republick
,
(
for
the
good
of
VVhich
,
all
lavves
are
made
,
)
is
of
force
.
The
next
passage
he
citeth
is
out
of
Pag.
14.
vvere
Naphtaly
hath
these
vvords
:
[
That
the
right
and
privilege
of
self-defence
,
is
not
only
founded
in
,
but
is
the
very
first
instinct
of
pure
nature
,
and
spring
of
all
motion
and
action
.
2.
That
it
was
competent
to
,
and
exercised
by
,
every
individual
,
before
that
either
society
or
government
were
known
.
3.
That
it
was
so
far
from
being
surrendred
and
supperssed
by
the
erecting
of
these
,
that
it
was
and
is
the
great
end
,
and
motive
,
for
which
all
voluntary
societyes
and
policyes
were
introduced
,
and
are
continued
.
4.
That
it
is
a
principal
(
and
not
the
principal
as
he
misciteth
it
)
rule
of
righteousnesse
,
whereunto
that
great
command
of
love
to
our
neighbour
,
by
the
law
of
God
,
and
by
the
Lord
himself
,
is
resolved
,
and
whereby
it
is
interpreted
.
]
And
then
addeth
,
[
So
it
doth
infallibly
follow
,
that
the
same
right
and
privilege
,
is
yet
competent
to
all
men
whether
separatly
or
joyntly
,
and
needeth
no
other
pre-requisite
,
but
that
of
intolerable
injury
(
which
for
a
man
to
suffer
under
pretence
of
the
good
of
the
Commonwealth
,
would
be
,
for
the
delusion
of
an
empty
name
,
only
for
the
lust
of
other
,
really
to
deprive
himself
of
his
whole
share
&
interest
therein
)
and
is
completed
for
excercise
by
such
a
probable
capacity
,
as
may
encourage
the
asserters
thereof
,
to
undertake
it
.
]
Thus
I
have
set
down
his
words
,
truely
and
wholly
,
and
I
would
faine
know
what
is
there
here
,
that
will
ground
the
foresaid
thesis
?
Must
a
man
that
sayeth
thus
,
necessarily
say
,
That
it
is
lawful
for
privat
subjects
to
take
armes
against
their
Magistrats
(
when
they
are
in
a
probable
capacity
to
carry
thorow
their
matters
,
)
and
the
major
part
of
the
people
,
when
they
think
the
lawes
are
unjust
,
or
the
punishments
executed
are
unjust
?
Let
him
the
next
time
,
I
pray
,
prove
this
consequenc
.
For
I
,
and
many
moe
,
do
and
will
deny
it
.
His
next
passage
is
out
of
Pag.
15.
the
words
are
these
,
[
The
propelling
by
force
of
such
injuries
(
that
is
,
to
be
violented
in
the
matters
of
Religon
)
was
the
justest
cause
and
quarrel
,
that
men
in
their
primeve
liberty
,
could
be
ingaged
in
.
]
which
surely
is
a
very
innocent
and
harmelesse
assertion
,
and
such
as
he
,
nor
no
rational
man
,
who
knoweth
to
preferre
the
interest
of
the
soul
,
unto
the
interest
of
the
flesh
,
can
contradict
;
and
from
whence
,
no
man
that
knoweth
what
the
exercise
of
reason
is
,
can
inferre
his
forecited
thesis
.
The
next
passage
he
miserably
curtaileth
out
of
Pag.
16
17.
but
though
vve
should
take
it
as
he
hath
set
it
dovvne
)
excepting
that
parenthesis
vvhich
he
hath
soisted
in
,
in
the
same
character
,
to
deceive
the
sample
Reader
,
vvhat
could
he
inferre
from
it
?
When
once
sayeth
[
That
combinations
for
assistance
,
in
the
same
common
cause
of
just
and
necessary
defence
,
whereunto
the
force
of
extreame
necessity
,
through
the
perversion
of
that
mean
of
government
,
appointed
for
their
preservation
,
doth
ultimatly
reduce
them
,
are
warranted
by
the
principle
of
humanity
,
&c.
and
Gods
glory
,
&c.
and
by
this
,
that
whole
Cityes
Kingdomes
and
Empires
,
for
the
violation
of
this
duty
,
in
not
releeving
the
innocents
from
unjust
tyranny
,
even
of
lawful
powers
,
have
been
overtaken
therefore
by
fearful
judgments
,
to
their
utter
ruine
and
subversion
.
]
Must
he
needs
be
thought
to
say
and
assert
,
That
privat
subjects
may
combine
together
and
make
insurrection
against
the
lawful
Magistrat
,
when
they
,
in
their
private
judgment
of
discretion
,
think
the
ends
of
government
are
perverted
?
What
sharpe
sighted
man
can
be
able
to
see
where
these
two
shall
meet
?
He
tells
us
next
that
Pag.
18
,
19.
it
is
said
[
That
not
only
power
of
self-defence
,
but
vindicative
and
reforming
power
is
in
any
part
of
the
people
,
against
the
Whole
,
&
against
all
Magisirates
;
and
if
they
use
it
not
,
judgment
cometh
on
(
supposeing
their
capacity
probable
to
beare
them
forth
,
)
and
they
shall
be
punished
for
there
connivance
,
&
not
acting
in
way
of
vindication
of
crimes
,
and
reforming
abuses
.
]
But
who
shall
read
the
place
cited
,
will
be
forced
to
acknowledge
a
very
great
injury
done
to
Naphtaly
,
&
that
his
words
are
miserably
represented
;
and
yet
he
cannot
draw
out
of
them
,
even
as
he
hath
minced
the
,
and
thrawne
them
so
that
they
look
with
another
face
,
then
their
owne
,
That
,
Napbtaly
asserteth
,
That
private
persons
may
,
when
they
think
or
imagine
,
in
their
privat
judgment
,
that
the
Magistrats
and
the
rest
of
the
land
are
in
a
defection
,
arise
in
armes
against
them
,
vindicate
Religion
,
judge
and
condemne
such
as
are
guilty
;
and
so
use
imperat
acts
of
reformation
by
vindication
.
Sure
these
words
in
Naphtaly
,
[
of
necessity
both
from
the
principles
deduced
,
and
from
the
most
visible
judgments
of
God
agreable
thereto
,
there
must
be
a
superiour
and
antecedent
obligation
,
to
that
of
submission
,
incumbent
upon
all
,
both
joyntly
&
separatly
,
for
the
maintainance
,
vindication
,
and
reformation
of
religion
,
in
order
to
the
promoting
of
these
great
ends
of
the
publik
profession
of
truth
,
and
true
worshipe
,
which
the
Lord
doth
indispensably
require
]
to
sober
,
judicious
,
intelligent
,
and
impaitial
readers
,
will
have
a
far
other
import
.
So
,
what
can
he
inferre
from
that
which
Naphtali
said
Pag.
28.
viz.
[
That
none
pleadeth
for
absolute
submission
in
the
people
,
and
exemption
in
the
prince
,
but
such
as
have
prostrated
their
consciences
to
the
Princes
arbitrament
,
in
a
blinde
and
absolute
obedience
]
and
that
[
seing
subjection
is
principally
enjoyned
,
for
,
and
in
order
to
obedience
,
what
soever
reason
or
authority
can
be
adduced
to
perswad
an
obsolute
and
indispersible
subjection
,
will
far
more
rationally
and
plausibly
inferre
an
illimited
and
absolute
obedience
]
Can
he
,
with
any
colour
of
sense
or
reason
,
inferre
that
he
maintaineth
that
passive
subjection
to
unjust
lawes
and
punishments
,
where
there
is
power
to
make
active
violent
resistence
,
is
a
greater
sin
then
active
obedience
to
unlawful
commands
of
Magistrats
?
Is
this
a
faire
way
of
disputing
,
to
say
that
one
maketh
that
the
state
of
the
question
,
which
he
draweth
from
the
assertion
of
his
adverry
?
Naphtaly
allaigeth
that
absolute
subjection
is
as
repugnant
to
reason
,
as
absolute
obedience
;
doth
he
therefore
make
this
the
state
of
the
question
,
(
or
give
ground
for
it
,
)
That
absolute
subjection
is
more
sinful
then
absolute
obedience
?
Againe
,
what
can
he
draw
out
of
these
words
of
Naphtaly
Pag.
157.
[
Secondly
it
is
answered
That
riseing
up
against
authority
itself
,
the
ordinance
of
God
,
and
disobeying
the
powers
therewith
vesied
,
standing
and
acting
in
their
right
line
of
subordination
,
is
indeed
rebellion
,
and
as
the
sin
of
witchcraft
;
but
to
resist
and
rise
up
against
persons
abuseing
sacred
authority
,
and
rebelling
against
God
the
Supreame
,
is
rather
to
adhere
to
God
,
as
our
Liege
Lord
,
and
to
vindicate
both
curselves
and
his
abused
ordinance
form
man's
wi●kednnesse
and
tyranny
]
Can
he
hence
inferre
that
Naphtaly
judgeth
it
no
rebellion
,
for
privat
subjects
,
to
disobey
Powers
acting
in
a
right
subordination
,
when
they
in
their
judgements
of
discretion
,
judge
that
they
deviat
from
that
line
of
subordination
?
Sure
he
must
have
some
needle
head
that
can
sowe
these
two
together
.
These
are
the
particulars
whereupon
this
Surveyer
thinketh
to
bottome
his
falsely-stated
question
,
and
by
this
we
may
judge
(
ut
ex
ungue
leon●m
)
what
faith
he
is
worthy
of
,
when
he
sayeth
immediatly
thereafter
Pag.
14.
[
But
what
needs
insisting
on
his
justifying
of
any
number
of
private
persons
riseing
up
and
resisting
the
whole
Magistrates
,
&
Body
of
the
people
,
when
ever
they
think
they
have
cause
?
Seing
this
is
the
maine
scope
of
his
book
,
and
more
too
,
even
to
state
them
in
a
punitive
power
of
all
who
are
against
them
,
and
a
power
to
pull
downe
all
authorities
,
that
are
in
their
way
.
]
Alas
!
poor
soul
,
such
impudent
untruthes
,
will
not
much
strengthen
his
cause
,
in
the
judgment
of
such
as
are
judicious
,
and
many
will
think
that
such
way
of
dealing
declares
him
to
be
unworthy
of
his
wages
:
for
,
may
not
all
who
read
that
book
,
see
a
cleare
other
scope
there
intended
then
what
he
here
fancyeth
;
and
know
that
from
no
sentence
in
all
that
book
,
can
such
conclusions
be
drawne
,
as
he
here
sayeth
is
the
maine
scope
of
it
.
O!
but
he
must
be
audacious
and
affronted
,
to
say
that
the
author
of
Naphtaly
[
not
only
makes
a
proclamation
to
all
meer
private
persones
(
not
having
any
Nobles
and
Magistrats
amongst
them
)
to
make
insurrections
against
all
Magistrats
from
the
highest
to
the
lowest
,
and
against
the
plurality
of
the
people
(
if
they
think
themselves
in
probable
capacity
,
)
and
not
only
so
,
but
giveth
to
them
a
liberty
to
pull
all
Magistrates
out
of
their
seats
,
to
instal
themselves
,
and
to
punish
Magistrats
,
who
(
as
he
sayes
)
have
forfauted
their
right
by
the
abuse
thereof
]
as
he
doth
Pag
21.
What
wil
not
such
shamelesse
boldnesse
adventure
to
averre
,
with
the
greatest
confidence
?
but
such
as
are
wife
will
not
beleeve
every
thing
,
that
such
as
have
made
shipwrak
of
faith
and
of
a
good
conscience
,
and
have
possessed
themselves
of
a
debauched
conscience
,
have
the
impudency
to
affirme
without
blushing
.
CAP.
II.
Three
Arguments
proposed
,
taken
I.
from
the
Concessions
of
Adversaryes
.
2
The
resistence
of
Parliaments
:
3.
The
Light
&
Law
of
Nature
.
Having
thus
cleared
the
true
state
of
the
question
,
we
shall
now
fall
about
the
confirming
of
the
affirmative
;
and
so
take
occasion
to
examine
what
this
Surveyer
sayeth
,
as
he
cometh
in
our
way
:
and
though
there
should
not
be
great
necessitie
to
confirme
our
hypothesis
,
or
the
present
question
under
debate
,
unto
such
,
as
have
not
prostituted
their
soull
unto
a
brutish
beleef
of
an
absolute
and
indispensible
subjection
,
or
submission
in
all
cases
whatsomever
,
unto
the
lusts
and
rage
of
men
abuseing
their
power
and
places
,
and
overturning
that
good
order
which
God
only
wise
estabished
in
his
love
and
favour
,
for
the
good
mankinde
;
yet
because
this
seemeth
to
be
an
age
,
wherein
the
spirits
of
many
of
sunk
below
that
of
beasts
;
and
men
of
no
consciences
,
or
,
at
best
,
debauched
consciences
,
have
willingly
surrendered
their
privilege
as
men
,
and
assumed
the
slavish
disposition
of
bond-men
,
that
for
their
owne
base
ends
,
a
little
mase
of
pottage
,
they
may
gratify
such
as
are
nothing
lesse
,
then
what
they
ought
to
be
;
it
will
be
necessary
to
speak
a
little
more
to
it
.
Our
first
argument
then
shall
be
taken
from
the
concessions
of
adversaries
,
and
from
what
this
same
surveyer
,
seemeth
(
if
not
expresly
and
directly
to
grant
,
yet
)
not
to
deny
or
condemne
altogether
Barclarius
contra
Monarchom
:
lib.
1.
c.
8.
granteth
to
the
people
liberty
to
defend
themselves
from
injury
,
and
to
resist
quando
immani
savitia
petuntur
and
lib.
4.
c.
16.
he
doth
fully
an
plainely
acknowledge
[
That
the
king
falleth
from
the
right
to
this
Kingdomes
,
&
that
the
people
may
not
only
resist
him
,
&
refuse
obedience
unto
him
but
many
also
remove
him
from
the
throne
,
if
without
the
subjects
consent
he
should
subjecte
the
Kingdome
to
another
,
or
be
transported
with
an
hostile
minde
against
the
Commonwealth
.
[
Doct
▪
ferne
also
acknowledgeth
[
That
personal
defence
is
lawful
against
the
suddaine
and
illegal
assaults
,
of
the
King's
messengers
,
yea
of
the
Prince
himself
,
thus
farre
,
to
ward
his
blowes
,
to
hold
his
hands
;
so
when
the
assault
is
inevitable
]
and
else
where
he
grants
it
lawful
[
to
resist
the
King's
cut-throats
.
]
So
Arnisaeus
de
author
:
princip.
Cap.
2.
n.
10.
granteth
it
lawful
to
private
persons
,
to
resist
the
King
,
when
he
acteth
extrajudicially
.
And
Crotius
de
jur
.
bel
.
&
pac
.
lib.
I.
c.
4.
n.
7.
seemeth
to
say
that
the
law
of
non-resistence
doth
not
oblige
,
in
certane
&
extreame
danger
,
seing
some
divine
lawes
,
though
generally
proposed
,
have
this
tacite
exception
of
extreame
necessity
;
and
giveth
this
for
a
ground
.
That
the
law
of
non-resistence
seemeth
to
have
flowed
from
them
,
who
first
combined
together
into
a
society
,
and
from
whom
such
as
did
command
,
did
derive
their
power
:
now
if
it
had
been
asked
of
such
,
Whether
they
would
choose
to
die
,
rather
then
in
any
case
to
resist
the
Superiours
with
armes
,
I
know
not
(
sayeth
he
)
if
they
would
have
yeelded
thereunto
,
unlesse
with
this
addition
,
if
they
could
not
be
resisted
,
but
with
the
greatest
perturbation
of
the
Commonwealth
,
and
destruction
of
many
innocents
.
And
a
little
thereafter
He
hath
these
words
[
Att●men
indiscriminatim
damnare
,
AUT
SINGULOS
,
AUT
PARTEM
MINOREM
,
quae
ultimo
necessitatis
praesidio
sic
utatur
,
ut
interim
,
&
communis
boni
respectum
non
deserat
,
vix
ausim
]
It
is
true
,
in
the
end
of
that
Section
,
he
seemeth
to
say
that
nothing
is
now
left
to
christians
,
but
flight
,
yet
§
10.
&
11.
he
assenteth
to
Barclaius
his
concessions
.
Let
us
next
see
what
our
Surveyer
seemeth
to
yeeld
Pag.
23.
24.
[
Whatever
may
he
said
(
sayeth
he
)
of
moral
of
legal
felf
defence
,
against
the
souveraigne
,
by
way
of
petition
,
or
plea
in
court
,
for
saifty
of
a
mans
person
or
Estate
;
and
whatever
may
be
said
of
warding
off
,
and
defensively
puting
back
,
personal
injurious
assaults
,
to
the
manifest
and
immediat
peril
of
life
;
without
any
colour
of
deserving
,
of
reason
,
of
law
,
or
judicial
proceeding
;
or
of
a
Womans
violent
resisting
attempts
,
against
the
honour
of
her
chastity
(
dearer
to
her
then
life
)
and
tending
to
insnare
her
also
in
sin
,
againss
God
(
whereof
her
non-resistence
makes
her
formally
guilty
)
and
whatever
may
be
done
in
the
case
of
most
habited
,
notoure
and
compleat
tyranny
,
against
all
appearance
of
law
,
manifesily
tending
to
the
destruction
of
the
body
of
a
people
,
or
greater
part
thereof
,
by
hostile
furious
actions
,
or
in
the
case
of
violent
attempts
,
or
destruction
of
all
knowne
legal
libertyes
,
and
the
beeing
of
Reliagion
,
according
to
law
;
or
in
the
case
of
vendition
,
alienation
of
,
and
giving
a
whole
Kingdome
to
forraigners
,
or
strangers
,
or
some
such
like
;
whatever
I
say
in
such
horried
cases
(
which
for
most
part
cannot
befal
a
prince
,
in
his
natural
and
right
wits
,
(
a
case
wherein
provision
may
be
made
,
that
he
hurt
not
himself
,
nor
his
dominions
)
may
be
done
,
comes
not
at
all
within
the
compasse
of
our
question
;
although
most
disingenuously
,
the
discontented
and
seditious
,
do
strive
on
all
occasions
,
to
aggravate
matters
so
,
that
the
case
concerning
them
,
may
seem
co-incident
with
these
,
or
the
like
,
that
so
they
may
justify
their
violence
against
the
powers
.
]
But
howbeit
this
Surveyer
think
that
these
concessions
make
little
for
our
advantage
;
yet
to
understanding
persons
,
it
will
be
cleare
in
general
.
1.
That
He
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Royal
society
of
Court
parasites
and
slatterers
,
speak
most
inconsequentially
unto
themselves
;
They
cry
up
in
their
writtings
an
absolute
,
and
indispensible
subjection
,
unto
the
Supreame
Magistrate
,
due
by
all
his
subjects
;
and
yet
when
they
are
sore
pinched
,
they
must
clap
their
wings
closer
,
And
drawe
in
their
faire
sailes
,
&
grant
that
in
such
&
such
cases
,
not
only
his
E
missaries
&
such
as
have
his
commission
,
but
Himself
may
be
resisted
not
only
by
the
Ephort
,
&
Primores
Regni
,
but
by
very
private
subjects
.
Did
we
not
but
just
now
heare
our
Surveyer
crying
out
against
Naphtaly
,
for
saying
That
what
reasons
could
prove
an
absolute
&
indispensible
subjection
,
will
also
prove
an
abosolute
&
unlimited
obedience
,
as
being
unwelling
to
heare
any
thing
spoken
against
an
absolute
&
vast
,
subjection
;
and
yet
behold
here
,
he
is
as
willing
as
the
rest
,
to
clip
the
wings
of
this
inviolable
soveraignity
,
&
set
forth
unto
us
a
limited
&
retrenched
subjection
due
to
the
Supreame
Magistrate
,
even
by
private
persons
.
2.
That
by
these
concessions
,
He
and
the
rest
cut
the
sinewes
of
their
owne
arguments
,
and
cause
them
to
halt
ere
they
assault
us
,
and
teach
us
away
of
rejecting
or
answereing
them
;
For
,
when
they
produce
their
arguments
,
vvhether
from
reason
,
or
authorities
,
they
cannot
but
make
them
conclude
universally
,
and
then
they
are
necessitated
themselves
to
ansvvere
these
universal
arguments
,
or
otherwise
retract
their
concessions
;
and
whatever
vvay
they
think
to
evade
vvith
their
concessions
,
and
supposed
cases
,
vve
vvill
finde
roome
enough
to
escape
vvith
our
case
;
as
for
exemple
,
vvhen
this
Surveyer
urgeth
that
subjection
spokento
,
Rom.
13.
He
must
either
grant
,
that
it
must
be
restricted
to
such
and
such
cases
,
or
else
plead
for
an
universal
,
absolute
,
unlimited
and
indispensible
subjection
,
and
so
retract
his
concessions
;
and
if
he
take
the
liberty
to
use
his
restrictions
,
and
so
interpret
the
place
,
as
that
it
shall
not
reach
his
cases
excepted
,
he
must
grant
us
the
same
liberty
,
to
say
that
our
case
is
not
there
meaned
,
or
condemned
.
3.
By
these
concessions
vve
have
this
advantage
,
that
the
distinction
vvhich
is
made
,
in
this
question
of
resistence
,
betvvixt
the
Magistrate
as
such
,
and
the
person
or
man
,
vvho
is
the
Magistrate
,
is
not
so
absurd
and
ridiculous
,
as
the
Royalists
give
it
out
to
be
;
for
here
vve
finde
them
forced
to
use
the
same
,
so
that
if
it
be
a
defileing
distinction
they
cannot
be
clean
,
more
then
vve
:
and
vve
see
that
resistence
may
be
used
against
the
person
of
,
or
the
man
vvho
is
,
the
Magistrate
,
vvithout
the
least
contempt
,
or
vvrong
done
unto
the
holy
Ordinance
of
God
,
othervvise
they
must
of
necessity
say
,
that
in
all
the
forementioned
cases
,
they
very
Ordinance
of
God
is
resisted
;
and
hovv
then
they
shall
reconcile
that
,
vvith
Rom.
13.
I
see
not
.
4.
We
see
also
,
That
the
Prerogative
Royal
,
vvhich
they
screvv
up
unto
a
transcendent
absolutenesse
and
supremacy
above
lavv
,
is
but
a
meer
chimaera
,
vvhich
themselves
must
abhominate
as
a
loathsome
brat
.
5.
We
see
that
salus
populs
est
suprema
lex
,
the
peoples
saifty
is
such
a
royal
thing
,
that
the
King
himself
,
and
all
his
prerogatives
,
yea
and
municipal
lawes
too
,
must
vaile
the
cap
unto
it
themselves
being
judges
.
6.
We
see
also
,
that
they
must
grant
a
court
of
necessity
,
in
which
private
persones
,
may
judge
the
Supream
Magistrat
,
in
order
to
their
resisting
of
him
;
for
,
I
hope
,
they
will
grant
,
that
in
these
cases
,
the
people
act
with
judgment
,
and
as
rational
men
;
and
if
so
,
they
must
say
,
that
the
people
must
first
judge
and
condemne
the
Supream
Magistrate
,
as
erring
,
and
doing
amisse
,
before
they
can
lawfully
resist
him
.
7.
We
have
this
advantage
,
That
the
Arguments
by
which
,
They
can
prove
it
lawful
to
resist
the
Magistrate
,
in
the
cases
granted
by
them
,
will
not
be
a
little
steadable
to
us
,
in
our
case
;
and
for
shame
they
will
not
condemne
their
owne
arguments
,
because
in
our
mouthes
.
8.
It
will
be
easily
granted
by
all
,
that
our
case
,
vvhich
vve
have
truely
stated
,
vvill
come
nearer
the
cases
,
vvhich
adversaries
do
except
,
then
the
case
vvhich
he
hath
sett
dovvne
;
and
so
,
Hovvever
he
think
the
cases
mentioned
by
him
,
do
not
come
vvithin
the
compasse
of
the
question
vvhich
he
hath
set
dovvne
;
yet
understanding
persones
vvil
see
,
they
are
not
altogether
vvithout
the
compasse
of
that
vvhich
is
the
true
question
,
and
true
state
of
the
controtroversy
;
and
that
he
hath
no
just
cause
to
fay
,
that
vve
(
hovvever
he
account
us
discontented
and
seditious
)
do
most
disingenuosly
strive
,
on
all
occasions
,
to
aggravate
matters
,
so
that
the
case
concerning
us
,
may
seem
co-incident
with
these
or
the
like
.
But
next
,
more
particularly
,
These
concessions
are
much
for
our
advantage
.
For
,
1.
If
it
be
lawful
for
a
private
person
to
defend
his
life
or
estate
in
a
moral
or
legal
vvay
,
by
petition
,
or
plea
in
court
,
against
the
Souveraigne
,
(
yea
and
by
actual
force
,
if
the
Soveraigne
,
or
any
in
his
name
,
shal
come
to
poind
,
or
take
possession
illegally
,
as
our
lavves
vvill
allovv
,
)
vvhy
shall
it
be
unlavvfull
,
for
a
considerable
part
of
the
land
,
to
defend
their
Lives
,
and
Estates
,
their
Libertyes
and
Religion
,
by
forcible
resistence
,
made
unto
the
Magistrat's
Emissaries
,
cruel
,
bloody
souldiers
,
vvhen
that
moral
resistence
by
petition
,
(
vvhich
yet
no
rational
man
can
account
resistence
,
it
being
rather
an
act
of
subjection
)
is
,
contrare
to
all
lavv
and
equity
,
denyed
;
and
also
,
the
legal
resistance
,
by
plea
in
court
,
is
not
admitted
?
Doth
the
municipal
lavv
of
the
land
permit
the
one
resistence
,
aud
vvill
not
the
lavv
of
nature
and
nations
(
vvhich
no
municipal
lavv
can
infringe
)
be
a
sufficient
vvarandice
for
the
other
,
in
case
of
extream
necessity
?
If
it
be
said
,
The
Soveraigne
hath
law
and
right
upon
his
side
,
in
this
case
,
which
he
hath
not
in
the
other
,
till
the
law
discusse
it
.
Ans.
The
Law
and
Right
which
he
hath
on
his
fide
in
this
case
,
is
but
meerly
pretended
,
as
in
the
other
case
;
and
is
lis
sub
judice
Neither
is
he
,
to
be
both
judge
and
party
in
this
case
,
more
then
in
the
other
:
againe
,
if
it
be
said
that
in
this
case
,
He
acteth
as
a
Soveraigne
,
executeing
the
lawes
,
but
in
the
other
case
,
he
acteth
only
,
as
a
private
person
.
It
is
answered
.
1.
That
even
in
the
other
case
He
may
pretend
to
be
acting
as
a
Soveraigne
,
following
&
executeing
the
lawes
,
as
well
as
in
this
.
2.
The
Soveraigne
as
Soveraigne
cannot
oppresse
nor
do
wrong
,
&
therefore
even
in
this
case
,
when
he
doth
manifest
injury
unto
the
subjects
,
contrare
to
his
place
,
vow
and
promise
,
he
acteth
but
as
a
private
person
,
and
not
as
Soveraigne
.
2.
If
it
be
lawful
for
private
person
to
warde
off
,
and
defensively
put
back
personal
injurious
assaults
,
to
the
manifest
and
immediat
peril
of
life
,
without
any
colour
of
deserving
,
of
reason
,
of
law
,
or
judicial
proceeding
.
Why
shal
it
not
also
be
lawful
for
private
persons
to
ward-off
,
and
defensively
put
back
,
the
injurious
assaults
of
Emissaries
,
to
the
manifest
peril
of
Life
,
Libertyes
,
States
,
Lively-hoods
,
Consciences
and
Religion
,
without
any
rational
,
or
real
colour
of
deserving
,
of
reason
of
law
,
of
God
,
or
nations
,
or
judicial
proceeding
?
Shal
it
be
lawful
for
one
private
person
,
in
the
defence
of
his
owne
life
,
to
warde
off
such
illegal
,
extrajudicial
and
irrational
assaults
of
the
Soveraigne
himself
;
and
shall
it
be
unlawful
for
a
body
of
a
land
,
or
a
considerable
part
thereof
,
in
the
defence
of
their
lively-hoods
,
and
so
of
their
owne
lives
,
and
of
the
lives
of
their
posterity
,
of
their
Consciences
,
of
their
Libertyes
and
Religion
,
all
secured
unto
them
by
all
bonds
,
vowes
,
Covenants
,
Statutes
and
Actes
imaginable
,
to
warde
off
the
irrational
,
furious
,
illegal
,
extrajudicial
and
mad
assaults
of
the
Soveraign's
bloody
Emissaries
?
Sure
rational
men
vvill
see
that
vvhatever
reason
vvil
evince
the
lavv
fulnesse
of
the
resistence
in
the
former
case
,
the
same
vvill
more
strongly
and
plausibly
,
conclude
the
lavvfulnesse
of
resistence
in
this
case
.
3.
If
it
be
lavvfull
for
a
private
vvoman
to
defend
her
chastity
,
dearer
to
her
then
life
,
by
violent
resisting
the
Soveraignes
attempts
,
lest
by
non-resistance
,
she
should
be
guilty
(
and
oh
if
all
the
vvomen
of
the
nation
vvere
of
this
temper
.
)
Shall
it
not
also
be
lavvful
for
private
persons
to
defend
their
Lives
,
Liberties
,
Consciences
and
Religion
,
dearer
to
them
then
their
Lives
;
yea
and
defend
their
chastity
too
,
by
violent
resisting
of
the
furious
attempts
of
the
Soveraignes
bloody
Emissaries
,
sent
of
purpose
to
constraine
and
compel
them
to
perjury
,
vvhen
their
non-resistence
,
according
to
their
povver
and
opportunity
,
could
not
but
be
interpreted
a
voluntary
and
base
quiteing
of
the
cause
and
truth
,
vvhich
they
vvere
bound
before
God
,
to
maintaine
vvith
their
lives
and
fortunes
?
4.
If
it
be
lavvfull
to
resist
habited
,
notour
and
compleat
tyranny
,
against
all
appearance
of
lavv
,
manifestly
tending
to
the
destruction
of
a
body
of
a
people
,
or
a
greater
part
thereof
,
by
hostile
furious
actions
:
Shall
it
be
utterly
unlavvsul
to
resist
notour
tyranny
,
yea
compleat
and
habited
(
though
not
as
to
re-iterated
acts
,
yet
as
to
the
ground
laid
dovvne
of
a
most
compleat
and
habited
tyranny
)
against
all
appearance
of
divine
lavv
,
or
just
and
right
humane
lavves
,
vvhich
should
be
consonant
thereunto
,
tending
to
the
destruction
of
the
Covenanted-libertyes
,
privileges
and
Religion
,
of
the
vvhole
body
of
the
people
;
and
also
unto
the
actual
destruction
of
the
libertyes
,
states
,
lives
and
lively
hoods
of
a
great
part
thereof
,
by
hostile
furious
actions
?
5.
If
resistence
be
lavvful
in
the
case
of
violent
attempts
,
or
destruction
of
all
known
legall
libertyes
,
and
the
beeing
of
religion
according
to
lavv
:
Shall
resistence
in
our
case
be
unlavvsul
,
vvhen
all
the
true
libertyes
of
the
subjects
,
once
established
by
lavves
,
re
inforced
by
vovves
,
Covennants
,
solemne
engadgments
,
and
all
bonds
imaginable
;
and
the
very
being
of
our
Religion
,
as
reformed
in
doctrine
,
vvorshipe
,
discipline
and
government
,
ratified
,
approved
,
established
,
and
confirmed
by
lavves
,
oathes
,
Covenants
,
vovves
and
promises
,
vvhich
lavves
so
re
inforced
vvith
oathes
,
protestations
,
attestations
,
declarations
,
solemne
vovves
and
Covenants
,
are
,
by
all
right
divine
and
humane
,
irrepelable
,
being
not
only
in
themselves
good
and
necessary
,
but
also
becoming
hereby
sacred
vovves
to
God
,
vvhich
must
be
payed
,
&
being
also
fundamentall
tearmes
of
the
constitution
of
the
reformed
Republick
?
6.
If
in
the
case
of
Vendition
,
Alienation
of
,
and
giving
the
Kingdome
to
strangers
,
violent
resistence
be
allovved
;
shall
it
not
also
be
allovved
in
our
case
,
vvhen
a
land
that
vvas
solemnely
devoted
,
consecrated
,
and
given
avvay
to
God
by
solemne
vovves
and
Covenants
,
and
the
same
ovvned
,
approved
,
ratified
and
confirmed
by
publick
acts
,
edicts
,
proclamations
,
declarations
,
lavves
and
statutes
of
plenary
,
and
(
even
as
to
all
formalities
)
compleat
Parliaments
,
made
up
of
all
the
Estates
of
the
Realme
,
and
the
King
also
,
is
novv
treacheroussly
,
and
iniquosly
,
forced
to
depart
from
their
former
principles
,
to
abjure
their
former
vovves
and
Covenants
,
to
change
their
God
,
to
condemne
his
vvork
;
and
by
most
abhominable
,
and
ever
to
be-abhorred
acts
and
statutes
,
sold
and
alienated
unto
a
popish
prelatical
and
malignant
faction
and
designe
,
under
vvhich
,
the
faithful
and
true
seekers
of
God's
face
,
have
,
and
can
expect
,
lesse
liberty
for
their
consciences
,
then
if
the
whole
Kingdome
vvere
delivered
up
into
the
hands
of
the
great
Turk
.
Thus
vvee
see
these
concessions
help
our
cause
,
&
vveaken
the
adversaryes
not
alittle
:
let
us
novv
proceed
to
speak
to
another
particular
vvhich
vvill
help
us
also
.
2.
The
authors
of
Lex
Rax
,
and
of
the
Apologetical
Relation
have
sufficiently
proved
,
that
the
late
vvarre
carryed
on
by
the
Parliament
of
Scotland
against
the
King
,
vvas
lavvful
,
both
in
poynt
of
lavv
and
conscience
;
And
if
that
vvas
lavvfull
(
as
it
vvas
,
and
shall
be
found
to
be
,
vvhen
he
and
all
his
complices
have
done
their
utmost
vvith
all
their
lying
cavills
,
false
calumnies
,
reproaches
,
and
vvhat
not
,
that
Hell
can
hatch
,
to
disprove
&
condemne
the
same
;
)
a
vvarre
raised
by
the
subjects
in
their
owne
sin-lesse
self
defence
,
without
the
conduct
of
their
representative
,
cannot
in
every
case
be
condemned
;
particularly
not
in
our
case
now
.
The
antecedent
,
I
say
,
is
abundantly
proved
in
the
books
mentioned
,
which
this
windy
man
thinks
needlesse
to
run
out
upon
(
but
he
might
rather
say
,
he
thinks
impossible
to
answere
,
and
beyond
his
poor
strength
to
graple
vvith
)
as
he
sayeth
Page
.
20.
vve
must
then
take
some
notice
of
vvhat
,
in
that
Page
(
vvhich
he
thinks
sufficient
to
oppose
unto
the
many
arguments
produced
by
them
)
he
is
pleased
to
present
;
[
what
sense
(
sayes
he
)
the
people
of
Scotland
(
when
they
have
come
to
liberty
)
have
of
these
armes
,
their
late
representative
have
declared
,
and
it
were
to
be
wished
,
that
the
memory
of
such
wayes
,
were
buryed
,
that
the
posterity
might
never
look
upon
them
as
exemplary
;
Their
progenitors
have
so
deeply
drunk
of
the
bitter
fruites
of
the
same
,
the
result
of
them
having
been
so
much
sin
,
shame
and
sorrow
,
vastation
confusion
and
destruction
to
Princes
and
People
.
]
I
answer
,
1.
What
that
liberty
is
,
which
the
people
of
Scotland
are
now
come
to
,
who
can
see
it
,
for
the
perfect
slavery
and
bondage
they
are
sold
unto
?
A
freedome
he
talkes
of
,
when
all
our
libertyes
are
sold
,
and
we
given
up
as
bond
men
and
bond
women
unto
the
lust
of
a
Man
,
and
are
denyed
the
very
liberty
,
which
is
the
privilege
of
all
free
subjects
,
yea
and
that
which
is
the
birthright
and
native
privilege
of
all
men
,
viz.
to
supplicate
,
petition
or
to
pray
:
what
liberty
can
he
then
meane
,
unlesse
the
liberty
(
which
is
licentiousnesse
)
to
forsake
God
and
our
Covenant
,
to
turne
Apostats
from
his
truth
and
our
profession
,
to
sweare
&
foresweare
,
to
drink
,
debauch
,
whore
,
commit
sodomy
,
&
all
sort
of
wickednesse
,
without
curb
or
controll
?
Is
this
the
liberty
he
understandeth
?
Sure
,
all
true
christians
and
such
as
feare
the
Lord
account
that
develish
slavery
and
bondage
.
2.
We
know
what
this
late
Representatives
have
done
,
but
whether
therein
they
have
acted
the
part
of
Representatives
,
and
given
the
true
sense
of
the
people
of
Scotland
,
will
(
it
may
be
)
be
considered
,
when
He
and
I
both
are
rotten
.
Sure
they
never
had
any
expresse
,
yea
nor
tacite
commission
from
the
people
of
Scotland
,
to
give
up
all
their
necks
to
the
stroke
the
axe
,
as
treatours
and
rebels
,
for
doing
nothing
but
standing
to
their
owne
defence
,
against
manifest
tyrranny
,
and
oppression
of
both
soul
and
body
;
and
to
condemne
them
and
their
worthy
progenitors
who
valiently
stood
for
the
truth
,
and
the
libertyes
of
Church
and
State
,
to
the
losse
of
their
lives
and
fortunes
;
and
to
proclame
and
declare
themselves
guilty
before
God
and
Men
,
of
all
the
blood
that
was
shed
in
that
warre
,
though
most
lawful
and
laudable
.
3.
We
are
persuaded
,
let
him
with
what
he
will
,
the
memory
of
these
memorable
wayes
shall
never
be
buried
,
but
shall
stand
as
exemplary
monuments
to
succeeding
generations
,
when
God
shall
think
it
meet
to
animate
them
with
the
spirit
of
courage
,
to
free
the
land
of
tyranny
,
and
of
domineering
abjured
prelats
,
withal
their
taile
and
traine
:
and
wise
men
will
think
that
his
Representatives
have
not
taken
a
course
fit
for
burying
the
memory
of
these
wayes
;
but
rather
a
way
to
revive
afresh
the
memory
of
them
,
and
to
commend
them
more
to
the
thoughts
and
hearts
of
all
who
love
and
pray
for
the
comeing
of
our
Lord's
Kingdome
.
4.
What
bitter
frutes
these
are
,
which
,
he
sayeth
,
our
progenitours
have
drunk
so
deeply
of
,
we
know
not
,
They
lived
and
died
,
such
of
them
as
owned
,
and
stedfastly
adhered
to
that
cause
and
Covenant
,
in
honour
and
peace
;
and
their
names
shall
be
in
perpetual
remembrance
,
when
his
,
and
the
names
of
the
rest
of
this
perjured
,
Malignant
apostate
faction
shall
rot
.
We
needed
not
have
feared
that
either
sin
,
shame
,
sorrow
,
vastation
,
confusion
,
or
destruction
,
should
have
come
to
Prices
or
People
,
if
we
had
prosecuted
the
ends
of
our
Covenants
,
with
zeal
and
faithfulnesse
according
to
our
manifold
vowes
,
promises
,
solemne
oathes
and
ingagments
:
But
what
ever
of
these
have
followed
,
should
be
,
and
will
be
rightly
fathered
on
our
defection
and
lose
of
zeal
:
And
what
sin
and
shame
,
and
sorrow
,
&
vastation
,
&
confusion
,
&
destruction
shall
now
follow
both
to
Princes
and
People
(
if
they
repent
not
)
upon
this
unparallelable
defection
&
Apostasie
,
whereof
now
they
are
avowedly
guilty
,
none
,
who
is
not
an
utter
stranger
unto
God
,
his
faithful
word
,
and
dispensations
,
but
may
,
without
any
extraordinary
Spirit
of
Prophecy
,
foretell
.
Next
he
tells
us
,
That
these
disputes
proceed
upon
a
most
untrue
and
malitious
misrepresentation
of
matters
of
fact
,
&
upon
two
false
hypotheses
:
Let
us
heare
what
are
those
?
[
As
if
(
sayes
he
)
the
King
had
been
the
first
invader
of
the
Nation
,
whereas
it
is
known
,
his
authority
was
first
invaded
,
his
lawes
trodden
upon
,
kis
proclamations
openly
despised
,
his
castles
violently
seised
;
his
armes
he
took
were
notinvasive
against
the
Nation
,
but
defensive
of
his
owne
authority
,
of
his
lawes
,
and
the
persones
of
orderly
walking
subjects
,
and
for
reduceing
these
who
strayed
from
their
duty
.
]
Answ.
Quis
tulerit
Gracchos
de
seditione
querentes
?
Who
would
suffer
such
a
manifest
notorius
lyar
to
say
,
that
others
made
misrepresentations
of
matters
of
fact
?
But
,
1.
Do
not
all
who
then
lived
,
and
yet
read
the
publick
papers
,
and
other
acts
that
passed
then
,
know
that
through
the
instigation
of
some
false
,
perfidious
,
fugitive
Prelates
,
the
King
was
stirred
up
to
make
warre
on
Scotland
,
ere
ever
they
thought
of
any
such
thing
?
Was
not
warre
concluded
both
by
sea
and
land
?
Was
not
free
tradeing
taken
away
?
Were
not
the
Scottish
Nobility
at
court
made
to
abjure
the
National
Covenant
,
and
the
General
Assembly
at
Glasgow
?
was
there
not
a
declaration
emitted
Feb.
27.
&
publickly
read
in
all
the
Churches
of
England
,
wherein
the
faithful
subjects
and
Covenanters
in
Scotland
were
tearmed
Rebels
?
Were
not
Berwik
and
Carlile
frontier
cities
strongly
fortifyed
and
garrisoned
?
Was
not
the
Earle
of
Huntly
made
Governour
of
the
North
of
Scotland
,
and
had
some
foure
or
five
thousand
men
in
armes
,
for
the
King
?
Was
not
Aberdeen
fortifying
it self
,
to
take
in
the
King's
navy
of
shipes
,
when
it
should
come
?
Was
not
the
Marquis
of
Douglas
,
&
Lord
Haris
ready
to
rise
with
the
Papists
in
the
South
of
Scotland
?
Was
not
the
Deputy
of
Ireland
prepareing
men
to
land
them
in
the
West
of
Scotland
?
Was
not
the
Earle
of
Arundale
made
the
Kings
General
?
and
was
not
the
King
to
have
his
rendezvouz
at
York
in
Aprile
,
and
all
the
English
Nobility
commanded
to
attend
him
there
by
a
letter
written
Ian.
26.
before
the
faithful
People
of
Scotland
had
any
army
in
readinesse
?
What
impudency
is
this
then
to
say
,
the
King
was
not
the
first
invader
of
the
Nation
?
And
as
for
the
second
expedition
,
Anno
Dom.
1640.
managed
,
and
carryed
on
,
by
the
Parliament
,
it
was
abundantly
verified
by
their
publick
papers
,
that
it
was
purely
defensive
.
And
it
is
notour
,
that
before
the
leavy
was
made
,
and
appointed
,
the
King
had
violated
the
conditions
made
;
had
caused
burne
by
the
hand
of
the
Hangman
a
paper
containeing
explications
of
some
tearmes
used
by
him
in
the
treaty
of
Peace
;
had
denyed
accesse
to
their
commissioners
,
&
afterward
,
when
he
had
signified
his
willingnesse
to
heare
such
as
they
should
send
,
such
as
were
sent
were
committed
to
prisone
,
and
one
of
them
,
viz.
The
Lord
Lowdon
ordained
secretly
to
be
beheaded
in
the
Towr
of
London
;
and
,
in
the
meane
while
,
warre
was
concluded
against
the
Realme
of
Scotland
,
in
the
King's
Council
;
The
Earle
of
Northumberland
was
made
General
,
a
Parliament
was
convocated
,
both
in
England
and
Irland
,
for
raising
of
subsidies
,
to
the
carrying
on
of
this
warre
;
The
Deputy
of
Irland
with
some
there
,
had
promised
much
assistence
.
The
Prelates
of
England
had
offered
great
summes
to
carry
on
this
Bellum
Episcopale
,
as
they
named
it
;
Scottish
shipes
were
intercepted
,
their
goods
taken
away
,
and
the
seamen
cast
into
prifsones
and
miserably
handled
;
The
sea
ports
were
closed
up
with
frigots
;
The
castle
of
Edinbrugh
oppressed
the
City
with
their
shot
,
and
killed
many
both
young
and
old
.
Were
all
these
things
no
beginnings
of
a
warre
,
nor
no
acts
of
hostility
?
How
can
he
,
or
any
else
then
,
say
that
the
King
was
not
the
first
aggressor
,
or
that
Scotlands
warre
was
not
purely
defensive
?
2.
As
to
these
things
wherein
he
would
make
his
reader
beleeve
,
that
the
Honest
people
of
Scotland
,
were
the
first
invaders
,
what
a
malitious
fool
doth
he
manifest
himself
to
be
;
for
1.
How
or
what
way
was
his
authority
invaded
?
was
it
,
because
they
would
not
receive
a
masse
book
in
English
,
obtruded
upon
them
by
his
sole
authority
without
the
concurrence
of
Church
or
State
?
2.
What
lawes
were
troden
upon
?
Weknow
no
lawes
,
but
acts
and
statutes
of
a
lawful
Parliament
,
made
for
the
glory
of
God
,
and
the
good
of
the
land
:
and
what
such
were
trode
upon
?
3.
What
way
were
his
proclamations
despised
?
Is
it
to
despise
a
King's
proclamation
,
for
free
subjects
to
vindicate
them selves
of
what
is
unjustly
laid
to
their
charge
in
this
proclamations
,
by
faithful
and
humble
protestations
of
their
innocency
?
4.
What
were
those
castles
seised
upon
?
Some
be
like
in
Vtopia
;
for
,
before
this
warre
was
begun
Anno
1639.
The
Covenanters
seised
upon
none
of
the
King's
castles
:
When
they
savv
the
King
bore
a
hostile
minde
against
them
and
intended
no
good
,
they
watched
the
castle
of
Edinbrugh
that
more
ammunition
and
provision
should
not
be
carryed
into
it
:
And
this
was
all
they
did
,
until
they
were
necessitated
to
put
themselves
,
into
a
posture
of
defence
,
&
then
they
seised
upon
some
houses
here
&
there
,
the
lawfulnesse
of
which
,
is
demonstrated
by
Lex
Rex
,
&
the
Apology
.
5.
What
illegal
courts
were
those
which
were
set
up
?
Sure
those
tables
,
as
they
were
called
,
were
no
courts
assumeing
to
themselves
any
judicial
determination
in
any
matter
of
State
civil
or
Ecclesiastical
,
nor
conventions
:
for
disturbance
of
the
peace
,
or
usurpation
against
authority
;
but
meer
meetings
(
allowed
by
the
light
and
law
of
nature
)
for
consultation
and
advice
anent
the
matter
and
manner
of
supplications
,
which
they
were
to
present
to
his
Majesty
,
and
his
Council
;
and
of
propositions
to
be
presented
to
the
lawful
State
and
Church-judicatories
.
6.
Who
were
those
subjects
walking
according
to
the
lawes
,
who
were
persecuted
?
We
know
of
none
,
who
were
troubled
at
that
time
,
except
the
Prelates
,
the
Troublers
of
our
Israel
,
and
all
the
persecution
they
met
with
,
was
that
the
honest
Covenanters
did
give
in
complaints
against
them
,
and
offered
to
make
good
what
they
allaiged
,
upon
the
highest
perill
,
and
did
supplicate
the
Council
(
whereof
some
of
them
were
Members
)
that
they
might
not
fit
there
as
judges
,
but
stand
as
Rëi
,
and
answere
for
themselves
,
and
that
the
General
assembly
indicted
by
his
Majesty
,
after
mature
deliberation
,
and
full
examination
,
did
excommunicate
them
,
for
high
and
notorious
crymes
,
to
be
seen
in
the
registers
of
that
Assembly
.
But
2
will
these
things
,
to
judicious
persons
,
lay
the
ground
of
a
lawful
warre
by
the
Magistrate
,
against
his
owne
subjects
?
Are
these
who
cannot
yeeld
obedience
unto
unlawful
commands
,
who
humbly
protest
for
their
owne
innocency
,
who
meet
together
for
drawing
up
supplications
,
and
ordering
matters
thereanent
,
and
who
give
in
complaints
against
the
Pests
&
Troublers
of
the
land
,
and
exerce
Church
censures
upon
the
scandalous
,
invaders
of
the
Soveraign's
authority
?
And
when
a
King
upon
these
grounds
invadeth
his
subjects
,
with
an
army
of
armed
men
,
can
any
man
of
common
sense
think
that
his
war
is
not
an
invasive
vvarre
?
Hath
not
Magistrats
other
lavvfull
vvayes
to
defend
their
ovvne
authority
and
lavves
and
orderly
subjects
,
and
to
reduce
the
disorderly
,
then
fire
and
svvord
?
Sure
,
for
a
King
to
cut
off
his
subjects
,
is
to
diminish
and
annihilate
his
authority
and
lavves
both
:
And
for
a
King
to
vvage
vvarre
against
the
Body
of
a
land
,
to
pleasure
Fourteen
of
a
fevv
of
the
basest
and
most
unvvorthy
of
all
the
subjects
,
vvould
seem
to
be
the
result
of
no
grave
and
sage
Council
;
nor
vvould
it
appeare
to
be
much
for
the
Kings
honour
,
to
have
his
Soveraigne
authority
imbarqued
vvith
a
fevv
abjects
,
so
as
if
they
did
sinke
to
the
bottome
of
the
sea
,
It
could
not
swime
.
The
next
thing
,
(
and
that
is
the
2
hypothesis
)
he
allegeth
is
.
[
That
they
represent
him
,
in
their
virulent
(
he
should
say
nervous
)
writeings
,
as
Nerone
ipso
Neronior
,
a
great
persecuter
of
Religion
,
intending
the
total
ruine
and
destrustion
of
the
protestant
profession
,
and
the
total
ruine
and
destruction
,
of
the
whole
people
of
the
land
.
]
Answ.
They
represente
him
no
othervvayes
,
then
his
owne
publicke
,
owned
,
and
avowed
deeds
,
and
declarations
did
represente
him
to
all
the
world
.
What
was
his
secret
intentions
God
knoweth
,
but
his
deeds
did
declare
that
he
minded
no
good
to
the
poor
Church
and
State
of
Scotland
;
for
,
to
pleasure
a
few
abjects
,
that
had
drunken
in
much
Popery
,
and
Arminianisme
,
and
stirred
him
up
to
urge
upon
our
Church
2
Popish
publick
service
,
book
of
canons
,
and
ordination
,
Popish
ceremonies
,
and
such
Romish
trash
,
he
sought
,
by
fire
and
sword
to
reduce
us
to
ashes
.
We
shal
not
now
trouble
his
Urne
,
by
speaking
to
what
this
Surveyer
sayeth
afterward
:
This
we
knovv
,
That
he
died
;
but
vvhether
as
a
glorious
Martyr
for
the
true
Religion
of
God
(
vvhich
yet
may
admit
several
senses
,
so
ambiguous
is
it
,
though
vve
let
it
passe
in
the
best
)
and
lavves
and
liberties
of
the
people
,
(
as
he
sayeth
)
many
doubt
.
At
length
he
closeth
his
digression
thus
.
[
If
there
was
any
thing
that
could
not
have
a
favourable
interpretation
in
that
unhappy
book
that
gave
therise
to
the
troubles
,
how
timely
was
it
retired
,
and
great
satisfaction
and
security
given
for
religion
?
If
through
default
of
Ministers
of
State
,
any
thing
had
creeped
in
,
that
could
not
abide
the
test
of
law
,
how
willingly
was
●treformed
?
yet
all
could
not
sist
begun
course
of
violence
,
till
through
God's
dreadful
indignation
against
a
sinfull
people
,
his
fatal
end
might
be
brought
on
,
not
because
he
had
been
a
Tyrant
,
but
because
he
had
not
been
such
]
Answ.
That
book
which
was
unholy
,
as
well
as
,
unhappy
in
giving
the
rise
to
such
troubles
,
had
not
only
somethings
in
it
,
that
could
not
bear
a
favourable
interpretation
,
but
the
whole
of
it
,
was
the
extract
and
quint
essence
of
the
Romish
masse
book
,
book
of
ritualls
,
&c.
And
how
slowly
it
was
retired
,
and
satisfaction
and
security
given
,
for
our
religion
,
and
how
soon
conditions
covenanted
and
condescended
upon
,
were
broken
,
the
history
of
those
times
doth
sufficiently
declare
;
as
also
how
unwillingly
any
thing
was
reformed
that
had
creeped
in
,
whether
through
the
default
of
Ministers
of
State
or
others
,
But
how
can
this
base
calumniator
insinuat
that
the
Kings
loyall
subjects
in
Scotland
had
a
hand
in
bringing
him
to
his
fatal
end
,
seing
even
the
late
Representatives
,
though
they
would
willingly
have
raked
hell
for
it
,
could
not
finde
a
man
,
in
all
Scotland
,
to
be
charged
with
that
crime
.
That
he
came
to
his
fatal
end
,
we
know
;
but
that
it
was
through
Gods
dreadful
indignation
against
a
sinful
people
(
if
he
mean
the
faithful
and
honest
Covenanters
)
I
know
none
,
except
base
ignorant
sycophants
,
that
will
say
it
:
That
it
was
not
because
he
had
been
a
Tyrant
,
many
will
doubt
.
And
when
he
sayes
,
that
it
was
because
he
had
not
been
a
Tyrant
.
I
am
sure
,
he
giveth
non
ca●sam
pro
causa●
:
and
who
can
understand
how
God
in
his
dreadful
indignation
against
a
sinful
people
,
doth
take
away
a
Prince
who
vvas
not
a
Tyrant
,
seing
upon
that
account
he
giveth
such
Tyrants
sometimes
.
Having
thus
vindicated
the
Antecedent
from
what
this
Surveyer
had
to
say
against
it
,
we
shall
now
speak
a
word
to
the
consequence
of
the
argument
.
And
1.
The
whole
Cabal
of
the
Royalists
will
grant
it
;
for
,
with
them
,
both
Representatives
and
People
are
put
into
one
and
the
same
category
,
viz.
of
meer
subjects
;
so
that
if
the
Antecedent
stand
good
,
(
as
it
shall
,
for
all
which
they
have
said
,
or
all
which
this
their
new
collegue
or
young
raw
disciple
,
can
say
to
the
contrary
)
the
argument
is
good
ad
hominem
.
2.
Such
as
grant
it
lawful
for
a
Land
having
their
Representatives
with
them
,
to
defend
themselves
against
tyranny
;
But
deny
it
to
privat
subjects
,
in
case
of
necessity
,
when
they
cannot
have
the
conduct
and
concurrence
of
their
Representatives
,
can
adduce
no
argument
against
this
last
,
but
such
,
as
will
weaken
their
assertion
in
the
former
:
As
for
exemple
Hoenonius
politic
.
disp.
9.
thes.
55.
disproveth
resistence
in
this
last
case
,
by
these
arguments
.
1.
because
,
Subjects
are
obliged
to
pay
to
their
owne
Magistrats
,
the
duty
of
fidelity
and
obedience
,
2.
Because
,
by
this
meanes
a
gap
would
be
opened
to
seditions
and
rebellions
.
3.
Because
the
scripture
commandeth
subjects
to
pray
for
their
Magistrats
.
4.
The
son
may
not
wronge
his
father
how
wicked
so
ever
he
be
.
5.
Violence
done
to
the
head
,
though
sickly
,
tendeth
to
the
ruine
of
the
whole
body
.
6.
It
is
better
to
have
a
sickly
head
then
none
.
7.
There
is
greater
danger
to
Cast
off
a
Tyrant
,
then
to
Tolerate
him
.
8.
A
Tyrant
cannot
be
resisted
but
destruction
will
follow
to
the
resisters
.
9.
God
punished
the
wicked
kings
of
the
jewes
by
strangers
.
10.
Jeremias
did
not
stirre
up
the
jewes
against
Nebuchadnezar
but
allowed
them
to
pray
.
11.
Christ
commanded
to
pay
tribute
unto
the
Prince
.
12.
Paul
will
not
have
an
evil
Prince
to
be
cursed
with
words
.
13.
Kings
are
from
God
,
and
such
like
.
But
who
seeth
not
,
that
these
,
if
of
any
force
,
(
as
indeed
they
are
of
none
,
as
shall
afterward
be
made
appear
,
in
due
time
)
conclude
as
much
against
a
peoples
opposeing
and
resisting
a
Tyrant
,
even
when
they
have
their
Representatives
with
them
,
as
when
they
are
left
alone
:
and
yet
this
same
Hoenonius
ubi
supra
thes.
45.
granteth
it
lawful
yea
and
necessary
for
the
Ephori
and
the
Estates
of
a
land
to
resist
the
Tyrant
.
3.
If
our
Surveyer
will
grant
the
case
different
now
,
from
what
it
was
then
,
when
the
primores
Regni
were
ingadged
in
the
opposition
,
(
as
he
doth
Pag.
21.
)
and
grant
that
when
the
primores
Regni
concurre
,
the
opposition
is
lawful
(
as
he
must
grant
,
in
case
the
Soveraigne
become
Tyrannnical
,
and
be
the
first-aggressor
,
because
only
upon
the
contrary
supposition
he
condemneth
the
last
resistence
,
which
was
made
to
the
King
by
Scotland
)
He
must
of
necessity
seek
out
other
arguments
then
what
we
see
he
hath
,
to
condemne
this
resistence
of
Private
persons
,
in
case
of
necessity
;
or
otherwayes
contradict
himself
;
for
,
as
may
easily
be
seen
,
this
being
granted
,
all
his
arguments
shall
be
easily
discussed
.
4.
If
he
grant
the
case
now
,
to
be
much
different
from
what
it
was
then
,
so
as
then
,
it
was
a
lawful
resistence
,
but
not
so
now
(
as
he
must
grant
,
otherwise
,
we
cannot
see
what
this
is
to
the
poynt
,
and
wherein
his
much
difference
doth
slye
)
how
can
he
save
himself
a
from
contradiction
;
for
he
must
put
a
diffence
betwixt
a
resistence
made
by
the
people
with
their
primores
,
and
a
resistence
made
by
the
People
with
their
Representatives
in
Parliament
;
or
else
say
,
That
whatever
the
Nobles
of
a
land
do
,
is
the
same
with
what
a
Parliament
doth
;
and
that
wherever
they
are
,
there
is
a
Parliament
,
and
the
peoples
Representatives
:
Now
this
he
darre
not
say
,
left
he
should
be
hissed
at
;
and
therefore
he
must
grant
it
lawful
,
for
a
people
to
defend
themselves
,
when
they
want
the
conduct
and
concurrence
of
their
Representatives
,
acting
authoritatively
;
or
else
retract
,
what
he
hath
said
,
and
planely
confesse
That
the
case
to
be
noticeed
now
,
is
not
different
from
what
it
was
then
.
5.
I
hope
no
man
will
say
that
a
war
carryed
on
,
or
a
resistence
made
against
the
Soveraigne
,
by
the
Representatives
of
a
people
,
Is
eo
ipso
lawful
,
unlesse
the
ground
of
the
warre
,
or
resistance
,
be
reall
and
valide
:
And
if
the
ground
be
valid
,
and
good
whereupon
a
People
unjustly
oppressed
and
tyrannized
over
are
allowed
to
defend
themselves
,
haveing
their
Representatives
to
goe
before
them
,
why
shall
not
the
same
ground
stand
valid
and
sufficient
,
to
warrand
them
to
defend
themselves
,
when
they
have
not
the
concurrence
of
their
Representatives
?
I
would
gladly
heare
a
reason
,
making
the
defence
in
the
one
case
lawful
,
and
not
in
the
other
,
seing
the
ground
remaines
the
same
,
the
same
necessity
abideth
,
yea
,
it
rather
increaseth
when
the
Representatives
,
who
should
be
a
screen
unto
the
people
,
betray
their
trust
,
and
either
neglect
to
vindicate
with
their
authority
and
conduct
,
the
innocent
oppressed
people
,
or
turne
adversaries
to
them
,
and
oppressours
of
them
,
themselves
.
6.
Since
Parliments
are
the
peoples
Representatives
,
no
man
will
say
That
de
jure
their
power
is
privative
,
or
destructive
;
but
rather
cumulative
and
helpful
;
so
that
the
peoples
Representative
cannot
,
de
jure
,
make
them
more
liable
to
irremediable
tyranny
and
oppression
,
then
they
were
:
they
being
properly
exnatur
a
rei
and
ex
institutione
,
&
instituentium
intentione
,
ordained
and
appoynted
,
for
the
greater
faifty
,
and
good
of
the
people
.
And
therefore
,
if
the
Representatives
betray
their
trust
,
the
People
,
in
so
far
,
are
as
if
they
had
no
Representatives
,
and
may
no
lesse
defend
themselves
in
extreame
necessity
,
then
if
the
officers
of
their
army
,
whom
they
had
chosen
and
appoynted
to
defend
them
,
against
an
invadeing
enemy
,
should
revolt
to
the
enemy
,
they
might
lawfully
rise
up
in
their
owne
defence
,
and
oppse
the
adversary
.
7.
The
law
sayeth
that
deterior
conditio
domini
per
procuratorem
fieri
non
debet
L.
ignorantis
ff.
de
procuratoriburs
.
The
procurator
or
advocat
his
knavery
,
cannot
prejudge
the
Client
or
wronge
his
cause
.
And
why
then
shall
the
perfidy
of
the
peoples
Representatives
,
or
their
betraying
of
their
trust
,
wronge
their
cause
,
and
prejudge
them
of
their
just
right
?
8.
All
will
grant
,
That
it
is
as
lawful
,
for
an
oppressed
people
to
defend
themselves
from
the
injuryes
of
a
Parliament
,
as
from
the
injuries
of
a
Soveraigne
,
if
not
more
:
and
if
it
be
lawfull
for
a
people
to
defende
themselves
against
the
Tyranny
of
a
Parliament
(
as
is
more
then
sufficiently
proved
by
all
such
arguments
as
have
hitherto
,
by
any
,
been
made
use
of
,
to
prove
it
lawful
,
to
resist
a
Soveraigne
oppressing
and
tyrannizing
)
no
man
of
common
sense
,
will
deny
it
lawful
to
a
people
to
defend
themselves
against
oppression
and
tyranny
,
when
they
but
want
the
concurrence
or
countenance
of
these
Parliaments
.
9.
If
any
should
allaige
that
this
is
against
the
law
of
the
constitution
of
the
Kingdom
.
We
know
no
such
law
:
beside
,
that
though
there
were
any
such
;
yet
necessity
knoweth
no
law
:
and
in
cases
of
necessity
,
such
lawes
are
not
to
be
observed
,
sayeth
the
law
L.
ut
gradatim
§
.
I.
de
muner
:
&
honor
.
The
lavves
of
nature
are
irrevocable
and
cannot
be
rescinded
by
municipal
lavves
:
for
the
lavv
tells
us
that
civilis
ratio
jur●
natur
alia
corrumpere
non
pote
st
L.
eas
oblig
.
D.
de
cap.
privat
.
Novv
the
lavv
of
nature
allovving
self
defence
against
unjust
violence
,
addeth
no
such
restriction
,
viz.
that
it
be
done
by
the
conduct
,
and
concurrence
of
the
Primores
or
Parliaments
.
10.
The
very
concessions
of
our
adversaries
fore-mentioned
,
vvill
confirme
this
consequence
,
for
in
these
cases
,
they
vvill
grant
the
same
liberty
to
a
People
vvithout
,
as
to
a
People
vvith
their
Representatives
,
to
defend
themselves
:
for
the
vveight
and
ground
is
not
laid
upon
the
manner
,
or
vvay
of
conduct
,
or
managing
of
the
resistence
and
defence
;
but
upon
the
cause
,
and
that
is
alvvayes
the
same
.
Yea
,
the
necessity
(
as
was
said
)
is
greater
(
though
,
it
may
be
,
the
difficulty
is
also
greater
)
when
Representatives
desert
such
as
they
do
represente
,
and
instead
of
helping
them
with
counsel
and
conduct
,
in
their
necessity
,
do
either
deserte
them
,
or
turne
enemies
unto
them
.
Our
3
argument
is
taken
from
the
law
and
light
of
nature
which
alloweth
to
beasts
,
power
and
ability
to
defend
them selves
,
against
violence
.
An
argument
made
use
of
,
not
only
by
Lex
Rex
and
the
Apology
,
▪
but
by
Divines
,
Canonists
,
Lawyers
and
others
who
write
of
this
subject
.
The
civil
law
it self
tells
us
That
his
necessary
defence
of
life
,
floweth
from
the
law
of
nature
L.
ut
vim.
ff.
de
just.
&
jure
.
But
here
cometh
out
a
green
statist
,
and
takes
on
him
to
cry
shame
on
all
who
ever
wrote
on
that
subject
,
and
avovves
Pag.
15.
That
it
is
too
grosse
divinity
to
bring
such
an
argument
from
beasts
.
We
must
therefore
see
vvhether
this
Man
be
rational
in
rejecting
such
an
argument
taken
from
beasts
;
and
not
rather
more
irrational
then
a
Brute
,
to
deny
that
to
a
Rational
creature
,
vvhich
he
cannot
but
grant
to
Beasts
,
and
Creatures
vvithout
life
,
as
vve
see
he
doth
Pag.
14.
15.
We
shall
readily
grant
vvith'him
,
That
God
hath
given
this
self
defending
or
preserving
povver
and
propension
,
otherwayes
to
Men
,
then
to
inanimate
creatures
,
or
unto
beasts
,
which
are
under
no
law
,
but
that
of
meer
nature
,
and
therefore
,
they
are
not
to
defend
themselves
coeco
impetu
,
but
rationally
;
and
ought
to
subordinate
this
natural
propension
to
self
defence
unto
,
and
limite
it
,
by
the
higher
lawes
of
reason
and
of
God
.
Doth
he
think
that
such
as
make
use
of
this
argument
,
do
suppose
That
in
every
case
and
in
every
manner
of
way
,
men
are
to
use
and
exercise
this
natural
propension
to
self
defence
,
in
vvhich
and
after
vvhich
,
Beasts
are
to
use
it
?
Sure
he
is
in
a
great
mistake
,
and
he
vvrongeth
the
authors
of
Lex
Rex
and
of
the
Apolog.
&c.
vvhen
he
sayeth
Pag.
15.
[
That
they
bring
arguments
from
beasts
,
(
who
being
under
no
law
of
reason
nor
grace
,
to
limite
their
propensions
,
may
alwayes
,
in
all
imaginable
cases
,
defend
themselves
with
force
)
to
perswade
men
,
that
they
may
do
the
like
,
and
that
their
propension
for
their
externall
preservation
,
is
no
more
under
any
restraineing
rule
,
to
stope
the
exercise
of
it
,
then
that
of
Beasts
is
;
]
For
,
they
intend
no
such
thing
,
nor
are
they
,
in
the
least
,
necessitated
,
to
use
that
argument
so
:
They
only
make
use
of
it
to
disprove
That
irrational
,
and
more
then
brutish
position
and
maxime
of
absolute
,
unlimited
and
indispensible
subjection
of
subjects
to
their
Soveraigne
,
so
that
in
no
case
,
they
may
or
can
resist
,
which
all
the
Cabal
and
royal
society
of
Royalists
,
parasites
,
court
flatterers
and
cavalliers
,
who
,
because
they
themselves
,
in
hopes
of
some
crumbs
of
allowance
,
have
brutishly
,
without
regaird
had
to
the
Law
of
God
,
or
right
reason
,
sold
and
devouted
themselves
,
not
only
in
matters
concerning
their
body
,
but
in
soul
matters
,
unto
the
meer
lust
and
pleasure
of
a
creature
of
clay
,
think
all
others
should
play
the
beasts
with
them
,
do
furiously
&
obstinately
maintaine
.
And
as
to
this
,
the
argument
hence
deduced
is
most
rational
and
irrefragable
:
for
it
is
irrational
to
think
That
God
(
who
taketh
much
more
care
of
man
;
then
of
beasts
1
Cor.
9
:
9.
Mat.
6
:
30.
)
should
allow
and
give
unto
the
inanimate
creatures
,
and
to
the
beasts
,
a
power
and
propension
to
defend
themselves
against
violence
,
and
should
deny
the
same
to
Man
;
so
that
in
no
case
he
should
be
allowed
to
exerce
that
natural
propension
,
to
defend
himfelfe
,
and
to
resist
unjust
violence
with
violence
.
So
then
we
might
let
his
restrictions
passe
,
as
being
no
thing
to
the
present
purpose
;
for
,
it
is
but
his
groundlesse
imagination
to
think
that
we
would
equalize
Men
with
Beasts
,
because
we
will
not
,
with
him
and
his
party
,
depresse
them
into
a
condition
belovv
beasts
;
yet
we
shall
shortly
run
over
them
.
His
first
is
this
,
when
it
is
seen
to
be
to
no
purpose
,
by
reason
of
a
phisical
force
.
But
alas
doth
he
think
this
restriction
of
the
natural
propension
for
felfe
preservation
is
upon
men
only
,
&
not
upon
Beasts
also
?
did
he
not
say
in
the
same
Page
,
the
Major
vis
and
a
greater
phisical
force
would
hinder
this
even
in
Beasts
?
His
next
restriction
is
this
,
A
man
justly
condemned
to
death
,
both
according
to
a
just
law
,
and
by
a
just
process
according
to
law
,
may
not
use
violent
self
defence
against
the
Magistrate
,
with
re-offending
him
.
Ans.
It
is
granted
,
what
then
?
will
it
therefore
follow
,
that
this
principle
of
selfe
preservation
is
so
restricted
,
as
that
a
whole
Land
,
or
a
considerable
part
thereof
,
being
unjustly
condemned
,
both
by
an
unjust
law
,
and
by
an
unjust
processe
according
to
,
or
without
that
unjust
law
,
may
not
defend
themselves
against
the
Magistrate's
Emissaries
,
sent
to
destroy
,
without
respect
had
either
to
law
or
conscience
?
Then
he
tells
us
That
Lex
Rex
is
too
bold
and
cometh
too
neare
to
blaspheme
God
,
by
saying
[
That
it
were
a
mighty
defect
in
divine
providence
,
that
men
should
not
have
as
large
a
liberty
to
defend
themselves
violently
,
as
Beasts
have
;
and
that
men
were
in
a
worse
condition
then
beasts
,
if
as
Beasts
have
alwayes
power
to
defend
themselves
violently
,
with
their
horns
,
heels
,
teeth
&c.
So
men
should
not
have
as
large
a
liberty
,
in
every
case
to
use
violence
upon
Magistrates
,
putting
them
to
vexation
,
or
perhaps
troubling
them
in
life
states
&c.
]
But
where
findes
he
these
words
in
Lex
Rex
▪
The
author
of
Lex
Rex
sayeth
Pag.
334.
[
It
were
a
mighty
defect
in
providence
to
man
,
if
dogs
,
by
nature
,
may
defend
themselves
against
Wolves
,
Bulls
against
Lyons
,
doves
against
haukes
;
If
a
man
in
the
absence
of
the
lawful
Magistrate
,
should
not
defend
himself
against
unjust
violence
,
but
one
man
might
raise
armyes
of
papists
sick
for
blood
,
to
destroy
innocent
men
]
but
this
is
far
from
[
as
large
a
liberty
,
in
every
case
]
and
cometh
no
way
near
to
blasphemy
,
but
is
a
real
truth
.
Suppose
Lex
Rex
had
said
so
(
which
I
finde
not
)
it
had
not
been
apposite
to
his
poynt
now
,
while
he
is
speaking
of
opposeing
Magistrates
not
puting
to
vexation
,
or
perhaps
troubling
in
life
,
state
,
&c.
but
rightly
executeing
a
just
law
,
against
a
malefactor
,
which
the
worthy
author
of
Lex
Rex
would
never
have
owned
,
but
would
have
said
,
That
the
Magistrate
was
bound
to
execute
Gods
Law
against
men-sworne
Apostats
,
such
as
he
and
his
fraternity
are
,
&
that
they
were
bound
to
submite
to
the
stroke
of
justice
.
Thridly
he
sayes
Pag
,
16.
may
not
the
exercise
of
selfe
defence
and
violent
resistence
,
be
restrained
by
the
grace
of
God
,
and
the
power
of
his
command
for
submission
,
abiding
upon
a
mans
spirit
?
as
in
Isaac's
case
,
who
did
not
resist
his
aged
father
going
to
sacrifice
him
.
Ans.
Whether
Isaac
made
any
forceable
resistence
or
not
,
we
know
not
,
scripture
is
silent
;
but
it
tels
us
his
father
bound
him
,
we
acknowledge
God
is
Lord
of
life
,
but
no
man
is
;
and
he
may
restraine
by
his
will
and
working
on
the
spirit
,
so
as
a
man
who
lawfully
might
flee
,
and
save
his
life
,
shall
not
have
power
to
do
so
,
but
abide
and
glorify
him
by
giving
a
faithful
testimony
unto
his
truth
when
questioned
.
But
thinks
he
that
such
instances
are
binding
precedents
▪
Sure
,
then
he
shall
contradict
his
owne
doctrine
,
Cap.
4.
Or
thinks
he
,
that
a
Body
of
a
people
or
a
considerable
part
thereof
,
shall
not
exercise
lawfully
this
privilege
of
self
defence
&
violent
resistence
,
when
neither
the
Law
of
God
,
nor
such
extraordinary
force
or
restraint
of
God
on
the
Spirit
,
but
the
vaine
pleadings
of
Court
Parasites
,
would
have
it
restrained
?
Fourthly
Pag.
17.
He
sayes
,
May
not
the
defence
of
our
temporal
life
,
in
some
case
,
cease
,
for
the
preservation
of
the
eternal
life
of
our
Neighbour
,
when
it
comes
to
that
,
that
the
defence
of
the
one
shall
be
the
certane
losse
of
the
other
?
Ans.
True
,
and
therefore
He
and
the
rest
of
the
perjured
clergy
should
much
more
cease
from
the
preservation
,
or
ratherusurpation
,
of
their
places
,
livings
,
and
dignities
,
when
so
long
as
they
domineer
,
there
is
certane
ruine
to
Religion
,
and
to
the
souls
of
many
thousands
.
And
againe
,
if
a
man
may
lay
downe
his
natural
life
,
for
the
preservation
of
of
the
soul
of
his
Neighbour
,
much
more
may
he
with
others
,
hazard
the
same
in
opposeing
unjust
violence
,
for
the
defence
of
the
pure
Religion
,
whereby
thousands
of
soulls
may
be
eternally
preserved
.
But
doth
he
think
that
a
Nation
or
a
whole
countrey-side
is
to
give
up
their
lives
to
the
sword
of
the
Kings
mercylesse
Emissaries
,
for
to
preserve
the
vaine
pompe
,
and
to
fill
the
bellyes
of
a
few
drons
,
whose
God
is
their
belly
,
though
they
should
account
that
their
eternal
life
,
and
all
their
felicity
?
Fiftly
,
sayes
he
,
doth
not
this
obligation
cease
,
for
the
publick
good
and
preservation
of
the
Commonwealth
.
Answer
:
What
then
▪
doth
it
follow
That
Men
should
renunce
their
priviledge
of
self
defence
,
when
their
doing
of
that
shall
be
so
far
,
from
promoving
the
publick
good
,
and
preservation
of
the
Commonwealth
,
that
upon
the
contrare
,
their
doing
so
shall
tend
directly
to
the
ruine
of
the
publick
good
and
destruction
of
the
Commonwealth
?
Sure
if
this
be
true
,
that
a
man
should
lay
down
his
life
for
the
good
of
the
commonwealth
.
It
is
also
true
,
that
moe
should
hazard
their
lives
for
the
good
of
the
Commonwealth
,
and
violently
resist
violence
.
And
doct
Ames
case
mentioned
Cas.
Consc.
Lib.
5.
c..
31.
q.
3.
would
sute
the
Prelates
well
,
and
their
adherents
:
so
that
if
he
and
they
loved
the
good
of
the
Church
and
Kingdome
of
Scotland
,
they
should
give
up
their
necks
to
the
stroke
of
justice
,
that
the
wrath
of
God
may
be
turned
away
from
the
land
:
for
till
these
be
removed
,
we
can
not
expect
any
thing
,
but
judgement
upon
judgement
from
the
Lord
,
till
we
be
destroyed
.
Neither
doth
Naphtaly
crosse
D.
Ames
,
for
Naphtaly
only
speaks
of
a
mans
suffering
intolerable
and
inevitable
injuries
,
under
pretext
of
the
good
of
the
Commonwealth
;
which
indeed
for
a
man
to
do
,
would
be
,
for
the
delusion
of
an
empty
name
,
only
for
the
lust
of
others
,
really
to
deprive
himself
of
his
whole
share
and
interest
therein
,
neither
would
he
have
ground
of
hope
of
getting
a
better
share
,
seing
it
vvere
a
great
question
and
doubt
;
if
,
in
that
case
,
he
vvere
in
the
vvay
of
his
duty
.
What
he
addeth
,
Pag.
18.
of
a
souldiers
going
to
a
dangerous
post
,
at
the
command
of
his
General
,
is
utterly
impertinent
;
Natures
instinct
vvil
teach
some
dog
to
stand
in
the
gap
to
keep
out
the
Bare
.
His
last
restriction
is
this
That
it
must
cease
to
preserve
the
King
,
the
Head
of
the
Commonwealth
,
when
the
case
is
so
,
that
the
King
must
either
lose
his
life
or
the
private
man
his
.
Ans.
I
grant
Lex
Rex
sayeth
[
I
think
that
a
private
man
should
rather
suffer
the
King
to
kill
him
,
then
that
he
should
kill
the
King
,
because
he
is
not
to
preferre
the
life
of
a
private
man
,
to
the
life
of
a
publick
man
,
]
But
I
doubt
that
it
is
so
agreed
among
the
learned
.
Sure
P.
Voetius
de
Duellis
Cap.
20.
Pag.
162.
thinketh
othervvayes
,
and
proveth
that
self
defence
is
lavvful
to
a
private
person
against
the
Magistrate
,
for
the
lavv
vvhich
allovveth
to
repel
violence
vvith
violence
,
maketh
no
distinction
betvvixt
a
publick
person
and
a
privat
person
,
and
the
law
of
Nature
alloweth
it
against
every
one
;
for
it
knovveth
no
difference
:
And
as
to
that
vvhich
some
vvould
say
,
That
his
death
would
be
hurt
full
to
the
Commonwealth
.
He
answereth
,
[
That
he
who
resisteth
the
Prince
doth
intend
no
hurt
to
the
Republick
,
and
it
is
not
per
se
,
but
per
accidens
,
that
he
standeth
in
the
way
of
the
good
of
the
Commonwealth
;
and
if
he
should
suffer
himself
to
be
killed
,
he
should
transgresse
against
the
Law
of
Nature
.
]
Yea
I
much
doubt
if
the
Surveyer
himself
,
would
not
rather
kill
,
in
this
case
,
as
be
killed
,
and
with
Naphtaly
account
Self-defence
a
principal
rule
of
righteousnesse
,
however
now
he
would
disprove
this
assertion
if
he
could
:
And
would
let
that
passe
of
loving
himself
more
ad
finem
suum
ultimum
,
and
suam
virtutem
.
Finally
;
what
he
sayeth
against
this
assertion
of
Naphtaly
is
to
no
purpose
;
for
the
Author
of
Naphtaly
will
readyly
grant
that
in
some
cases
,
not
only
a
man
,
but
a
compauy
of
men
,
may
,
yea
ought
to
preferre
the
preservation
of
others
,
unto
the
preservation
of
their
owne
life
,
because
of
a
divine
command
to
defend
Religion
,
Libertyes
,
Posterity
and
Countrey
,
from
the
unjust
invasion
and
violence
offered
by
wicked
Emissaries
.
But
he
shall
never
prove
,
That
the
Body
of
a
land
or
a
considerable
part
thereof
,
is
to
hold
up
their
throats
,
to
be
cut
by
the
Kings
cut-throats
,
when
he
&
they
are
seeking
to
root
out
the
Covenanted-work
of
Reformation
,
to
destroy
the
Libertyes
of
the
land
,
and
to
make
all
perfect
slaves
,
both
in
soul
and
body
.
CAP.
III.
A
fourth
Argument
Vindicated
,
taken
from
Scripture-instances
.
Our
fourth
argument
shall
be
taken
from
instances
of
opposition
and
resistence
,
made
unto
the
Soveraigne
,
or
his
bloody
Emissaries
,
by
private
subjects
,
without
the
conduct
or
concurrence
of
their
Representatives
,
recorded
in
scripture
,
and
which
we
finde
not
condemned
by
the
Spirit
of
the
Lord
:
So
that
whosoever
shall
condemne
the
late
vindicators
,
must
also
condemne
these
instances
.
As.
1.
They
must
condemne
the
Iewes
standing
for
their
lives
against
their
Enemies
armed
against
them
,
with
a
commission
from
King
Ahasuerus
,
sealed
with
his
ring
,
which
no
man
might
reverse
,
in
the
dayes
of
Mordecai
&
Esther
.
But
some
vvill
say
.
That
they
had
the
King's
commission
,
which
did
warrand
them
to
take
the
sword
of
defence
against
any
that
should
assault
them
,
under
pretence
of
the
former
decree
,
I
Answere
.
If
their
having
of
the
King's
commismission
did
in
poynt
of
conscience
warrand
them
,
It
had
been
utterly
unlawful
for
them
,
to
have
withstood
the
King's
butchers
,
if
they
had
not
abtained
that
commission
and
warrand
:
But
what
man
of
common
sense
will
say
this
?
This
later
decree
did
,
in
poynt
of
law
,
warrand
them
to
gather
together
with
saifty
and
security
,
that
they
might
the
more
easily
,
not
only
defend
themselves
from
their
Adversaries
assaulting
them
;
but
also
to
destroy
,
to
stay
,
and
to
cause
to
perish
,
all
the
power
of
the
people
and
province
,
that
would
assault
them
,
both
little
ones
&
women
,
and
to
take
the
spoile
of
them
for
a
prey
Esth
8
:
11.
But
didnot
,
could
not
,
make
their
selfdefence
against
such
manifest
&
bloody
cruelty
,
lawful
in
poynt
of
conscience
,
if
,
otherwise
it
had
been
unlawful
.
Though
every
instance
will
not
in
all
poynts
quadrate
(
for
nullum
simile
est
idem
)
yet
vve
have
here
in
this
instance
these
things
for
our
purpose
,
1.
private
subjects
without
their
Ephori
or
Representatives
,
arming
themselves
for
defence
:
&
that
2.
against
bloody
Emissaryes
of
the
King
:
&
3.
bloody
Emissaries
armed
by
a
formal
commission
,
decree
and
vvarrand
from
the
King
.
4.
A
commission
formally
never
reversed
,
but
standing
in
force
,
as
the
decrees
of
the
Medes
and
Persians
that
might
not
be
altered
.
5.
and
this
defence
,
as
lavvful
in
it self
in
poynt
of
conscience
,
(
for
if
it
had
not
not
been
so
,
the
King's
vvarrand
had
never
made
it
so
)
so
declared
lavvful
in
poynt
of
lavv
,
by
a
decree
from
the
King
,
after
better
thoughts
.
In
imitation
of
vvhich
,
It
had
been
a
commendable
practice
in
the
King
and
Council
,
if
they
had
been
so
farr
from
condemning
these
innocent
self-defenders
,
(
since
,
as
they
thought
,
in
poynt
of
honour
and
credite
,
they
vvould
not
retract
or
reverse
their
decrees
and
commissions
once
granted
)
that
they
vvould
have
authorized
them
,
and
absolved
them
in
poynt
of
lavv
,
since
in
poynt
of
conscience
,
no
man
could
condemne
them
,
for
standing
to
the
defence
of
their
Estates
,
Lands
,
Libertyes
,
Lives
and
Consciences
,
unjustly
oppressed
by
mercylesse
Emissaries
.
2.
They
must
condemne
the
people
their
rescueing
of
Ionathan
from
the
sentence
of
death
,
unjustly
given
out
against
him
,
by
King
Saul
1
Sam.
14
:
44.
In
ansvvere
to
this
instance
,
our
Surveyer
sayeth
Pag.
65.
[
That
the
people
used
no
violence
against
Saul
when
he
went
about
to
put
to
Death
innocent
Jonathan
,
but
in
the
heat
of
souldiery
boldnesse
,
do
effectually
interpose
with
Saul
,
and
mediate
for
the
life
of
Jonathan
,
moving
Saul
to
Wave
respect
to
his
rash
oath
,
and
to
regaird
what
was
just
and
right
.
Answ.
1.
The
matter
came
not
the
length
of
violence
;
but
had
the
King
pertinaciously
adhered
to
his
rash
and
sinful
resolution
,
and
,
by
force
,
had
offered
to
draw
the
innocent
Man
to
death
,
that
which
they
did
,
spoke
clearly
,
they
would
have
resisted
him
;
for
,
whether
the
King
would
or
not
,
yea
contrare
to
his
oath
,
they
sweare
in
the
face
of
the
King
,
that
Ionathan
should
not
die
,
2.
It
is
but
gratis
dictum
,
that
only
in
the
heat
of
a
souldiery
boldnesse
,
they
did
mediate
;
beside
,
that
there
seemeth
to
be
a
material
contradiction
here
,
for
souldiers
mediating
and
interposing
especially
in
the
heate
of
souldiery-boldnesse
,
useth
not
to
be
with
humble
supplications
&
intreaties
,
but
with
violence
or
with
what
will
usher
in
violence
.
3.
We
heare
of
no
arguments
they
use
to
move
bloody
Saul
to
change
his
purpose
,
but
this
,
as
the
Lord
liveth
there
shall
not
one
haire
of
his
head
fall
to
the
ground
.
He
sayes
Pag.
66.
That
[
the
people
did
not
oppose
an
oath
to
Saul's
oath
,
for
Junius
exposition
may
passe
well
;
that
they
spoke
not
by
way
of
swearing
,
but
by
way
of
reasoning
,
abhorring
the
destruction
of
such
a
person
,
absit
,
ut
vivit
Jehovah
,
an
cadere
debet
.
]
Ans.
The
word
which
they
use
is
no
other
way
translated
here
,
by
Iunius
,
then
elsewhere
;
and
elsewhere
it
hath
clearly
the
import
of
an
oath
,
as
may
be
seen
Iudg.
8.
19.
1
Sam.
19
:
16.
and
20.
3
,
21
,
25
,
26.
and
in
many
other
places
.
2.
The
People
spoke
these
words
,
as
Saul
spoke
them
,
ver.
45.
and
therefore
they
are
directly
an
oath
of
the
people
opposed
to
Saul's
oath
.
3.
Iunius
himself
sayeth
,
that
they
opposed
a
just
oath
to
Saul's
hypocritical
oath
.
Sanctius
in
locum
,
sayeth
,
[
the
people
opposed
to
the
Kings
oath
,
a
publick
oath
,
&
swore
that
they
would
not
suffer
that
any
evil
should
be
done
unto
him
.
]
The
dutch
Annotat
call
it
an
abrupt
kinde
of
oath
in
use
among
the
Hebrevvs
.
But
(
sayes
he
)
[
It
is
a
vvonder
to
see
understanding
men
argue
from
this
place
,
for
violence
and
forcible
resistence
to
Kings
,
especially
vvhen
acting
according
to
lavves
,
consented
to
by
private
persones
]
Ans.
This
place
proveth
clearly
that
princes
may
be
resisted
,
and
resisted
vvhen
they
use
violence
and
oppression
,
and
that
by
private
persones
,
even
vvhen
the
oppression
,
or
iniquity
is
acted
according
to
a
pretended
lavv
,
or
something
equivalent
to
a
lavv
.
Let
us
see
vvhere
the
difference
lyeth
.
Here
(
sayes
he
)
the
King
is
not
acting
according
to
law
,
but
prosecuting
the
execution
of
a
foolish
and
rash
oath
]
Answ:
1.
Neither
did
our
King's
bloody
Emissaries
act
according
to
lavv
,
but
were
prosecuting
the
execution
of
a
develish
and
rash
resolution
,
to
root
out
and
destroy
a
vvhole
Countrey
side
,
2.
If
Royalists
speak
truth
,
Sauls
vvord
,
let
be
his
oath
,
vvas
as
good
as
a
lavv
:
and
Sanctius
sayeth
it
vvas
Decretum
decreed
.
And
vvhatever
it
vvas
formally
,
it
vvas
materially
a
law
,
unto
which
they
had
all
tacitely
assented
,
v.
24.
&
which
they
durst
not
transgresse
v.
26.
[
Here
(
sayes
he
)
the
opposition
made
to
the
King
is
by
way
of
intercession
&
earnest
reasoning
that
he
ought
to
regaird
what
was
right
more
then
his
rash
oath
.
)
Answ.
No
reasoning
vve
heare
but
a
peremptour
telling
of
the
King
,
to
his
face
,
that
he
should
not
get
his
vvill
,
not
one
haire
of
Ionathan's
head
should
fall
to
the
ground
,
if
he
should
attempt
any
thing
,
against
Ionathan
,
it
should
be
over
their
bellyes
:
Their
vvords
look
like
club-agruments
.
[
Here
(
sayes
he
)
their
opposition
was
acceptable
and
welcome
,
acquiesced
in
and
yeelded
to
]
Answ.
It
is
like
it
vvas
condescention
by
force
and
constraint
,
for
vvhether
he
vvould
or
not
,
he
savv
he
could
not
get
his
vvill
,
and
therefore
passed
from
vvhat
he
intended
,
2.
His
acquiescence
sayes
the
resistence
vvas
more
forcible
then
meer
intercession
vvould
be
;
for
,
he
vvas
another
sort
of
bloody
Tyrant
,
then
to
yeeld
to
petitions
,
vvhen
he
thought
his
honour
stood
upon
it
[
Here
(
sayes
he
)
the
opposition
is
made
by
the
Princes
of
the
land
,
Captains
of
Thousands
&c.
]
Answ.
The
text
sayes
The
people
rescued
Ionathan
.
Who
ever
they
vvere
&
vvhatever
they
vvere
,
they
acted
not
here
as
the
Supreame
Sanhedrin
,
nor
as
a
court
of
judicatour
haveing
povver
of
government
,
but
as
private
persones
,
according
to
their
povver
and
capacities
.
And
so
all
this
makes
much
for
a
party
of
private
persones
(
for
here
vvas
not
all
the
land
)
their
resisting
of
the
King
's
bloody
emissaries
executing
cruelty
,
not
so
much
as
according
to
an
iniquous
lavv
,
but
contrare
to
all
lavv
,
right
and
reason
[
Let
(
sayes
he
)
Peter
martyr
be
looked
upon
this
place
,
and
he
speaks
not
ably
well
,
his
owne
words
will
discover
how
notourly
he
is
falsified
by
L.
R.
p
349.
]
Answ.
Lex
Rex
.
dealt
ingenuously
with
his
reader
concerning
him
,
telling
him
,
in
the
margine
that
with
adoubt
he
said
,
si
ista
seditiose
fecerunt
nullo
modo
excusari
possunt
.
And
that
he
said
they
might
Suffragiis
.
vvith
their
suffrages
free
him
.
Why
did
not
the
Surveyer
set
dovvn
his
vvords
?
did
Lex
Rex
falsify
also
Chrysostome
homil.
14.
ad
Pop.
Antioch
.
Iunius
:
Corn
,
a
lapide
:
Sanctius
:
Lyra
:
Hugo
Cardin.
Iosephus
L.
6.
antiq.
c.
7.
and
Althus
.
Polit.
c.
38.
n.
109.
3.
They
must
condemne
David
,
for
his
resisting
of
King
Saul
,
with
armed
men
,
which
yet
the
spirit
of
God
doth
not
condemne
,
but
rather
approve
,
in
commending
such
as
helped
him
I
Chron.
12
:
1.
2.
8.
&c.
and
inspireing
Amazia
who
was
chief
of
the
captaines
to
say
Thine
are
we
David
,
and
on
thy
side
,
peace
,
peace
be
unto
thee
,
and
peace
be
unto
thy
helpers
,
for
thy
God
helpeth
thee
.
So
did
he
intend
to
keep
out
the
city
Keila
against
the
King
,
and
consulted
God
thereanent
,
and
had
his
answere
,
that
the
city
would
betray
him
.
Now
if
it
had
been
unlavvful
for
him
to
have
defended
himself
by
such
forcible
resistence
,
vve
cannot
think
that
he
vvould
have
goten
such
ansvvers
as
he
gote
.
Grotius
himself
approveth
this
deed
of
David's
.
All
vvhich
this
Surveyer
sayeth
against
this
Pag.
67.
is
,
That
Davids
unction
did
so
distinguish
him
from
private
persons
,
as
that
it
made
it
lawful
for
him
to
resist
violence
with
violence
:
But
,
the
law
of
nature
restricteth
not
this
lawful
self-defence
to
anoynted
persons
.
2.
If
his
anoynting
made
him
no
private
person
,
what
did
it
make
him
?
it
could
not
make
Him
King
,
othervvise
he
might
not
only
have
resisted
Saul
,
but
have
taken
his
life
as
a
traitour
;
or
else
vve
must
say
,
there
were
two
Kings
at
once
in
Israel
.
3.
David
never
pleads
this
as
the
ground
of
his
resistence
,
nor
is
there
any
hint
of
this
in
the
text
.
4.
They
must
condemne
the
city
Abel
2.
Sam.
20.
which
resisted
Ioab
,
Davids
General
,
and
his
forces
,
when
they
besieged
it
,
till
the
matter
came
to
a
capitulation
,
Ioab
should
have
offered
tearmes
unto
the
city
,
before
he
had
threatned
to
destroy
it
;
and
should
have
communed
with
the
Magistrates
,
concerning
the
delivering
up
of
the
Taitour
,
before
he
had
resolved
to
destroy
the
whole
city
,
for
one
Traitours
cause
:
and
therefore
justly
did
they
defend
themselves
against
his
unjust
invasion
notwithstanding
he
was
armed
with
a
commission
from
the
King
:
and
remarkable
it
is
,
that
after
the
capitulation
,
they
were
never
challenged
for
traitours
in
resisting
,
with
closed
gates
,
and
fensed
walls
,
the
King's
General
and
army
.
So
that
here
is
a
private
city
standing
out
for
a
time
,
against
the
King's
souldiours
,
unjustly
seeking
to
destroy
them
,
because
of
one
Traitour
among
them
.
5.
They
must
condemne
the
Prophet
Elias
for
resisting
Ahaziah's
bloody
Emissaries
sent
by
him
,
in
an
angry
moode
,
to
apprehend
him
and
to
compell
him
,
in
a
spite
full
manner
,
and
to
take
him
prisoner
,
as
say
the
Dutch
Annot.
on
the
place
,
For
speaking
such
things
as
he
did
,
unto
the
messengers
of
the
King
,
who
were
sent
to
Baal
zebub
the
God
of
Ekron
,
to
enquire
if
he
should
recover
of
his
desease
;
and
to
bring
him
to
the
King
by
violence
,
if
he
would
not
come
willingly
,
as
Iosephus
sayeth
antiq.
Lib.
9.
C.
2.
2
King
.
1.
Now
he
resisted
such
as
were
sent
,
and
killed
two
Captanes
&
their
fifties
,
with
fire
from
heaven
,
which
instance
doth
sufficiently
declare
that
it
is
lavvful
for
private
subjects
,
in
some
cases
,
to
resist
the
unjust
violence
of
the
King's
Emissaries
,
though
armed
with
his
commission
.
It
is
true
,
the
manner
of
his
resistence
,
and
of
killing
these
,
vvas
extraordinary
,
by
way
of
a
miracle
;
yet
the
resistence
it self
,
was
not
extraordinare
,
as
we
have
seen
by
other
instances
,
and
shall
see
cleared
by
moe
.
6.
They
must
condemne
the
prophet
Elisha
who
resisted
both
the
King
and
his
Emissaries
in
his
ovvne
defence
2
Kings
6
:
32.
saying
to
the
Elders
who
sate
with
him
see
yee
how
this
Sone
of
a
murderer
hath
sent
to
take
away
my
head
?
look
where
the
Messenger
cometh
,
shut
the
door
,
and
hold
him
fast
at
the
door
,
is
not
the
sound
of
his
Masters
feet
behinde
him
?
Here
was
unjust
violence
offered
to
the
innocent
Prophet
,
an
Emissary
sent
to
kill
him
without
cause
:
and
the
Prophet
resisteth
his
violence
,
causeth
hold
him
at
the
door
,
and
violently
presse
him
,
or
presse
him
betvvixt
the
door
and
the
wall
,
vvich
speaketh
violent
resistence
:
keep
him
(
say
the
Dutch
Annot.
)
by
force
at
the
door
:
yea
Iosephus
thinketh
that
the
King
follovved
quickly
after
,
left
the
Prophet
should
have
killed
his
servant
.
This
clearly
sayes
that
it
is
lawful
for
privat
persones
(
for
the
Prophet
vvas
no
other
but
a
private
subject
)
to
resist
unjust
violence
offered
them
by
the
King
or
his
Emissaries
,
and
with
violente
resistence
,
to
defend
themselves
.
7.
Much
more
will
they
condemne
other
instances
of
greater
opposition
,
made
to
the
rage
and
tyranny
of
Princes
,
which
we
finde
recorded
in
scripture
,
and
not
condemned
.
As.
1.
That
opposition
made
by
the
Ten
tribes
to
Rehoboam
,
when
they
revolted
from
him
,
after
they
had
a
rough
and
tyrannical
answere
unto
their
just
and
lawful
demands
1
King
.
12
:
1.
&c.
2
Cbron.
10
:
&
11.
They
desired
nothing
,
upon
the
matter
,
but
that
He
would
engadge
to
Rule
over
them
according
to
the
law
of
God
,
and
He
gave
a
most
harsh
and
tyrannical
answere
,
and
avowed
that
he
would
tyrannize
over
them
,
and
oppresse
them
more
then
any
of
his
predecessours
,
and
that
his
little
finger
should
be
heavier
then
their
loyns
;
whereupon
they
fell
away
from
him
,
and
erected
themselves
into
a
new
Commonwealth
,
and
choosed
a
nevv
King
:
And
vve
finde
nothing
in
all
the
text
condemning
this
;
for
,
it
vvas
done
of
the
Lord
,
the
cause
vvas
from
the
Lord
,
that
he
might
performe
his
saying
vvhich
he
spoke
by
Ahijah
;
and
vvhen
Rehoboam
raised
an
army
to
reduce
them
againe
under
his
power
and
command
,
the
vvord
of
God
came
unto
Shemaiah
saying
speak
unto
Rehoboam
&c.
and
say
thus
sayeth
the
Lord
,
yee
shall
not
goe
up
,
nor
fight
against
your
brethren
,
the
children
of
Israel
,
returne
every
man
to
his
house
,
for
this
thing
is
from
me
.
It
vvas
done
by
the
vvill
of
God
sayeth
Iosephus
Antiq.
Lib.
8.
c.
11.
And
there
is
not
one
word
,
in
the
text
importing
that
this
vvas
condemned
by
the
Spirit
of
the
Lord
;
for
,
as
for
that
vvord
1
King
.
12.
19.
So
Israel
rebelled
against
the
house
of
David
.
It
may
be
as
vvel
rendered
,
as
it
is
in
the
margine
,
they
fell
away
;
and
so
doth
the
dutch
render
it
,
and
lunius
defecerunt
,
they
fell
avvay
,
or
made
defection
,
and
the
original
vvord
is
of
a
larger
signification
then
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
vvhich
properly
signifieth
to
rebel
,
yea
though
the
vvord
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
had
been
here
used
,
it
vvould
not
have
imported
a
sinfull
rebellion
and
defection
,
more
then
2
King
.
18.
7.
vvhere
Hezekiah
is
said
to
have
rebelled
against
the
King
of
Assyria
,
and
this
was
a
frute
and
effect
of
the
Lords
being
with
him
,
and
prospering
him
,
whithersoever
he
vvent
forth
.
The
Surveyer
Pag.
66.
can
say
nothing
but
[
That
no
sound
man
will
think
the
suddaine
and
furious
rebellion
of
the
ten
Tribes
from
Davids
house
,
upon
the
furious
and
rash
answer
of
a
young
King
,
was
justifiable
.
]
But
vvhatever
he
say
or
think
,
it
doth
not
weigh
much
with
us
;
had
he
shewed
us
out
of
the
Text
,
that
this
was
condemned
by
the
Spirit
of
the
Lord
,
as
sinful
upon
the
matter
,
we
should
heartily
have
acquiesced
,
but
since
we
see
more
hinting
at
an
approbation
thereof
,
we
must
rest
there
,
till
we
see
stronger
reasons
,
then
his
naked
assertions
.
But
sayes
he
[
It
would
be
considered
that
these
who
made
the
secession
were
the
major
part
of
the
body
of
the
people
,
but
what
is
all
this
to
justifie
the
insurrections
of
any
lesser
party
of
private
people
against
the
Magistrate
,
and
all
Magistrates
supreme
&
subordinate
.
]
Ans.
By
what
right
,
this
Major
part
of
the
Body
did
make
secession
,
by
that
same
right
,
might
the
equal
half
,
or
the
lesser
part
have
made
secession
;
for
the
ground
of
the
lawfulnesse
of
this
secession
,
is
not
founded
upon
their
being
the
major
part
,
but
upon
the
reasonablenesse
of
their
demand
,
and
the
tyrannicalnesse
of
the
King's
reply
.
2.
This
sayes
much
for
us
;
for
,
if
it
be
lawful
for
a
part
of
the
people
,
to
shake
off
the
King
,
refuse
subjection
unto
him
,
and
set
up
a
new
King
of
their
owne
,
when
he
resolveth
to
play
the
Tyrant
,
and
not
to
rule
them
according
to
the
law
of
the
Lord
,
but
after
his
owne
tyrannical
will
;
then
it
cannot
be
unlawful
for
a
part
of
the
people
to
resist
his
unjust
violence
,
and
defend
themselves
against
his
illegal
tyranny
,
and
oppression
.
The
consequence
cannot
be
denyed
,
seing
they
who
may
lawfully
do
the
more
,
may
do
the
lesse
also
:
So
that
seing
this
people
might
lawfully
refuse
subjection
and
homage
unto
Rehoboam
and
all
his
subordinat
Magistrates
,
They
might
also
lawfully
have
defended
themselves
against
his
tyranny
,
and
the
tyranny
of
all
under
him
:
and
if
They
might
lawfully
have
done
so
,
so
may
we
.
2.
They
should
far
more
condemne
the
revolt
of
the
city
of
Libnah
2
Chron.
21.
10.
This
wicked
King
Iehoram
when
he
was
risen
up
to
the
Kingdom
of
his
father
,
strengthened
himself
,
and
slew
all
his
brethren
with
the
sword
,
and
diverse
also
of
the
Princes
of
Israel
v.
4.
and
walked
in
the
wayes
of
the
Kings
of
Israel
,
like
as
did
the
house
of
Ahab
,
for
he
had
the
Daughter
of
Ahab
to
wife
,
&
he
wrought
that
which
was
evil
in
the
eyes
of
the
Lord
v.
6.
and
he
made
him
high
places
in
the
mountaines
of
Iudah
and
caused
the
inhabitants
of
Ierusalem
to
commit
fornication
,
and
compelled
Iudah
there
to
v.
11.
13.
and
because
he
had
thus
forsaken
the
Lord
God
of
his
fathers
,
did
the
city
Libnah
revolt
from
under
his
hand
.
Commentators
cleare
this
to
have
been
the
reason
as
Cornel.
a.
lap
.
in
loc.
propter
impietatem
Regis
defecit
ab
eo
Libna
.
Sancitus
on
2
King
8.
22.
Lobnah
recessit
ne
esset
sub
manus
illius
,
dereliquer
at
enim
dominum
patruum
suorum
.
&
Pet.
Martyr
on
2
King
.
8.
v.
22.
[
Causa
in
Paralip
.
describitur
,
ob
Regis
impietatem
qui
suos
nitebatur
cogere
ad
idololatriam
,
quod
ipsi
Libnen
ses
pati
noluerunt
,
&
merito
:
principibus
enim
parendum
est
,
verum
usque
ad
aras
,
&
cum
illam
terram
inhabitandam
a
deo
,
eo
foedere
,
habuissent
,
ubi
illum
juxta
ejus
verbum
colerent
,
jure
ejus
idololatriam
admittere
,
non
debuerunt
,
]
Thus
he
approveth
of
their
revolt
in
this
case
.
What
sayes
our
Surveyer
to
this
[
This
(
sayes
he
)
imports
not
the
impulsive
cause
of
the
revolt
,
or
motive
which
they
had
before
their
eyes
(
for
,
in
that
same
verse
&
period
,
it
is
said
the
Edomites
also
revolted
from
him
,
because
he
had
forsaken
the
Lord
God
of
his
Fathers
,
and
the
Edomites
loved
not
the
true
Religion
)
but
the
meritorious
cause
on
Jehorams
part
is
poynted
at
.
]
Answ.
The
text
it self
and
Commentators
,
to
vvhom
vve
may
add
Iackson
on
2
King
8.
&
the
Dutch
Annot.
Ibid.
give
this
as
the
impulsive
cause
,
and
only
motive
vvhich
they
had
before
their
eyes
.
2.
Any
who
read
the
text
vvill
see
his
reason
very
unsound
;
for
v.
8.
it
is
said
,
that
in
his
dayes
the
Edomites
revolted
from
under
the
dominion
of
Iudah
,
and
made
themselves
a
King
;
and
no
word
of
this
,
as
the
impulsive
cause
there
of
;
&
v.
10.
mention
again
is
made
of
their
revolt
upon
occasion
of
Iehorams
seeking
by
force
,
to
reduce
them
under
his
dominion
;
and
then
in
a
new
period
,
mention
is
made
of
Libnah's
revolt
,
with
the
cause
and
only
motive
thereof
;
Because
he
had
forsaken
the
Lord
God
of
his
Fathers
.
Then
he
asks
if
his
adversary
[
thinks
that
the
laying
aside
of
the
presbyterian
frame
,
is
the
forsaken
of
the
Lord
God
of
our
Fathers
,
and
a
sufficient
cause
for
any
one
Towne
in
the
Kingdom
,
to
revolt
from
the
King
,
(
though
he
do
not
persecute
them
,
nor
force
them
to
his
way
,
as
there
is
no
evidence
that
Libnah
was
so
used
)
shall
a
Kings
swerving
in
that
one
point
,
or
if
there
be
greater
infidelity
,
be
sufficient
ground
of
defection
from
him
?
]
Ans.
I
nothing
doubt
,
but
all
such
as
have
imbraced
this
present
course
of
apostasie
are
guilty
of
a
grievous
revolt
,
having
impudently
and
avowedly
departed
form
a
sworne
Covenant
,
from
a
covenanted
&
sworne
Religion
,
reformed
in
Doctrine
,
Worshipe
,
Discipline
,
&
Government
;
and
have
in
a
great
part
forsaken
the
God
of
our
Fathers
,
that
covenanted
God
whom
our
Fathers
,
and
we
both
owned
,
and
imbraced
as
our
God
;
and
is
sufficient
cause
for
any
City
,
or
Company
of
men
,
so
far
to
revolt
from
the
King
,
as
to
refuse
to
concurre
with
him
,
in
this
horrible
defection
and
course
of
perjury
,
and
resist
his
unjust
violence
pressing
and
compelling
them
to
a
sinful
compliance
.
2.
As
it
is
more
then
probable
,
that
Libnah
was
no
better
used
,
then
were
the
people
of
Iudah
,
by
this
Tyrannous
King
,
and
is
asserted
by
the
Dutch
Annot.
on
2
Chron.
21
:
10.
So
whatever
this
lyer
suggesteth
,
it
is
notour
that
the
King
hath
persecuted
and
doth
persecute
and
force
honest
people
,
to
follow
his
way
,
and
apostatize
with
him
,
contrare
to
their
consciences
and
sworne
allegiance
unto
God
,
and
if
he
add
this
clause
as
an
exception
,
then
(
seing
the
truth
of
the
thing
is
notour
)
he
fully
accords
,
that
there
is
sufficient
cause
given
,
for
any
Town
in
the
Kingdome
to
revolt
,
which
is
more
then
we
desire
.
At
length
he
tells
us
.
That
their
revolt
was
sinfull
.
But
when
not
only
thi●
revolt
is
recorded
as
done
,
but
such
and
impulsive
cause
and
motive
is
added
by
the
Spirit
of
the
Lord
,
without
the
least
hint
of
any
expression
condemning
the
same
,
we
dar
not
be
so
bold
,
as
is
this
Surveyer
;
Nor
are
we
so
foolish
as
to
receive
his
word
,
contraire
to
the
testimony
of
so
many
expositors
.
Hence
we
have
a
strong
argument
:
For
▪
if
it
be
lawful
for
a
part
of
the
people
,
to
revolt
from
a
tyrannous
Prince
,
making
defection
from
the
true
and
received
Religion
,
and
forceing
his
subjects
to
a
sinful
defection
and
complyance
with
him
in
his
apostasy
:
It
must
also
be
lawful
for
a
part
of
the
people
to
defend
themselves
by
force
against
the
Emissaries
of
a
King
departing
from
his
faith
and
foresaking
the
Religion
,
which
He
hath
sworne
to
owne
and
maintaine
,
sent
forth
by
him
,
or
any
under
him
,
to
force
,
by
cruel
oppression
and
violence
,
them
to
a
compliance
with
his
sinful
way
.
And
the
antecedent
is
cleare
in
this
place
.
3.
They
must
much
more
condemne
Azariah
,
and
the
fourescore
Priests
who
being
commended
as
me
of
courage
&
valour
,
resisted
Vziah
the
King
,
2
Chron.
26
:
17.
&c.
they
expelled
him
with
force
,
stood
against
him
;
the
lxx
.
say
they
resisted
him
;
deturbarunt
eum
ex
eo
loco
,
sayeth
Vatablus
:
they
forced
him
forth
,
and
compelled
him
to
goe
out
;
they
caused
him
make
haste
,
sayeth
Ar.
Mont.
festinate
expulerunt
eum
,
sayeth
Hieron
.
When
he
went
in
the
temple
to
burne
incense
,
upon
the
altaar
of
incense
,
on
some
solemne
day
(
as
Iosephus
thinketh
.
)
So
that
there
is
more
then
a
resistance
of
him
by
words
,
as
some
Royalists
say
;
even
resistence
by
force
and
violence
.
Hence
we
argue
;
if
private
subjects
may
by
force
resist
,
withstand
,
and
with
violence
hinder
the
King
from
transgressing
the
Law
of
God
;
Then
may
they
much
more
lawfully
resist
him
,
and
his
bloody
Emissaryes
,
when
He
seeketh
to
oppresse
unjustly
and
to
draw
people
off
from
the
wayes
of
the
Lord
.
If
any
say
with
doct
Ferne
,
that
because
of
an
expresse
Law
of
God
,
being
a
leper
,
he
was
put
out
of
the
congregation
:
Then
we
see
,
that
the
Prince
is
subject
to
Church-censure
,
and
so
Subjects
may
judge
him
and
punish
him
;
we
see
also
that
Princes
were
subject
to
ceremonial
lawes
,
as
well
as
any
of
the
subjects
;
and
why
not
also
to
the
moral
Lawes
;
and
if
because
of
a
ceremonial
Law
,
the
King
was
to
be
ceremonially
punished
,
why
also
,
for
the
breach
of
moral
Law
,
may
he
not
be
punished
morally
?
Hence
will
it
undoubtedly
follow
,
That
a
Prince
rageing
and
tyrannizeing
contrare
to
all
equity
and
reason
,
may
be
resisted
and
his
violence
repelled
with
violence
,
even
by
private
subjects
.
Worthy
Mr
Knox
,
in
his
debate
with
Lithengtoun
,
doth
form
this
instance
gather
;
That
subjects
not
only
may
,
but
also
ought
to
withstand
and
resist
their
Princes
whensoever
they
do
any
thing
that
expresly
repugnes
to
God
,
his
Law
,
or
holy
Ordinance
.
Lithingtoun
objected
That
[
they
were
not
private
subjects
,
but
the
priests
of
the
Lord
and
figures
of
Christ
,
and
such
have
we
none
this
day
,
to
withstand
Kings
if
they
do
any
thing
wrong
.
]
He
answered
that
though
the
High
Priest
was
a
figure
of
Christ
,
yet
he
was
a
subject
.
[
For
(
said
he
)
I
am
assured
that
he
,
in
his
Priesthood
,
had
no
prerogative
above
these
that
passed
before
him
;
now
so
it
is
,
that
Aaron
was
subject
to
Moses
,
and
called
him
Lord
:
Samuel
being
both
prophet
,
and
Priest
,
subjected
himself
unto
Saul
,
after
he
was
inaugurated
of
the
people
;
Sadoc
bowed
before
David
,
&c.
And
whereas
you
say
,
we
have
no
such
Priests
this
day
,
I
might
answere
,
that
neither
have
we
such
Kings
this
day
,
as
then
were
anoynted
by
Gods
commandement
,
and
sate
upon
the
seate
of
David
,
and
were
no
lesse
the
figures
of
Christ
Iesus
,
in
their
just
administration
,
then
were
the
Priests
,
in
their
appointed
office
;
and
such
Kings
(
I
am
assured
)
we
have
not
now
,
no
more
then
we
have
such
Priests
,
for
Christ
Iesus
being
anoynted
in
our
nature
,
of
God
his
Father
,
both
King
Priest
,
and
Prophet
,
hath
put
an
end
to
all
external
unction
:
and
yet
I
think
you
will
not
say
,
that
God
hath
now
diminished
his
graces
from
these
whom
he
appoynts
Ambassadours
betwixt
him
and
his
people
,
then
he
doth
,
from
Kings
and
Princes
,
and
therefore
,
why
the
Servants
of
Iesus
Christ
may
not
also
justly
withstand
Kings
and
Princes
who
this
day
no
lesse
offend
Gods
Majesty
,
then
Uzziah
did
,
I
see
not
;
unlesse
that
ye
will
say
,
That
we
in
the
bringhtnesse
of
the
Evangel
,
are
not
so
straitly
bound
to
regaird
Gods
glory
,
nor
his
commandements
,
as
were
the
Fathers
who
lived
under
the
dark
shaddowes
of
the
Law
.
]
And
when
Lithingtoun
sayd
,
That
they
only
spoke
unto
him
without
further
violence
intended
.
He
answered
,
[
That
they
with
stood
him
,
the
text
assures
me
,
but
that
they
did
nothing
,
but
speak
,
I
cannot
understand
,
for
the
plame
text
afformes
the
contrary
,
viz.
That
they
caused
him
hastily
to
depart
from
the
sanctuary
,
yea
and
that
he
was
compelled
to
depart
;
which
manner
of
speaking
(
I
am
assurred
)
in
the
Hebrew
tongue
importeth
more
then
exhorting
,
or
commanding
by
word
.
]
And
when
Lethingtoun
lastly
objected
that
they
did
that
after
he
was
espyed
to
be
leprous
.
He
answered
,
[
They
withstood
him
before
,
but
yet
their
last
fact
confirmes
my
proposition
,
so
evidently
,
that
such
as
will
oppose
themselves
unto
it
,
must
needs
oppose
themselves
unto
God
;
for
my
assertion
is
,
That
Kings
have
no
privilege
,
more
then
hath
the
people
,
to
offend
Gods
Majesty
,
and
if
so
they
do
,
they
are
no
more
exempted
from
the
punishment
of
the
law
,
then
is
any
other
subject
;
yea
,
and
that
subjects
may
not
only
lawfully
oppose
themselves
to
their
Kings
,
whensoever
they
do
any
thing
that
expresly
oppugnes
God's
Commandement
,
But
also
that
they
may
execute
judgment
upon
them
,
according
to
God's
Law
;
so
that
if
the
King
be
a
murtherer
,
an
adulterer
,
or
an
Idolater
,
he
should
suffer
,
according
to
God's
Law
,
not
as
a
King
,
but
as
an
offender
:
and
that
the
People
may
put
God's
Law
in
execution
,
this
History
clearly
proveth
;
for
so
soon
as
the
leprosy
appeared
in
his
forehead
,
He
was
not
only
compelled
,
to
depart
out
of
the
Sanctuary
;
but
also
he
was
removed
from
all
publick
society
,
and
administration
of
the
Kingdome
,
and
was
compelled
to
dwell
in
a
house
apart
,
even
as
the
law
commanded
,
and
gote
no
greater
privilege
in
that
case
,
then
any
other
of
the
people
should
have
gote
:
And
this
was
executed
by
the
People
—
&
therefore
yet
againe
I
say
that
People
ought
to
execute
God's
Law
,
even
against
their
Princes
,
when
their
open
crimes
by
God's
Law
deserves
punishment
,
but
especially
when
they
are
such
as
may
infect
the
rest
of
the
multitude
.
]
Thus
that
worthy
Servant
of
God
,
and
hence
any
may
see
,
how
this
passage
doth
more
then
confirme
what
we
are
now
about
to
prove
.
4.
They
must
much
more
condemne
such
as
arose
against
Amaziah
when
he
turned
away
from
following
the
Lord
,
&
pursued
him
to
Lachish
and
flew
him
there
,
2
Chron.
25
:
21.
Concerning
which
I
shall
only
set
downe
what
famous
and
worthy
Mr
Knox
said
in
that
forementioned
debate
,
which
he
had
with
Lithington
,
[
The
whole
people
(
sayes
he
)
conspired
against
Amaziah
,
King
of
Iudah
,
after
that
he
had
turned
away
from
the
Lord
,
and
followed
him
to
Lachish
,
and
slew
him
,
and
took
UzZiah
and
anoynted
him
King
instead
of
his
father
.
The
people
had
not
altogether
forgotten
the
League
and
Covenant
,
which
was
made
betwixt
their
Kings
and
them
,
at
the
inauguration
of
Ioas
his
Father
,
to
wit
,
that
the
King
and
the
People
should
,
be
the
People
of
the
Lord
,
and
then
should
they
be
his
Faithful
subjects
,
from
which
Covenant
,
when
first
the
Father
and
aftervvard
the
Son
had
declined
,
they
vvere
both
punished
vvith
death
,
Ioas
by
his
ovvne
Servants
,
and
Amaziah
by
the
vvhole
People
,
vvhen
Lithingtoun
(
said
)
he
doubted
whether
they
did
well
or
not
.
He
ansvv
.
[
It
shall
be
free
for
you
to
doubt
as
you
please
,
but
where
I
finde
execution
according
to
God's
law
,
and
God
himself
not
to
accuse
the
doers
,
I
dar
not
doubt
of
the
equity
of
their
cause
.
And
further
it
appeareth
to
me
;
that
God
gave
sufficient
approbation
,
and
allowance
of
their
fact
,
for
he
blessed
them
with
victory
,
peace
and
prosperity
,
the
space
of
fifty
two
years
after
]
and
when
Lithingt
:
replyed
That
prosperity
doth
not
alwayes
prove
that
God
approveth
the
facts
of
Men.
He
answered
(
Yes
,
when
the
facts
of
Men
agree
with
the
law
of
God
,
and
are
rewarded
according
to
his
owne
promise
expressed
in
his
law
,
I
say
that
the
prosperity
succeding
the
fact
,
is
a
most
infallible
assurance
,
that
God
hath
approved
that
fact
:
Now
so
it
is
,
that
God
hath
pronounced
in
his
law
,
That
when
the
people
shall
exterminate
and
destroy
such
as
decline
from
him
,
that
he
will
blesse
them
,
and
multiply
them
,
as
he
hath
promised
unto
their
fathers
.
But
so
it
is
,
that
Amasia
turned
from
God
,
for
so
the
text
doth
witnesse
,
and
plaine
it
is
,
that
the
People
slew
their
King
,
and
like
plaine
it
is
,
that
God
blessed
them
.
Therefore
yet
againe
I
conclude
that
God
himself
approved
their
fact
:
and
so
far
as
it
was
done
according
to
his
commandement
,
it
was
blessed
according
to
his
promise
.
)
And
when
Lithingtoun
replyed
againe
That
he
thought
not
the
ground
so
sure
as
he
durst
build
his
conscience
thereupon
.
He
answered
[
I
pray
God
that
your
conscience
have
no
worse
ground
then
this
is
,
when
soever
you
shall
beginne
the
like
work
,
which
God
in
your
owne
eyes
hath
already
blessed
.
]
And
if
so
(
as
is
very
probable
)
and
learned
Althus
.
pol.
C.
38.
n
106.
is
of
the
same
judgment
with
Mr
Knox
,
we
need
not
trouble
the
reader
with
forming
an
argument
thence
to
our
purpose
,
the
same
being
so
obvious
and
cleare
,
that
he
who
runneth
may
read
it
.
CAP.
IV.
Our
Argument
from
other
approved
instances
,
and
authorities
,
both
abroad
,
and
at
home
.
THis
practice
,
hovvever
it
be
novv
condemned
by
a
generation
of
perfidious
Prelates
,
and
Malignants
,
enemies
to
the
glorious
vvork
of
Reformation
,
from
the
beginning
,
&
a
company
of
base
Sycophants
and
Court
flatterers
,
as
an
unparallelable
act
of
rebellion
and
sedition
;
yet
,
as
it
as
abundantly
confirmed
by
precedents
in
scripture
,
as
vve
have
seen
,
so
is
it
by
the
practice
of
others
;
vvhom
none
,
but
men
of
the
same
stampe
,
vvil
condemne
;
and
by
authorities
of
Divines
abroad
and
at
home
,
as
vve
shall
novv
shevv
.
And
,
1.
The
history
of
the
Maccabees
,
mentioned
in
that
story
,
is
a
cleare
example
of
private
persons
resisting
and
defending
themselves
frm
the
iniquous
assaults
of
the
Soveraigne
,
or
his
Emissaries
;
for
when
Antiochus
Epiphanes
was
compelling
them
to
forsake
God
,
and
tyrannizing
over
them
,
Matthias
a
priest
,
and
his
sones
made
open
resistence
;
and
afterward
Mattathias
&
those
with
him
,
hearing
how
Matthias
,
out
of
an
overnice
superstition
,
would
not
fight
in
their
owne
defence
,
on
the
Sabbath
day
,
resolving
upon
all
occasions
to
defend
themselves
,
their
Lives
,
and
Lawes
,
and
to
take
all
advantages
of
the
Enemy
,
did
accordingly
assault
them
,
and
recovered
their
Cityes
Lawes
and
Libertyes
,
fighting
many
battels
with
good
successe
.
And
Osiander
Enchirid.
controv
.
c.
9.
de
mag.
pol.
testifieth
that
this
was
done
by
the
encouragement
and
assistance
of
the
Spirit
of
God
.
And
if
any
should
reject
this
instance
as
impertinent
,
because
they
suppose
Antiochus
was
not
their
lawful
Supream
Magistrate
,
but
only
a
Tyrant
without
title
,
let
them
heare
what
Grotius
de
jure
belli
&
pacis
lib.
1.
c.
4.
n.
7.
sayeth
to
this
?
Like
unto
this
appeareth
that
deed
of
the
Maccabees
;
for
whereas
some
think
to
defend
these
armes
,
upon
this
gronnd
,
that
Antiochus
was
not
King
but
an
invader
,
it
seemeth
foolish
to
me
,
seing
in
all
the
history
of
the
Maccabees
,
and
of
such
as
took
their
part
,
they
never
name
Antiochus
any
thing
else
,
but
their
King
,
and
that
not
without
ground
;
for
long
before
this
,
the
Iewes
had
acknowledged
the
authority
of
the
Macedonians
,
unto
whose
power
and
place
Antiochus
did
succeed
.
&
as
to
that
that
the
law
forbiddeth
that
any
stranger
should
be
set
over
them
,
that
is
to
be
understood
of
a
voluntary
election
and
not
of
what
the
people
might
through
necessity
be
forced
to
do
.
And
,
whereas
others
say
that
the
Maccabees
used
only
the
right
of
the
people
cui
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
deberetur
.
Neither
is
that
solide
,
for
the
jewes
being
at
first
overcome
by
Nebuchadnezar
,
and
subjected
to
him
,
by
the
law
of
warre
,
by
the
same
law
they
did
obey
the
Medes
and
Persians
,
who
succeeded
unto
the
Caldeans
,
and
all
this
Impire
came
at
length
into
the
hands
of
the
Macedonians
:
hence
it
is
,
that
Tacitus
reckoneth
the
jewes
amongst
basest
of
such
as
served
these
Assyrians
,
Medes
and
Persians
:
Nor
did
they
require
any
thing
by
stipulation
from
Alexander
and
his
successours
,
but
without
any
condition
gave
themselves
up
unto
their
power
,
as
formerly
they
had
been
under
the
command
of
Darius
.
And
if
at
any
time
the
jewes
were
permitted
to
use
their
owne
rites
,
and
lawes
,
that
was
but
a
begged
right
,
which
they
had
through
the
indulgence
of
the
Kings
,
but
not
through
any
imperial
law
.
So
that
there
is
nothing
that
can
defend
the
Maccabees
but
most
imminent
and
certane
danger
]
thus
he
.
2.
The
constant
practice
of
the
Waldensian
protestants
in
Piedmont
,
doth
shew
that
this
late
practice
is
not
so
strange
&
uncouth
,
as
adversaryes
would
give
it
out
to
be
;
for
,
they
never
had
a
Representative
to
be
a
screen
betwixt
them
,
and
the
tyranny
of
their
princes
,
and
yet
how
oftintimes
have
they
valiently
with
stood
such
,
as
came
to
oppresse
them
,
in
goods
and
lives
,
though
cloathed
with
commission
from
the
princes
?
In
the
yeer
1580.
being
persecuted
by
the
Lord
of
Trinity
,
and
their
popish
Soveraignes
,
they
assembled
solemnely
together
,
to
consult
how
to
prevent
the
imminent
dangers
,
and
after
prayer
and
calling
upon
God
for
his
grace
,
and
spirit
of
counsel
and
direction
,
they
resolved
to
enter
into
a
solemne
mutual
Covenant
,
and
to
joyn
in
a
League
together
,
for
defence
of
Themselves
and
their
Religion
and
so
accordingly
did
assist
one
another
,
in
their
defence
,
which
they
did
with
good
successe
;
And
that
alwayes
since
whenever
they
were
assaulted
by
the
bloody
Emissaries
of
the
Duk
of
Savoy
,
as
any
may
see
fully
in
their
history
.
So
that
whosoever
will
condemne
the
late
defence
,
must
also
condemne
these
poor
oppressed
protestants
,
who
have
no
other
meane
to
keen
them
from
utter
extirpation
,
but
this
innocent
meane
of
felf
defence
,
and
of
repelling
unjust
violence
with
violence
;
for
Bonds
,
Promises
&
Covenants
binde
their
Prince
,
as
such
obligations
use
to
binde
some
others
viz.
no
longer
then
they
see
it
for
their
advantage
.
Neither
have
they
any
Representative
,
Prince
,
or
Noble
man
,
among
them
,
to
head
their
matters
;
but
meer
necessity
puts
them
to
use
the
best
expendient
they
can
,
and
forcibly
to
resist
their
oppressing
Superiours
,
when
they
send
to
spoile
them
of
their
goods
,
lives
and
libertyes
.
3.
Some
particular
cityes
in
Germany
did
defend
themselves
against
the
Emperour
unjustly
invadeing
their
libertyes
,
and
assaulting
them
,
as
may
be
seen
in
the
history
of
Germany
,
particularly
the
Cities
of
Madenburgh
and
Breme
.
4
,
So
in
France
,
the
Cities
of
Montobane
and
Rochel
and
the
Isle
of
Ree
with
stood
the
King
,
when
he
was
seeking
to
oppresse
them
.
And
no
man
will
condemne
these
for
acts
of
rebellion
and
sedition
,
unlesse
they
will
also
condemne
our
Kings
,
who
,
at
least
undertook
,
and
offered
to
help
and
assist
them
.
5.
It
was
this
opposition
and
resistence
of
privat
persons
when
tyrannized
over
,
by
Superiours
,
that
hath
brought
the
Cantons
of
Helvetia
unto
that
state
of
freedome
and
liberty
,
which
they
have
enjoyed
for
many
yeers
,
and
do
enjoy
this
day
;
being
now
a
free
Republick
,
as
Simlerus
showeth
in
his
history
of
that
Republick
.
6.
But
that
we
may
come
home
,
we
finde
some
remarkeable
instances
of
this
nature
,
which
no
man
in
reason
,
who
shall
condemne
this
late
defence
,
shall
be
able
to
defend
:
and
to
beginne
with
what
may
be
most
recent
in
our
memories
.
In
the
year
1648.
There
are
two
signal
Instances
.
The
one
was
that
violent
resistence
used
against
the
Parliaments
forces
at
Mauchlin
moor
.
Here
was
not
only
a
resistence
,
in
defence
of
the
truth
and
cause
of
God
,
then
sought
to
be
borne
downe
and
oppressed
,
by
a
prevalent
Malignant
faction
in
Parliament
,
without
the
concurrence
of
conduct
of
the
Representatives
of
the
land
,
but
directly
against
them
:
Here
was
a
defence
used
by
way
of
resistence
,
by
meer
privat
persons
without
the
company
or
concurrence
of
one
Noble
man
;
And
yet
a
resistence
that
never
was
condemned
by
any
,
to
this
day
,
expect
ingrained
Malignants
;
but
was
approved
and
commended
highly
,
by
the
Parliament
anno
1649.
the
best
Parliaments
Scotland
did
see
for
many
yeers
.
Againe
thereafter
in
that
same
yeer
1648
,
The
forces
of
the
west
Countrey
arose
in
defence
of
the
Cause
and
Covenant
of
God
;
and
that
not
only
without
the
conduct
of
a
Parliament
,
but
against
their
resolutions
.
It
is
true
,
there
were
some
Nobles
&
Parliament-men
among
them
,
and
countenancers
of
them
;
but
these
acted
not
,
nor
could
act
,
by
vertue
of
any
Parliamentary
power
;
but
only
as
privat
subjects
,
having
,
by
reason
of
their
greater
interest
in
the
land
,
a
greater
obligation
to
lay
out
themselves
,
and
to
improve
their
authority
and
influence
in
the
countrey
,
for
the
good
thereof
,
and
for
the
cause
of
God
.
They
had
it
is
true
,
by
their
places
and
stations
,
greater
influence
upon
the
Countrey
,
and
a
greater
backing
,
and
so
being
leading
men
,
were
in
a
greater
capacity
to
defend
the
oppressed
truth
;
but
all
this
gave
them
no
publick
Magistratical
power
,
nor
put
them
in
the
capacity
of
a
real
and
formal
Representative
:
and
yet
all
this
was
afterward
approved
,
ratified
and
confirmed
by
Parliament
,
as
good
and
necessary
service
to
the
countrey
,
and
to
the
cause
of
God
,
A
third
notable
instance
is
that
Anno
1639.
There
was
then
no
publicke
civil
judicatory
carrying
on
that
defence
,
but
Nobles
and
others
,
each
in
their
capacity
,
and
according
to
their
power
,
concurred
,
for
the
promoveing
of
that
necessary
work
of
defence
.
They
did
not
acte
under
the
notion
of
any
such
judicature
,
nor
did
they
assume
to
themselves
any
such
power
and
authority
.
It
is
true
,
there
were
then
a
great
number
of
Noble
Patriots
,
and
renowned
Nobles
,
who
laid
the
work
of
reformation
to
heart
,
and
laid
out
themselves
to
the
utmost
of
their
power
for
the
same
,
and
because
of
their
concurrence
,
the
vvork
vvas
the
more
feazible
and
easy
to
be
carryed
on
;
but
I
think
the
stresse
of
the
lawfulnesse
of
that
defensive
warre
,
did
not
lye
wholly
upon
their
shoulders
;
so
that
if
they
had
with
drawne
,
all
the
rest
of
the
body
of
the
land
,
had
been
bound
in
conscience
,
to
have
deserted
the
same
also
.
It
is
true
,
it
was
of
great
advantage
unto
the
cause
,
that
God
stirred
up
the
spirit
of
the
Nobles
to
owne
the
same
(
and
is
so
alwayes
)
upon
many
accounts
,
and
their
concurrence
had
its
owne
auxiliary
force
,
to
justify
the
interprise
,
for
abundans
cautela
non
nocet
:
But
I
remember
not
that
the
lavvfulnesse
of
that
defensive
war
,
was
stated
only
or
mainely
on
that
particular
.
It
is
true
,
They
are
Primores
Regni
be
vertue
of
their
particular
places
and
stations
,
and
be
vertue
of
their
eminency
over
others
,
and
power
by
reason
of
their
eminency
;
and
so
are
engaged
beyond
others
,
to
see
to
the
good
of
the
Land
,
and
of
Religion
,
for
the
good
of
the
souls
of
such
as
are
under
them
,
and
on
whom
they
have
or
may
have
influence
;
And
,
be
reason
of
this
,
may
authoritatively
even
as
such
,
do
many
things
,
when
there
is
no
other
constitution
of
a
Supreme
Representative
:
But
when
a
constitution
of
a
Supreme
Publick
Representative
is
condescended
upon
and
setled
,
it
is
certane
,
they
cannot
separatly
,
yea
nor
joyntly
act
in
the
power
and
capacity
of
a
formal
Supreme
Representative
,
but
when
they
are
,
with
others
,
constituent
members
of
that
Representative
;
and
out
of
that
Representative
(
unlesse
by
power
and
commission
from
it
)
they
cannot
act
judicially
,
or
authoritatively
,
nor
in
any
other
capacity
formally
,
then
as
private
persones
,
though
as
persons
of
greater
interest
,
and
share
in
the
Commonwealth
,
and
so
under
greater
obligations
,
both
by
the
Lavv
of
God
and
of
nature
,
to
bestirre
themselves
more
effectually
for
the
good
of
the
same
;
and
as
persons
of
greater
influence
and
conduct
;
yet
still
under
the
notion
of
private
persons
,
private
persons
I
meane
,
as
opposite
to
persons
cloathed
vvith
publick
authority
and
Parliamentary
povver
.
I
grant
they
are
borne-Heads
and
Magistrats
of
the
Countrey
,
as
being
in
eminency
above
others
,
and
as
being
by
birth
,
conforme
to
our
constitution
,
borne-Members
of
Parliament
,
and
so
in
potentiâ
proximâ
,
and
in
a
nearer
capacity
then
others
are
,
to
vote
and
acte
in
Parliament
:
but
still
I
say
,
considered
out
of
Parliament
,
or
vvhen
there
is
no
Parliament
,
they
cannot
exerce
any
Parliamentary
povver
,
conclude
or
determine
any
thing
of
that
nature
,
more
then
others
:
It
is
a
truth
also
,
that
they
have
,
by
reason
of
our
law
and
constitution
,
a
Magistratical
power
,
limited
to
such
and
such
causes
over
such
and
such
particular
places
;
but
that
is
only
and
inferiour
,
and
subordinat
civil
power
,
and
cannot
extend
beyond
that
limited
bounds
,
more
then
the
power
of
Magistrates
in
Broughs
,
or
Sheriffs
in
Shires
,
or
Baylies
in
Baylieryes
,
or
the
like
,
and
is
no
part
of
that
Magistratical
power
which
is
commonly
called
the
power
of
warre
.
I
grant
,
that
they
and
all
other
inferiour
Magistrates
,
are
to
seek
to
promove
the
good
of
the
vvhole
land
,
and
to
concurre
,
according
to
their
povver
,
for
the
same
,
even
because
of
their
interest
and
share
of
that
subordinat
povver
:
But
they
cannot
act
under
that
notion
,
nor
do
any
thing
be
vertue
of
that
particular
povver
,
nor
exerce
any
acts
thereof
,
out
of
the
bounds
of
their
several
jurisdictions
;
But
all
they
do
,
is
by
vertue
of
that
fundamental
power
belonging
to
all
the
members
of
the
Commonvvealth
,
according
to
their
several
places
and
relations
.
Hence
therefore
it
it
cleare
,
that
our
vvorthyes
then
acted
not
,
as
a
publick
judicatory
,
or
as
publick
persons
cloathed
with
publick
authority
.
So
that
vvhosoever
shall
condemne
this
late
act
of
defence
,
upon
the
account
,
that
it
vvas
managed
by
meer
private
presons
,
must
also
,
in
reason
,
condemne
that
which
these
worthies
did
;
and
so
conspire
with
the
Malitious
Malignants
,
ingrained
in
wickednesse
,
and
enmity
to
the
way
and
work
of
God
.
A
fourth
and
last
instance
,
is
that
of
our
first
reformers
in
the
dayes
of
Mr.
Knox
:
for
,
at
the
beginning
of
the
reformation
,
there
were
but
very
few
Nobles
,
who
concured
,
as
Mr.
Knox
testifyed
in
his
sermon
Nov.
7.
1559.
in
these
words
[
when
we
were
a
few
in
number
,
in
comparison
of
our
Enemies
,
when
we
had
neither
Earle
nor
Lord
(
a
few
excepted
)
to
comfort
us
,
we
called
upon
God
,
and
took
him
for
our
protector
,
defence
and
only
refuge
.
]
And
,
in
the
following
words
,
he
sheweth
that
it
fared
rather
better
with
them
,
then
worse
,
when
they
wanted
the
concurrence
of
Nobles
:
For
,
sayeth
he
,
[
amongst
us
was
heard
no
bragging
of
Multitude
,
nor
of
our
strength
and
policy
,
we
did
only
sob
to
God
,
to
have
respect
to
the
equity
of
our
cause
,
and
to
the
cruel
pursute
of
the
tyrannical
enemy
;
but
since
that
our
number
hath
been
thus
multiplyed
,
and
chiefly
since
the
Duke
with
his
friends
hath
been
joyned
with
us
,
there
was
nothing
heard
,
but
this
Lord
will
bring
these
many
hundered
spears
,
This
man
can
perswade
this
countrey
,
if
this
Earle
be
ours
,
no
man
in
such
bounds
will
trouble
us
:
And
thus
the
best
of
us
all
,
that
before
felt
God's
potent
hand
to
our
defence
,
hath
of
late
dayes
put
flesh
to
be
our
arme
]
And
as
Mr.
Knox
said
,
so
it
was
,
much
of
their
businesse
was
carryed
on
without
the
concurrence
of
many
Nobles
.
We
hear
of
no
nobles
with
the
gentlemen
of
the
west
,
when
they
came
from
the
border
to
the
Queen
,
and
when
Iames
Chalmers
of
Gaitgirth
said
to
her
(
when
they
had
heard
.
that
she
had
caused
summon
the
protestant
preachers
)
(
Madam
,
we
know
that
this
is
the
Malice
of
the
jewells
,
and
of
that
bastard
(
meaning
the
Bishop
of
S.
Andrews
)
that
standeth
by
yow
,
but
we
shall
make
a
day
of
it
.
They
oppresse
●s
,
and
our
tennants
,
for
feeding
of
their
idle
bellyes
,
they
trouble
our
preachers
,
and
would
murther
them
and
us
,
Shall
we
suffer
this
any
longer
;
No
Madam
,
it
shall
not
be
.
Nor
was
there
any
of
the
Nobles
present
,
when
that
abhomination
of
carrying
an
idol
on
S.
Giles
day
,
was
opposed
.
There
were
buy
foure
Nobles
that
subscribed
the
first
bond
at
Edinburgh
Decemb
3.
1557
,
Where
the
whole
congregation
resolved
,
by
the
grace
of
God
,
to
apply
themselves
,
their
whole
power
,
substance
,
and
lives
,
to
maintaine
,
set
forward
,
and
establish
the
most
blessed
word
of
God
,
and
his
congregation
&c.
So
foure
of
five
only
subscribed
the
second
bond
at
Perth
may
last
1559.
We
finde
not
many
Nobles
with
them
,
when
they
petitioned
the
parliament
.
And
there
protested
[
that
they
would
worshipe
God
,
according
to
the
right
manner
:
That
none
of
them
therefore
should
incurre
any
danger
.
That
if
upon
this
account
any
tumult
should
arise
no
crime
might
be
imputed
unto
them
,
but
unto
such
as
refused
their
just
Demands
.
]
And
when
they
wrote
that
letter
May
22.
1559.
Wherein
they
said
[
That
except
the
cruelty
were
stayed
,
they
would
be
compelled
to
take
the
sword
of
just
defence
against
all
that
should
pursue
them
,
for
the
matter
of
Religion
,
and
that
the
cruel
,
unjust
,
and
most
tyrannical
murther
intended
against
Towns
and
Multitudes
was
and
is
the
only
cause
of
their
r●v●le
from
their
accustomed
obedience
.
]
And
when
they
wrote
that
other
unto
the
Nobility
,
where
in
they
said
[
By
your
fainting
and
extracting
of
your
support
,
the
Enemies
are
encouraged
,
thinking
that
they
shall
finde
no
resistence
:
in
which
poynt
,
God
willing
,
they
shall
be
deceived
,
for
if
they
were
Ten
thousand
,
and
we
but
One
thousand
,
they
shall
not
Murther
the
least
of
our
brethren
.
]
From
all
which
,
and
from
the
whole
story
of
these
times
,
it
is
undenyably
apparent
,
that
they
acted
for
the
defence
of
the
truth
,
and
of
their
oppressed
brethren
,
and
for
the
carrying
on
of
the
work
of
reformation
,
for
some
considerable
time
,
without
the
concurrence
and
conduct
of
a
Parliamentary
Representative
.
From
all
which
Instances
of
our
predecessours
,
I
would
have
these
thing
observed
.
1.
It
is
remarkeable
That
when
God
was
to
beginne
any
word
of
reformation
in
our
Land
,
whether
from
Popery
or
Prelacy
,
the
powers
then
in
being
,
were
standing
in
a
stated
opposition
thereunto
.
This
is
notoure
both
in
the
dayes
of
Mr
Knox
,
&
in
the
yeer
1639.
King
,
or
Queen
,
and
Counciles
were
stated
against
it
,
and
opposeing
the
same
,
what
they
could
.
2.
The
only
wise
God
,
who
is
wonderful
in
counsel
,
and
excellent
in
working
,
thought
fit
,
not
to
beginne
with
the
Spirits
of
the
Powers
in
being
,
to
cause
them
first
appeare
for
the
work
;
but
thought
it
more
to
his
honour
and
glory
,
to
make
use
of
foolish
things
to
confound
the
wise
;
and
of
weak
things
,
to
confound
the
things
that
are
mighty
;
and
base
things
,
and
things
which
are
despised
,
and
things
which
are
not
,
to
bring
to
nought
things
which
are
.
It
seemed
good
in
his
eyes
,
who
doth
all
things
after
the
counsel
of
his
owne
will
,
to
imploy
the
least
of
the
flock
in
that
businesse
according
to
that
word
Ier.
49.
20.
and
50.
45.
and
to
raise
up
meane
,
and
contemptible
instruments
,
that
the
work
might
more
conspicuously
appeare
to
be
his
,
and
the
glory
thereof
redound
to
himself
alone
.
3.
As
they
would
have
been
glade
,
(
had
it
so
seemed
good
in
the
Lords
eyes
)
if
the
standing
Representatives
,
would
have
not
only
concurred
and
countenanced
that
work
,
but
would
have
,
according
to
their
places
,
led
on
the
vaune
,
and
shewed
themselves
powers
appoynted
for
God
and
his
glory
,
by
exerceing
the
power
which
God
had
put
into
their
hands
,
for
God
and
his
interest
;
So
the
want
of
their
encouragement
and
conduct
,
did
not
,
in
the
least
,
brangle
their
confidence
of
the
lawfulnesse
of
their
interprize
,
of
so
discourage
them
,
as
to
give
over
their
work
,
as
desperate
and
hoplesse
.
4.
Nor
did
they
ever
assume
to
themselves
any
authoritative
and
Magistratical
power
,
to
legitimate
their
actions
;
as
if
they
had
thought
,
that
without
that
formality
,
their
resolutions
and
motions
had
been
condemned
as
unlawful
in
the
Court
of
God
,
and
Nature
:
but
walked
upon
the
ground
of
that
fundamental
right
,
granted
to
all
both
higher
and
lower
,
to
maintaine
the
Truth
of
God
,
upon
all
hazards
,
and
to
stand
to
the
defence
thereof
,
and
of
themselves
,
when
unjustly
persecuted
,
because
of
their
adherence
thereunto
,
according
to
their
power
,
and
as
God
in
his
providence
called
them
thereunto
.
5.
Nor
did
their
adversaries
objecting
,
that
their
actions
were
treasonable
and
seditious
,
as
being
contrare
to
authority
and
established
lawes
,
scar
them
from
their
purposes
,
in
the
least
,
having
the
testimony
of
a
good
conscience
with
in
them
,
that
they
had
not
the
least
purpose
or
project
,
to
cast
off
lawful
authority
,
or
to
diminish
it's
just
right
and
power
;
and
knowing
that
the
Powers
out
of
whatever
principle
,
and
upon
whatsoever
motives
,
relinquishing
their
duty
,
and
opposeing
that
truth
and
way
,
which
by
their
places
and
callings
,
they
were
obliged
,
before
God
,
to
maintaine
,
preserve
,
and
promove
,
did
not
loose
their
obligation
,
and
exeem
them
form
that
duty
,
which
God
and
nature
had
laid
upon
them
;
but
rather
did
presse
them
to
prosecute
their
businesse
more
vigurously
,
as
seeing
the
necessity
much
more
urgent
,
and
the
difficulty
so
much
the
greater
:
And
knowing
that
whatever
lawes
are
made
,
in
a
Christian
Common
wealth
,
should
be
for
the
glory
of
God
,
and
the
good
of
the
souls
of
the
subjects
mainly
,
and
for
their
external
welbeing
only
in
subordination
unto
these
great
Ends
;
and
when
the
observation
of
the
strick
letter
of
the
law
,
did
crosse
the
maine
good
,
which
principally
de
jure
they
aimed
at
,
they
were
eo
ipso
,
in
so
far
,
null
and
voyd
before
God
;
because
it
alwayes
holdeth
good
.
that
it
is
better
to
obey
God
,
then
Man
,
and
mens
commands
or
lawes
,
unto
which
obedience
cannot
be
yeelded
,
without
contempt
of
,
and
treason
committed
against
the
Highest
of
all
,
who
is
King
of
Kings
,
are
as
no
commands
before
God
,
and
disobedience
unto
these
,
is
no
disobedience
unto
the
lawful
authority
,
but
faithful
allaigance
unto
the
most
Supream
.
6.
These
poor
weak
beginnings
,
how
base
and
contemptible
so
ever
they
appeared
,
yet
God
was
pleased
,
when
the
time
to
favour
Zion
was
come
,
so
to
owne
,
countenance
and
prospere
,
that
the
same
work
at
length
came
to
be
owned
,
by
Publick
Representatives
,
and
Parliaments
,
yea
and
the
Kings
themselves
were
brought
to
a
publick
owneing
and
approving
of
the
same
.
And
who
knoweth
,
but
,
if
God
had
thought
good
to
blesse
this
late
act
with
successe
,
it
might
have
been
followed
with
the
like
consequent
?
But
his
time
was
not
come
.
7.
It
is
also
observable
,
That
whatever
disaster
,
or
disappoyntment
they
did
meet
with
,
in
prosecution
of
the
Reformation
,
and
in
the
preservation
and
defence
of
themselves
,
in
the
owneing
of
the
truth
of
God
;
though
it
put
them
to
mourne
for
their
iniquities
before
God
,
and
to
acknowledge
,
among
other
sinnes
,
their
too
much
relying
upon
the
arme
of
flesh
,
and
not
resting
with
a
pure
faith
on
his
power
and
protection
;
yet
it
never
made
them
question
their
call
,
or
suspect
the
lawfulnesse
of
their
work
and
businesse
,
as
to
its
substance
,
and
end
:
for
they
knew
well
,
that
the
work
was
the
Lord's
and
that
their
call
was
divine
,
though
for
his
owne
holy
ends
,
that
they
might
be
more
humbled
,
and
taught
do
depend
with
a
single
heart
,
on
his
word
and
promise
,
and
to
purge
out
such
evills
as
provoked
the
eyes
of
God's
jealousy
;
he
suffered
them
to
fall
.
8.
When
the
work
came
at
length
to
be
owned
by
Parliaments
and
Higher
Powers
,
what
was
formerly
done
by
persons
not
in
that
capacity
,
was
not
condemned
either
as
unlawful
or
illegal
,
nor
did
the
valient
actors
stand
in
need
of
any
indempnity
,
as
if
they
had
been
transgressours
;
but
all
was
either
virtually
or
expresly
approved
:
and
the
worthy
actors
praised
and
highly
commended
,
as
indeed
they
did
deserve
.
9.
None
ever
condemned
these
actions
as
treasonable
and
rebellious
,
but
such
as
were
knowne
to
be
real
and
heart-enemies
to
the
work
it
felf
;
no
tongues
were
ever
loosed
against
them
,
except
the
imbittered
tongues
of
sworne
adversaries
,
ingrained
Malignants
,
Enemies
to
God
and
godlinesse
,
&
haters
of
the
power
of
it
.
These
and
none
but
these
who
are
of
their
father
the
devil
,
durst
condemne
the
same
.
And
many
hollow
hearted
professours
(
among
whom
this
Surveyer
deserveth
to
be
rekoned
)
were
forced
against
their
hearts
,
to
approve
of
the
same
&
joyne
in
with
the
favourers
&
maintainers
of
that
noble
cause
,
so
forceable
was
the
light
,
and
the
power
of
that
Sprit
that
acted
the
worthies
in
these
dayes
,
who
now
have
turned
open
Apostates
from
that
truth
and
cause
,
&
have
adjoyned
themselves
unto
that
ever
accursed
,
Popish
,
Prelatical
,
and
Malignant
faction
.
Yea
remarkeable
it
is
that
God
did
so
overpower
the
pen
of
that
Arch-Enemy
Spotswood
,
that
though
he
would
have
said
all
which
Hell
it self
could
have
prompted
him
unto
;
yet
durst
say
no
more
of
these
first
courses
and
practices
,
but
that
they
were
Violent
and
disorderly
.
And
this
Rabshaketh
the
Surveyer
,
who
,
in
the
end
of
his
book
(
having
reserved
the
dregs
of
what
he
had
to
exscreate
against
the
work
of
God
and
his
worthyes
,
until
then
Pag.
118.
&c.
would
out-stripe
his
predecessours
,
and
spevv
out
his
venome
,
like
another
adder
of
the
same
spavvne
;
yet
the
overruleing
providence
of
God
,
hath
so
curbed
him
,
that
he
gote
not
liberty
to
run
the
full
length
he
vvould
,
and
therefore
he
sayes
[
We
cannot
justify
all
courses
that
were
used
then
for
carrying
on
the
work
of
reformation
]
and
againe
[
if
some
instruments
thereof
were
guilty
of
sedition
,
or
sacrilege
,
or
self
seeking
]
and
againe
[
if
sinful
courses
were
then
used
by
men
]
and
againe
Pag.
119.
[
Let
us
not
stand
superstitiously
upon
the
justifying
of
all
their
deeds
]
Who
sees
not
this
wicked
mans
Mouth
bridled
,
by
the
restraineing
power
of
God
,
so
that
he
cannot
,
he
dar
not
,
plainely
and
expresly
call
these
courses
seditious
or
rebellious
;
but
cometh
on
with
his
Ifs
and
if
some
instruments
,
and
all
their
courses
cannot
be
justified
:
as
if
,
in
the
most
laudable
work
,
to
which
men
might
have
a
most
cleare
call
,
some
accidental
or
circumstantial
actions
,
might
not
abide
the
test
:
and
as
if
among
a
company
,
some
might
not
have
by-ends
,
while
a
good
work
was
laudably
and
lawfully
,
as
to
the
maine
,
carryed
on
.
Ay
,
but
this
good
man
,
you
will
say
,
is
mighly
in
love
with
the
work
of
reformation
,
and
blesseth
God
for
it
Pag.
118.
119.
True
,
we
finde
him
say
so
in
words
,
but
God
knoweth
his
heart
:
But
is
it
not
strange
,
that
since
,
he
sayeth
,
he
approveth
the
work
,
he
will
be
more
blinde
then
was
that
poor
man
in
the
gospel
whom
he
mentioneth
,
who
had
his
eyes
opened
Ioh.
9.
for
that
blinde
man
,
did
see
a
divine
power
in
the
work
wrought
and
said
v.
33.
If
this
man
were
not
of
God
he
could
do
nothing
,
and
will
not
only
,
not
see
the
mighty
hand
of
God
in
the
instruments
,
but
tells
us
,
he
is
not
much
concerned
to
enquire
.
But
what
needeth
him
much
doubt
of
a
divine
call
,
considering
the
work
it self
,
it
's
end
&
the
direct
tendency
of
the
meanes
unto
this
end
,
&
the
real
&
christian
intentions
of
the
instruments
,
which
he
will
not
see
in
the
instances
he
bringeth
viz.
of
the
wicked
hands
crucifying
Christ
,
of
prophane
and
unfaithful
Ministers
preaching
,
of
a
leprous
hand
soweing
seed
,
of
acts
of
fornication
and
adultery
?
Why
then
doth
he
adduce
such
Instances
so
impertinent
?
Wil
he
proclame
himself
a
fool
of
the
first
magnitude
in
so
doing
?
Ay
,
but
he
would
have
us
following
the
practices
of
the
primitive
christians
,
who
never
used
any
undutyful
resistence
to
,
or
violence
upon
the
Magistrats
,
rather
then
the
precedents
in
these
dregs
of
time
.
But
why
will
he
not
follow
their
practices
himself
?
Was
it
their
practice
to
abjure
a
lawful
Covenant
sworne
for
the
maintainance
of
the
Truth
?
Was
it
their
practice
to
renunce
their
former
profession
,
and
turne
Apostates
from
the
truth
,
which
once
they
avowed
?
Was
it
their
practice
to
turne
their
back
on
Christ
and
his
interest
,
for
the
will
of
creatures
,
and
for
a
mease
of
pottage
?
Was
it
their
practice
to
change
their
Religion
with
the
court
?
Concerning
the
practice
of
the
primitive
christians
,
in
this
poynt
,
and
how
imitable
we
shall
speak
afterward
.
If
these
were
the
dregs
of
time
,
wherein
there
was
so
much
faithfulnesse
,
Zeal
,
constancy
,
piety
,
singlenesse
of
heart
,
contempt
of
the
world
,
what
dregs
of
dregs
of
time
are
we
novv
fallen
in
,
vvherein
there
is
so
much
infidelity
,
atheisme
,
perjury
,
falshood
,
lukwarmnesse
,
inconstancy
,
imbraceing
of
this
present
vvorld
,
and
all
sort
of
wickednesse
and
prophanity
?
[
But
(
sayes
he
,
Pag.
119.
)
let
it
be
so
that
much
of
the
way
of
these
,
who
were
at
first
instrumentall
in
the
reformation
in
this
Land
,
were
justifiable
upon
the
account
of
purging
the
Church
,
from
the
horrid
grossnesse
of
idolatry
,
corruption
of
doctrine
,
tyranny
and
usurpation
over
poor
soulls
wherewith
the
man
of
sin
,
had
for
many
ages
defiled
and
burdened
the
poor
Church
;
and
upon
the
account
of
the
open
hostility
to
the
truth
,
wherein
Magistrats
then
stood
,
together
with
the
inbringing
of
forraigne
furious
forces
upon
us
,
even
to
the
heart
of
our
Land
;
How
unlike
was
the
case
then
,
to
what
it
is
now
?
and
how
unable
is
the
case
now
to
beare
the
burthen
of
a
conclusion
for
such
practices
as
then
were
used
?
]
Answ.
But
truely
wise
judicious
Men
will
not
see
the
case
then
,
so
far
different
from
what
it
is
now
,
as
that
the
case
now
shall
not
be
so
able
to
beare
the
burthen
of
a
conclusion
for
the
same
practices
;
Seing
there
is
,
this
day
,
as
much
horrid
grossnesse
of
idolatry
in
the
Land
,
as
hath
been
at
any
time
,
these
hundereth
yeers
:
And
,
as
for
corruption
of
doctrine
,
alas
!
Who
doth
not
heare
it
,
and
see
it
,
that
heareth
these
locust-curates
preach
downe
all
piety
and
godlinesse
,
and
harden
people
in
defection
and
apostasy
from
God
?
It
is
as
great
a
corruption
in
doctrine
,
as
needs
to
be
,
to
pervert
therein
the
right
wayes
of
the
Lord
,
&
to
lead
people
into
the
broad
way
which
leadeth
unto
destruction
:
againe
,
what
greater
tyranny
and
usurpation
over
poor
souls
would
he
have
,
then
is
now
exercised
,
since
the
perjured
Prelates
the
kindely
brood
of
the
Man
of
sinne
,
have
defiled
and
burthened
our
poor
Church
.
The
Apology
and
Naphtaly
have
abundantly
manifested
and
dayly
experience
confirmeth
it
,
That
the
tyranny
and
usurpation
is
insupportable
,
and
as
grievous
,
as
it
was
them
.
Moreover
,
is
not
the
open
hostility
to
the
truth
as
manifest
in
the
Magistrats
,
this
day
,
&
as
legible
by
such
as
run
,
on
all
their
acts
and
actings
,
as
it
was
then
?
who
seeth
not
this
,
but
he
who
can
not
see
the
wood
for
trees
?
And
as
for
the
inbringing
of
forraigne
furious
forces
,
into
the
heart
of
our
Land
,
It
were
needlesse
,
seing
we
had
raised
up
in
our
owne
bosome
,
as
cruel
,
bloody
mercylesse
,
furious
and
mad
forces
,
as
any
forraigners
could
be
,
or
these
were
:
wherein
lyeth
the
difference
then
?
O
(
sayeth
he
)
[
We
can
avow
it
,
in
the
presence
of
God
,
that
we
contend
for
that
same
Faith
and
Religion
,
that
our
predecessours
stood
for
,
against
the
Powers
of
that
time
:
and
will
maintaine
the
same
,
against
all
Novators
,
who
upon
account
of
a
piece
of
Church
order
(
allowed
by
our
Reformers
)
now
re-established
,
instigate
any
private
persons
,
who
have
power
enough
,
to
destroy
all
Magistracy
and
order
in
the
Land
,
because
of
the
owning
thereof
.
]
It
is
not
much
matter
what
such
men
,
say
,
they
can
avow
in
the
presence
of
God
,
who
have
openly
and
avowedly
broken
their
vowes
,
and
renunced
that
Covenant
,
which
they
swore
oftiner
then
once
,
with
hands
lifted
up
to
the
Most
High
God
.
No
wise
Man
will
think
that
such
will
stoutely
contend
for
the
Faith
and
Religion
,
who
have
renunced
all
faith
and
Religon
,
and
abjured
these
Covenants
,
which
were
strong
bulwarks
,
to
guaird
and
defend
that
Faith
and
Religion
.
Ay
,
but
he
will
maintaine
it
against
Novators
,
as
he
calleth
them
.
That
is
indeed
a
new
way
of
maintaining
truth
,
to
maintain
it
against
such
as
stand
for
the
defence
thereof
,
and
all
the
bulwarks
thereof
against
him
and
his
fraternity
,
who
are
dismantling
the
walls
,
undermining
them
opening
the
gates
to
adversaries
&
intertaining
them
kindly
in
their
bosome
.
He
speaks
an
untruth
,
when
he
sayes
,
that
the
Reformers
owned
such
a
Church
order
(
rather
Church-bane
,
and
Church-confusion
)
as
these
worthyes
are
now
contending
against
,
and
is
now
re-established
.
So
vvhen
he
sayes
,
that
these
Novators
,
and
that
Naphtaly
do
instigate
any
private
persones
,
vvho
have
povver
enough
,
to
destroy
all
Magistracy
and
order
in
the
Land
,
and
to
occupy
their
Roomes
.
We
hope
there
shall
be
a
Magistracy
and
good
order
,
in
the
Land
,
vvhen
that
abjured
Hierarchy
,
the
bane
of
that
Church
and
State
,
shall
be
utterly
abolished
,
vvith
all
it
is
adherents
,
I
must
not
let
that
passe
vvhich
he
hath
Pag.
119.
[
Some
(
sayes
he
)
have
said
,
Religion
would
never
have
been
reformed
,
if
violence
had
not
been
used
upon
Magistrates
:
But
why
should
men
take
on
them
to
limite
God
?
Hath
he
not
shewed
his
power
in
several
parts
of
the
world
in
working
on
the
hearts
of
the
Supreame
Magistrates
,
and
causing
them
to
goe
befor
others
in
reformation
of
abuses
?
)
Answ.
We
know
no
violence●
was
used
then
upon
Magistrats
,
only
with
violence
the
godly
withstood
the
unjust
violence
of
Magistrates
,
so
as
they
gote
not
their
furious
purposes
executed
:
we
shall
be
far
from
limiting
the
Holy
Oe
of
Israel
,
&
therefore
dar
not
say
,
but
he
hath
moe
wayes
then
one
,
of
bringing
about
his
holy
purposes
:
And
,
as
at
the
first
spreading
of
the
Gospel
,
it
was
not
his
way
,
to
work
on
the
hearts
of
the
Supreame
Magistrates
,
and
cause
them
to
goe
before
others
,
in
the
reformation
;
so
a
way
may
be
his
way
,
which
is
different
from
that
way
,
whereunto
he
would
limite
the
Lord
.
We
do
not
deny
but
God
may
,
vvhen
he
thinks
good
,
stir
up
Magistrates
to
goe
before
others
in
that
vvork
;
but
it
hath
not
been
his
way
of
recovering
us
from
Popery
,
and
we
have
not
found
the
Supream
Magistrates
ever
since
so
cordial
,
as
vve
could
have
vvished
,
for
the
vvork
of
Reformation
;
And
yet
God
hath
carryed
on
his
ovvne
vvork
,
vvhether
they
vvould
or
not
:
And
he
who
wrought
then
is
the
same
God
yet
,
as
mighty
and
povverfull
as
ever
.
I
vvish
he
vvould
take
the
follovving
vvords
to
himself
,
and
his
party
,
for
they
quadrate
vvell
,
[
Men
are
too
apt
,
to
be
bold
in
anteverting
Gods
vvay
,
and
to
follovv
their
ovvne
carnal
prudence
and
affections
,
in
that
vvhich
they
are
set
upon
,
and
thereupon
(
vvhen
they
prosper
)
to
fancy
a
divine
approbation
of
their
vvay
:
So
self-loving
are
men
Ordinarly
.
From
these
particulars
mentioned
,
and
from
vvhat
vve
have
replyed
unto
this
Surveyer
,
It
is
put
beyond
contradiction
,
That
vvhosoever
shall
condemne
this
late
act
of
defence
,
in
maintainance
of
Religion
and
Libertyes
,
must
of
necessity
also
condemne
vvhat
vvas
done
Anno
1648.
and
Anno
1638
,
1639.
Yea
and
what
was
done
at
the
beginning
of
the
Reformation
in
the
dayes
of
Mr
Knox
,
and
strick
in
with
all
the
rabble
of
the
sworne
Enemies
of
our
Church
and
Reformation
,
and
speak
the
language
of
the
Ashdodites
,
ingrained
Malignants
,
our
inveterate
adversaries
;
and
speak
downe
right
,
vvhat
this
bitter
apostate
,
the
Surveyer
,
dar
not
in
plaine
tearmes
expresse
;
And
so
condemne
all
those
vvorthies
vvho
valiently
ventured
,
and
hazarded
all
for
the
truth
,
as
Traitours
and
Rebels
;
and
say
,
that
such
of
them
as
lost
their
lives
in
that
cause
,
died
as
fooles
die
,
in
rebellion
,
and
under
the
crime
of
treason
;
and
that
all
the
blood
of
those
vvho
valiently
died
in
the
bed
of
honour
,
in
the
maintenance
of
their
Religion
and
Christian
Privileges
,
or
vvho
jeoparded
their
lives
in
the
high
places
of
the
fields
,
in
defence
and
prosecution
of
that
cause
,
is
to
be
required
at
the
hands
of
Mr
Knox
,
and
other
noble
reformers
,
vvho
actively
bestirred
themselves
in
this
matter
,
then
,
and
of
late
:
Yea
they
shall
condemne
all
the
Prayers
,
Teares
,
Sighs
,
Groanes
,
Fastings
,
Supplictions
,
and
other
such
like
meanes
,
as
vvere
used
in
these
exigences
:
Which
guilt
,
vvise
Men
vvill
vvell
advise
,
ere
they
take
unto
themselves
.
The
next
thing
is
to
adduce
some
authorities
Pareus
on
the
Rom.
Cap.
13.
dub
.
4.
Hath
this
fourth
proposition
[
It
is
lavvful
for
private
subjects
,
if
the
Tyrant
set
upon
them
as
a
robber
,
or
ravisher
,
and
they
can
neither
obtaine
help
of
the
ordinary
povvers
,
nor
shun
the
danger
,
in
that
present
exigent
,
to
defend
themselves
and
theirs
,
against
the
Tyrant
,
as
against
a
privat
Robber
.
1.
Because
,
against
whomsoever
a
defence
is
lavvfull
by
the
help
of
Magistrates
,
against
the
same
,
privat
defence
,
in
case
of
necessity
,
is
also
lavvful
,
vvhen
the
defence
by
Magistrates
cannot
be
had
:
because
in
such
cases
,
Kings
themselves
do
arme
private
persons
.
But
in
the
case
of
necessity
,
defence
by
the
inferiour
Magistrate
against
the
Superiour
,
is
lawful
.
Therefore
also
private
defence
is
lawful
2
,
Because
if
we
take
away
both
publik
and
private
defence
,
against
the
cruel
rage
of
Tyrants
,
the
boundlesse
licentiousnesse
of
Tyrants
should
be
strengthenned
,
&
hereby
the
civill
society
should
be
openly
destroyed
,
yea
and
chiefly
the
Church
;
bacause
the
most
wicked
part
should
destroy
the
better
.
But
without
doubt
,
the
Law
of
God
doth
not
so
establish
the
licentiousnesse
of
Tyrants
,
as
that
thereby
,
humane
society
,
should
be
destroyed
.
Therefore
,
God
doth
not
forbid
,
in
all
cases
,
resistence
to
Tyrants
oppressing
people
in
their
lives
,
and
saifty
,
to
satisfy
their
lusts
.
]
Thus
He.
But
it
may
,
be
,
Out
Surveyer
will
reckon
him
in
amongst
his
Pseudomartyres
,
because
his
book
was
confuted
by
a
Hangman
and
a
fiery
fagot
,
at
the
command
of
King
Iames
:
Yet
,
both
the
book
,
and
the
Author
are
in
great
esteem
with
the
reformed
,
and
his
praise
is
in
all
the
Churches
,
and
whatever
come
of
the
book
his
reasons
stand
firme
and
valide
.
In
the
History
of
our
Reformation
,
Pag.
397
,
398.
(
edit.
in
4
to
Edinb
.
)
we
finde
that
Iohn
Knox
had
the
Apology
of
Magdeburgh
subscribed
by
the
Ministers
there
,
declareing
the
defence
of
the
towne
against
the
Emperour
,
to
be
most
just
and
lawful
,
and
offered
it
to
Secretary
Lithingtoun
,
who
then
was
disputeing
against
him
,
to
read
.
And
having
now
made
Mention
of
Mr.
Knox
,
what
was
his
judgment
in
this
poynt
,
that
history
doth
abundantly
demonstrate
.
His
words
to
the
Queen
are
remarkable
(
see
history
of
Reformation
,
Pag.
317.
)
When
she
asked
him
if
he
thought
,
That
subjects
having
power
might
resist
their
princes
:
He
answered
If
princes
do
exceed
their
bounds
,
and
do
against
that
,
wherefore
they
should
be
obeyed
,
there
is
no
doubt
,
but
they
may
be
resisted
,
even
by
power
;
for
there
is
Neither
greater
honour
;
nor
greater
obedience
to
be
given
to
Kings
and
Princes
,
then
God
hath
commanded
to
be
given
to
Father
and
Mother
.
But
so
it
is
That
the
father
may
be
stricken
with
a
phrenzie
,
in
the
which
he
would
stay
his
owne
children
:
Now
if
the
children
arise
,
joyne
themselves
together
,
apprehend
the
father
,
take
the
sword
or
other
weapon
from
him
,
and
finally
,
binde
his
hands
,
and
keep
him
in
prisone
,
till
that
his
phrenzie
be
over-past
,
think
ye
Madame
(
said
he
)
that
the
children
do
any
wrong
,
or
vvill
God
be
offended
vvith
them
that
have
stayed
their
father
from
committing
wickednesse
?
It
is
even
so
with
princes
that
would
murther
the
people
of
God
,
that
are
subject
unto
them
:
their
blinde
zeal
is
nothing
but
a
very
mad
phrenzie
,
and
therefore
to
take
the
svvord
from
them
,
to
binde
their
hands
,
and
to
cast
them
into
prisone
till
that
they
be
brought
to
a
more
sober
minde
,
is
no
disobedience
against
princes
,
but
just
obedience
,
because
it
agreeth
vvith
the
vvord
of
God
)
thus
he
,
vvho
knevv
not
vvhat
is
vvas
to
feare
the
face
of
any
breathing
,
in
the
defence
of
his
Master's
cause
and
interest
:
and
vvas
an
eminent
divine
,
a
holy
Man
of
God
,
living
in
near
communion
vvith
God
,
and
vvas
far
above
the
reproaches
and
calumnies
of
his
adversaryes
.
And
it
is
considerable
,
that
this
vvas
a
particular
vvhich
he
had
frequent
occasion
to
be
thinking
upon
,
and
no
doubt
,
this
holy
Man
vvould
be
often
reflecting
upon
the
matter
,
and
upon
his
ovvne
judgment
;
and
consulting
God
and
his
vvord
there
anent
,
that
he
might
knovv
vvhether
his
grounds
vvere
such
,
as
he
vvould
not
have
cause
to
be
ashamed
of
,
vvhen
he
vvas
to
appeare
before
his
judge
,
being
oft
called
to
shevv
his
judgment
concerning
that
matter
:
And
his
constant
practice
being
consonant
thereunto
:
And
yet
vve
never
finde
that
his
heart
reproached
him
,
for
maintaineing
any
such
opinion
,
vvhile
living
,
or
vvhile
dying
,
nor
did
he
ever
change
his
judgement
thereof
;
yea
,
not
when
the
maintaineing
thereof
might
have
been
a
sufficient
ground
of
an
accusation
:
and
doubtlesse
he
vvould
before
hand
examine
,
if
he
vvould
lay
dovvne
his
life
upon
such
a
ground
,
yet
constant
vvas
he
in
that
,
cost
him
vvhat
it
vvould
,
or
could
;
he
vvas
no
changeling
,
nor
had
he
so
drunken
in
truth
.
Yea
in
the
end
of
that
conference
vvith
Lithingtoun
he
told
them
that
he
vvas
not
only
fully
resolved
inn
conscience
,
but
also
had
heard
the
judgements
of
the
most
godly
and
learned
that
he
knevv
in
Europe
in
that
particular
,
and
in
all
other
things
that
he
had
affirmed
[
I
came
not
(
sayes
he
)
into
this
realme
,
without
their
resolution
,
and
for
my
assurance
I
have
the
hand-writeing
of
many
▪
]
Neither
was
this
his
judgement
alone
,
but
also
of
Mr
Georg
Hay
vvhom
the
Earle
of
Mortoun
vvould
have
had
disputing
against
Mr
Knox.
But
(
sayd
he
)
I
will
not
oppose
my self
unto
you
,
as
one
willing
to
impugne
or
confute
that
head
of
Doctrine
,
which
not
only
yee
,
but
many
others
;
yea
and
my self
have
affirmed
;
farre
be
it
from
me
,
for
so
should
I
be
found
contrarious
to
my self
.
]
And
of
Mr
Craig
,
Mr
Knox's
collegue
,
vvho
told
vvhat
a
conclusion
he
heard
defended
at
Bonnonia
,
Anno
1554.
by
Thomas
de
Finola
Rector
of
the
University
,
and
approved
by
Vincentius
de
Placentia
,
as
agreeable
both
to
the
lavv
of
God
and
man
viz.
[
That
all
Rulers
be
they
Supreame
or
inferiour
,
may
&
ought
to
be
reformed
,
or
bridled
,
by
them
,
by
whom
they
are
chosen
or
admitted
to
their
office
,
so
oft
as
they
break
that
promise
made
by
oath
to
their
subjects
;
because
that
the
prince
is
no
lesse
bound
by
oath
to
the
Subjects
,
then
the
Subjects
to
the
Princes
,
&
therefore
ought
it
to
be
keeped
&
reformed
equally
according
to
law
,
and
condition
of
the
oath
that
is
made
of
either
party
]
and
when
some
said
that
Bonnonia
was
a
Republick
.
He
answered
[
My
judgement
is
that
every
Kingdome
is
,
or
at
least
should
be
a
Commonwealth
,
albeit
that
Every
Commonwealth
be
not
a
Kingdome
:
and
therefore
I
think
that
in
a
Kingdome
,
no
lesse
diligence
ought
to
be
taken
,
that
lawes
be
not
violated
,
then
in
a
Commonwealth
;
because
that
the
tyranny
of
Princes
who
continue
in
a
Kingdome
is
more
hurtful
to
the
subjects
,
then
is
the
misgovernment
of
those
that
from
yeer
to
yeer
are
changed
,
in
free
Commonwealths
;
but
to
assure
yow
and
all
others
,
that
head
was
disputed
to
the
utter-most
;
and
then
in
the
end
,
was
concluded
,
That
they
spoke
not
of
such
things
as
were
done
in
diverse
Kingdomes
and
Nations
,
by
Tyranny
and
negligence
of
people
,
but
what
ought
to
be
done
in
all
Kingdomes
and
Commonwealths
,
according
to
the
law
of
God
,
and
unto
the
just
lawes
of
Man
:
and
if
by
the
negligence
of
the
People
,
by
the
Tyranny
of
Princes
,
contrary
lawes
have
been
made
,
yet
may
that
Same
people
,
or
their
posterity
justly
crave
all
things
to
be
reformed
according
to
the
original
institution
of
Kings
and
Commonwealths
;
and
such
as
will
not
do
so
,
deserve
to
eate
the
frute
of
their
owne
foolisnesse
,
thus
he
:
see
,
Hist.
of
Reform
.
Pag.
399.
400.
(
Edit.
in
4.
Yea
this
was
the
judgement
of
all
the
reformed
preachers
at
that
time
,
as
we
see
witnessed
by
the
Congregation
,
vindicating
the
doctrine
of
their
preachers
,
concerning
obedience
to
be
given
to
Magistrats
,
in
these
words
(
see
Hist
of
reform
Pag.
184.
)
[
In
open
audience
they
declare
the
authority
of
Princes
and
Magistrates
to
be
of
God
,
and
therefore
they
affirme
,
that
they
ought
to
be
honoured
feared
and
obeyed
,
even
for
conscience
sake
,
provided
that
they
command
,
nor
require
nothing
expresly
repugning
to
God's
commandement
,
and
plaine
will
revealed
in
his
word
.
Moreover
they
affirme
.
That
if
wicked
persones
abuseing
the
authority
established
by
God
,
move
Princes
to
command
things
manifestly
wicked
,
That
such
as
can
&
do
bridle
the
inordinate
appetites
of
misled
Princes
,
cannot
be
accused
as
resisters
of
the
authority
which
is
God's
good
ordinance
.
To
bridle
the
rage
and
fury
of
misled
Princes
,
in
free
Kingdomes
and
Realmes
,
they
affirme
it
appertaineth
to
the
Nobility
sworne
and
borne
Councellors
of
the
same
;
And
also
(
NB
)
to
the
Barons
and
People
:
whose
votes
and
consents
are
to
be
required
in
all
great
and
weighty
matters
of
the
Common-wealth
,
which
if
they
do
not
,
they
declare
themselves
criminal
with
their
misled
Princes
,
and
so
subject
to
the
same
vengeance
of
God
which
they
deserve
,
for
that
they
pollute
the
seate
of
justice
,
and
do
,
as
it
were
,
make
God
author
of
iniquity
.
]
Thus
we
see
this
late
practice
is
not
without
laudable
and
approved
procedents
,
nor
vvanteth
it
the
approbation
of
the
valient
vvorthyes
of
our
land
,
vvho
if
they
vvere
living
this
day
,
vvould
set
to
their
seal
to
this
truth
,
and
be
ready
to
seal
it
vvith
their
blood
;
and
the
testimony
of
one
Mr.
Knox
,
is
more
to
be
valued
,
then
the
contrare
assertions
,
of
all
the
perfidious
Prelates
in
Britane
,
and
of
all
their
underlings
,
yea
then
of
all
the
time-serving
,
and
men-pleasing
court
parasites
,
vvho
first
have
debauched
their
consciences
into
a
stupide
silence
,
and
their
judgment
into
the
atheists
beleef
that
there
is
no
God
,
and
then
devouted
soul
,
body
,
religion
and
all
,
unto
the
lust
os
a
sinful
creature
.
CAP.
V.
Of
the
Peoples
power
,
in
erecting
Governours
:
and
several
Arguments
thence
deduced
.
WE
shall
willingly
grant
,
vvith
the
Surveyer
Pag.
1.
That
God
hath
made
man
a
Rational
creature
,
and
fit
for
society
:
And
that
God
hath
appoynted
,
besides
oeconomical
societyes
,
the
coalition
of
people
into
greater
bodyes
,
consisting
of
many
familyes
under
one
kinde
of
government
,
and
political
head
,
for
their
mutual
good
in
their
necessities
,
and
for
protection
of
the
whole
body
,
and
every
Member
thereof
:
That
Magistracy
is
God's
ordinance
,
he
having
appoynted
Superiour
Heads
and
Governours
,
to
rule
these
bodyes
that
they
might
be
preserved
from
ruine
and
destruction
:
And
that
the
hath
put
this
instinct
and
dictate
of
reason
into
all
;
so
that
even
barbarous
people
are
led
together
into
such
politick
associations
,
under
their
Governours
,
for
their
subsistence
in
general
,
for
the
mutual
help
one
of
another
,
and
for
the
protection
of
the
weaker
against
the
injuries
of
the
stronger
:
And
therefore
we
willingly
say
with
worthy
Calvin
Lib
4.
Inst
,
c.
20
,
§
.
4.
That
[
Nulli
jam
dubium
esse
debet
,
quin
civilis
potestas
,
vocatio
sit
non
modo
coram
Deo
sancta
&
legitima
,
sed
sacerrima
etiam
,
&
in
tota
mortalium
vita
,
longe
omnium
honestissima
.
Yet
as
to
the
right
understanding
of
the
peoples
interest
in
the
constitution
and
erection
of
civil
Government
,
and
of
civil
Governours
,
unto
whom
they
subject
themselves
,
we
would
have
those
Particulars
considered
.
1.
It
will
be
readily
granted
,
that
there
was
a
time
when
such
people
,
as
are
now
imbodyed
in
a
politick
state
,
were
not
so
imbodyed
;
but
were
either
living
separatly
in
a
wandering
condition
,
or
by
providence
cast
together
in
one
place
,
and
cohabiteing
together
,
and
throw
processe
of
time
,
increaseing
in
number
,
and
filling
that
place
of
ground
with
their
posterity
and
issue
;
in
which
condition
living
without
any
established
civil
order
common
to
all
,
every
one
saw
to
his
owne
matters
the
best
he
could
,
and
governed
these
,
according
to
his
best
advantage
having
no
other
law
to
square
his
actions
by
,
then
the
moral
law
,
or
law
of
nature
.
2
,
Among
this
multitude
or
company
,
while
in
this
condition
,
there
was
none
,
who
by
birth
,
or
any
other
lawful
clame
,
could
challenge
to
himself
any
civill
dominion
,
power
or
authority
over
the
rest
,
or
could
exercise
any
Magistratical
power
,
whether
by
makeing
civil
lawes
,
or
by
executing
the
same
.
I
speake
here
of
a
civile
power
for
I
deny
not
,
but
in
that
condition
,
parents
had
power
over
their
children
,
husbands
over
their
wives
,
masters
over
their
servants
;
and
,
in
some
respect
,
the
Elder
might
have
had
some
power
over
the
younger
,
the
more
strong
and
power
full
over
the
more
weak
,
the
wiser
over
the
more
foolish
and
ignorant
,
and
upon
that
account
,
a
sort
of
natural
preheminence
:
but
this
neither
did
,
nor
could
intit●e
them
unto
a
civil
superiority
,
an
civil
Magistracy
over
these
,
farr
lesse
over
all
the
rest
.
I
grant
that
even
in
that
state
of
affaires
.
Some
being
endued
of
God
with
gifts
and
qualifications
beyond
others
,
and
so
more
fitted
for
Government
,
then
others
who
wanted
those
advantages
,
might
look
liker
the
persons
whom
they
ought
to
pitch
upon
and
call
for
that
work
;
but
notwithstanding
of
these
enduements
and
abilityes
,
They
could
not
upon
that
sole
ground
,
lay
clame
unto
Soveraignity
,
and
assume
unto
themselves
a
civil
power
and
jurisdiction
over
the
rest
:
so
that
as
to
any
actual
,
and
formal
right
unto
Magistracy
,
and
supream
government
,
all
are
by
nature
alike
,
though
not
alike
qualified
thereunto
,
and
so
,
not
in
alike
neare
capacity
for
reception
thereof
.
This
,
I
suppose
,
will
not
need
proof
,
since
I
am
here
speaking
of
the
first
,
and
most
undoubtedly
lawful
,
and
ordinary
constitutions
of
Commonwealthes
,
and
abstracting
from
that
question
,
What
Magistratical
power
he
may
have
,
and
assume
to
himself
,
who
transporteth
and
erecteth
colonies
;
as
also
,
from
that
question
,
what
title
or
right
to
government
,
pure
conquest
by
armes
,
or
a
lawful
conquest
upon
a
lawful
warre
,
may
give
,
as
being
of
no
affinity
with
our
case
,
though
this
Surveyor
be
pleased
now
to
account
us
little
better
then
a
conquest
,
of
which
afterward
.
3.
When
a
multitude
in
this
condition
,
do
associat
together
,
and
considering
,
through
the
instinct
of
nature
,
how
necessary
it
is
,
that
some
way
be
condescended
upon
,
for
the
common
saifty
and
preservation
of
the
whole
body
from
forraigne
adversaries
,
and
intestine
divisions
,
and
for
the
saifty
and
preservation
of
every
one
in
particular
,
from
mutual
injuries
,
and
acts
of
injustice
,
do
think
of
establishing
some
civil
government
and
governours
,
we
cannot
rationally
suppose
,
that
they
goe
about
such
a
businesse
of
moment
,
rashly
,
brutishly
,
inconsiderately
and
irrationally
;
If
reason
teach
them
that
a
government
must
be
erected
,
for
their
wel
being
,
and
move
them
to
think
of
falling
about
it
,
we
cannot
rationally
suppose
them
to
acte
in
this
matter
irrationally
,
They
being
rational
creatures
,
&
not
a
company
of
brutes
,
and
through
the
instinct
of
reason
taught
that
this
was
a
businesse
both
necessary
and
of
great
concernment
,
cannot
but
be
supposed
to
act
rationally
in
this
matter
.
4.
It
will
not
need
much
disput
to
prove
,
that
by
this
constitution
of
a
Policy
,
and
of
Politick
Governours
,
they
should
not
be
redacted
unto
a
worse
condition
,
then
that
was
,
into
which
they
were
,
before
the
constitution
was
condescended
upon
;
farr
lesse
can
it
be
supposed
,
that
by
this
change
they
enjoy
no
more
the
common
privilege
of
rational
creatures
,
but
degenerate
into
beasts
,
or
are
depressed
into
a
condition
,
equal
unto
,
if
not
worse
then
that
of
beasts
.
Sure
it
must
be
granted
that
they
remaine
Rational
creatures
,
and
that
Rational
Creatures
would
never
rationally
yeeld
unto
such
a
change
as
should
deteriorate
their
condition
,
let
be
brutify
them
,
or
make
them
rather
choose
to
be
beasts
.
And
that
such
a
change
into
a
civil
state
,
if
accompanyed
with
such
consequents
,
could
never
be
the
instinct
of
pure
nature
;
nor
can
we
suppose
,
that
such
a
thing
can
be
the
ordinance
of
God
,
appoynted
for
the
good
of
mankinde
.
Therefore
this
must
stand
,
as
a
firme
truth
,
that
the
condition
of
a
people
modelled
into
a
civil
state
,
is
not
worse
then
it
was
before
,
but
rather
better
.
5.
It
will
be
no
lesse
readyly
yeelded
,
That
such
,
one
or
more
,
as
are
chosen
by
the
Community
,
to
act
the
part
of
Magistrates
,
notwithstanding
of
that
change
made
in
their
condition
,
abide
men
of
the
like
passions
and
infirmities
with
the
rest
(
yea
and
subject
to
moe
temptations
and
so
in
greater
hazard
to
miscarry
,
then
formerly
)
This
change
doth
not
Transforme
them
into
Angels
,
or
put
them
beyond
the
reach
of
injuries
(
as
all
will
grant
)
nor
beyond
a
capacity
of
doing
injury
,
even
to
these
over
whom
they
are
set
.
No
humane
power
can
set
any
above
God's
Law
,
or
loose
him
from
the
binding
power
thereof
:
and
till
this
be
;
or
They
out
of
a
capacity
or
transgressing
God's
Law
(
which
no
humane
act
can
do
)
He
Or
They
are
still
obnoxious
to
the
sin
of
injuring
their
neighbour
,
and
transgressing
the
law
of
righteousnesse
,
no
lesse
then
others
;
6.
It
is
Left
to
the
People
,
in
this
case
,
to
condescend
upon
what
forme
of
government
they
think
most
expedient
,
and
most
suteable
to
their
temper
,
and
to
the
condition
providence
hath
cast
them
into
,
whether
it
be
Monarchy
or
Arosticracy
or
Democracy
,
or
a
mixed
kinde
:
for
though
God
and
Nature
hath
instituted
Government
,
yet
not
having
determined
any
one
forme
,
to
be
the
only
lawful
forme
;
People
are
it
liberty
to
walke
here
upon
rational
grounds
,
and
to
consult
their
owne
advantage
,
next
the
glory
of
God
;
and
to
make
choise
of
that
,
which
,
all
things
considered
,
promiseth
most
probable
felicity
unto
them
,
and
of
the
several
formes
or
Kindes
of
government
,
(
all
lawful
in
themselves
)
to
pitch
upon
what
Kinde
they
think
most
expedient
and
conduceing
to
their
ends
.
This
is
assented
unto
by
all
Politians
:
and
so
it
followeth
,
That
it
is
meerly
from
the
People
,
that
this
forme
and
not
another
is
made
choise
of
.
7.
As
neither
God
nor
Nature
hath
determined
the
particular
forme
of
government
under
which
Men
must
live
,
but
hath
left
it
,
as
was
said
,
to
their
free
choise
;
so
it
is
not
determined
how
large
or
how
little
,
every
politick
society
should
be
;
nor
whether
a
people
living
at
some
considerable
distance
from
other
,
or
more
contiguously
,
should
joyne
together
in
one
,
and
make
up
one
body
politick
;
or
whether
they
should
erect
moe
,
distinct
,
and
independent
Commonwealthes
though
possibly
of
the
same
extract
,
and
language
.
Nature
sayeth
not
that
all
in
one
Iland
,
of
one
extract
,
or
of
one
language
,
should
become
one
Politick
Body
under
one
politick
head
.
We
have
heard
of
the
time
when
there
have
been
many
Kings
,
distinct
and
independent
,
in
one
England
:
And
how
many
Kings
there
was
at
one
and
the
same
time
,
in
the
land
of
Canaan
,
no
vast
territory
,
scripture
tells
us
.
Nor
hath
Nature
determined
that
distinct
bodyes
of
people
,
living
in
distinct
and
far
separated
places
,
yea
having
distinct
customes
,
and
languages
,
may
not
when
they
see
it
for
their
advantage
,
associate
for
setting
up
one
Supreame
Soveraigne
over
all
.
So
that
this
also
is
left
to
the
free
choise
and
determination
of
the
People
.
8.
When
a
free
People
have
rationally
and
deliberatly
condescended
upon
the
forme
,
it
is
in
their
power
to
condescend
upon
the
time
,
how
long
that
forme
shall
endure
,
and
either
prefix
a
certaine
time
,
at
vvhich
it
shall
evanish
,
if
they
see
it
not
expedient
to
continue
it
:
or
reserve
to
themselves
a
liberty
to
alter
it
when
they
vvill
.
Each
of
the
sormes
being
in
themselves
lavvful
,
People
may
choose
vvhich
they
think
best
;
and
though
one
Kinde
of
government
vvill
agree
to
some
People
,
better
then
another
,
yet
Bodyes
of
people
,
being
lyable
to
causal
changes
,
and
these
requireing
formes
suteable
,
A
people
at
the
beginning
guyded
with
reason
,
may
rationally
foresee
such
changes
,
and
accordingly
determine
the
first
forme
condescended
on
to
continue
,
longer
or
shorter
time
,
definite
,
or
indefinite
.
It
is
not
to
my
present
purpose
to
determine
,
vvhat
a
people
may
do
as
to
this
,
after
their
predecessours
have
once
imbraced
a
forme
,
and
engaged
themselves
by
oath
never
to
change
it
.
Or
vvhether
it
be
lavvful
to
svveare
unto
any
one
forme
.
9.
It
is
from
the
People
,
that
such
persones
,
and
no
other
persones
,
are
made
choise
of
to
Governe
according
to
that
forme
,
which
they
have
condescended
upon
:
before
this
deed
of
the
People
,
no
man
can
pretend
to
it
,
all
being
equal
,
and
none
over
another
by
nature
,
in
any
political
capacity
no
man
coming
out
of
the
womb
into
this
world
,
with
a
crowne
on
his
head
,
and
a
scepter
in
his
hand
:
and
God
(
as
we
here
suppose
)
immediatly
and
particularly
designeing
none
,
nor
without
the
least
concurrence
of
the
People
instaleing
any
into
that
place
of
jurisdiction
:
and
therefore
the
People
must
do
something
in
order
to
this
,
and
upon
their
deed
it
followeth
,
that
such
as
before
were
no
lawful
Magistrates
,
nor
had
any
formal
political
power
,
are
now
Magistrates
and
Governours
,
having
lawful
power
and
authority
to
exerce
the
function
of
a
Magistrate
:
for
though
the
People
do
not
institute
the
office
of
Magistracy
,
and
though
the
proper
essential
Magistratical
power
,
be
from
God
and
not
from
the
People
;
and
though
the
parts
and
qualifications
wherewith
the
Magistrate
ought
to
be
,
and
the
person
which
the
people
do
pitch
upon
,
is
actually
endued
,
be
from
God
;
yet
till
the
People
do
some
thing
,
all
these
do
not
formally
cloath
a
man
with
Magistratical
power
,
nor
make
him
a
lawful
Magistrate
,
nor
authorize
him
,
to
assume
that
place
&
charge
:
for
,
the
present
condition
and
temper
of
a
people
may
call
for
a
Monarchy
,
as
most
fit
,
and
there
may
be
among
the
Community
,
now
associated
&
combined
into
one
body
,
moe
persones
then
one
,
alike
well
qualifyed
for
the
charge
;
yet
no
man
will
say
,
that
these
,
because
of
their
qualifications
,
become
eo
ipso
Monarchs
,
nor
can
one
create
himselfe
;
for
what
right
and
power
hath
he
more
than
his
neighbour
as
wel
qualified
as
he
?
Therefore
it
must
be
granted
that
the
People
create
the
Magistrate
,
and
make
this
man
King
and
not
that
man
:
Hence
vve
often
read
in
scriptures
of
the
Peoples
making
Kings
Iudg.
9
:
6
,
I
Sam.
11
:
v.
15.
2
King
.
10
:
5.
1
Chron.
12
:
38.
Iudg.
11
:
8
,
11.
2
King
.
14
:
21.
1
Sam.
12
:
1.
2
Chron.
23
:
3.
The
Surveyer
seemeth
to
yeeld
this
,
Pag.
102.
See
Gerhard
.
de
Magistratu
,
§.
49
,
&
89.
Pag.
718
,
719.
Althus
.
Politic.
Cap.
19.
numer
.
103
,
&c.
10.
It
is
from
the
People
that
this
way
of
election
,
and
not
another
is
pitched
upon
:
There
being
several
wayes
,
how
in
constituted
Republiks
,
or
Kingdomes
,
the
Supreame
Magistrates
doe
succeed
to
other
:
Some
,
at
the
death
of
the
former
,
succeed
by
way
of
free
election
,
and
he
is
chosen
who
possibly
hath
no
relation
to
his
predecessour
;
Some
are
chosen
,
who
are
of
the
same
family
,
but
not
as
nearest
in
line
,
but
at
most
fit
to
exerce
the
office
of
the
Soveraigne
,
as
it
was
for
a
considerable
time
in
Scotland
;
In
some
places
the
nearest
in
line
,
are
chosen
,
if
they
be
Males
,
as
in
France
,
where
,
by
the
old
Salicque
Law
,
a
Woman
must
not
command
in
chiefe
;
in
other
places
the
nearest
in
line
succeed
whether
Male
of
Female
,
as
in
●r●anne
now
a
dayes
.
Now
whence
floweth
this
diversity
of
wayes
of
instaling
the
succeeding
Magistrate
,
or
of
filling
the
place
when
vacant
?
Doth
it
not
flow
alone
from
the
People
?
Might
they
not
have
pitched
upon
a
way
of
conveyance
of
the
Kingdome
,
by
lineal
succession
,
when
they
made
choise
of
continual
election
;
or
when
they
pitched
on
that
,
might
they
not
have
made
choise
of
this
?
And
who
will
say
that
a
Supreame
Magistrate
of
Magistrates
,
chosen
by
election
are
not
as
essentially
Soveraigens
,
as
these
who
came
to
the
place
by
lineal
succession
seing
by
all
politicians
,
Election
is
made
one
of
the
ordinarie
wayes
of
constituteing
of
Magistrates
,
and
by
many
,
preferred
to
Succession
?
And
seing
the
first
of
that
Race
had
it
by
free
election
,
he
must
be
as
essentially
and
lawfully
the
Supreame
Magistrate
,
as
any
of
his
Successours
.
11.
Even
where
the
way
of
lineal
succession
is
condescended
upon
and
established
,
the
new
Soveraigne
,
though
he
seem
to
be
full
and
compleat
heire
,
haeres
ex
asse
,
unto
his
Father
or
Predecessour
;
Yet
originally
,
and
radically
he
is
constitute
,
and
chosen
by
the
People
.
For
,
whence
cometh
it
but
from
the
Peoples
free
choise
that
such
a
familie
,
or
line
is
chosen
,
and
not
another
;
and
that
the
Eldest
,
or
nearest
in
the
line
is
made
choise
of
as
Successour
,
and
not
he
,
of
that
line
,
who
is
mostly
qualified
for
that
place
and
function
?
So
that
in
this
case
the
Son
hath
not
his
Kingdome
from
his
Father
;
for
he
doth
not
succeed
Iure
haereditario
,
sed
vi
legis
per
quam
primogenitus
,
vel
alius
preximus
succedere
jube●ur
,
as
sayeth
,
Boxhornius
de
Majestrate
Regum
,
Pag.
11
,
and
12.
Now
the
Authors
of
this
Law
and
constitution
,
are
only
the
people
.
See
Althus
.
Polit.
Cap.
19.
n.
90.
12.
In
all
this
,
the
People
must
be
supposed
to
have
some
certane
good
End
before
their
eyes
:
for
a
Rational
People
must
act
rationally
,
and
rationally
they
cannot
act
,
unlesse
they
have
before
their
eyes
some
certain
good
End
;
Now
this
end
which
they
Intend
as
men
,
must
be
their
outward
Peace
&
Tranquillity
,
freedome
from
oppression
from
strangers
or
one
from
another
,
and
the
like
;
and
as
Christians
,
the
glory
of
God
,
the
good
of
Religion
,
and
of
their
souls
.
Therefore
the
People
setteth
Magistrates
over
themselves
,
to
promove
the
glory
of
God
,
the
good
of
Religion
,
and
their
temporal
felicity
:
And
if
they
saw
that
this
meane
had
not
a
tendency
unto
these
Ends
,
they
would
never
have
condescended
upon
it
;
far
lesse
if
they
had
seen
that
it
had
a
tendency
to
destroy
these
Ends
:
and
therefore
,
in
so
far
as
that
meane
is
preverted
,
and
actually
abused
to
the
destruction
of
those
high
and
noble
Ends
,
they
must
be
interpreted
as
Non-consenters
,
and
eatenus
de
Iure
,
in
no
worse
condition
,
then
they
would
have
been
into
if
they
had
not
erected
such
a
constitution
,
or
set
such
over
themselves
.
It
is
like
the
Surveyer
,
will
from
some
or
all
of
these
,
draw
scuh
Conclusions
as
he
hath
done
from
some
innocent
expressions
of
Naphtaly
ill
understood
by
him
,
and
as
ill
applyed
;
and
say
that
we
drive
at
nothing
else
,
but
to
have
all
the
parishes
of
the
land
cantonized
into
so
many
free
Republicks
,
or
little
Kingdomes
of
Ivetot
.
But
is
he
an
able
,
or
if
able
,
a
faithful
maintainer
of
the
Union
and
integrity
of
his
Majesties
,
dominions
,
who
vvresteth
expressions
,
far
contrary
to
the
intent
of
the
Author
and
starteth
questions
in
Hypothesi
,
according
to
his
fancy
,
and
that
he
may
confute
the
Hypothesis
,
falleth
foule
upon
the
Thesis
which
he
supposeth
(
without
ground
)
vvas
the
intent
and
designe
of
the
Author
of
Naphtali
,
and
vvhich
will
be
granted
by
all
Politicians
and
Lavvyers
.
Sure
,
as
in
this
he
hath
shewed
himself
vveak
in
his
Politiks
,
so
he
hath
bewrayed
himself
as
weak
in
his
prudentials
:
and
wise
Statesmen
will
think
,
that
(
to
use
his
owne
expressions
else
where
,
or
the
like
,
)
since
he
raised
the
Devil
,
he
should
have
laid
him
better
then
he
hath
done
,
both
in
his
first
and
in
his
third
Chapter
:
and
some
will
think
,
that
since
he
had
no
cleare
cal
to
meddle
with
those
questions
,
policy
should
have
taught
him
either
to
have
forborne
,
or
to
have
confuted
them
better
;
And
that
for
his
very
cause
,
he
should
be
punished
as
an
ignorant
Traitor
,
and
his
pamphlet
condemned
to
a
fire
,
whereof
it
is
much
more
worthy
,
then
severals
that
have
gote
that
measure
.
But
of
his
foolish
and
unfaire
dealing
in
those
particulars
,
we
shall
speak
more
afterward
▪
and
shall
now
goe
on
&
draw
some
arguments
for
our
purpose
,
from
what
hath
been
said
.
And
1.
If
People
at
the
first
erection
of
Government
and
Governours
,
acted
rationally
,
it
can
never
be
supposed
that
they
resigned
and
gave
their
birth-privilege
,
and
power
of
self-defence
away
,
so
as
they
might
not
lavvfully
stand
to
their
ovvne
defence
,
in
cases
of
necessity
,
vvhen
that
Government
of
these
Governours
,
should
either
come
short
of
giving
the
assistence
expected
in
such
cases
,
or
prove
lets
and
impediments
in
their
vvay
,
far
lesse
in
case
they
should
prove
their
avovved
and
open
enemies
:
for
is
it
imaginable
that
national
men
would
erect
such
a
Government
,
of
set
up
such
Governours
,
if
it
were
told
them
that
such
Would
prove
their
bane
,
and
that
by
appointing
of
them
,
and
proceeding
in
that
businesse
,
they
should
denude
themselves
of
that
power
of
self
defence
,
vvhich
novv
they
vvere
in
possession
of
,
See
Althus
.
Polit.
Cap.
38.
num.
32.
2.
If
by
this
constitution
,
they
were
not
brutified
,
they
cannot
after
the
constitution
,
be
supposed
to
be
in
a
case
worse
then
Brutes
.
Therefore
Since
Brutes
may
defend
themselves
against
injuries
,
this
liberty
&
privilege
of
self
defence
,
against
manifest
injuries
,
cannot
be
taken
away
from
Rational
Creatures
,
by
the
erection
of
a
Government
.
Againe
,
if
by
the
erection
,
and
new
constitution
,
the
case
of
the
people
cannot
be
supposed
to
be
made
worse
,
if
it
was
,
lawfull
unto
them
before
,
to
defend
themselves
against
injuries
,
and
to
repel
violence
with
violence
,
it
cannot
become
unlawful
afterward
:
it
is
true
,
it
is
the
part
of
the
Magistrate
to
defend
them
from
injuries
,
and
for
this
end
,
was
he
set
up
by
them
,
that
they
might
be
the
more
secure
and
saife
,
but
it
he
neglect
his
duty
,
they
are
not
to
forget
themselves
,
or
to
thinke
that
their
hands
are
bound
up
;
much
lesse
,
if
he
himself
turne
an
enemie
unto
them
.
3.
If
the
Erected
Magistrates
remaine
men
,
and
sinful
men
,
and
men
that
can
do
wrong
and
violence
and
injustice
,
can
oppresse
innocents
,
destroy
,
pillage
,
plunder
,
kill
and
persecute
unjustly
:
Then
the
innocents
may
no
lesse
defend
themselves
against
their
violence
,
injuries
,
oppressions
,
murthers
,
&c.
then
against
the
violence
,
oppressions
,
and
injuries
of
others
:
for
the
wrongs
and
injuries
they
do
,
are
as
reall
wrongs
&
injuries
(
and
in
some
respect
greater
)
as
the
wrongs
and
injuries
committed
by
others
.
Therefore
the
People
are
still
allowed
to
use
their
privilege
of
self
defence
even
against
them
,
and
their
unjust
violence
,
in
cases
of
necessity
,
as
wel
as
against
others
4.
If
it
was
of
the
People
that
this
forme
of
Government
,
and
not
another
was
pitched
upon
and
made
choise
of
,
no
man
in
reason
can
thinke
,
that
their
condition
should
be
worse
under
that
forme
,
then
under
any
other
,
since
they
acting
rationally
,
made
choise
of
that
,
as
the
best
and
most
convenient
and
conduceable
to
their
ends
;
But
that
that
forme
should
be
every
was
as
much
for
their
peace
,
saifty
,
welfare
,
and
security
,
as
any
other
,
ought
no
more
to
binde
up
their
hands
from
necessary
self
defence
,
when
urged
thereunto
by
inevitable
necessity
,
then
if
they
were
free
from
under
that
forme
.
5.
If
it
was
of
the
Peoples
owne
accord
,
that
they
associated
with
such
of
such
,
without
any
previous
determination
of
Nature
,
necessitating
them
thereunto
.
Then
it
is
rational
to
inferre
that
their
association
with
such
,
should
not
be
to
their
detriment
and
manifest
hurt
,
nor
should
it
incapacitate
them
for
doing
that
in
their
owne
defence
,
which
,
before
that
association
and
combination
,
they
were
allowed
to
do
.
So
that
if
the
equal
half
,
major
or
minor
part
,
should
lye
by
,
and
refuse
to
concurre
with
the
rest
in
their
necessary
defence
,
Those
who
desire
to
stand
to
their
owne
defence
,
and
repel
violence
with
violence
,
are
not
,
in
poynt
of
conscience
,
justly
restrained
or
bound
up
.
If
the
equal
half
,
or
major
or
minor
part
of
an
army
,
betray
the
cause
,
or
revolt
to
the
Enemy
,
the
honest
party
will
be
allowed
in
poynt
of
Law
and
Conscience
and
Valour
,
to
stand
to
the
cause
,
and
defend
themselves
and
their
Countrey
to
the
last
man
,
yea
even
though
the
General
himself
should
become
a
Head
unto
that
revolting
party
.
6.
If
it
was
in
the
Peoples
power
to
limite
the
time
definitely
or
indefinitly
,
how
long
such
a
forme
should
continue
,
and
therefore
had
power
(
as
Politicians
will
readily
grant
)
to
change
that
forme
,
when
the
necessity
of
their
condition
did
require
it
:
Sure
it
cannot
be
repugnant
to
Reason
to
say
,
That
the
People
have
still
a
power
to
defend
themselves
from
the
manifest
injuries
,
and
intolerable
oppression
of
that
forme
,
or
of
these
who
are
exerceing
in
that
forme
.
If
a
people
may
lawfully
change
a
forme
of
Government
,
when
it
becometh
intolerably
grievous
,
and
not
only
not
conduceing
to
the
good
of
the
Commonwealth
,
but
clearly
and
sensibly
tending
to
its
destruction
,
they
may
be
lesse
(
if
not
more
)
lawfully
defend
themselves
against
the
manifest
and
intolerable
injuries
thereof
.
Yea
even
in
case
they
had
by
vowes
or
engagements
so
bound
up
their
hands
that
they
could
not
alter
the
forme
;
it
were
not
rational
to
thinke
that
their
case
should
therefore
be
irremediably
the
worse
,
but
that
rather
God
and
Nature
would
allow
them
in
that
case
,
so
much
the
more
to
make
use
of
their
primaeve
privilege
of
self
defence
,
because
they
could
not
use
their
power
of
altering
the
forme
,
for
their
security
and
saifty
,
as
otherwise
they
might
have
done
.
7.
If
the
People
make
Magistrates
,
and
set
them
over
themselves
,
then
,
though
it
were
yeelded
(
which
yet
lawyers
and
politicians
not
a
few
will
not
grant
,
see
Althus
.
pol.
cap.
38.
)
n.
35.
where
he
proveth
it
by
l.
nemo
qui
37.
de
reg.
jur
.
l
6.
solent
de
offic.
procons
.
l.
3.
de
re.
jud.
novel
15.
de
.
ef
.
civ
.
c.
1
§.
1.
)
that
they
had
no
power
to
depose
them
againe
in
case
of
male-administration
,
and
abuseing
the
power
to
the
destruction
of
the
Commonwealth
;
yet
)
it
will
undenyably
follow
,
that
the
people
may
defend
themselves
against
their
manifest
iyranny
and
oppression
:
for
,
it
wil
be
granted
that
a
People
have
more
power
,
in
creating
a
Magistate
then
in
making
a
Minister
;
and
it
will
be
granted
likwayes
,
that
if
the
Minister
;
turne
heretical
,
and
preach
atheisme
,
Mahumetanisme
,
or
the
like
,
the
People
,
though
they
could
not
formally
depose
him
,
or
,
through
the
corruption
of
the
times
,
could
not
get
him
deposed
by
these
who
had
power
,
yet
they
might
lawfully
guard
themselves
from
his
unsound
doctirne
,
and
defend
their
souls
from
his
haeresie
by
withdrawing
:
and
if
he
should
use
violence
to
force
them
to
heare
him
,
&
acknowledg
him
as
an
orthodox
teacher
,
they
might
repel
violence
with
violence
,
and
peremptorily
maintaine
the
Truth
.
8.
If
it
was
from
the
People
,
That
such
a
way
of
conveyance
of
the
Magistratical
power
,
was
condescended
on
,
so
that
when
they
pitched
on
this
,
they
might
have
chosen
any
other
;
Then
(
as
Lawyers
will
grant
)
they
have
still
power
to
alter
the
same
as
necessity
requireth
,
much
more
then
have
they
power
to
defend
themselves
,
against
the
Tyranny
thereof
:
and
if
either
at
the
first
constitution
or
afterward
something
interveened
which
laid
such
a
restraint
upon
them
,
that
they
could
not
change
that
manner
of
conveyance
,
then
so
much
the
more
are
they
allowed
to
defend
themselves
from
the
tyranny
thereof
,
by
recurring
,
in
cases
of
necessity
,
unto
their
primaeve
privilege
,
and
this
inward
wall
and
bulwark
ought
to
be
the
more
fortified
,
that
they
want
their
outter
fortifications
.
9.
If
even
where
the
conveyance
runeth
in
a
line
,
the
Successour
cannot
pretend
to
more
dominion
over
the
subjects
,
then
his
Predecessours
had
,
and
the
People
cannot
rationally
be
supposed
to
be
in
a
worse
condition
under
the
Successour
,
then
they
were
under
his
Predecessour
,
seing
he
holdeth
the
place
,
not
jure
haereditario
;
but
jure
legali
or
jure
constitutionis
:
and
therefore
if
they
might
lawfully
resist
the
unjust
violence
of
his
Predecessour
,
or
of
the
First
in
the
Line
;
no
man
,
in
reason
can
deny
it
lawful
for
them
to
resist
his
tyranny
,
who
cometh
to
that
place
by
vertue
of
the
fundamental
constitution
:
and
no
otherwayes
.
10.
If
upon
pregnant
considerations
,
and
for
good
,
laudable
and
necessary
ends
,
the
People
erected
a
civil
state
,
and
such
a
forme
of
Government
,
and
such
Governours
to
succeed
to
other
in
such
a
manner
of
way
,
as
the
apparent
and
probable
meane
,
for
the
sure
,
saife
,
speedy
and
most
effectual
way
of
attaineing
these
ends
.
It
were
irrational
to
think
that
being
disappoynted
of
their
expectations
and
frustrated
of
their
hopes
,
of
attaineing
the
desired
ends
by
such
meanes
,
They
were
in
an
irremediable
case
,
and
had
no
meane
left
them
of
attaineing
these
necessary
ends
,
no
not
so
much
,
as
that
pure
product
of
Nature
,
self-preservation
,
and
power
to
repel
force
with
force
.
No
man
will
say
,
but
that
a
People
are
loosed
from
their
obligation
to
use
such
meanes
which
they
formerly
pitched
upon
for
these
necessary
and
important
Ends
,
when
i
they
not
only
prove
not
useful
,
as
meanes
for
attaineing
of
these
ends
,
but
prove
destructive
,
and
stand
in
contra-opposition
there
unto
;
and
in
this
case
,
must
be
supposed
,
to
have
the
same
liberty
to
use
such
meanes
as
they
were
allowed
to
use
in
their
primeve
state
,
that
is
,
to
joyne
together
and
associate
,
the
best
way
they
can
,
for
repelling
of
what
destroyeth
these
noble
and
important
Ends
,
and
defend
their
Religion
,
Lives
and
Libertyes
.
But
it
may
be
the
Surveyer
,
or
some
for
him
will
say
.
That
all
this
is
nothing
to
the
purpose
;
because
,
The
state
of
our
government
and
constitution
is
of
a
distinct
and
far
different
nature
.
Ans.
As
to
this
,
(
reserving
what
is
further
to
be
spoken
on
that
subject
unto
the
next
chapter
,
where
we
shall
speak
of
the
obligation
of
the
Soveraigne
unto
the
People
)
these
things
seeme
cleare
and
undenyable
.
1.
That
before
Fergus
the
first
,
was
chosen
by
the
People
,
to
be
their
King
and
Chiftane
,
there
were
a
people
living
in
Scotland
,
manageing
their
owne
matters
,
the
best
way
they
could
.
2.
While
they
were
in
this
condition
,
we
heare
on
none
among
them
,
however
possibly
excelling
others
in
wealth
,
power
,
wisdome
and
such
like
enduements
,
that
took
upon
them
the
Soveraignity
,
otherwayes
Fergus
had
not
been
the
first
King
.
3.
When
they
thought
of
sending
for
Fergus
,
and
of
making
him
King
,
they
were
not
acted
as
beasts
,
but
went
rationally
to
work
,
considering
their
present
hazard
from
their
adversaries
,
and
the
advantage
they
would
have
by
setting
such
over
themselves
,
and
erecting
a
stablished
policy
.
4.
After
the
constitution
and
erection
of
the
Kingdome
,
they
remained
rational
creatures
,
sensible
of
injuries
done
unto
them
,
whether
by
their
Kings
or
others
,
as
after
experience
manifested
.
5.
Nor
did
their
Kings
,
after
their
election
,
become
Angels
,
or
Creatures
above
their
reach
,
but
for
male-administration
,
oppression
or
tyranny
,
were
made
to
know
they
were
Men
,
as
subject
to
erring
and
doing
wrong
,
so
to
examination
,
tryal
,
and
condigne
punishment
for
their
injuries
done
to
the
Commonwealth
.
6.
When
they
condescended
upon
Monarchy
,
though
,
as
matters
then
stood
,
they
saw
it
most
for
their
advantage
to
have
a
King
;
yet
none
vvill
say
,
but
they
might
,
notvvithstanding
of
that
exigent
,
have
chosen
an
Aristocracy
for
a
standing
forme
of
government
.
7.
When
they
compacted
themselves
into
a
distinct
body
,
and
separated
both
from
the
Picts
and
from
the
Britones
,
they
might
,
had
they
seen
it
for
their
advantage
,
either
joyned
vvith
the
Picts
or
Britones
,
and
made
one
firme
Commonvvealth
vvith
them
;
or
have
divided
themselves
into
tvvo
or
moe
distinct
Bodyes
,
and
distinct
Republiks
,
as
they
had
seen
it
convenient
:
No
previous
necessity
,
save
that
they
savv
if
for
their
only
advantage
to
do
as
they
did
,
constraining
them
to
the
one
more
then
to
the
other
.
8.
When
they
made
choise
of
a
King
,
they
might
,
if
they
had
seen
it
good
,
prescribed
the
time
how
long
that
Government
should
have
endured
,
whether
until
the
death
of
Fergus
,
or
hovv
long
there
after
.
9.
When
they
made
choise
of
Fergus
,
vvho
then
vvas
in
Irland
,
and
sent
for
him
,
they
might
(
without
any
injury
done
to
any
man
)
have
chosen
any
other
,
they
had
thought
most
for
their
advantage
;
and
before
they
made
choise
of
him
,
He
could
challenge
no
power
or
authority
,
over
them
,
nor
could
He
be
accounted
their
King
;
and
when
they
made
choise
of
him
and
made
him
their
King
,
then
,
and
not
till
then
,
was
he
their
King
.
10.
It
was
in
their
power
to
have
named
▪
ergus
without
his
successours
by
line
,
and
so
have
reserved
power
to
themselves
,
to
choose
of
new
another
after
his
death
:
and
though
they
did
include
his
successours
by
line
;
yet
their
after
practise
declared
,
that
they
had
liberty
to
choose
the
fittest
of
the
family
,
when
the
nearest
in
the
line
,
was
not
judged
fit
for
government
,
which
custome
continued
above
a
Thowsand
yeers
,
till
the
dayes
of
Kenneth
the
third
:
11.
And
,
when
it
afterward
came
to
a
lineal
constant
succession
,
The
sone
had
no
right
but
by
the
constitution
condescended
on
,
in
the
dayes
of
this
Kenneth
.
12.
That
in
all
these
resolutions
and
constitutions
they
levelled
at
nothing
,
but
their
owne
good
and
saifty
is
body
and
soul
,
is
beyond
contradiction
.
And
finally
,
their
after
practices
did
declare
that
they
looked
not
upon
themselves
,
as
rendered
incapable
by
all
those
forementioned
resolutions
,
to
defend
themselves
against
manifest
and
unjust
violence
,
even
of
the
King
and
his
followers
;
though
this
Surveyer
Pag.
78.
accounts
these
nothing
but
the
i●
surrection
of
Nobles
against
the
Kings
,
and
violent
oppressions
of
such
of
them
,
as
have
been
flagitious
and
tyrannous
.
Yet
they
were
cleare
instances
of
the
peoples
reserving
power
to
themselves
,
notwithstanding
of
the
constitution
,
to
defend
their
libertyes
and
lives
,
from
oppression
and
tyranny
of
flagitious
and
tyrannous
Kings
,
abusing
their
power
and
subverting
the
ends
of
governments
,
and
destroying
what
they
were
bound
to
maintaine
and
defend
.
CAP.
VI.
Of
the
Covenant
betwixt
King
and
People
.
Our
Arguments
hence
deduced
.
IT
is
no
great
wonder
to
see
this
Surveyer
labouring
,
to
free
the
King
from
any
covenant-obligation
unto
his
Subjects
;
when
he
and
his
party
have
proclaimed
him
exempted
from
his
Covenant-obligation
unto
God
:
and
since
the
have
put
both
consciences
and
wit
upon
the
rack
,
to
finde
out
some
plausible
grounds
of
evasion
,
that
the
King
may
be
free
from
the
Covenant
,
which
he
swore
with
hands
lifted
up
to
the
Most
High
God
oftener
then
once
;
with
which
,
however
they
may
satisfy
such
as
love
licentiousnesse
,
and
to
live
above
God's
Law
,
as
well
as
man's
;
yet
God
will
not
be
so
deceived
,
let
men
dream
what
they
will
;
it
should
be
no
matter
of
astonishment
to
us
,
to
see
them
useing
shifts
whereby
to
bring
the
King
from
under
any
Covenant
tye
unto
his
Subjects
:
But
it
might
seem
strange
to
us
(
if
we
knew
not
the
Men
)
that
when
lawyers
and
polititians
tell
us
,
that
the
King
,
is
absolutely
bound
unto
his
Subjects
,
and
the
People
,
obliged
unto
the
King
condionally
,
see
Hoenonius
,
disp.
polit.
2.
and
Iunius
Brutus
vindiciae
contra
Tyrannos
quaest.
3.
and
Althus
.
pol.
c.
20.
n.
3.
21.
&
cap.
38.
n.
30.
They
on
the
contrary
should
averre
,
that
the
people
were
absolutly
bound
unto
the
King
,
&
the
King
not
only
not
tyed
conditionally
,
but
not
at
all
,
unto
the
People
.
But
,
from
what
was
said
in
the
preceeding
chapter
,
it
wil
clearly
follow
,
That
when
a
people
do
institute
a
Governement
,
and
do
commit
the
Supreame
Managment
of
affaires
unto
one
or
more
,
They
do
it
upon
certane
tearmes
and
conditions
,
which
conditions
,
polititians
ordinarily
call
fundamentall
lawes
,
others
think
that
name
not
proper
enough
,
but
whether
we
call
them
so
,
or
call
them
tearmes
and
conditions
of
the
constitution
of
compact
,
it
is
all
one
thing
.
That
there
are
certane
tearmes
and
conditions
on
which
the
Soveraigne
is
chosen
,
is
cleare
from
these
grounds
.
1.
The
man
who
is
made
Soveraigne
by
the
People
,
can
pretend
no
right
to
the
Soveraignity
,
(
as
was
shewed
before
)
until
he
be
named
and
chosen
by
the
People
.
And
this
constituting
of
him
Soveraigne
,
must
be
by
compact
and
contract
betwixt
him
and
them
;
for
such
mutual
relations
,
as
are
betwixt
Prince
and
People
,
can
arise
from
no
other
act
then
a
compact
,
unlesse
they
say
,
it
ariseth
from
a
free
donation
;
but
then
they
must
grant
that
the
whole
power
cometh
from
the
People
,
and
was
theirs
before
and
might
be
given
out
by
them
,
or
not
,
as
they
thought
fit
;
for
no
law
can
constraine
a
man
to
give
a
gift
:
&
further
,
if
it
was
from
them
by
free
gift
,
the
very
nature
and
end
of
that
Donation
puts
it
beyond
debate
that
it
was
upon
some
valueable
consideration
,
of
which
when
frustrated
,
they
might
recal
their
donation
;
and
so
still
it
will
be
,
a
virtual
compact
.
But
now
it
being
by
a
real
comapct
and
formal
,
either
explicite
or
implicite
,
that
this
man
and
not
that
man
is
made
Soveraigne
,
There
must
be
some
conditions
on
which
this
mutual
compact
standeth
:
for
a
compact
cannot
be
vvithout
conditions
.
2.
We
shevv
that
in
this
Act
of
constituting
a
Government
ad
Governours
,
the
People
acted
rationally
;
and
carryed
themselves
in
this
businesse
,
not
as
irrational
brutes
,
but
as
rational
men
;
and
if
so
,
hovv
is
it
imaginable
that
they
vvould
set
any
over
them
vvith
an
illi
mited
povver
,
vvithout
any
tearmes
and
conditions
to
be
condescended
unto
by
him
?
Would
rational
men
,
acting
deliberatly
about
a
matter
of
such
moment
and
consequence
,
not
to
themselves
alone
,
but
to
their
posterity
in
after
ages
,
set
a
Soveraigne
over
them
,
vvithout
any
limitations
,
conditions
,
or
restrictions
,
so
as
they
might
rob
,
spoile
,
plunder
murther
,
deflore
,
do
acts
of
injustice
and
oppression
,
and
act
tyranny
as
they
pleased
?
3.
We
shew
that
in
this
matter
;
the
People
had
certane
▪
real
,
good
and
necessary
Ends
before
them
:
now
,
can
it
enter
into
the
heart
of
any
man
to
think
,
that
Rational
men
acting
rationally
,
&
laying
downe
wayes
for
attaineing
good
aud
necessary
Ends
,
would
set
a
Prince
over
themselves
,
without
any
conditions
or
restrictions
;
since
otherwise
they
could
not
rationally
expect
,
that
the
meane
which
they
had
condescended
upon
,
could
ever
attaine
the
End
?
For
every
one
of
them
might
saifly
have
judged
of
the
Prince
by
themselves
,
and
seing
they
might
have
found
in
themselves
,
an
inclination
to
domineer
,
to
oppresse
and
tyrannize
over
others
,
they
might
rationally
have
concluded
that
the
Prince
was
,
and
would
be
but
a
Man
of
the
same
passions
and
infirmities
with
themselves
,
and
so
as
ready
,
if
not
more
,
to
deborde
and
to
do
wrong
:
&
therefore
unlesse
they
had
made
him
Soveraigne
upon
tearmes
and
conditions
,
they
could
not
have
expected
that
their
chooseing
of
him
,
could
have
been
a
meane
fitted
and
accommodated
for
attaining
the
Ends
proposed
:
A
Soveraigne
left
at
liberty
to
tyrannyze
,
to
oppresse
and
to
destroy
the
Subject
,
is
no
fit
meane
to
procure
their
welfare
,
either
in
soul
or
body
,
or
to
set
forward
the
glory
of
God
.
4.
We
shew
that
their
condition
after
the
constitution
,
was
not
to
be
worse
then
it
was
before
the
constitution
.
But
if
they
had
set
up
a
Soveraigne
without
any
conditions
,
their
condition
could
not
but
be
worse
;
and
rational
men
could
not
but
for
see
that
their
condition
would
,
of
necessity
,
be
worse
;
for
,
to
set
up
a
Soveraigne
without
conditions
,
is
to
set
up
a
Tyrant
since
if
they
do
not
limite
him
to
termes
and
conditions
,
they
give
him
leave
to
Rule
as
he
listeth
,
and
his
will
must
be
to
them
for
a
law
;
and
what
is
that
but
to
set
up
a
Tyrant
;
and
if
a
Tyrant
be
set
up
over
a
People
,
shall
not
their
condition
in
that
case
,
be
worse
then
when
they
were
at
liberty
to
manage
,
their
owne
matters
,
as
they
could
best
?
Moreover
this
may
be
cleared
from
other
reasons
,
as
1.
In
all
other
relations
,
which
arise
from
mutual
consent
,
and
compact
,
there
are
alwayes
,
tearmes
&
conditions
on
which
the
contract
or
compact
is
concluded
:
as
in
the
contract
betwixt
Man
and
Wife
,
Master
and
Servant
,
Tutor
&
Pupil
,
Master
&
Scholer
,
&
the
like
,
Here
alwayes
are
presupposed
tearms
&
conditions
,
on
which
the
compact
,
the
only
fundation
of
these
relations
,
is
founded
:
for
,
no
Man
marryeth
a
wife
,
but
upon
condition
,
she
carry
as
a
dutyfull
wife
,
and
no
woman
maryeth
a
Husband
but
upon
the
like
tearmes
.
So
a
Master
indenteth
with
his
Servant
,
and
his
Servant
bindeth
himself
to
him
,
upon
tearmes
.
The
Tutor
,
is
under
obligations
to
his
Pupil
,
and
if
he
break
such
or
such
conditions
,
he
loseth
his
benefite
,
and
moreover
is
answerable
as
law
wil.
So
is
the
Master
obliged
to
performe
such
and
such
conditions
unto
his
Scholer
,
So
are
there
conditions
betwixt
the
Lord
and
his
Vassals
,
and
betwixt
Pastor
and
People
.
2.
This
will
be
cleare
from
the
Nature
of
that
power
and
authority
,
which
the
Soveraigne
hath
over
the
Subjects
,
of
which
afterward
.
3.
It
is
against
Nature
,
to
set
up
any
Tyrant
,
or
one
who
is
free
from
all
conditions
;
for
,
that
were
,
upon
the
matter
,
to
set
up
a
Waster
,
an
Enemy
to
the
Commonwealth
,
a
bloody
Tyger
or
Lyon
,
to
destroy
all
:
see
Althus
.
Pol
c.
19.
n
,
33.
35.
36.
37.
4.
To
imagine
a
King
free
of
conditions
unto
his
Subjects
is
to
put
them
in
among
bona
fortunae
:
and
to
say
,
they
are
as
the
King's
gold
,
his
sheep
,
his
oxen
,
his
lands
and
revenues
,
unto
which
,
he
standeth
no
way
obliged
.
5.
If
a
People
should
set
a
Soveraigne
over
them
,
without
conditions
,
they
should
sin
against
the
Law
of
God
,
which
vvill
have
such
and
such
dutyes
performed
by
them
,
vvho
are
Soveraignes
;
and
they
,
by
setting
up
Soveraignes
vvithout
these
limitations
,
should
say
▪
such
and
such
shall
be
our
Soveraignes
,
contrare
to
the
limitations
of
God's
Law
.
6.
This
is
confirmed
by
the
practice
of
all
Nations
,
where
a
free
People
set
up
Soveraignes
:
It
is
alwayes
upon
tearmes
and
conditions
.
They
Persians
(
as
Xenophon
lib.
8.
Cyri
Paed.
tell
us
)
did
thus
Covenante
with
Cyrus
,
that
he
should
send
aide
to
them
,
out
of
his
owne
Countrey
,
if
any
should
warre
against
them
,
or
violate
their
lawes
;
and
they
againe
did
promise
,
that
they
should
helpe
him
,
if
any
would
not
obey
him
,
defending
his
Countrey
;
and
therefore
Xenophon
calleth
this
contract
or
compact
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
So
the
Spartan
King
(
as
the
same
Xenophon
tells
us
,
de
Rep.
Laced
:
)
did
every
Moneth
Renew
their
oath
unto
the
Ephori
,
&
promised
to
governe
them
according
to
the
lawes
of
the
land
,
&
the
Ephori
upon
the
other
hand
,
promised
to
Establish
the
Kingdom
in
their
hands
.
We
reade
of
a
compact
betwixt
Romulus
,
and
the
people
of
Rome
Dionis
.
Halicarn
.
Lib.
1.
betwixt
the
Senate
&
the
Caesars
Idem
Lib.
2.
It
is
notoure
enough
that
the
Emperour
when
he
is
chosen
,
agrieth
unto
tearmes
and
conditions
;
and
also
the
King
of
Poland
:
and
historyes
tells
us
,
what
conditions
are
made
betwixt
King
and
People
,
at
the
coronation
of
Kings
in
England
,
France
,
Boheme
,
Spaine
,
Portugal
,
Sweden
Denmark
,
&c.
7.
The
practice
of
our
owne
Kingdome
,
doth
sufficiently
confirme
this
,
of
which
more
,
when
we
consider
what
this
Surveyer
sayeth
to
the
contrary
.
8.
Lawyers
,
Polititians
&
Divines
tell
us
,
that
there
are
such
conditions
condescended
on
in
all
free
Republicks
.
Hoenonius
Disp.
Pol.
2.
Thes.
4.
tells
us
that
the
Subjects
do
stipulate
from
the
Magistrates
,
whether
they
will
rule
so
as
they
may
lead
a
peacable
and
quyet
life
under
them
,
and
Thes.
5.
that
the
Magistrates
do
absolutely
promise
;
and
the
Subjects
upon
condition
promise
what
is
their
duty
.
So
Althusius
cap.
38.
Polit.
n.
31.
and
cap.
19.
n.
15.
23.
29.
and
Timplerus
Polit.
Lib.
2.
Cap.
1.
Quest.
5.
proveth
that
there
is
a
mutual
obligation
betwixt
Magistrates
and
Subjects
.
See
likewise
Gerhard
de
Magistratu
,
Thes.
94.
Pag.
726.
Where
he
proveth
that
it
is
no
new
thing
,
That
Magistrates
and
Subjects
do
Covenante
with
each
other
.
Finally
,
This
is
cleared
,
from
some
Scripture
instances
,
as
first
The
Covenant
,
which
David
made
with
the
Tribes
of
Israel
,
2
Sam.
5.
3.
1
Chron.
11.
3.
So
all
the
elders
of
Israel
came
to
the
King
to
Hebron
,
and
King
David
made
a
league
with
them
in
Hebron
before
the
Lord
,
and
they
anoynted
David
King
over
Israel
.
Sanches
on
the
place
thinketh
,
He
promised
to
rule
them
according
to
the
law
Deut.
17
15.
and
that
some
other
things
were
contained
in
that
Covenant
,
which
did
relate
to
the
present
state
of
a
affaires
,
as
concerning
the
war
with
their
near
and
insolent
enemies
,
concerning
an
act
of
oblivion
,
and
other
things
,
which
they
could
think
upon
,
in
that
troublesome
state
of
affaires
:
and
upon
the
other
hand
the
People
promised
fidelity
and
obedience
,
and
what
else
is
required
in
well
constituted
Commonwealths
;
and
that
this
Covenant
was
sealed
by
oath
of
both
parties
]
Cornel
a
Lap
:
calleth
it
a
mutual
promise
,
wherein
David
Covenanted
to
governe
the
Kingdome
faithfully
,
according
to
the
law
of
God
Leut.
17.
16.
&c.
&
.
Israel
,
on
the
other
hand
,
promised
to
be
obedient
and
faithful
to
him
:
The
Surveyer
tryeth
many
shifts
to
make
this
,
no
mutual
Covenant
,
or
conditional
Covenant
Pag.
94.
95.
He
cannot
deny
but
there
was
a
Covenant
here
agreed
upon
,
betwixt
David
and
these
Tribes
of
Israel
.
But
he
sayes
[
the
Quaestion
is
,
what
was
the
nature
,
the
matter
and
import
of
that
Covenant
,
The
Scripture
sayes
not
it
was
such
a
Covenant
(
as
these
men
would
have
it
)
I
shall
rule
you
rightly
,
if
you
obey
medutifully
,
otherwise
not
(
upon
the
King's
part
)
and
(
upon
the
peoples
part
)
we
shall
obey
you
and
be
subject
to
you
,
if
ye
rule
us
rightly
,
otherwise
we
will
not
,
but
use
our
coactive
power
upon
you
,
to
dethrone
,
and
destroy
you
,
and
punish
you
.
]
Ans.
If
it
be
granted
that
here
was
a
mutual
contract
,
wherein
the
King
accepted
of
conditions
and
obliged
himself
thereunto
,
it
is
enough
for
our
present
purpose
,
(
&
the
Dutch
Annotators
on
2
Sam.
5.
3.
say
hereby
they
were
bound
on
both
sides
by
oath
,
to
performe
their
dutyes
to
other
)
for
we
are
not
yet
speaking
of
the
nature
and
import
of
such
Covenants
,
and
what
right
or
power
the
party
keeping
,
hath
over
the
party
failing
.
2.
The
Text
doth
not
tell
us
what
was
the
particular
matter
of
this
Covenant
,
but
from
the
Text
,
we
may
clearly
see
,
that
this
was
a
conditional
Covenant
,
a
Covenant
wherein
the
King
promised
such
and
such
things
,
as
satisfied
them
,
and
induced
them
to
accept
of
him
as
King
,
and
anoynt
him
:
so
that
if
the
tearmes
had
not
pleased
them
,
they
would
not
have
accepted
of
him
as
King
,
If
the
King
had
said
,
I
will
be
an
Absolute
Prince
to
account
you
still
mine
Enemies
,
and
kill
such
of
you
,
as
I
will
,
and
keep
a
live
such
of
you
as
I
will
,
and
so
play
the
Tyrant
,
be
like
he
had
gote
the
answere
that
Rehoboam
gote
To
your
tents
●
Israel
:
What
portion
have
we
in
David
?
3.
How
can
he
prove
,
That
they
did
not
minde
to
offer
themselves
to
David
upon
such
tearmes
,
[
They
(
sayes
he
Pag.
95
)
recognose
,
his
right
of
reigning
over
them
is
of
the
Lord
,
and
that
he
was
not
subjecte
to
be
removed
by
them
,
for
they
say
The
Lord
sayd
to
thee
,
thou
shalt
feed
my
people
Israel
,
and
thou
shalt
be
Ruler
over
them
,
and
it
is
added
Therefore
they
came
,
&c.
]
Ans:
1.
All
this
will
not
prove
that
this
Covenant
was
not
conditional
,
or
that
David
did
not
oblige
himself
to
such
and
such
conditions
;
for
if
these
reasons
have
any
force
,
they
will
as
well
say
,
that
they
should
not
have
made
a
Covenant
with
him
it
all
,
but
submitted
without
Covenant
:
and
they
knew
his
right
by
promise
to
the
throne
,
before
this
,
and
yet
for
all
that
,
they
refused
to
come
till
now
,
and
now
when
they
come
,
David
must
make
a
Covenant
with
them
.
2.
The
same
Tribes
of
Israel
did
recognosce
Rehoboam's
right
to
reigne
;
for
they
came
to
Shechem
to
make
him
King
▪
1
King
.
12.
1.
2.
Chron.
10.
v.
1.
&
yet
when
Reh●boam
would
not
agree
unto
the
tearmes
proposed
,
They
refused
to
acknowledg
him
King
.
3.
That
1
Chron.
11.
3.
Therefore
came
is
but
the
same
with
So
came
,
2
Sam.
5.
3.
and
it
may
be
as
well
rendered
,
also
or
and
came
,
for
in
the
Original
it
is
in
both
places
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
it
is
there
told
,
that
also
the
Elders
of
Israel
came
,
who
were
not
mentioned
before
.
4.
Gods
promise
to
David
,
gave
him
no
power
to
play
the
Tyrant
,
nor
was
it
to
be
fulfilled
but
such
a
way
,
God's
purposes
concerning
the
End
includeth
the
Meanes
with
the
End
,
and
his
purpose
or
promise
was
not
that
David
should
obtaine
the
throne
without
the
Peoples
consent
,
or
that
the
People
was
obliged
to
submit
unto
him
notwithstanding
he
should
refuse
to
Covenant
with
them
,
or
promise
to
Rule
them
in
righteousnesse
,
and
not
to
play
the
Tyrant
over
them
:
and
hence
it
appeareth
that
it
is
not
false
that
the
People
gave
the
Kingdome
to
David
conditionally
(
as
he
sayeth
Pag.
101.
)
for
,
if
He
say
these
promises
or
purposes
of
God
,
did
lay
obligations
of
the
People
to
accept
Such
upon
any
tearmes
,
he
cannot
condemne
the
Ten
Trybes
for
accepting
of
Ieroboam
,
as
he
doth
elswhere
!
5.
As
for
their
coactive
superiority
over
him
,
we
speake
not
of
it
now
,
it
not
being
our
present
businesse
,
but
sure
his
reasons
will
not
validely
conclude
the
contrair
:
for
if
such
a
promise
or
purpose
of
God
,
gave
David
such
a
right
,
as
that
in
no
case
,
suppose
he
had
turned
the
greatest
Tyrant
imaginable
,
&
had
sold
the
Land
of
Canaan
unto
the
Uncircumcised
,
or
done
some
such
thing
;
the
Elders
of
Israel
had
had
no
coercive
power
to
have
with-stood
him
,
and
dethroned
him
,
then
they
might
not
now
have
refused
to
have
submitted
unto
him
:
And
by
the
same
reason
,
The
elders
of
Israel
might
not
have
refused
to
have
submitted
to
Iero●oam
who
also
had
a
promise
,
which
I
know
he
will
not
grant
.
But
it
is
enough
to
our
present
purpose
,
if
it
be
granted
that
David
agreed
with
them
upon
tearmes
.
This
he
cannot
get
well
denyed
,
but
sayeth
.
[
All
the
Covenant
that
can
be
supposed
here
,
is
upon
the
peoples
part
,
an
engagement
to
humble
subjection
and
homage
;
&
upon
the
Kings
part
,
a
Covenant
of
indempnity
for
former
oppositions
to
him
,
wherein
they
had
need
to
be
comfortably
secured
.
]
Ans.
If
it
was
such
a
Covenant
,
then
it
secured
all
the
People
of
Israel
,
and
their
Elders
with
them
,
and
David
was
bound
to
have
keeped
it
,
and
did
keep
it
.
He
did
not
then
execute
thereafter
some
of
them
upon
scafsolds
,
and
set
up
their
heads
upon
poles
,
as
Traitours
.
2.
We
finde
nothing
in
the
Text
,
of
their
acknowledging
a
crime
done
,
so
as
they
needed
an
act
of
indempnity
:
it
is
like
David
in
a
piece
of
holy
policy
,
meet
for
that
time
,
to
gather
together
the
scattered
people
of
God
,
(
to
use
the
Surveyer's
words
,
Pag.
94.
)
Would
have
been
content
to
have
passed
an
act
of
oblivion
,
as
lesse
irritateing
,
then
an
act
of
indempnity
.
3.
If
they
were
now
coming
to
be
his
Subjects
who
were
not
so
before
,
but
were
under
another
King
(
as
he
sayes
himself
Pag.
94.
)
what
necessity
was
there
,
either
for
an
act
of
indempnity
or
yet
an
act
of
oblivion
?
Ay
[
but
it
was
fit
(
sayes
he
ibid
to
give
them
security
,
touching
his
good
minde
toward
them
,
they
having
so
long
stood
it
out
,
in
armes
against
him
.
]
Ans.
But
was
there
no
more
requisite
to
secure
them
touching
his
good
minde
towards
them
,
and
his
willingnesse
to
accept
of
them
as
subjects
,
who
before
were
enemies
,
except
this
act
of
indempnity
?
Since
they
were
in
open
hostility
one
against
another
,
and
if
upon
this
ground
,
the
Covenant
on
David's
part
was
of
indempnity
,
why
should
it
not
be
also
a
Covenant
of
indempnity
on
their
part
;
seing
,
as
he
confessed
,
they
were
not
his
subjects
before
,
but
under
another
King
?
But
now
,
when
they
come
to
bee
subjects
who
were
not
so
before
,
and
engage
to
humble
subjection
,
and
homage
,
must
not
David
in
this
Covenant
engadge
to
something
corresponding
to
this
?
we
shall
not
repugne
(
sayeth
he
)
if
it
be
called
a
Covenant
both
of
protection
&
right
ruleing
them
.
]
Answ.
That
is
all
I
am
seeking
,
to
have
David
here
obliged
by
Covenant
,
unto
his
Subjects
,
to
such
and
such
tearmes
,
as
to
Protect
and
Rule
them
a
right
.
Ay
but
he
adds
[
Yet
so
,
as
not
subjecting
himself
to
their
censures
,
or
co-action
,
or
that
they
should
be
his
subjects
only
upon
that
condition
,
being
otherwise
free
to
fall
upon
him
.
]
Answ.
This
is
not
to
our
present
businesse
.
But
yet
how
can
he
prove
this
?
Is
it
enough
to
say
so
?
Will
his
adversary
take
that
for
an
answere
?
Is
there
not
here
a
mutual
Convenant
,
wherein
each
party
is
bound
to
other
?
Are
not
the
tearmes
condescended
upon
?
And
is
it
not
granted
by
all
,
that
in
mutual
Covenants
the
observer
hath
a
jus
against
the
breakers
?
But
sayes
he
[
a
Covenant
may
be
to
mutual
dutyes
,
&
yet
on
neither
side
conditional
,
but
absolute
,
eath
party
obligeing
themselves
to
their
owne
duty
absolutely
,
but
not
on
condition
that
the
other
party
do
their
duty
.
]
Ans.
Then
it
seemes
Israel
was
bound
to
David
,
whether
he
would
be
a
King
to
them
or
not
;
Yea
even
though
he
would
sell
them
to
morrow
to
the
Philistines
for
slaves
and
bond
men
for
ever
,
and
David
was
bound
to
Protect
and
Rule
them
a
right
,
whether
they
would
be
Subjects
or
not
.
2.
How
can
he
prove
that
this
was
such
a
Covenant
?
3.
Yea
,
how
can
he
prove
that
there
is
any
such
Covenant
among
men
;
or
how
can
he
explaine
such
a
Covenant
?
[
As
if
(
sayes
he
)
a
man
bind
himself
by
oath
,
to
give
me
one
hundereth
pounds
,
&
I
bind
my self
againe
by
oath
to
him
,
to
give
him
one
hundereth
pounds
,
without
conditional
provision
that
he
pay
me
the
money
he
promised
me
;
albeit
he
should
fail
in
his
oath
,
&
not
pay
me
;
yet
must
not
I
fail
in
mine
but
must
pay
him
:
because
my
oath
is
separate
from
his
&
independent
upon
it
,
and
hath
a
separate
obligation
absolute
,
which
no
faileing
of
the
other
party
to
me
,
can
loose
]
Answ.
It
is
true
manus
manum
fricat
,
and
if
this
Surveyer
give
to
one
a
hundereth
pounds
.
He
will
know
it
is
for
an
hundereth
pounds
againe
,
or
something
better
:
and
I
wish
he
should
think
himself
as
wel
bound
by
his
oath
,
to
pay
the
thing
,
he
promised
to
God
absolutely
,
as
he
thinks
he
is
bound
to
pay
to
man
what
he
had
promised
absolutely
.
But
to
our
businesse
,
what
sort
of
mutual
Covenants
can
those
be
,
which
he
here
speaketh
of
?
We
hear
to
Pactions
or
Covenants
where
there
are
promises
without
a
stipulation
,
but
of
a
Covenant
or
Paction
betwixt
two
,
concerning
mutual
duties
to
be
performed
by
each
to
other
,
wherein
there
is
no
stipulation
,
or
which
is
no
conditional
Covenant
,
I
have
not
yet
heard
.
2.
Where
heare
we
that
such
a
transaction
(
if
it
can
have
that
name
)
wherein
one
person
promiseth
absolutely
to
another
to
give
him
such
or
such
a
summe
of
money
;
and
that
other
person
againe
promiseth
absolutely
to
give
to
the
first
another
summe
,
is
called
a
Covenant
?
3.
Lawyers
tell
us
that
even
Promissiones
,
promises
,
if
compleat
and
not
mere
Policitations
,
wil
give
a
jus
a
right
unto
the
person
,
to
whom
they
are
made
to
call
for
the
performance
,
and
sue
the
promiser
at
Law
:
And
if
this
be
granted
(
as
it
cannot
be
denyed
)
he
will
lose
his
cause
:
For
when
the
question
cometh
betwixt
the
Magistrate
and
the
Subjects
,
it
is
the
same
case
,
as
when
the
question
cometh
betwixt
two
distinct
Nations
:
For
as
there
is
not
a
Superiour
Judge
over
both
Nations
to
determine
the
controversy
;
so
nor
is
there
a
Superiour
ordinary
Judge
to
decide
the
question
that
falleth
out
betwixt
King
and
Subjects
:
And
therefore
,
as
the
sword
must
determine
it
,
in
the
one
case
,
so
in
the
other
.
4.
But
how
shall
he
evince
that
the
Covenant
,
betwixt
King
&
People
is
not
a
reciprocal
contract
of
things
to
be
done
by
each
to
other
upon
conditions
?
It
is
true
,
he
tells
us
that
subjection
is
not
promised
to
Kings
conditionally
,
but
absolutely
;
but
in
so
saying
,
he
doth
onely
beg
the
question
.
A
better
Polititian
then
he
,
Althusius
Polit.
c.
19.
num.
6
,
7.
calleth
it
a
mutual
compact
betwixt
Prince
and
People
upon
certaine
conditions
,
and
calleth
it
Contractum
mandati
,
and
he
tells
us
,
that
in
this
contract
the
Prince
is
a
Mandataruis
,
and
his
obligation
preceedeth
as
the
obligation
of
the
Mandatarius
and
promiser
,
useth
to
do
,
and
then
followeth
the
obligation
of
the
People
secundum
naturam
mandati
,
whereby
they
promise
obedience
and
fidelity
to
him
governing
the
Commonwealth
according
to
the
conditions
prescribed
.
Another
Scripture
instance
is
2
King
.
11
:
v.
17.
2
Chron.
23
:
v.
3.
16.
where
Iehojadah
made
a
Covenant
betwixt
the
King
and
the
People
,
which
(
as
the
English
Annotators
and
the
Dutch
also
on
the
place
say
)
was
a
civil
Covenant
betwixt
them
,
viz.
That
the
King
should
governe
then
well
,
They
should
obey
him
in
the
Lord.
Peter
Martyr
,
also
sayeth
that
[
not
only
King
and
People
covenanted
with
God
;
but
the
King
also
with
the
People
;
and
the
People
with
the
King
]
and
thereafter
that
[
the
King
was
bound
to
rule
the
People
according
to
the
Lawes
,
&
equity
,
Secundum
Iura
&
Leges
,
and
the
People
promised
to
obey
him
.
]
[
Zanches
more
fully
tells
us
,
there
was
a
Covenant
betwixt
the
King
and
the
People
,
as
uses
to
be
betwixt
the
Prince
and
Common-wealths
:
The
Prince
undertaketh
to
defend
the
Kingdome
,
Lawes
,
Equity
,
and
to
be
a
keeper
and
defender
of
the
Countrey
,
and
of
Religion
:
And
upon
the
other
hand
,
People
promise
obedience
,
and
fidelity
and
such
expenses
,
as
are
necessary
for
keeping
up
the
Majesty
of
the
Prince
,
&c.
]
Now
what
sayes
our
Surveyer
to
this
?
He
tells
us
Pag.
96.
That
it
was
also
made
upon
an
extraordinary
occasion
;
&
extraordinaryes
cannot
sound
ordinary
rules
]
Answ.
How
doth
he
prove
that
it
was
meerly
upon
the
extraordinarynesse
of
the
occasion
that
this
Covenant
was
made
?
he
might
as
well
say
that
the
crowning
of
him
,
&
giving
him
the
testimony
,
&
making
him
King
,
and
making
a
Covenant
betwixt
the
Lord
and
the
King
,
were
extraordinary
,
and
so
could
not
found
ordinary
rules
:
yea
and
that
it
was
extraordinary
for
the
People
to
sweare
allegiance
unto
him
.
But
he
hath
two
things
remarkable
to
his
purpose
as
[
1.
That
he
is
crowned
&
made
King
before
the
Covenant
is
made
,
which
crosseth
the
antimonarchists
,
who
assert
,
the
King
cannot
be
made
King
,
until
he
make
the
Covenant
with
the
People
,
&
that
he
gets
the
crowne
and
royal
authority
covenant
wise
,
and
conditionally
]
Answ.
Antimonarchists
properly
so
called
,
are
against
all
Monarchs
limited
or
absolute
,
or
doth
he
account
them
all
antimonarchists
who
say
that
the
King
is
a
limited
Magistrate
?
then
we
know
what
to
think
of
the
Monarchists
and
Royalists
,
of
him
and
his
party
.
2.
He
knoweth
himself
that
the
series
or
order
of
the
relation
of
a
complex
businesse
,
is
not
alwayes
just
according
to
the
series
of
the
things
done
;
but
be
it
so
,
this
maketh
for
us
in
the
former
instance
of
David's
Covenanting
with
Israel
,
Which
is
mentioned
,
before
their
making
of
him
King
.
3.
But
suppose
the
King
had
refused
to
enter
into
Covenant
with
the
Lord
,
or
with
the
People
(
for
mention
is
made
of
both
Covenants
after
his
Coronation
)
might
they
not
for
all
their
solemnities
in
crowning
of
him
,
have
refused
to
have
ownned
him
,
as
King
?
4.
But
to
put
the
matter
beyond
all
debate
,
we
finde
,
compareing
the
two
places
together
,
That
beside
the
Covenant
betwixt
Iehojadah
,
and
the
Rulers
of
Hundereds
&c.
mentioned
2.
King
.
11.
4
,
and
2
Chron.
23.
1.
which
was
rather
a
Covenant
betwixt
themselves
,
to
depose
Athalia
,
and
to
set
up
joash
;
to
put
down
Idolatry
,
and
to
set
up
the
true
worshipe
of
God
,
(
as
the
English
annotations
&
the
Dutch
say
)
then
a
Covenant
of
fidelity
or
allegiance
to
the
King
,
as
he
would
have
it
,
we
finde
2
Chron.
23.
3.
a
Covenant
made
betwixt
the
Congregation
and
the
King
,
and
this
was
,
before
he
was
crowned
or
made
King
,
which
Covenant
(
as
the
English
annotators
say
)
[
was
a
mutual
stipulation
,
betwixt
the
King
,
and
Them
,
That
the
King
should
maintaine
the
true
worshipe
of
God
,
the
peace
of
the
Kingdome
,
and
privilege
of
the
subjects
;
and
that
the
People
should
maintaine
the
King
,
and
yeeld
unto
him
his
due
.
]
The
next
thing
he
sayeth
is
[
That
it
is
not
told
us
what
the
tenor
of
this
covenant
is
,
Dioda●
seems
to
say
that
Iehojadah
made
them
sweare
allegiance
and
fidelity
to
the
King
but
how
shall
it
be
cleared
that
it
was
conditional
,
&
with
a
reserve
of
coactive
,
&
punitive
power
over
him
?
]
Answ.
Of
this
coactive
power
over
Kings
,
we
are
not
now
speaking
,
and
he
but
playeth
the
fool
to
start
such
questions
without
ground
.
2.
That
it
was
a
conditional
Covenant
,
the
scope
of
the
place
cleareth
:
for
,
if
they
had
not
expected
tha●
their
condition
had
been
better
under
his
reigne
then
under
Athaliah
,
be
like
they
had
never
resolved
to
have
ventured
their
lives
,
and
estates
for
him
:
and
if
the
Covenant
had
not
been
conditional
,
they
could
have
had
no
rational
expectation
of
the
bettering
of
their
condition
from
the
young
King
,
Againe
,
if
it
was
not
a
conditional
Covenant
.
The
King
could
with
no
more
certainty
have
expected
their
dutyful
obedience
,
then
They
his
faithful
government
.
3.
It
is
true
,
the
matter
and
tenor
of
the
Covenant
is
not
expressed
;
but
the
nature
of
the
act
,
doth
abundantly
cleare
what
it
was
,
and
that
it
was
such
as
the
English
annotators
have
expressed
.
4.
If
Diodat
say
it
was
nothing
else
,
but
the
Peoples
swearing
allegiance
,
he
speaketh
without
ground
,
for
it
was
a
mutual
Covenant
,
a
Covenant
betwixt
King
and
People
,
But
sayes
he
,
suppose
[
all
the
Kings
of
Judah
made
such
covenants
with
the
People
,
yet
will
any
judicious
man
force
the
Particular
customes
of
that
Nation
on
all
Nations
?
that
might
be
best
for
that
Nation
,
that
was
not
simply
best
;
their
customes
without
a
law
of
God
bearing
a
standing
reason
,
cannot
be
obligatory
on
others
,
lest
we
judaize
too
much
]
Answ.
1.
We
are
not
now
pressing
their
practice
as
our
only
warrand
;
but
by
their
practice
,
we
prove
the
lawfulnesse
of
the
King
's
being
brought
under
conditions
,
and
obligations
to
the
people
;
which
Politicians
Lawyers
,
and
Divines
use
to
do
.
2.
He
must
show
why
such
a
practice
was
best
to
them
,
&
not
also
to
other
nations
.
3.
We
Judaize
not
more
in
this
,
then
in
crowning
and
making
of
Kings
(
though
I
grant
they
do
,
who
use
the
ceremony
of
anoynting
with
oile
.
)
4.
We
have
the
Law
of
Nature
,
which
is
the
law
of
God
,
bearing
a
standing
reason
of
this
▪
as
was
shewed
above
.
5.
Yea
that
lavv
of
God
mentioned
Deut.
17.
15.
&c.
Limiting
the
Prince
,
shovveth
that
it
was
the
Peoples
duty
(
unto
whom
that
is
spoken
)
when
they
were
to
set
a
King
over
themselves
,
to
provide
for
these
conditions
:
so
that
as
they
might
not
de
jure
set
a
stranger
over
them
,
neither
might
they
set
any
over
them
,
who
vvould
not
engage
to
keep
the
conditions
vvhich
they
were
to
required
of
him
v.
16.
17.
18.
19.
and
these
Conditions
of
the
King
being
held
forth
unto
them
,
sayes
that
they
were
impowered
to
stipulate
such
of
the
King
,
whom
they
were
to
create
:
and
that
poynts
forth
a
Covenant
to
be
made
betwixt
them
and
their
King
,
&
power
also
in
them
to
restraine
the
King
from
transgessing
these
conditions
as
Iosephus
tels
Ant.
Lib.
4.
cap.
14.
Si
autem
fuerit
alias
,
&c.
●
.
e.
[
But
if
otherwise
a
desire
of
a
King
shall
adhere
unto
you
,
let
him
be
of
your
stock
,
let
him
make
much
of
Justice
and
other
vertues
,
and
let
him
know
that
there
is
most
wisdome
in
the
lawes
and
in
God
:
let
him
do
nothing
without
the
advice
of
the
High
priest
,
&
Elders
:
neither
let
him
assume
to
himself
many
vvives
,
nor
seek
after
abundance
of
riches
nor
horses
with
the
pleanty
of
vvhich
things
,
he
may
vvax
proud
&
despise
the
lawes
;
but
lest
he
have
an
earnest
study
to
be
more
mighty
then
is
convenient
for
your
profite
,
Prohibeatur
(
sayeth
the
copy
at
Paris
)
obstandum
est
(
sayeth
another
)
ne
potentior
fiat
quam
rebus
vestris
expedit
.
●
.
e.
he
is
to
be
incapicat
or
resisted
in
case
he
should
do
so
.
But
then
he
tells
us
that
the
constant
practice
of
the
prophets
and
people
of
God
speaks
clearly
that
they
never
had
such
thoughts
&c.
]
Ans.
Though
(
as
I
said
)
it
doth
not
concerne
us
to
vindicate
such
a
liberty
in
the
People
,
as
by
vertue
of
this
Covenant
,
to
fall
vvith
violence
on
their
Kings
;
our
purpose
being
only
to
vindicate
a
liberty
in
the
People
to
defend
themselves
against
unjust
violence
;
yet
he
doth
but
vveakly
maintaine
the
King's
head
by
this
;
for
he
said
himself
just
novv
,
that
none
vvith
Reason
could
force
the
particular
customes
of
that
Nation
on
other
Nations
;
and
vvith
more
reason
it
may
be
said
,
that
none
can
force
the
Omissions
or
non-practices
of
that
Nation
,
as
binding
to
others
.
But
2.
We
knovv
the
Ten
tribes
rejected
Rehoboam
&
vve
finde
no
Prophets
ever
condemning
them
in
this
,
they
never
suggested
that
their
obligation
to
subjection
unto
their
Supream
Magistrate
or
King
,
vvas
absolute
:
had
this
been
such
a
sin
as
he
allegeth
,
no
doubt
(
to
use
his
ovvne
vvords
)
God's
Prophets
vvould
plainly
and
dovvnright
have
told
them
of
it
,
vvithout
circumlocutions
;
but
this
they
never
did
.
Either
that
vvas
no
sin
,
or
the
Prophets
vvere
not
faithful
in
reproving
it
.
Novv
let
him
ansvvere
his
ovvne
argument
if
he
can
,
and
this
he
must
do
,
or
else
confesse
he
is
an
advocate
for
the
King
,
vvorth
no
vvages
.
3.
We
finde
that
the
Prophets
vvere
sent
of
God
,
to
stirr
up
Subjects
against
their
vvicked
and
tyrannous
Kings
:
as
a
Prophet
vvas
sent
to
anoynt
Iehu
to
goe
against
his
Master
,
2
King
.
9.
[
When
at
first
(
sayes
he
)
that
people
sought
a
King
from
Samuel
,
they
resolved
not
to
take
him
conditionally
,
si
bene
regnaverit
,
but
vvith
all
the
faults
that
might
follovv
him
,
&c.
]
Ans.
It
is
very
like
that
their
importunity
made
them
neglect
their
duty
,
in
making
any
expresse
Covenant
,
or
in
condescending
upon
expresse
conditions
;
but
he
shall
never
prove
that
they
did
right
in
this
;
far
lesse
shall
he
make
this
example
binding
unto
others
;
and
least
of
all
shall
he
hence
conclude
that
there
was
not
a
tacite
and
virtual
compact
,
and
that
Saul
was
under
no
tearmes
.
2.
Notwithstanding
of
what
he
sayes
,
we
finde
that
the
People
did
actually
resist
and
oppose
him
,
in
rescueing
Ionathan
,
and
that
David
defended
himself
with
armed
men
against
him
,
and
his
fury
,
and
unjust
violence
,
and
this
is
enoughe
to
our
purpose
.
As
for
these
words
Eccles.
8.
2.
I
Counsel
thee
to
keep
the
Kings
commandement
,
and
that
in
regaird
of
the
oath
of
God
,
because
they
are
variously
rendered
,
and
by
some
otherwayes
then
by
us
,
as
by
Iunius
(
to
which
the
dutch
come
near
)
praestitutum
Regis
observa
,
sed
pro
ratione
juramenti
Dei
.
i.
e.
Obey
the
Kings
command
,
but
according
as
your
oath
to
God
will
permit
,
Mercerus
rendereth
them
thus
.
It
is
my
pairt
to
observe
the
Kings
command
and
to
have
respect
unto
the
oath
of
God
,
meum
est
observare
praeceptum
Regis
,
&
rationem
habere
juramenti
Dei
.
We
shall
not
much
labour
to
presse
this
Covenant
out
of
them
:
But
if
the
Surveyer
,
will
hold
closse
to
our
translation
,
and
fish
out
from
thence
the
oath
of
allegaince
,
we
must
then
say
that
they
will
also
,
clearly
suppose
on
oath
of
the
King
unto
the
People
,
by
which
he
is
bound
to
them
as
wel
as
they
are
bound
to
him
.
He
granteth
that
ordinarly
among
the
people
,
there
were
not
oathes
of
fidelity
and
obedience
given
to
their
Kings
,
and
where
ever
we
finde
that
the
people
swore
an
oath
or
Covenant
to
the
King
,
there
we
finde
that
the
king
swore
and
Covenanted
to
them
:
and
so
the
Covenant
being
mutual
,
he
was
bound
unto
conditions
as
well
as
they
were
,
and
They
no
more
then
He.
And
if
Their
chooseing
and
setting
up
of
a
King
,
did
virtually
include
their
engagement
to
him
;
so
did
His
accepting
of
the
place
virtually
lay
bonds
on
him
,
to
acquiesce
unto
the
necessare
conditions
,
&
make
him
obliged
to
performe
these
necessary
and
indispensable
conditions
,
which
is
all
desire
now
.
We
see
some
thing
more
explicite
for
this
,
Iudg.
11.
ver.
2
,
7
,
8
,
11
,
12
,
13.
Where
there
passed
conditions
betwixt
Iephthah
and
the
People
:
See
Althus
.
Polit.
Cap.
19.
num.
20.
Thus
we
have
cleared
.
1.
That
lawful
Magistrates
are
admitted
to
their
Thrones
conditionally
,
upon
such
and
such
tearmes
.
And
from
what
we
have
said
,
it
is
also
clear
,
2.
That
the
Prince
accepting
of
the
Crowne
doth
either
explicitely
or
implicitely
promise
to
fulfil
these
conditions
;
because
the
People
have
made
choise
of
him
as
a
fit
meane
to
procure
those
Ends
which
they
did
designe
:
But
if
he
should
not
be
engaged
to
prosecute
,
so
far
as
lyes
in
his
power
,
those
Ends
,
why
did
they
make
choise
of
him
?
Or
how
could
they
expect
that
he
should
prove
a
fit
meane
for
these
Ends
?
Or
how
can
we
think
that
People
acting
rationally
,
would
be
so
far
dementat
as
to
choise
a
meane
,
which
they
had
no
more
rational
ground
to
expect
,
would
prove
a
meane
for
attaining
these
necessary
Ends
:
then
the
very
bane
of
these
good
&
necessary
Ends
which
they
proposed
unto
themselves
.
The
Covenants
,
which
we
have
now
spoken
of
do
cleare
this
also
.
3.
It
is
cleare
likewise
from
what
hath
been
said
,
That
the
Soveraigne
,
in
these
Compacts
and
Covenants
with
his
People
,
is
not
only
bound
unto
God
,
to
performe
what
he
hath
promised
,
but
also
unto
his
Subjects
:
For
1.
As
was
said
,
He
still
remaineth
a
sociable
creature
,
and
under
the
Lawes
of
God
and
Nature
,
and
therefore
is
not
above
what
transactions
or
compacts
he
maketh
with
any
,
whether
equalls
or
inferiours
.
2.
If
by
vertue
of
these
Compacts
he
were
not
obliged
unto
his
Subjects
,
neither
should
they
be
obliged
unto
him
by
these
compacts
,
seing
in
erecting
the
constitution
,
and
condescending
upon
these
tearmes
,
He
and
They
are
equal
,
according
to
that
,
Contractus
non
●netur
nisi
inter
aequales
.
3.
The
People
in
setting
up
a
King
should
not
act
rationally
,
if
the
King
as
King
were
not
bound
to
stand
to
his
conditions
,
and
really
obliged
unto
them
.
Could
we
imagine
that
Men
in
their
wits
,
would
Covenant
with
a
Man
,
to
make
him
King
,
on
such
and
such
tearmes
,
it
after
he
were
made
King
,
he
were
no
more
obliged
unto
them
,
then
if
there
had
been
no
compact
with
him
?
4.
How
could
they
think
of
attaineing
those
Ends
,
which
they
proposed
,
if
he
were
not
bound
unto
them
,
to
performe
these
conditions
,
which
they
though
necessary
to
limite
him
unto
for
the
better
&
more
sure
,
attaineing
these
Ends
?
5.
This
compact
or
Covenant
being
mutual
,
concerning
conditions
to
be
mutually
performed
,
sure
,
each
party
must
be
formally
obliged
to
other
.
6.
If
this
be
denyed
,
it
must
be
asserted
,
that
a
Soveraigne
can
do
no
wrong
or
injurie
unto
his
Subjects
,
can
borrow
no
money
from
them
,
can
not
be
engaged
by
Covenant
,
Promise
,
of
Bond
unto
them
,
which
were
most
ridiculous
,
and
a
doctrine
as
much
tending
to
the
real
destruction
of
Monarchs
and
Soveraignes
,
as
any
else
:
for
if
this
hold
good
,
Subjects
might
never
think
themselves
secure
:
And
moreover
that
ordinance
,
could
never
be
an
ordinance
of
God
,
seing
thereby
People
could
never
expect
the
least
rational
ground
of
security
for
their
lives
,
and
what
they
have
.
But
we
need
not
stand
on
this
,
seing
our
Surveyer
perceiving
wel
enough
,
what
a
groundlesse
and
irrational
assertion
this
of
the
Royalists
is
,
thinketh
best
to
strick
in
with
Lex
Rex
and
grant
Pag.
100.
[
That
where
a
Covenant
is
made
between
a
King
and
a
People
,
the
Covenant
on
the
Kings
part
,
binds
him
,
not
only
to
God
,
in
relation
to
the
People
,
as
the
object
of
this
duty
,
but
doth
bind
him
to
the
People
formally
.
]
4.
It
is
also
cleare
and
undenyable
,
that
in
Kingdomes
which
are
commonly
called
haereditary
,
the
Son
is
obliged
to
performe
the
same
conditions
which
his
father
was
obliged
to
performe
)
for
as
the
law
sayeth
.
Conditionalis
obligatio
transit
ad
haeredes
L.
si
quis
D.
de
Verborum
obligatione
.
Rational
People
,
condescending
rationally
upon
the
constitution
,
did
certanely
pitch
upon
that
way
of
conveyance
of
the
Soveraignity
,
that
might
best
secure
them
,
as
to
their
Ends
,
and
if
none
had
been
obliged
unto
the
conditions
agreed
upon
,
but
the
first
in
the
line
,
they
had
not
rationally
secured
these
Ends.
5.
It
is
no
lesse
cleare
,
That
when
the
Soveraigne
doth
not
performe
the
Principal
,
maine
,
and
most
Necessary
Conditions
condescended
and
agreed
upon
,
de
jure
he
falleth
from
his
Soveraignity
.
This
all
will
grant
,
as
flowing
natively
from
the
nature
of
a
compact
:
for
,
qui
non
praestat
officium
promissum
,
cadit
beneficio
hâc
lege
dato
.
He
who
doth
not
preforme
the
conditions
agreed
upon
,
hath
no
right
to
the
benefite
granted
upon
condition
of
performance
of
these
conditions
.
I
do
not
here
say
that
every
breach
,
or
violation
doth
degrade
him
de
jure
;
but
that
a
violation
of
all
,
or
of
the
maine
,
most
necessary
,
and
principally
intended
conditions
,
doth
.
6.
Lawyers
grant
that
every
conditionall
promise
giveth
a
right
to
the
party
to
whom
the
promise
is
made
,
to
pursue
for
the
performance
:
and
this
is
the
nature
of
all
Mutual
compacts
.
And
therefore
by
vertue
of
this
mutual
compact
,
the
Subjects
,
have
jus
against
the
King
,
a
Right
in
law
to
pursue
him
for
performance
.
The
worthy
author
of
Lex
Rex
told
us
Pag.
97.
[
That
even
the
Covenant
between
God
and
Man
is
so
mutual
I
will
be
your
God
,
and
yee
shall
be
my
people
,
that
if
the
people
break
the
Covenant
,
God
is
loosed
from
his
part
of
the
Covenant
,
Zach.
11.
10.
and
2
The
Covenant
giveth
to
the
beleever
a
sort
of
action
of
law
,
and
jus
quoddam
to
plead
with
God
in
regard
of
his
fidelity
to
stand
to
that
Covenant
,
that
bindeth
him
by
reason
of
his
fidelity
,
Esa.
43.
26.
&
63.
16.
Dan
9.
4.
5
,
]
and
hence
inferred
[
That
farr
more
a
Covenant
giveth
ground
of
a
civil
action
or
claime
to
a
People
,
and
the
free
Estates
,
against
a
King
]
But
sayes
the
Surveyer
Pag.
101.
[
It
had
been
better
said
,
That
upon
this
ground
they
might
humbly
plead
with
him
,
supplicate
and
reason
with
him
,
as
God's
deputy
bearing
the
impresse
of
his
Soveraignity
and
Majesty
on
earth
:
But
as
God
cannot
otherwise
be
pleaded
with
,
upon
account
of
his
promise
(
wherein
he
is
bound
not
so
much
to
us
as
to
his
owne
fidelity
,
to
evidence
it
,
reddit
ille
debita
nulli
debens
)
and
cannot
be
pleaded
with
by
force
or
violence
:
So
his
deputyes
on
earth
,
on
whom
under
himself
,
he
hath
stamped
inviolable
Majesty
,
whatever
they
be
,
are
not
to
be
pleaded
with
by
strong
hand
and
force
.
]
Answ.
If
he
had
shewed
.
1.
That
Migistrates
could
not
miscarry
.
2.
That
Subjects
had
no
hand
in
making
these
conditions
in
the
Covenant
betwixt
Them
and
the
King
.
3.
Nor
any
hand
in
setting
up
the
King
and
conferring
that
benefite
upon
him
,
on
such
and
such
conditions
,
then
his
inference
had
had
some
colour
:
but
now
hath
it
none
.
2.
Inferiour
Magistrates
are
God's
deputyes
as
wel
as
the
Superiour
,
and
yet
vve
finde
no
impresse
of
Majesty
or
Soveraignity
on
them
,
but
they
may
be
opposed
vvhen
doing
injury
.
3.
This
is
a
large
assertion
,
vvhich
I
much
doubt
if
any
Royalist
vvill
defend
That
the
Supream
Magistrats
vvhatever
they
be
,
can
in
no
case
be
pleaded
vvith
by
strong
hand
and
force
.
Sure
vve
heard
Cap.
2.
some
concessions
smelling
othervvise
.
4.
Himself
vvill
grant
that
notvvithstanding
of
all
his
Majesty
and
Soveraignity
,
a
forraigne
Prince
may
resist
him
by
force
,
and
plead
his
right
vvith
a
strong
hand
,
hovv
doth
he
then
save
his
Majesty
inviolable
?
[
But
(
sayes
he
Pag:
102.
)
who
will
judge
it
more
reason
,
that
these
who
are
plaintifes
,
shall
be
judges
of
the
party
they
compleane
of
,
more
then
the
party
or
Prince
,
judge
to
them
?
Is
not
this
a
perversion
of
all
judgment
,
that
in
one
and
the
same
body
politick
,
the
accuser
and
judge
shall
be
co
incident
,
in
the
same
person
or
persons
.
]
Ans.
This
makes
as
much
against
the
king
,
as
against
us
;
for
by
this
reason
the
King
hath
no
jus
over
the
People
,
more
then
they
over
him
,
and
can
no
more
plead
his
cause
,
then
they
can
:
for
himself
cannot
be
judge
and
plaintife
both
:
and
if
this
be
the
perversion
of
all
judgment
,
vve
have
seen
enough
of
it
,
vvhere
the
King
hath
been
both
judge
and
party
pursuer
by
his
advocate
.
But
let
him
ansvver
this
himself
,
and
he
vvill
help
us
to
ansvvere
also
.
Againe
he
sayeth
in
that
same
Page
?
[
Though
it
be
true
,
that
all
Covenants
and
contracts
amongst
men
,
embodyed
in
a
society
,
brings
each
of
the
contracters
under
a
law
claime
,
in
case
of
failing
(
coram
judice
proprio
)
before
his
owne
and
competent
judge
:
yet
it
is
not
true
,
That
any
contract
,
betwixt
man
and
man
,
in
one
and
the
same
society
,
giveth
the
party
keeping
contract
,
co-active
power
over
the
party
breaking
.
]
Answ.
He
is
but
a
ravv
lavvyer
that
sayes
so
,
for
if
one
Man
set
a
piece
of
land
to
another
,
for
so
many
yeers
,
for
so
much
yeerly
,
and
the
other
be
bound
at
the
expireing
of
these
yeers
,
to
remove
vvithout
processe
of
lavv
,
The
party
setter
hath
by
contract
a
coactive
povver
,
and
may
use
Major
vis
and
thrust
him
out
vvith
the
broad
svvord
,
without
further
action
of
lavv
.
But
(
sayes
he
Pag.
103.
)
[
There
is
no
judge
over
all
Magistrates
,
nor
the
Supreame
Magistrate
,
before
whom
a
complaineing
people
can
plead
wrong
done
to
them
.
This
complainte
lyeth
before
God
only
to
take
order
with
it
.
]
Answ.
When
Arnisaeus
objected
that
,
The
worthy
and
Learned
author
of
Lex
Rex
answered
,
[
That
the
consequence
was
not
necessary
,
no
more
then
when
the
King
of
Judah
and
the
King
of
Israel
make
a
covenant
to
performe
mutual
dutyes
one
to
another
,
it
is
necessary
,
there
should
be
a
King
and
superiour
Ruler
above
both
who
should
compell
each
one
to
do
a
duty
to
his
fellow
:
King
and
People
are
each
of
them
above
and
below
others
,
in
diverse
respects
.
]
But
in
cometh
this
Surveyer
Pag.
100.
and
tells
us
,
there
is
a
great
difference
[
God
having
allowed
lawful
wars
,
allows
seeking
of
reparation
,
or
repelling
of
wrongs
done
by
one
Nation
to
another
,
by
force
of
the
sword
,
when
no
rational
meanes
can
bring
the
doers
of
the
wrong
to
do
right
,
and
there
being
no
other
remedy
,
he
himself
,
the
Lord
of
hostes
,
and
God
of
armies
,
sits
judge
and
moderator
in
that
great
businesse
,
and
in
the
use
of
war
,
is
appealed
to
as
judge
,
there
being
no
common
judge
on
earth
to
sit
on
the
causes
of
these
independent
Nations
.
But
God
having
set
and
established
in
one
Particular
Nation
and
Political
society
,
his
owne
ordinance
of
Magistracy
,
to
which
every
soul
must
be
subject
,
and
all
subject
to
the
Supreme
.
&c.
]
Ans.
This
sayes
wel
when
the
difference
or
disput
is
between
two
subjects
,
both
under
one
Magistrate
;
but
is
sayes
nothing
to
our
case
,
where
the
difference
is
betwixt
the
Magistrate
and
the
Subjects
:
for
in
the
other
case
there
is
a
judge
over
both
established
,
unto
whom
both
are
subjects
,
but
in
our
case
there
is
no
judge
on
earth
Common
to
both
,
or
who
can
sit
and
judge
in
such
causes
:
for
the
King
must
here
be
no
more
both
judge
and
party
then
the
People
,
and
so
the
case
is
irremediable
unlesse
there
be
an
allowance
of
repelling
force
with
force
:
for
in
our
case
there
are
no
rational
meanes
which
can
be
used
to
bring
the
Prince
to
do
right
unto
the
injured
Subjects
:
and
therefore
it
God
allow
war
,
in
the
use
of
which
,
he
is
appealed
to
as
judge
,
betwixt
two
Nations
,
he
wil
allow
also
a
necessary
defensive
warre
in
Subjects
against
their
Soveraigne
when
there
is
no
other
remedy
,
or
rationall
meanes
of
redresse
.
This
Man
dictats
but
what
proveth
he
?
[
The
Magistrates
are
by
their
official
power
,
above
the
whole
Nation
,
and
as
absurd
it
is
to
say
they
are
above
the
powers
,
which
God
hath
set
over
them
(
as
L.
R.
pag.
460.
sayeth
thrasonically
he
hath
proved
unanswereably
)
as
to
say
that
every
parish
is
above
the
Minister
,
in
an
ecclesiaslical
way
,
though
he
hath
official
power
over
them
all
,
or
that
every
Lord
in
Scotland
hath
their
Tennants
and
vassals
above
them
,
a
thing
which
the
nobles
of
Scotland
had
need
to
look
to
;
for
certainely
the
principles
which
lead
to
subject
Kings
to
People
,
lead
clearly
and
by
undoubted
consequence
,
to
Subject
them
to
their
vassalls
,
and
to
all
under
them
,
yea
and
all
Masters
to
servants
,
and
parents
to
children
,
and
to
confound
and
invert
the
order
of
all
humane
societies
.
]
Ans.
1.
The
law
will
tell
us
That
in
mutual
compacts
the
party
observer
is
Eatenus
in
so
far
,
superiour
unto
the
party
who
faileth
.
2.
The
author
of
Lex
Rex
sayeth
truly
and
not
Thrasonically
(
as
this
Thraso
,
and
windy
man
,
allaigeth
,
who
would
make
the
world
beleeve
that
his
one
word
is
enough
to
confute
all
which
that
learned
author
hath
solidly
proved
with
such
reasons
that
he
thought
(
with
the
little
wit
he
hath
)
it
was
more
wisdome
to
forbeare
once
to
name
then
to
offer
to
answere
)
that
he
hath
proved
unanswereably
(
if
not
,
let
this
windy
Thraso
try
his
hand
in
confuteing
his
reasons
)
the
Peoples
power
above
the
King
.
3.
This
man's
reasons
are
as
weak
as
water
.
For
1.
the
Paroche
is
so
above
the
Minister
,
that
,
in
case
he
teach
haeresy
,
&
there
be
no
ecclesiastick
or
civil
power
to
put
him
away
,
they
may
save
their
owne
soulls
,
thrust
him
out
,
and
choose
another
more
Orthodox
.
2.
All
know
that
the
Lord
is
bound
to
the
Vassalls
,
as
well
as
they
are
to
him
,
and
that
the
Lord
may
not
oppresse
them
,
or
if
he
transgresse
the
bounds
and
limites
prescribed
him
,
they
will
get
action
of
law
yea
in
some
cases
be
free
to
renunce
him
as
their
Supream
,
and
choose
another
.
Let
the
nobles
take
heed
they
drink
not
in
this
Man's
doctrine
:
for
if
they
arrogate
to
themselves
a
power
to
oppresse
,
pillage
,
plunder
,
murther
,
Massacre
,
their
vassals
,
(
as
this
man
pleads
for
such
power
to
the
King
,
without
control
)
I
fear
their
vassals
let
them
know
they
are
not
slaves
.
3.
What
a
poor
Politician
is
this
?
He
speaks
this
,
to
move
them
so
much
the
more
to
owne
the
King's
cause
,
but
who
seeth
not
,
that
he
is
either
a
false
or
a
foolish
advocate
for
the
King
in
this
matter
,
for
if
the
King
get
no
moe
on
his
side
but
the
Superior
Lords
,
&
if
all
the
Vassalls
and
Tennants
be
against
him
,
he
will
have
the
weaker
party
by
farre
,
on
his
side
.
4.
I
would
desire
Nobles
&
all
to
take
notice
of
this
,
that
he
would
here
seem
to
give
to
the
king
,
as
much
power
over
them
and
all
the
lands
,
as
Masters
have
over
their
Tennants
,
who
have
their
lands
only
from
them
upon
certaine
conditions
,
and
may
be
removed
when
these
conditions
are
broken
.
5.
What
a
fool
is
he
to
put
Tennants
and
Vassals
together
?
doth
he
not
know
that
Lords
have
more
power
over
their
Proper
Tennants
,
then
over
their
Vassals
?
6.
Doth
he
think
that
Servants
may
not
in
some
cases
be
above
their
Masters
;
a
noble
man's
son
may
be
an
apprentice
to
a
very
meane
man
;
But
thinks
he
that
Servants
will
get
no
action
of
law
against
their
Masters
,
or
if
there
be
no
law
or
judge
,
over
him
and
his
Master
,
he
may
not
defend
himself
,
against
his
Master's
unjust
violence
?
7.
As
for
the
subjection
of
parents
to
Children
it
is
impertinent
in
this
case
,
as
shall
be
shewed
in
due
time
,
and
yet
we
know
that
the
father
hath
been
a
subject
,
and
the
son
a
King
over
him
,
and
we
know
also
that
,
in
case
of
necessity
,
the
children
may
defend
themselves
against
their
father
taken
with
a
mad
phrenzy
.
Then
he
adds
[
This
truth
we
must
cleave
to
,
that
in
one
and
the
same
civil
society
,
where
God
hath
appoynted
Rulers
and
Ruled
,
Subjects
cannot
without
sacrilegious
intrusion
and
contempt
of
God
,
snatch
the
sword
out
of
the
Magistrates
hands
to
punish
him
with
it
(
though
in
some
partilars
he
abuse
it
)
neither
can
a
war
intended
for
this
end
by
meer
,
private
persones
,
be
lawfull
against
their
head
or
heads
.
]
Answ.
We
may
let
him
cleave
to
this
truth
,
and
this
truth
cleave
to
him
,
and
be
no
losers
:
for
we
speak
not
of
Subjects
taking
the
sword
of
justice
to
punish
the
King
;
we
speak
of
no
warre
raised
by
the
subjects
for
this
end
:
we
plead
only
for
a
power
in
private
Subjects
to
defend
themselves
,
in
cases
of
necessity
,
against
their
head
or
heads
,
(
and
he
,
nor
none
of
his
party
,
have
the
forehead
to
deny
this
to
be
lawful
in
some
cases
)
especially
if
the
Magistrate
abuse
his
power
,
not
in
some
particulars
only
,
but
in
many
,
and
in
many
maine
particulars
,
if
not
in
all
.
Having
thus
cleared
and
vindicated
the
6.
thing
.
The
7.
And
last
is
this
,
which
followeth
also
from
the
former
:
viz.
That
when
the
Prince
doth
violate
his
compact
,
as
to
all
its
conditions
,
or
as
to
it
's
cheef
,
maine
,
and
most
necessary
condition
,
the
Subjects
are
de
Iure
free
from
subjection
to
him
,
and
at
liberty
to
make
choise
of
another
.
The
very
nature
of
a
compact
doth
clear
this
:
For
it
is
absurd
to
say
,
that
in
a
mutual
conditional
compact
,
one
party
shall
still
be
bound
to
performe
his
conditions
,
though
the
other
performeth
none
of
his
conditions
,
or
performeth
not
the
maine
and
principal
one
.
It
is
absurd
to
say
,
that
when
one
hath
given
a
benefite
upon
a
certaine
condition
,
that
he
is
still
bound
to
bestow
that
benefite
,
though
the
condition
on
which
he
promised
it
,
be
no
way
performed
.
Were
it
the
rational
act
of
rational
creatures
to
set
up
Soveraignes
upon
these
tearmes
?
or
to
say
,
wee
choose
thee
,
to
be
our
Soveraigne
upon
condition
thou
rule
us
according
to
justice
and
equity
,
and
not
tyrannize
over
us
,
and
yet
we
shall
always
hold
thee
for
our
Prince
and
lawful
Soveraigne
,
Though
thou
should
transgresse
all
lawes
of
equity
,
humanity
,
and
reason
;
and
deal
with
us
as
so
many
sheep
,
kill
whom
thou
will
,
for
thy
sport
and
lust
,
&c.
will
any
body
think
that
rational
men
would
do
so
?
The
law
tells
us
L.
si
fund
.
c.
de
pactis
,
&c.
That
cessante
causâ
,
propter
quam
res
est
data
,
pignus
debet
reddi
.
Before
we
come
to
draw
our
arguments
from
what
is
said
,
we
shall
first
roll
out
of
our
way
what
this
Surveyer
speaks
further
against
these
Covenants
,
Pag.
88
,
89
,
90
,
91
,
92
,
&
93.
He
hath
five
particulars
which
he
toucheth
on
.
The
first
is
this
,
[
It
is
easily
conceded
(
sayes
he
)
that
there
is
a
mutual
obligation
betwixt
Magistrats
and
Subjects
,
to
mutual
dutyes
,
which
is
indeed
essential
to
the
constitution
of
the
politike
body
;
but
his
obligation
ariseth
not
from
any
tacite
or
expresse
Covenant
betwixt
them
,
but
from
the
ordinance
and
will
of
God
,
enjoyning
them
these
dutyes
in
these
relations
,
in
that
society
,
wherein
they
are
combined
.
]
Answ.
1.
Subordinata
non
pugnant
.
This
mutual
obligation
may
arise
both
from
the
Law
of
God
,
and
from
the
Covenant
,
without
any
repugnancy
.
2.
If
this
obligation
arise
only
from
the
Law
of
God
,
neither
partyes
shall
be
formally
obliged
unto
other
,
but
both
obliged
only
unto
God
;
and
yet
we
heard
himself
say
Pag.
100.
that
[
Where
a
Covenant
is
made
betwixt
a
King
and
a
People
,
that
the
Covenant
on
the
King's
part
,
binds
him
not
only
unto
God
,
in
relation
to
the
People
as
the
object
of
the
duty
,
but
doth
bind
him
to
the
People
formally
.
]
Now
,
whence
ariseth
this
formal
obligation
,
if
not
from
the
Covenant
?
3.
By
this
meanes
the
obligations
of
fidelity
in
the
subjects
unto
their
Princes
,
have
no
rise
from
their
oath
of
allegiance
,
which
he
elsewhere
calleth
Foedus
unilaterum
.
4.
To
what
purpose
then
are
Covenants
and
compacts
made
,
If
by
vertue
of
these
,
each
party
be
not
formally
obliged
unto
other
?
For
if
David's
Covenant
with
the
People
of
Israel
laid
no
obligation
upon
him
,
he
could
not
be
said
to
have
made
a
Covenant
with
them
,
more
then
with
the
Phalistimes
,
and
yet
the
Scripture
tells
us
,
he
made
a
Covenant
with
Israel
:
And
King
Ioash
made
a
Covenant
with
the
People
.
5.
I
do
not
well
understand
,
how
an
obligation
to
future
dutyes
can
be
called
essential
to
a
constitution
,
which
neither
floweth
from
the
constitution
,
nor
giveth
a
being
to
the
constitution
.
6.
Againe
,
if
there
be
no
obligation
unto
these
mutual
dutyes
,
until
there
be
a
constitution
by
compact
,
and
if
then
the
obligation
be
essential
,
how
is
it
imaginable
that
the
obligation
shall
have
no
subordinat
rise
from
the
constitution
;
or
compact
whereupon
the
constitution
is
founded
?
The
2.
thing
he
sayeth
,
is
,
That
though
this
obligation
be
mutual
,
yet
is
it
not
conditional
,
and
how
proves
he
this
?
[
There
is
(
sayes
he
a
mutual
obligation
to
mutual
dutyes
betwixt
Parents
and
Children
,
but
it
is
not
conditional
,
that
if
Parents
be
undutiful
,
Children
shall
be
loosed
from
their
duty
,
or
on
the
contrary
.
]
So
is
it
(
sayes
he
)
betwixt
King
and
People
,
and
the
citeth
Calvin
.
Inst.
Lib.
4.
Cap.
20.
§
.
29.
But
it
is
easily
answered
.
That
there
is
a
vast
disparity
betwixt
the
rise
of
that
relation
,
which
is
betwixt
King
and
People
,
and
that
which
is
betwixt
Father
and
Son
:
And
this
being
once
discovered
the
parity
disappeareth
:
And
1.
Subjects
come
not
out
of
the
loyns
of
their
King
,
as
Children
do
out
of
the
loines
of
their
Fathers
.
2.
The
Son
createth
not
the
Father
as
the
Subjects
create
the
King
.
3.
Yea
Children
do
not
so
much
as
give
their
consent
that
such
an
one
shall
be
their
Father
,
before
the
relation
have
being
,
yet
Royalists
will
grant
this
much
,
unto
the
People
,
in
relation
to
their
King
.
4.
The
relation
betwixt
Father
and
Son
hath
no
dependence
less
or
more
upon
any
act
of
will
in
the
Son
,
or
upon
any
Covenants
,
Agriements
or
Compact
,
expresse
or
tacite
,
betwixt
the
Father
&
the
Son
,
it
is
not
so
as
to
the
relation
betwixt
King
and
People
;
for
before
this
mutual
relation
arise
,
there
must
be
a
constitution
,
and
this
constitution
includeth
,
at
least
,
some
act
of
the
will
in
subjects
,
some
previous
consent
.
5.
This
relation
can
never
cease
,
so
long
as
both
are
in
life
,
but
the
other
may
,
by
a
Subject's
chooseing
to
live
under
another
Soveraigne
.
6.
Let
the
Father
do
what
he
wil
,
the
relation
betwixt
him
and
his
Son
shall
never
be
loosed
or
weakened
.
But
the
greatest
Royalists
will
grant
,
that
in
some
cases
,
the
King
may
be
made
no
King
,
and
his
relation
either
wholly
taken
away
,
or
much
diminished
.
So
then
the
consequence
is
null
,
that
because
Children
are
not
bound
to
their
Parents
conditionally
;
therefore
Subjects
are
bound
conditionally
to
there
Prince
:
For
Children
have
no
hand
in
making
up
that
relation
,
betwixt
Parents
and
them
;
their
consent
is
not
so
much
as
required
;
but
in
making
up
the
relation
betwixt
King
and
Subjects
,
there
is
a
previous
compact
,
required
,
in
which
compact
,
the
People
have
their
great
share
:
Children
give
not
paternity
unto
their
Parents
;
but
Subjects
give
the
Kingship
,
at
least
instrumentally
,
under
God
;
and
they
set
up
Kings
,
when
they
might
set
up
Nobles
,
and
set
up
his
Man
,
when
they
might
have
set
up
Another
,
can
Children
do
so
?
How
then
shall
the
case
be
alike
,
And
the
one
be
no
more
conditional
then
the
other
?
Next
,
as
for
Calvin
we
willingly
with
him
grant
,
that
Subjects
are
to
obey
evill
Magistrates
,
and
to
do
their
duty
to
them
,
though
the
Magistrates
should
come
short
of
theirs
,
as
Wives
,
&
Children
are
bound
to
love
and
be
Subject
unto
undutiful
Husbands
and
Fathers
.
But
Calvin
will
not
say
,
that
in
no
case
a
Wife
is
loosed
from
Subjection
to
her
Husband
:
adultery
and
wilful
desertion
will
give
ground
for
a
divorce
,
and
that
sayes
that
the
Wives
subjection
is
not
absolute
,
but
conditional
;
though
we
say
not
,
that
every
breach
of
some
of
the
conditions
,
looseth
the
obligation
.
Neither
will
Calvin
.
say
'
That
in
no
case
,
the
Soveraigne
may
be
opposed
or
resisted
:
or
,
that
in
no
case
the
obligation
can
be
loosed
;
for
ibid.
§
.
31.
He
granteth
liberty
to
the
Estates
of
a
Land
(
whom
yet
our
Surveyer
putteth
in
one
category
with
private
Subjects
,
)
to
stand
for
the
libertyes
of
the
People
against
the
rage
and
Tyranny
of
Princes
,
Yea
he
sayeth
they
are
bound
to
do
so
,
as
they
would
not
presidiously
,
betray
their
trust
.
The
3.
thing
is
,
that
[
the
fancy
of
a
tacite
virtual
natural
Covenant
betwixt
King
and
People
,
overthrows
the
distinction
that
all
sound
protestant
Divines
and
Politicians
make
,
betwixt
a
limited
or
pactional
Prince
and
an
absolute
Prince
,
or
one
who
is
integrae
Majestatis
.
]
And
then
he
citeth
Rivet
.
in
Psal
68.
Gerhard
de
Magistratu
,
Pag.
13
11.
mihi
(
or
935.
)
And
therein
,
he
sayes
,
they
agree
with
Calvin
in
the
place
cited
.
Answ.
That
there
are
absolute
Princes
de
facto
,
who
come
to
the
Soveraignity
by
false
and
corrupt
meanes
,
or
by
conquest
,
we
deny
not
,
but
we
are
speaking
of
Princes
,
de
Iure
,
and
of
Princes
set
up
by
the
People
,
which
is
only
to
our
purpose
.
It
is
true
,
Rivet
(
a
very
short
sum
of
all
the
sound
Protestant
Divines
,
though
he
joyne
Gerhard
with
him
too
,
who
is
but
Lutherian
Protestant
,
and
for
his
Politicians
we
see
none
)
make
use
of
such
a
distinction
,
but
assert
not
positively
that
such
an
absolute
Prince
is
lawful
.
Calvin
maketh
use
of
no
such
distinction
,
and
if
they
agree
with
him
,
they
say
no
more
then
he
sayeth
,
and
what
he
sayd
,
we
have
heard
.
But
sayes
our
Surveyer
it
is
[
False
to
say
that
an
absolute
Prince
is
contrary
to
the
Word
of
God
:
for
as
our
Lawes
allowes
our
Kings
to
be
ahsolute
,
in
expresse
tearmes
Jam.
1.
(
he
should
say
Jam.
6.
)
Parl.
18.
Anno
1606.
]
Answ
Our
Lawes
and
especially
of
that
Parliament
,
and
the
like
,
are
evil
proofs
of
what
is
Iure
Divino
,
or
not
contrary
thereunto
.
But
of
that
Supermacy
granted
to
the
King
,
by
that
act
and
others
,
the
Apology
hath
spoken
enough
.
Furder
he
addeth
,
[
So
the
Scripture
is
not
against
an
absolute
Prince
,
as
our
Lawes
and
we
understand
him
?
]
But
how
is
that
?
May
he
Rule
as
he
lifts
?
No
,
for
[
He
is
subordinate
(
sayes
he
)
unto
God
and
his
Lawes
,
and
he
ought
also
to
walke
according
to
the
particular
good
Lawes
he
hath
made
with
consent
of
his
People
.
]
This
is
more
then
other
Royalists
would
grant
to
us
,
for
he
acknowledgeth
him
not
only
not
above
the
Law
of
God
,
but
also
not
above
the
municipal
Lawes
,
and
consequently
not
above
the
fundamental
conditions
of
the
constitution
:
And
we
are
sure
in
this
,
This
King
hath
fowlely
broken
,
whatever
he
doubt
of
.
But
how
is
he
absolute
?
[
He
is
absolute
(
sayes
he
)
that
if
he
deviate
he
is
not
under
coactive
power
of
Subjects
,
that
they
should
have
Law-claime
against
him
,
and
in
their
courts
of
nature
and
necessity
,
pronounce
judgement
upon
him
,
to
destroy
him
,
far
lesse
that
by
vertue
of
this
supposed
tacite
Convenant
,
any
minor
private
party
of
the
People
,
may
pull
King
and
all
Magistrats
out
of
their
seate
,
punish
them
,
and
possesse
themselves
in
their
roomes
,
as
Naphtaly
sayes
]
Answ.
What
he
layeth
to
Naphtali's
charge
shall
be
considered
afterward
.
2.
To
say
that
Subjects
have
no
law
claime
against
a
King
,
who
breaketh
the
maine
and
principal
condition
,
or
all
the
conditions
of
the
Covenant
made
betwixt
Him
and
the
People
,
is
to
destroy
the
nature
of
the
mutual
compact
,
made
between
Him
and
the
People
as
we
have
shewed
.
3.
By
this
it
seemeth
all
the
absolutenesse
that
he
sayes
is
due
to
the
King
,
is
,
that
he
is
from
under
the
co-active
power
of
Subjects
,
but
though
this
were
granted
to
him
,
(
which
yet
we
cannot
,
because
of
what
we
have
said
already
)
we
should
suffer
no
losse
,
as
to
our
intendment
:
for
if
this
be
all
his
absolutenesse
,
then
he
may
be
withstood
,
and
resisted
(
though
not
brought
to
the
barr
)
even
by
private
subjects
,
when
he
contraveeneth
his
principal
conditions
,
and
breaketh
Covenant
unto
his
people
:
and
this
is
all
we
contend
for
.
The
summe
of
what
he
sayes
in
the
4
place
,
is
this
[
Where
there
is
freedome
of
Election
(
as
in
Germany
and
Poland
,
where
there
is
but
personated
and
painted
Kings
)
there
may
possibly
be
expresse
limiteing
conditions
allowing
some
to
coerce
deviating
soveraignity
.
But
in
all
proper
Monarchies
,
there
is
neither
tacite
nor
expresse
Covenants
impowering
any
to
be
judges
over
the
King
.
Some
Kingdomes
are
attained
by
a
conquest
in
a
just
warre
(
which
is
a
sufficient
title
)
&
this
power
being
hereditarily
transmitted
,
the
successours
receive
power
from
the
Parents
and
not
from
the
People
,
nor
is
there
any
shaddow
of
tacite
or
expresse
Covenant
in
this
matter
.
]
Answ.
1.
If
he
be
not
well
pleased
with
what
Lex
Rex
hath
said
,
concerning
conquest
giving
a
sufficient
title
to
crownes
,
he
should
have
considered
and
answered
the
arguments
there
made
use
of
,
and
not
jejunely
have
told
us
he
is
of
another
judgment
;
for
they
are
either
fooles
,
or
mad
who
will
beleeve
his
bare
word
,
better
then
the
worthy
author
of
Lex
Rex
his
assertions
baked
&
confirmed
with
many
solid
&
unanswereable
arguments
,
2.
This
though
true
,
speaks
nothing
to
our
purpose
:
for
we
supposed
always
that
our
Kingdome
was
not
founded
upon
a
conquest
,
and
we
never
heard
any
say
it
was
,
till
this
unnatural
abject
arose
to
speak
non
sense
,
of
which
more
presently
:
We
never
heard
a
King
challenge
it
upon
that
account
,
nay
,
nor
say
that
our
Kingdome
was
ever
conquered
by
any
of
their
predecessours
,
except
King
Iames
,
who
in
his
basilicon
doron
,
allaiged
that
Fergus
the
first
,
was
a
conquerour
,
contrare
to
the
testimony
,
of
all
approven
historio-graphers
:
what
meaneth
the
large
long
roll
of
the
King's
predecessours
,
that
is
read
over
at
the
coronation
;
doth
any
of
our
lawes
speak
such
a
thing
?
or
do
they
found
his
absolute
power
upon
such
a
dreame
?
It
would
seem
the
cause
is
desperate
and
gone
,
when
he
can
get
no
other
bottome
to
his
absolutenesse
,
but
a
fiction
of
his
distempered
braine
,
which
may
deservedly
make
him
odious
to
all
true
scottish
men
,
and
may
(
and
possibly
will
)
make
his
cause
odious
also
,
to
all
who
are
acquanted
with
the
true
,
genuine
and
ancient
constitution
of
the
Kingdome
.
3.
This
ravv
.
Statist
exscreats
his
raw
notions
,
as
he
pleaseth
,
but
they
must
be
rude
and
unskilful
in
this
matter
,
that
will
think
to
digest
them
.
He
tell
's
us
that
the
Emperour
of
Germany
and
the
King
of
Poland
are
but
painted
Kings
,
and
Monarchs
,
and
to
confirme
this
,
tels
us
that
,
there
are
no
Monarches
,
or
proper
princes
,
but
such
as
are
absolute
:
What
will
then
become
of
the
Distinction
,
of
all
sound
protestant
divines
and
polititians
,
which
he
mentioned
in
the
preceeding
page
?
Do
they
think
that
all
the
limited
and
pactional
princes
,
are
but
cyphers
,
or
as
painted
men
are
men
,
so
are
they
but
painted
princes
?
Sure
none
of
the
divines
he
named
take
such
princes
for
no
true
princes
.
4.
If
in
proper
Monarchies
,
there
be
such
Covenants
and
compacts
tacite
or
expresse
,
which
will
gave
a
law
claime
unto
the
Subjects
against
the
King
,
and
a
Ius
against
him
,
as
a
formal
transgressour
of
his
Covenant
made
with
them
,
and
liberate
them
from
subjection
to
him
,
we
could
have
enough
for
our
businesse
,
though
it
should
be
granted
,
that
there
is
no
Covenant
impowering
others
to
be
his
judges
.
Though
it
should
be
granted
(
which
some
politicians
Doubt
of
)
that
in
Kingdomes
purchased
by
conquest
,
the
power
haereditarily
transmitted
,
should
be
received
from
the
parent
,
and
not
from
the
people
;
yet
in
kingdoms
founded
upon
a
lawful
and
free
constitution
,
the
successour
,
(
as
we
shewed
above
)
hath
his
power
not
from
his
predecessour
,
but
from
the
constitution
,
or
the
people
condescending
upon
the
constitution
,
But
he
thinks
to
obviate
all
this
by
what
he
sayes
in
the
5.
place
viz.
That
our
Kingdome
is
not
founded
on
any
such
Covenant
,
but
rather
on
a
conquest
,
of
which
he
giveth
five
remarkable
instances
.
The
first
is
,
That
Fergus
the
first
,
was
not
admitted
upon
conditions
,
but
the
Subjects
,
by
their
oath
confirmed
the
Kingdome
to
him
,
and
his
posterity
:
and
that
the
black
book
of
pasley
sayes
,
Fergus
made
himself
King
.
Answ
.
1.
What
that
black
book
of
pasley
(
which
neither
he
nor
I
ever
saw
)
sayeth
,
is
not
worth
the
inquiry
to
search
,
Seing
all
other
historians
,
such
as
Iohn
Fordon
,
Iohn
Major
,
Boëthius
,
Hollanshade
,
beside
Buchanan
,
say
,
that
he
was
freely
chosen
by
the
People
.
And
the
story
tells
us
,
that
he
was
then
in
Irland
,
when
the
Scots
sent
for
him
,
how
could
he
then
make
him self
King
?
2.
If
he
had
been
a
conquerour
,
he
might
have
transmitted
the
Kingdom
unto
his
sone
,
without
the
consent
of
the
People
,
and
yet
we
see
this
was
not
done
;
yea
we
finde
that
the
People
would
suffer
none
of
his
sones
to
enjoy
the
place
after
him
,
because
unfit
for
government
,
but
made
choise
of
a
third
person
:
and
when
his
eldest
son
did
afterward
challenge
the
Kingdome
as
his
owne
,
he
was
made
to
understand
himself
better
.
3.
It
is
true
Buchanan
mentioneth
no
oath
of
the
King
,
but
that
will
not
say
,
that
there
was
no
compact
betwixt
Him
and
the
People
,
There
might
be
conditions
communed
and
condescended
upon
,
though
the
King
was
not
put
to
sweare
them
.
But
however
,
that
there
was
an
implicite
and
tacite
Covenant
,
at
least
,
betwixt
them
,
Is
cleare
from
the
oath
of
the
People
confirming
the
Kingdome
unto
him
;
for
it
sayes
that
all
the
right
he
had
unto
the
Kingdome
,
was
from
the
People
,
and
that
he
could
not
be
secured
in
it
but
by
them
,
and
seing
they
gave
him
the
Kingdome
,
and
did
secure
him
in
it
,
Nature
and
Reason
will
say
,
that
it
was
upon
good
tearmes
,
particularly
,
that
he
and
his
should
not
tyrannize
over
them
,
but
should
rule
them
aright
:
and
though
there
be
no
written
contract
concerning
this
,
extant
,
yet
their
constant
after-practice
doth
abundantly
cleare
it
;
for
,
though
they
confirmed
the
Kingdome
by
oath
to
him
,
and
his
posterity
yet
their
chooseing
of
Feritharis
his
brother
,
passing
by
both
his
sones
,
sayes
,
that
this
condition
was
tacitely
understood
,
viz.
provideing
that
they
,
should
be
able
for
government
and
to
discharge
the
place
,
and
accordingly
they
did
then
establish
it
,
in
a
standing
law
for
time
to
come
:
and
after
this
manner
,
and
according
to
these
tearmes
did
choose
their
Kings
until
Kennethus
the
third
,
by
force
or
fraud
,
obtained
a
change
.
So
their
taking
course
with
such
of
their
Kings
,
as
did
tyrannize
,
sayeth
,
that
this
was
an
other
condition
of
the
compact
,
viz.
That
they
should
not
tyrannize
,
but
governe
righteously
:
Thus
we
see
these
after
practices
are
cleare
standing
commentaryes
,
sufficiently
explaineing
the
nature
and
maine
conditions
of
that
compact
.
His
2
instances
:
is
of
Fergus
the
second
,
the
40
King
.
[
Who
by
his
valour
,
under
the
conduct
of
divine
providence
,
&
by
the
help
of
Danes
and
others
,
with
some
small
remainder
of
Scots
,
recovered
the
Kingdome
and
was
not
beholden
to
the
People
for
it
,
nor
had
it
by
paction
with
them
.
]
Answ.
Buchanan
tells
us
,
that
he
was
called
home
ad
regnum
avitum
suscipiendum
,
to
take
upon
him
the
Kingdome
which
belonged
to
him
,
according
to
the
ancient
constitution
,
as
being
of
the
family
of
Fergus
,
and
then
giving
proof
of
his
provvesse
,
and
ability
for
government
,
and
accordingly
being
then
in
Scandia
or
Norway
took
the
offer
,
and
came
home
,
accompanyed
with
the
banished
Scots
,
and
some
Danes
:
and
after
he
came
home
,
after
the
wonted
custome
,
more
patrio
,
he
was
created
King
by
a
Parliament
;
for
,
comitiis
peractis
,
the
Parliament
being
ended
,
he
falleth
about
his
work
,
and
at
length
freeth
the
Kingdome
of
its
adversaryes
:
Now
,
how
can
he
be
accounted
a
conquerour
,
obtaineing
his
right
to
the
crowne
by
conquest
,
who
had
it
by
a
faire
,
free
,
and
full
call
of
the
People
,
who
might
have
chosen
any
other
of
that
race
,
that
had
been
remaineing
,
and
qualified
for
their
purpose
?
This
is
strange
doctrine
,
to
say
,
that
every
Prince
who
cometh
to
his
Kingdome
,
by
the
free
consent
of
his
People
,
in
a
troublesome
time
,
because
that
through
their
help
and
concurrence
,
he
freeth
the
land
of
Enemies
,
and
restoreth
peace
to
the
inhabitants
,
is
a
conquerour
,
and
hath
no
right
to
the
Crowne
,
but
by
his
sword
.
He
will
not
say
that
every
conquest
will
give
a
just
title
,
but
a
lawfull
conquest
,
now
what
right
had
Fergus
to
conquere
these
adversaries
?
What
title
or
claime
could
he
lay
to
that
crowne
from
whence
he
and
his
forebears
were
banished
or
constrained
to
flee
,
if
not
by
the
ancient
grant
made
by
the
People
unto
Fergus
the
first
and
to
his
race
?
So
then
,
his
right
was
not
obtained
by
the
sword
,
but
only
the
peaceable
possession
thereof
,
and
the
practice
of
the
people
afterward
when
his
son
Constantinus
came
to
reigne
,
and
turned
vitious
,
declared
whether
they
looked
upon
this
Fergus
the
second
,
as
a
Conquerour
,
and
upon
what
tearmes
he
and
his
successours
had
the
crowne
:
for
because
of
his
vitiousnesse
,
and
refuseing
to
amend
his
manners
,
when
admonished
by
the
Nobles
,
they
were
almost
at
waging
war
against
him
and
of
revolting
from
him
,
had
not
Dougall
of
Galloway
disswaded
them
.
His
3
instance
is
Kenneth
the
first
the
50
King
(
He
should
have
said
Kenneth
the
2
the
69
King
,
for
Kenneth
the
first
died
within
a
yeer
after
he
was
made
King
.
)
[
Who
destroyed
the
picts
,
and
enlairged
his
Kingdom
by
the
accession
of
theirs
,
purchaseing
more
and
better
lands
,
then
he
had
before
,
which
he
distributed
to
his
Subjects
,
he
held
not
his
purchased
Kingdome
of
them
by
contract
or
paction
]
Ans.
What
right
a
Prince
hath
unto
lands
,
which
he
purchaseth
by
conquest
or
war
,
is
not
the
matter
of
our
disput
,
but
what
right
Kenneth
had
to
the
crowne
.
Now
,
sure
it
is
that
before
this
conquest
made
,
he
was
crowned
,
upon
the
same
ground
,
that
his
predecessours
were
:
his
future
conquest
,
then
uncertaine
,
could
not
alter
the
ground
of
his
receiving
of
the
crowne
,
when
his
father
Alpin
died
2.
What
ever
superiority
,
he
might
challenge
over
these
Subjects
unto
whom
he
gave
these
new
conquest
lands
,
it
had
no
influence
upon
his
holding
of
the
crowne
:
and
that
his
very
next
successour
and
brother
Donald
knew
,
who
being
given
to
his
pleasures
,
lost
a
noble
victory
which
they
had
obtained
over
the
Englishes
,
and
after
he
returned
from
captivity
,
following
his
old
life
,
was
cast
in
prison
by
his
owne
Subjects
.
And
his
Son
knew
it
also
,
for
he
was
put
by
the
crowne
conforme
to
the
old
law
,
until
this
Donald
died
.
So
that
notwithstanding
of
all
this
new
purchase
,
the
people
knew
that
the
conveyance
of
the
crowne
did
still
run
in
the
old
channel
,
and
was
held
of
them
after
the
old
tenor
.
His
4.
Instance
is
of
Robert
Bruce
,
whom
our
Lawes
of
Regiam
Majestatem
call
Conquestor
Magnus
,
[
He
re-conquered
the
Kingdom
after
the
Nobility
of
Scotland
had
first
at
Berwick
,
then
at
S
,
Andrewes
,
in
plaine
Parliament
,
sworne
homage
to
the
King
of
England
,
who
will
assert
there
were
pactions
betwixt
him
and
the
People
?
]
Answ.
We
know
out
of
History
,
what
a
miserable
condition
the
Land
was
brought
unto
,
through
occasion
of
that
division
and
sad
disput
that
was
in
it
,
concerning
the
nearest
in
the
line
:
and
this
was
the
bitter
frute
,
that
Scotland
reaped
of
the
change
of
that
laudable
custome
established
near
the
beginning
of
he
constitution
;
whereas
had
not
that
been
changed
in
the
dayes
of
Kenneth
the
third
,
the
fitest
person
to
governe
might
have
been
chosen
,
and
that
had
prevented
all
this
confusion
and
misery
,
which
the
Land
was
brought
unto
.
2.
Though
Bruce
at
length
recovered
the
Kingdome
,
yet
he
received
not
his
crowne
upon
that
account
,
but
before
he
attempted
it's
recovery
,
out
of
the
hands
of
the
Englishes
,
he
was
crowned
King
at
Scone
,
in
Aprile
1036.
and
there
received
the
Kingdom
from
the
Scots
,
upon
the
old
account
,
and
according
to
the
old
tenor
.
3.
Though
he
be
tearmed
a
great
conquerour
,
as
having
recovered
the
Land
,
out
of
the
hands
of
the
Englishes
,
as
if
it
had
been
a
conquest
,
when
as
it
was
really
,
but
a
recovering
of
what
,
he
was
bound
by
his
place
and
power
,
to
recover
;
yet
we
never
finde
that
he
claimed
a
right
to
the
Land
,
upon
that
ground
of
conquest
,
but
stood
upon
the
old
basis
.
His
fift
&
last
instance
is
of
this
King
,
[
It
is
known
(
sayes
he
)
our
Nation
was
totally
subdued
by
the
English
,
and
continued
so
,
for
the
space
of
then
yeers
,
The
Representatives
of
Shires
,
and
Cities
,
and
Townes
combined
into
a
Commonwealth
government
,
and
sent
their
commissioners
to
the
meeting
thereof
at
London
,
where
the
King's
interest
was
disclaimed
;
yet
in
a
wonderful
way
God
brought
him
in
againe
,
and
finding
us
at
his
coming
,
a
fully
conquered
and
subdued
nation
,
restored
us
to
our
freedome
,
from
the
bondage
of
forraigners
.
]
Answ.
1.
Through
too
great
haste
,
he
hath
forgotten
a
maine
particular
of
this
Instance
.
Before
we
were
totally
subdued
by
the
Englishes
,
the
King
was
crowned
at
Scone
in
as
solemne
a
manner
,
as
ever
any
of
his
Predecessours
,
except
that
he
was
not
anoynted
with
holy
Oyle
,
nor
gote
the
Pop's
benediction
;
and
while
crowned
,
was
solemnely
engaged
to
the
People
by
Covenants
,
vowes
and
oathes
,
to
defend
Religion
according
to
the
National
Covenant
,
and
Solemne
League
and
Covenant
,
and
to
prosecute
the
ends
of
these
Covenants
,
and
upon
these
conditions
took
his
Crowne
and
Scepter
:
Were
we
a
conquest
then
?
2.
Ay
but
we
were
conquered
afterward
,
and
our
Representatives
disclaimed
the
King's
interest
.
But
how
many
were
there
of
these
Representatives
?
And
had
these
Representatives
power
&
commission
from
the
Land
,
to
renunce
his
Interest
?
Or
were
these
all
accounted
Enemies
to
the
King
?
How
is
it
then
,
that
so
many
of
them
are
now
accounted
his
most
loyal
Subjects
,
and
more
loyal
then
such
as
suffered
much
,
because
they
would
not
take
that
Tender
,
disclaming
his
interest
?
how
comes
it
,
that
that
Arch-knave
Sharp
(
sufficiently
now
knowne
by
that
name
and
notion
both
to
King
,
Court
and
Countrey
)
who
was
the
only
Minister
(
so
far
as
I
know
)
in
all
Scotland
,
that
took
that
tender
,
is
advanced
unto
(
in
stead
of
a
gallowes
)
an
arch-prelacy
,
and
primacy
?
But
3
when
the
King
returned
,
did
he
make
a
re-conquest
of
us
?
what
meaned
then
that
compact
betwixt
Monck
and
the
Nobles
and
others
of
Scotland
,
whom
he
sent
for
,
unto
the
borders
,
and
to
the
end
he
might
more
closely
carry
his
businesse
,
made
them
all
to
abjure
Charles
Stewart
and
his
interest
(
a
sad
presage
of
what
would
be
our
Epidemick
distemper
,
when
our
change
or
turne
begane
with
manifest
perjury
)
did
he
not
a
acquante
them
with
his
designe
?
and
had
he
not
their
concurrence
?
and
if
he
had
wanted
this
,
and
had
thought
that
Scotland
would
have
been
an
adversary
unto
his
designe
,
would
he
or
dursl
he
have
attempted
it
?
4.
What
way
did
the
King
restore
us
seing
(
if
he
would
speak
the
matter
as
it
was
,
it
was
Monck
that
restored
him
and
us
both
,
as
to
any
restauration
we
gote
:
vvere
not
vve
and
he
restored
together
?
What
did
he
for
our
restauration
?
vvas
He
not
as
passive
as
we
were
and
some
what
more
?
5.
Hence
then
it
is
false
that
he
found
us
at
his
coming
a
fully
conquered
and
subdued
nation
.
He
rather
left
us
so
,
as
found
us
so
,
for
we
were
restored
,
to
what
we
gote
pari
passu
,
vvith
himself
.
6.
It
is
true
at
his
coming
(
though
not
by
him
)
vve
vvere
freed
from
the
bondage
of
forraigners
,
but
as
for
the
freedome
we
vvere
restored
unto
,
vve
are
yet
ignorant
of
it
,
and
see
and
feel
heavier
bondage
both
as
to
Church
and
State
,
then
vve
did
under
strangers
of
forraigners
.
But
he
addeth
.
[
If
any
will
say
,
That
it
was
upon
his
account
the
Nation
was
brought
to
the
suffering
of
that
bondage
;
and
that
there
did
lye
bands
upon
him
,
as
our
sworne
King
to
free
ws
,
when
he
should
be
in
capacity
to
do
it
.
It
may
be
answered
.
1.
It
is
knowne
that
when
the
fa●al
stroke
that
sunk
us
into
bondage
was
given
,
there
was
an
expresse
disowneing
of
his
right
,
by
publick
judicatories
of
the
land
,
in
the
quarrel
with
the
English
Sectaryes
,
before
Dumbar
.
]
Answ.
He
should
first
have
removed
this
objection
.
It
was
upon
the
Kings
account
that
the
English
army
did
invade
us
:
had
we
forborne
to
have
sent
commissioners
to
have
called
Him
home
,
The
Englishes
would
never
have
invaded
us
:
for
that
was
their
only
quarrel
;
Because
we
had
taken
the
Head
of
the
Malignant
faction
Into
our
besome
:
and
so
,
had
we
for-borne
to
have
owned
his
quarrel
,
we
had
neither
been
invaded
,
nor
subdued
by
them
,
and
there
had
not
been
so
much
of
our
blood
shed
,
as
there
was
.
And
is
this
all
the
thanks
that
now
we
get
for
our
vast
expence
of
blood
,
oppression
,
and
Ten
years
bondage
,
that
we
must
be
declared
a
conquest
and
a
subdued
Nation
?
2.
It
is
a
manifest
lye
▪
to
say
that
his
interest
vvas
expresly
disowned
by
the
publick
judicatories
of
the
land
,
before
Dumbar
fight
:
for
that
act
of
the
West
Kirk
(
to
vvhich
I
knovv
he
looketh
)
vvas
not
an
expresse
disovvning
of
his
interest
,
as
may
be
seen
by
the
act
it self
,
which
was
as
followeth
,
[
Westkirk
the
13
day
of
August
.
1650.
The
commission
of
the
Generall
Assembly
considering
,
that
there
may
be
just
ground
of
stumbling
from
the
King's
Majesties
refuseing
to
subscribe
and
emit
the
declaration
offered
unto
him
by
the
commmitee
of
Estates
,
and
commissioners
of
the
General
Assembly
,
concerning
his
former
carriage
,
and
resolution
for
the
future
,
in
reference
to
the
cause
of
God
,
&
Enemies
&
Friends
thereof
;
doth
therefore
declare
that
this
Kirk
and
Kingdome
,
do
not
owne
nor
espouse
any
Malignant
party
or
quarrel
,
or
interest
;
but
that
they
fight
meerly
upon
their
former
grounds
and
principles
,
and
in
defence
of
the
cause
of
God
,
and
of
the
Kingdome
,
as
they
have
done
these
twelue
yeers
past
,
and
therefore
as
they
do
disclame
all
the
sinne
and
guilt
of
the
King
,
and
of
his
house
;
so
they
will
not
owne
Him
,
nor
his
interest
,
otherwise
then
with
a
subordination
to
God
,
and
so
far
as
he
ownes
and
prosecutes
the
cause
of
God
;
and
disclaimes
his
and
his
father's
opposition
to
the
work
of
God
,
and
to
the
Covenant
,
and
likewise
all
the
Enemies
thereof
;
and
that
they
will
with
convenient
speed
take
in
consideration
the
papers
lately
sent
unto
them
from
Oliver
Cromwel
,
and
vindicate
themselves
from
all
the
falshoods
contained
therein
,
especially
in
these
things
,
wherein
the
quarrel
betwixt
us
&
that
party
is
mis-stated
,
as
if
we
owned
the
late
King's
proceeding's
and
were
resolved
to
prosecute
and
maintaine
his
present
Majesties
interest
,
before
and
without
acknowledgment
of
the
sinnes
of
his
house
,
and
former
wayes
,
and
satisfaction
to
God's
People
in
both
Kingdomes
]
Which
when
the
committee
of
Estates
had
seen
and
considered
,
they
did
approve
the
same
,
and
heartily
concurred
therein
:
and
what
could
this
honest
and
most
seasonable
declaration
import
,
but
only
that
if
the
King
would
not
by
a
declaration
,
acknowledge
his
sorrow
,
for
his
,
&
his
father's
carrying
on
a
course
destructive
of
the
work
of
God
,
and
his
renunceing
of
the
Malignant
interest
,
and
all
who
would
owne
the
same
,
and
his
purpose
to
adhere
unto
the
Covenants
,
they
would
not
espouse
a
Milignant
quarrel
,
but
fight
upon
the
same
grounds
and
principles
,
that
they
had
done
for
twelue
yeers
before
,
aud
only
owne
him
with
a
subordination
to
God
,
and
in
so
far
as
he
did
owne
the
cause
of
God
,
and
renunce
Malignancy
and
Milignants
,
and
that
they
vvould
take
into
consideration
Oliver
Cromwel's
papers
,
for
their
ovvne
vindication
,
and
clearing
of
the
true
state
of
the
quarrel
,
Which
vvas
necessary
,
before
they
did
engage
in
fight
?
And
vvould
this
Malignant
Gnatho
have
had
the
Land
and
the
publick
judicatories
thereof
,
contrare
to
their
Covenants
,
&
many
Purposes
,
Resolutions
,
Vowes
&
Engagements
,
postponing
Christ's
interests
unto
man's
and
hazard
Religion
,
Libertyes
&
all
,
for
one
,
who
would
not
declare
himself
a
friend
to
Christ
,
and
his
interest
;
but
would
persist
in
a
stated
opposition
to
Christ
and
his
cause
?
3.
But
let
him
make
of
this
,
what
he
will
,
sure
his
interest
was
owned
,
when
he
,
upon
second
thoughts
emited
that
declaration
at
Dumfermline
upon
his
refusal
of
which
,
this
act
made
at
the
Westkirk
passed
,
and
this
was
before
Dumbar
fight
.
So
was
his
interest
sufficiently
owned
,
with
the
subordination
requisite
,
when
he
was
crowned
,
which
was
not
very
long
after
that
stroke
a
Dumbar
,
and
after
vvhich
vve
gote
blowes
enew
,
and
vvere
redacted
at
length
to
bondage
.
What
sayes
he
next
to
this
?
[
2.
What
ever
engagements
were
upon
him
for
the
good
of
the
Nation
;
yet
if
these
mens
principles
were
to
be
followed
they
could
have
had
no
force
on
him
,
to
move
him
to
labour
our
vindication
into
liberty
,
for
do
not
they
teach
that
in
the
mutual
contract
and
Covenant
betwixt
King
and
People
,
the
People
are
loosed
from
their
duty
,
if
the
King
fail
in
his
,
frangenti
fidem
fides
frangatur
eidem
;
and
why
then
in
not
the
King
loosed
,
if
the
people
fail
on
their
part
?
It
is
known
that
(
although
the
Nobles
and
body
of
the
people
were
well
enough
affected
to
the
King
,
and
cordially
loved
him
,
when
they
were
over
powered
and
could
do
nothing
)
yet
by
their
Representatives
,
he
was
disowned
(
which
in
law
would
be
rekoned
their
owne
deed
:
and
if
a
sworne
people
deserte
and
disclaime
their
King
by
their
Representatives
,
may
not
the
King
also
have
the
benefite
of
the
conditional
Covenant
,
and
leave
them
as
he
found
them
in
bondage
to
forraigners
.
But
such
was
his
Majesties
graciousness
and
wisdom
as
well
as
conscience
of
duty
,
that
although
the
Nation
had
failed
much
to
him
,
he
would
not
walk
after
the
counsel
of
these
men
?
And
we
may
(
all
things
considered
)
assert
that
the
people
of
Scotland
do
rather
owe
their
liberty
to
him
,
then
he
doth
owe
his
authority
to
them
,
or
by
virtue
of
any
Covenant
with
them
.
]
Answ.
1.
By
vvhat
he
hath
been
formerly
saying
,
and
by
the
instances
vvhich
he
hath
brought
,
vve
see
vvhat
is
the
scope
he
driveth
at
,
viz.
To
have
us
novv
a
formal
conquest
,
that
so
the
King
may
tyrannize
over
us
,
and
deal
vvith
us
,
as
he
seeth
good
,
jure
conquestus
,
as
being
novv
free
from
all
bonds
and
obligations
,
vvhich
ever
passed
betvvixt
Him
and
the
People
.
For
the
fift
particular
which
he
undertooke
to
cleare
by
these
five
instances
,
was
,
that
the
constitution
of
this
Kingdome
neither
was
,
not
is
,
founded
on
a
Covenant
betwixt
King
and
People
:
and
yet
we
see
the
poor
man
so
straitned
that
he
knoweth
not
what
to
say
:
He
would
saine
loose
the
King
from
all
Bonds
and
Covenants
,
and
former
obligations
,
and
yet
he
dar
not
positively
and
clearly
assert
it
,
but
only
sayes
if
the
King
would
follow
our
principles
,
he
would
account
himself
loosed
from
all
:
but
unlesse
,
he
assert
it
,
clearly
and
positively
,
that
the
King
,
is
really
loosed
from
all
his
former
obligations
,
he
speakes
nothing
to
he
poynt
,
but
must
grant
,
that
at
least
as
to
this
King
,
the
constitution
is
founded
upon
a
conditional
Covenant
;
and
though
we
should
yeeld
all
therest
,
if
he
grant
this
to
us
,
we
need
desire
no
more
,
for
all
our
Ends.
But
2.
in
good
earnest
,
let
him
tell
us
,
Whether
the
former
engagements
which
were
upon
the
King
at
his
coronation
,
be
loosed
or
not
?
If
they
be
loosed
and
made
null
,
because
of
what
these
supposed
Representatives
did
:
Then
1.
we
have
a
new
ground
of
dissolving
the
sacred
obligations
of
the
Oaths
and
Covenants
,
which
the
King
made
with
God
,
and
with
his
People
,
which
was
not
thought
upon
till
this
needle-headed
man
did
invent
it
.
The
King
himself
at
his
returne
,
gave
no
such
ground
.
2.
If
he
think
that
these
Representatives
(
having
no
expresse
commission
to
renunce
Charles
Stewart
and
his
interest
,
from
the
land
▪
did
break
their
allaigance
,
why
did
not
the
King
execute
the
law
against
them
as
traitours
(
as
he
did
against
some
under
that
pretext
,
but
really
for
their
faithfulnesse
to
the
Covenant
,
as
is
made
out
by
the
Apologist
)
why
did
he
seem
to
approve
what
they
did
,
by
Countenanceing
them
so
much
,
as
he
hath
done
since
his
returne
?
3.
Doth
not
himself
say
that
the
Nobles
and
Body
of
the
Land
were
well
enough
affected
to
the
King
,
and
cordially
loved
him
,
when
they
were
overpowered
and
could
do
nothing
?
Sure
then
the
land
did
not
break
,
vvhatsoever
some
men
did
.
Ay
but
,
sayes
he
,
in
lavv
this
vvould
be
reckoned
their
deed
.
Very
hardly
,
since
they
gave
no
commission
for
such
a
deed
.
If
he
say
that
they
virtually
gave
such
a
commission
,
in
that
they
sent
their
commissioners
unto
the
commonvvealths
Parliament
.
It
may
be
answered
,
that
not
only
that
was
a
constrained
and
extorted
act
,
but
,
that
as
matters
then
stood
,
no
lavvyer
,
no
politician
,
nor
divine
vvould
condemne
such
a
deed
as
sinful
or
unlavvful
,
or
as
prejudicial
to
the
Kings
interest
,
to
send
commissioners
to
a
meeting
,
at
command
of
the
Conquerour
,
to
labour
for
a
mitigation
of
their
bondage
,
and
for
proposeing
some
things
for
the
good
of
the
land
,
vvhen
their
ovvne
King
vvas
banished
from
them
,
vvithout
all
hope
of
a
returne
,
and
they
,
for
his
sake
,
vvithout
any
treachery
or
perfidy
in
them
,
reduced
to
a
state
of
bondage
.
3.
But
since
the
King
at
his
returne
laide
claime
to
no
nevv
right
,
but
stood
upon
the
old
ground
,
and
upon
this
account
vvas
crovvned
in
England
vvhere
he
had
not
been
crovvned
before
,
and
vvas
not
crovvned
in
Scotland
,
because
he
had
been
crovvned
there
formerly
,
all
these
quircks
are
to
no
prupose
:
for
the
King
returning
upon
the
old
claime
,
acknowledged
the
former
constitution
,
and
re-assumed
his
auncient
Kingdome
upon
the
same
tearmes
he
did
before
,
which
is
also
furder
confirmed
by
the
act
of
indempnity
,
which
he
passed
;
and
other
acts
and
deeds
,
which
weer
needlesse
now
to
mention
.
4.
We
shall
easily
grant
,
that
when
a
sworne
People
desert
and
disclaime
their
King
by
their
Representatives
:
The
King
also
may
take
the
benefite
of
the
conditional
Covenant
and
leave
them
.
and
so
might
King
Charles
have
done
,
and
never
owned
us
more
:
and
if
he
had
done
so
,
and
gone
to
some
other
part
of
the
world
,
to
have
spent
his
dayes
,
as
some
would
not
have
been
grieved
,
so
,
I
think
both
lawyers
and
divines
would
have
thought
him
loosed
from
his
obligation
to
the
people
,
though
not
wholly
from
his
obligation
to
God
:
But
now
since
he
did
not
so
,
but
took
the
first
occasion
that
was
feisible
,
and
returned
to
his
old
station
and
relation
,
all
the
old
bonds
and
engagements
,
which
he
took
in
these
relations
,
recurred
with
their
former
force
and
vigour
,
and
he
became
no
lesse
bound
then
ever
,
yea
,
before
the
Lord
,
rather
more
:
because
the
goodnesse
of
God
in
restoreing
him
without
blood
,
should
have
engaged
his
heart
so
much
the
more
unto
God
,
&
to
his
former
vowes
and
Covenants
.
5.
What
way
he
laboured
our
vindication
into
liberty
,
I
know
not
;
and
if
it
be
his
Majesties
graciousnesse
and
wisdome
,
as
well
as
his
conscience
of
duty
,
that
would
not
let
him
walk
after
the
counsel
of
these
men
,
(
as
he
sayeth
)
many
think
that
we
are
yet
to
see
these
commendable
dispositions
;
for
the
effect
mentioned
is
not
visible
:
for
after
the
counsell
of
whomsoever
he
hath
walked
,
sure
we
are
,
he
hath
broken
the
Bonds
and
Engagements
which
he
took
on
him
,
both
before
,
and
on
the
day
of
his
coronation
:
He
hath
rejected
the
Covenant
,
which
he
made
with
God
upon
his
knees
,
with
his
hands
lifted
up
unto
the
Most
High
,
and
overturned
that
which
was
the
Chief
of
our
fundamental
lawes
,
or
tearmes
of
our
constitution
,
as
we
see
this
day
:
and
this
is
knowne
,
that
of
these
who
are
most
injured
by
him
now
,
and
presecuted
,
there
were
fewest
that
failed
to
him
in
that
day
;
and
therefore
his
graciousnesse
and
wisdome
and
conscience
of
duty
,
should
have
caused
him
remember
these
,
who
could
not
,
out
of
conscience
of
their
obligation
to
him
,
by
vertue
of
their
Covenant
,
take
that
Tender
,
which
,
others
,
to
save
themselves
from
a
little
suffering
,
swallovved
dovvne
vvithout
much
difficulty
;
and
not
have
made
them
the
objects
of
his
ire
and
indignation
,
as
he
hath
done
,
and
is
doing
to
this
day
.
6.
He
tells
us
,
that
He
may
assert
,
that
the
People
of
Scotland
do
rather
ovve
their
liberty
to
him
,
then
he
his
authority
to
them
.
But
vvhat
this
bold
assertor
sayeth
,
is
not
much
to
be
valued
;
vvho
these
People
of
Scotland
are
,
vvho
ovve
their
liberty
to
him
,
I
knovv
not
,
unlesse
he
meane
the
abjured
Prelates
,
and
their
base
naughty
,
scandalous
Underlings
,
the
scumme
of
the
earth
,
the
shame
of
the
Church
,
and
the
disgrace
of
the
Ministry
,
who
novv
have
freedome
from
Church-Discipline
,
and
civil
censures
,
and
license
to
corrupt
the
vvord
of
God
,
to
destroy
soulls
,
to
tyrannize
over
consciences
,
to
oppresse
the
People
,
to
inslave
the
subjects
,
and
to
lead
back
the
People
into
Egypt
:
And
the
dyvour
Lords
and
others
,
vvho
because
of
their
licentious
,
luxurious
,
sensual
and
brutish
lives
,
vvhich
they
lead
like
so
many
Epicures
,
having
devoured
their
ovvne
Estates
,
and
are
novv
so
drouned
in
debt
,
that
if
the
poor
could
have
but
liberty
to
seek
their
ovvne
,
and
if
justice
vvere
running
like
a
streame
,
durst
not
be
seen
,
must
novv
have
acts
made
in
their
favours
liberating
them
from
the
sentence
of
the
lavv
,
and
allovving
them
to
presse
upon
their
creditours
,
the
most
barren
,
frutelesse
,
and
uselesse
of
their
lands
,
and
that
at
tvventy
years
purchase
,
after
they
have
by
manifest
iniquity
,
vvithheld
aught
yeers
annualrent
,
vvhich
is
near
the
equal
half
of
the
principal
summe
;
and
such
others
acts
of
that
nature
.
Is
this
the
liberty
he
talkes
of
,
That
a
fevv
shall
have
liberty
to
drink
avvay
and
vvith
debauchery
,
destroy
the
substance
of
the
land
,
and
vvaste
it
upon
vvhores
and
cups
?
If
these
ovve
that
liberty
,
unto
him
,
I
am
sure
he
vvill
have
little
reason
,
ere
all
be
done
,
to
ovve
his
standing
unto
them
,
When
the
anger
of
God
shall
beginner
to
kindle
,
and
his
vvrath
shall
be
revealed
from
heaven
against
all
ungodlinesse
and
unrighteousnesse
of
men
.
But
lastly
,
vvhat
if
vve
should
grant
him
,
vvhat
he
dar
not
in
plaine
tearmes
require
:
viz.
That
the
King
ruleth
over
us
novv
jure
conquestus
?
Sure
he
must
then
be
Tyrannus
sine
titulo
,
a
Tyrant
vvithout
a
title
:
for
his
old
title
,
being
gone
and
expired
,
he
had
no
nevv
title
vvhereupon
to
ground
the
lavvfulnesse
of
his
conquest
,
and
therefore
by
his
scope
and
drift
here
,
he
proclaimeth
a
liberty
to
all
the
People
of
Scotland
to
carry
tovvards
him
,
as
an
usurper
;
to
seek
to
dethrone
him
,
and
to
cut
him
off
:
for
Polititians
vvill
grant
that
a
Tyrant
vvithout
a
title
may
be
so
dealt
with
:
And
thus
vve
fee
that
if
he
loose
the
old
fundations
,
he
shakes
the
throne
more
then
he
is
a
vvarre
of
;
And
as
in
many
other
things
through
this
pamphlet
so
in
this
,
he
doth
his
Master
no
good
service
,
notvvithstanding
of
the
great
fee
he
hath
gote
for
his
paines
.
The
summe
of
what
followeth
,
Pag.
92
,
93.
is
this
[
That
none
before
King
James
6.
did
at
their
installing
enter
into
Covenant
with
the
People
,
(
except
what
one
sayeth
of
Gregory
the
great
,
who
swore
to
defend
the
libertyes
of
the
Christian
Religion
,
&c.
which
then
was
Popery
)
and
neither
did
King
James
himself
do
it
,
but
only
Morton
and
Hume
in
his
name
promised
somehing
like
it
;
nay
it
is
doubted
,
if
King
Charles
the
first
did
sweare
that
oath
,
of
if
he
did
,
he
was
the
first
,
and
yet
he
was
aught
yeers
our
King
before
,
and
it
is
to
be
beleeved
on
good
ground
,
that
if
he
had
thought
his
taking
of
that
oath
,
should
have
subjected
him
to
the
coactive
and
punitive
power
of
the
Subjects
,
in
every
case
,
wherein
they
or
any
party
of
them
)
being
meer
private
persons
)
might
think
him
deficient
,
he
would
rather
have
endured
any
death
.
but
it
shall
be
avowed
,
that
he
did
never
shrink
from
the
observation
of
that
Godly
oath
,
neither
hath
his
Majesty
who
now
reigneth
swerved
from
the
observation
of
that
oath
hitherto
,
and
we
are
hopeful
,
God's
grace
shall
preserve
him
hereafter
,
from
any
such
thing
.
]
Answ.
1.
We
cannot
expect
that
Buchanan
,
studying
much
brevity
,
would
set
downe
all
the
formalityes
that
were
used
at
the
coronation
of
the
Kings
,
he
only
satisfying
himself
with
a
series
of
the
succeeding
Kings
,
and
with
a
relation
of
some
of
the
most
remarkable
passages
:
And
therefore
,
it
is
no
good
argument
to
conclude
that
no
such
thing
was
;
because
he
doth
not
make
mention
thereof
.
2.
other
historians
name
some
other
Kings
beside
that
Gregory
,
who
tooke
an
oath
at
their
coronation
,
as
Corbred
the
21.
King
,
who
swore
se
majorum
consiliis
acquieturum
.
That
he
should
be
ruled
by
the
counsel
of
a
Parliament
,
whom
he
accounted
his
Superiours
.
So
in
Macbethus
his
dayes
,
it
vvas
ordained
by
the
Estates
,
that
the
King
should
sweare
to
maintaine
the
community
of
the
Realme
.
3.
Whether
they
did
actually
sweare
an
oath
at
their
coronation
or
not
,
it
is
not
much
to
the
matter
;
for
a
virtual
and
implicite
Covenant
will
ground
all
which
we
desire
,
and
that
there
was
this
much
,
cannot
be
denyed
,
seing
Kings
,
who
could
not
reigne
,
was
layd
aside
;
others
who
corrupted
government
,
were
pursued
,
sentenced
,
punished
,
imprisoned
,
and
killed
in
battle
,
or
otherwise
made
to
promise
amendment
;
And
seing
we
finde
bonds
laid
upon
Kings
,
as
that
in
the
dayes
of
Finnanus
the
10.
King
.
[
That
Kings
thereafter
should
do
nothing
of
any
great
concernment
,
without
the
authority
of
their
publick
Councel
,
and
should
not
rule
the
Kingdome
according
to
the
Counsel
of
his
Domesticks
;
That
he
should
manage
no
publick
businesse
which
belonged
to
the
King
,
without
the
advice
and
conduct
of
the
Fathers
,
and
should
neither
make
peace
or
war
,
enter
into
Leagues
,
or
break
Leagues
by
himself
,
without
the
concurrence
and
command
of
the
Fathers
&
Heads
of
tribes
.
]
This
was
a
fundamental
Law
of
the
Kingdome
,
and
all
who
accepted
of
the
crowne
thereafter
must
have
accepted
it
upon
these
tearmes
,
though
they
had
not
been
in
plaine
tearmes
expressed
,
So
Durstus
his
Successour
did
sweare
the
same
,
and
therefore
in
Mogaldus
the
23.
King
his
dayes
,
this
is
called
the
ancient
custome
,
for
he
ad
consilia
Seniorum
omnia
ex
prisco
more
revocavit
,
did
all
by
a
Parliament
according
to
the
ancient
and
received
custome
:
And
because
Conarus
the
24.
King
neglected
,
or
refused
to
follow
this
received
custome
,
he
was
cast
into
prisone
;
So
that
the
not
observing
of
these
conditions
made
them
obnoxius
unto
the
coactive
power
of
the
People
.
So
was
Romachus
censured
by
the
Parliament
for
the
same
crime
.
So
we
read
of
many
others
censured
for
their
misdemanurs
as
Constantine
the
43.
King
,
Ferchardus
the
first
the
52.
King
,
Ferchardus
the
2.
the
54.
King
,
Eugenius
the
62.
King
,
Donaldus
the
70.
King
,
all
which
instances
&
many
such
like
,
do
abundantly
cleare
that
the
Kings
of
old
were
under
bonds
and
obligations
,
if
not
explicite
,
yet
tacite
unto
the
People
.
4.
Whatever
can
be
said
concerning
the
ancient
Kings
;
yet
now
it
is
past
doubt
that
all
our
Kings
are
bound
to
sweare
an
oath
at
their
coronation
,
and
so
are
under
conditions
and
Covenant-tyes
and
obligations
,
and
this
is
enough
for
our
present
purpose
.
5.
It
was
thought
suffificient
in
point
of
formality
&
legality
that
the
Earle
of
Mortoun
and
Hume
should
sweare
in
name
of
the
King
,
at
this
coronation
.
[
That
he
should
observe
the
Lawes
,
and
according
to
his
power
should
preserve
the
doctrine
,
and
rites
of
Religion
,
which
were
then
taught
,
and
publickly
received
,
and
oppose
himself
to
all
which
was
repugnant
thereunto
.
]
And
this
was
the
very
summe
of
that
oath
,
which
was
afterward
concluded
in
Parliament
,
to
be
received
by
all
Kings
at
their
coronation
.
And
the
reason
why
they
did
not
put
King
Iames
to
that
oath
thereafter
,
was
because
,
he
was
but
once
crowned
,
and
the
oath
was
to
be
sworne
at
the
coronation
:
and
when
King
Iames
was
crowned
,
It
was
done
by
others
for
him
,
as
is
said
.
6.
Though
this
man
make
a
question
,
whether
King
Charles
did
swear
this
oath
or
not
at
his
coronation
,
yet
it
is
notoure
that
he
did
,
and
though
he
beleevet●
,
that
if
the
King
had
thought
,
that
his
taking
of
that
oath
,
should
have
been
so
far
mistaken
by
his
Subjects
,
as
that
he
should
have
been
thought
thereby
,
to
have
submitted
himself
to
their
coactive
and
punitive
power
,
in
every
case
,
wherein
they
or
any
part
of
them
might
think
him
deficient
,
he
would
rather
have
endured
any
death
,
then
so
to
have
cast
himself
away
,
at
the
pleasure
of
malcontented
partyes
,
amongst
the
People
,
taking
advantage
against
him
by
that
oath
:
(
all
which
we
may
give
him
good
leave
,
to
beleeve
,
for
we
assert
no
such
thing
)
yet
he
must
suffer
us
to
beleeve
also
,
upon
as
good
ground
,
That
if
King
Charles
had
absolutely
or
peremptoriely
refused
to
have
taken
that
oath
,
or
had
said
,
That
he
would
rule
as
he
listed
,
and
have
no
regaird
to
the
established
lawes
;
and
whould
bring
in
what
Religion
he
pleased
,
though
it
were
Machometanisme
or
Poperie
;
or
that
he
did
not
account
himself
obliged
to
the
Subjects
by
any
oath
he
could
take
,
The
Nobles
and
others
would
have
scrupled
to
have
given
him
the
Crowne
,
and
acknowledged
him
King
.
And
their
after
practices
declared
that
they
looked
upon
him
,
as
a
King
obliged
by
tearmes
and
conditions
unto
them
:
which
when
he
broke
,
they
maintained
their
right
against
him
,
with
their
sword
,
when
no
other
meane
could
prevaile
.
7.
Though
it
be
true
,
that
King
Charles
the
first
was
acknowledged
King
sometime
before
he
was
crowned
,
yet
that
was
with
respect
to
the
same
conditions
,
unto
which
he
was
,
by
his
taking
the
place
,
virtually
obliged
;
and
therefore
afterward
,
when
he
came
to
be
crovvned
,
and
formally
installed
,
he
did
also
formally
and
expresly
take
on
the
obligation
.
And
vvhether
he
did
ever
shrink
from
the
observance
of
that
godly
oath
,
let
this
perfidious
man
avovv
vvhat
he
vvill
,
many
vvill
assert
it
as
certane
,
in
some
poynts
,
and
too
too
probable
in
other
.
9.
But
though
he
should
doubt
vvhether
any
King
,
before
King
Charles
the
second
,
did
svveare
any
oath
or
Covenant
vvith
the
People
;
yet
he
cannot
doubt
of
vvhat
this
King
Charles
the
second
did
:
It
being
being
beyond
all
denyall
and
contradiction
,
That
he
swore
both
that
Oath
which
was
injoyned
in
King
Iames
the
si●t
his
dayes
;
and
also
the
National
Covenant
,
and
the
Solemne
League
and
Covenant
:
and
that
according
to
these
,
the
Subjects
did
sweare
obedience
unto
Him
:
Here
was
then
a
mutual
conditional
Covenant
,
explicitly
,
and
in
plaine
tearmes
,
with
all
the
solemnities
imaginable
,
entered
into
:
and
what
needs
more
to
cleare
all
which
we
have
said
,
and
to
ground
all
which
we
would
inferre
,
to
justify
the
late
action
:
For
as
for
his
vaine
inferences
,
they
concerne
not
us
,
and
more
shall
be
spoken
of
them
afterward
.
10.
Though
this
Surveyer
be
ready
to
avow
that
this
King
hath
never
swerved
from
the
observation
of
that
oath
enjoyed
Anno
1567.
yet
all
the
World
seeth
,
that
he
hath
not
,
as
he
ought
to
have
done
,
maintained
the
true
Religion
,
nor
right
preaching
,
and
administration
of
Sacraments
;
Neither
hath
he
,
according
to
his
power
,
abolished
and
withstood
all
false
Religions
contrary
to
the
same
,
as
appeares
by
the
great
indulgence
,
and
toleration
,
if
not
countenance
,
granted
to
Popery
and
Papists
.
Neither
hath
he
ruled
us
,
according
to
the
will
of
God
,
but
rather
persecuted
us
for
adhereing
to
the
Word
of
God
:
nor
hath
he
ruled
us
,
by
the
laudable
Lawes
and
constitutions
of
the
realme
,
but
hath
with
a
packt
Parliament
,
principled
to
his
minde
,
overturned
our
lawes
&
libertyes
,
&
hath
framed
&
established
iniquity
by
a
law
.
11.
But
what
sayes
he
to
the
Nat.
Cov.
&
League
&
Cov.
?
Dar
he
avow
that
he
hath
not
broken
these
?
If
he
had
not
,
we
had
not
been
troubled
this
day
,
with
a
Popish
Prelatical
and
Malignant
faction
,
nor
had
we
seen
these
abjured
and
foresworne
Prelates
,
nor
had
we
seen
the
work
of
reformation
of
religion
,
in
worship
,
Doctrine
.
Discipline
and
Government
,
so
overthrowne
,
overturned
and
trode
upon
,
as
it
is
this
day
.
12.
So
then
,
seing
he
cannot
deny
,
but
the
King
took
and
solemnely
swore
these
Covenants
,
and
that
now
he
hath
openly
,
and
avowedly
broken
them
,
it
is
undenyable
that
he
hath
broken
the
conditions
on
which
he
was
made
King
:
yea
,
seing
these
were
the
maine
conditions
,
and
the
only
conditions
considerable
,
and
were
become
the
fundamental
law
of
our
constitution
,
he
hath
violated
the
principal
and
only
conditions
covenanted
,
and
what
we
shall
hence
inferre
,
we
shall
now
show
.
Having
thus
vindicated
and
cleared
the
premises
,
we
shall
draw
out
our
arguments
and
conclusions
thence
,
and
,
1.
If
People
propose
conditions
and
tearmes
unto
Princes
,
to
be
by
them
acquiesced
in
,
and
submitted
unto
,
and
upon
which
they
are
to
accept
their
Crowne
and
Scepter
;
Then
,
if
the
Prince
of
King
violate
these
conditions
which
he
once
accepted
,
and
contrare
of
his
promise
and
engagement
,
destroy
what
he
promised
to
build
up
;
The
People
may
very
lawfully
defend
themselves
,
and
these
good
ends
,
which
they
endeavoured
to
have
secured
,
by
proposeing
these
conditions
unto
the
Prince
,
when
he
is
seeking
to
destroy
all
,
even
by
force
vvhen
there
is
no
other
remedy
.
But
such
is
our
case
.
The
King
vvas
formally
and
expresly
engaged
by
Compacts
and
Covenants
to
secure
the
Reformed
Religion
in
Doctrine
,
Worshipe
,
Discipline
,
and
Government
;
to
secure
all
these
vvho
owned
the
same
,
and
adhered
to
the
Covenants
;
and
to
ratify
and
approve
all
lavves
made
for
these
Covenants
,
and
for
the
security
of
such
as
entered
into
these
Covenants
:
and
novv
notvvithstanding
of
these
conditions
agreed
unto
by
him
,
the
Covenant
and
vvork
and
all
is
overturned
,
People
persecuted
meerly
upon
the
account
of
their
adhereing
to
these
Covenants
,
all
conditions
are
violated
,
all
Covenants
,
Vowes
,
Compacts
,
Engagements
and
vvhat
could
be
devised
for
security
of
the
reformation
and
of
the
ovvners
thereof
,
are
broken
.
Who
then
can
condemne
even
privat
persons
if
they
stand
to
their
defence
in
this
case
?
See
Althusius
polit.
cap.
38.
n.
30.
2.
If
People
may
lavvfully
and
laudably
defend
the
fundamental
lavves
of
the
Kingdom
,
on
vvhich
the
constitution
of
the
Kingdome
standeth
,
and
on
vvhich
the
security
of
vvhat
is
dear
to
them
as
men
,
and
as
Christians
,
relveth
.
Then
the
late
act
cannot
be
condemned
;
because
,
in
defending
themselves
,
they
stood
for
that
vvhich
vvas
the
maine
and
principal
tearme
of
our
constitution
.
But
the
former
is
true
:
because
the
Prince
violating
these
,
destroyeth
the
constitution
,
and
because
He
cannot
do
this
as
a
Prince
,
having
already
engaged
as
a
Prince
to
maintaine
the
constitution
,
he
must
do
it
as
a
private
person
,
or
an
enemy
to
the
constitution
and
whole
body
of
the
land
.
Therefore
he
may
wel
be
resisted
,
even
by
private
persones
,
see
this
fully
made
out
by
Althus
.
Pol.
cap.
38.
n.
37.
both
out
of
Lawyers
and
Divines
.
3.
If
a
People
,
even
by
resistence
,
may
defend
their
personal
libertyes
and
rights
,
secured
unto
them
by
Compacts
with
the
Prince
,
or
by
the
fundamental
lawes
of
the
land
,
which
the
Prince
as
Prince
is
bound
to
maintaine
.
Then
the
late
act
cannot
be
condemned
:
because
by
it
they
were
but
defending
that
,
which
the
King
had
secured
unto
them
,
by
his
compact
,
and
which
was
secured
unto
them
by
the
fundamental
law
of
the
land
.
But
the
former
is
true
:
because
a
privat
person
is
allowed
by
law
to
maintaine
his
Lands
and
Rights
,
even
though
some
,
in
the
Kings
name
,
should
come
,
under
whatsoever
pretext
,
to
robe
and
dispossesse
him
,
and
shut
him
to
the
door
.
Therefore
,
this
late
act
,
though
of
private
persones
,
cannot
be
condemned
.
4.
If
a
Prince
violating
all
,
or
he
maine
conditions
,
upon
which
he
was
made
Prince
,
becometh
stricto
jure
no
Prince
,
but
falleth
from
his
benefice
,
not
having
done
the
offices
,
in
consideration
of
which
,
he
gote
that
benefice
conferred
upon
him
[
non
enim
(
sayeth
Althus
.
ubi
supra
)
commodum
debet
sentire
ex
contractu
quem
vel
omittendo
vel
committendo
quis
impugnat
.
]
Then
lawfully
enough
such
an
one
may
be
resisted
,
even
by
Private
persones
;
as
is
cleare
.
But
the
former
is
made
clear
above
:
and
such
is
our
case
now
;
for
the
King
hath
broken
,
palpably
and
avowedly
,
the
maine
and
principal
conditions
,
on
which
he
was
made
King
,
having
overturned
the
work
of
reformation
,
which
,
if
he
had
not
promised
,
vowed
and
covenanted
to
maintaine
,
he
had
never
been
crowned
or
admitted
to
the
exercise
of
that
Government
.
Who
then
can
blaime
a
People
standing
to
their
owne
defence
,
when
oppressed
and
tyrannized
over
by
his
emissaries
,
who
hath
thus
violated
the
principal
and
only
conditions
of
the
compact
,
and
is
forceing
them
to
the
same
excesse
of
wickednesse
and
perjury
?
[
deficiente
hâc
conditione
sayeth
Althus
.
Pol.
c.
38.
n.
40.
)
desinit
●bligatio
,
&
fidem
non
servanti
,
fidem
ei
quoque
non
servari
aquum
est
.
Nam
qui
non
facit
quod
debet
,
nec
recipit
quod
oportet
,
nec
p●tere
potest
,
quod
ei
ideo
ab
alio
debetur
:
quam
naturam
esse
conventionum
in
quibus
utraque
pars
contrahens
obligatur
,
testatur
Tiraq
.
de
Legib.
Connub.
Gloss.
1.
part
13.
n.
42.
&
la●è
Mascard
.
Concl.
1387.
per
Alleg.
Ibid.
Rolland
.
a
Val.
Consil
.
69.
Vol.
4.
&
Consil
.
53.
Vol.
1.
quando
ergo
una
pars
promissa
non
praes
;
tat
,
facit
eo
ipsout
&
altera
liberetur
.
Dynus
Alexander
&
Jason
,
in
L.
cum
proponas
C.
de
pactis
.
]
5.
If
when
a
Prince
violateth
the
maine
and
principal
conditions
,
on
which
he
was
installed
,
a
People
be
siricto
jure
liberated
from
subjection
unto
him
.
Then
much
more
may
they
resist
him
,
when
he
by
his
emissaries
oppresseth
,
and
unjustly
violenteth
them
.
But
we
have
cleared
the
former
to
be
true
.
Therefore
,
so
is
the
later
.
The
consequence
cannot
be
denyed
:
for
if
stricto
jure
a
people
may
disowne
a
prince
,
then
much
more
may
they
repell
his
unjust
violence
.
If
law
admit
the
more
,
it
will
admit
the
lesse
also
.
The
application
of
this
is
cleare
from
the
former
.
6.
If
the
Covenant
or
Compact
,
which
is
betwixt
Prince
and
People
give
law-clame
to
the
People
to
pursue
the
Prince
.
,
in
case
of
failing
in
the
maine
and
principal
thing
covenanted
:
Then
,
sure
the
People
may
resist
unjust
violence
;
for
they
who
pursue
,
for
a
broken
Compact
,
according
to
their
clame
,
may
farr
more
defend
their
clame
when
invaded
by
force
,
contrare
to
the
compact
.
The
application
of
this
is
also
cleare
.
7.
Since
by
this
compact
,
it
is
clear
as
Althusius
tells
us
Pol.
Cap.
19.
n.
12.
that
the
People
or
Kingdome
are
the
full
Lords
proprietors
of
all
the
power
,
and
have
free
liberty
to
dispose
of
it
,
the
frute
and
emolument
thereof
redounding
to
themselves
,
having
full
power
no
lese
then
any
private
person
to
manage
dispose
,
and
dispense
in
their
owne
matters
as
they
please
.
Then
when
they
finde
the
person
to
whom
the
Government
is
committed
by
compacts
,
administrating
the
same
to
their
hurt
and
destruction
,
they
may
see
to
their
owne
good
,
and
not
suffer
themselves
to
be
destroyed
,
but
resist
him
who
instead
of
a
mandatarius
and
servant
,
turneth
a
Tyrant
and
Enemy
.
8.
Since
,
as
the
same
Althusius
sayeth
Ibid.
n.
13.
by
this
compact
it
is
apparent
,
that
the
Ius
the
power
or
authority
,
which
is
given
to
the
Supream
Magistrate
is
not
his
owne
,
&
is
lesse
then
the
Ius
of
the
People
&
inferiour
to
theirs
;
because
it
dependeth
upon
the
free
will
&
prescription
of
the
People
,
&
endeth
with
the
death
of
the
prince
,
who
is
Mandatarius
;
as
other
contractus
Mandati
use
to
do
,
and
recurreth
to
its
owne
proper
Master
and
Lord
.
Then
it
cannot
be
unlawful
for
the
People
the
commander
here
,
to
see
to
their
owne
saiftie
,
and
provide
that
their
owne
free
gift
destroy
them
not
,
and
so
to
resist
the
Prince
abuseing
that
power
to
their
destruction
.
9.
If
it
be
certane
(
as
it
is
to
Althus
.
Pol.
c.
19.
n.
47.
)
that
the
Prince
hath
no
more
power
given
to
him
by
the
People
,
then
what
is
contained
in
the
conditions
upon
which
he
undertaketh
the
government
,
and
what
more
he
assumes
,
he
usurpeth
by
tyranny
from
the
People
.
Then
when
he
usurpeth
more
power
then
was
given
to
him
,
he
may
be
resisted
:
and
the
People
are
allowed
to
preserve
their
owne
:
and
when
he
ruleth
contrare
to
the
conditions
,
and
destroyeth
these
,
it
is
certane
He
arrogateth
to
himself
a
power
which
was
never
given
to
him
,
yea
which
was
virtually
prohibited
and
discharged
to
him
:
and
in
that
case
may
lawfully
be
resisted
,
as
is
undenyable
.
The
antecedent
Althusius
proveth
in
the
forecited
place
n
,
48.
saying
[
aequitas
hujus
rei
naturalis
demonstrari
potest
ex
natura
mandati
,
quod
dicitur
contractus
bonae
fidei
,
obligans
eum
qui
alienorum
negotiorum
administrationem
suscepit
,
ne
limites
&
fines
mandati
excedat
,
sed
contineat
se
intraterminos
praescriptos
a
mandante
,
ut
latius
docent
J.
CC.
quibus
addendus
Vasq.
Illustr.
Quaest.
L.
1.
c.
47.
n.
13.
CAP.
VII
.
Of
the
Nature
of
the
Kings
Power
over
his
Subjects
.
Our
Arguments
hence
.
FRom
what
hath
been
said
in
the
two
former
chapters
,
vve
may
saifly
gather
these
conclusions
concerning
the
nature
of
the
povver
of
a
Soveraigne
over
his
Subjects
,
vvhich
vvill
yeeld
us
so
many
arguments
,
confirming
the
poynt
in
hand
.
1.
The
Soveraigne's
povver
over
his
Subjects
,
is
not
properly
a
parental
povver
,
that
is
,
not
such
a
povver
as
parents
have
over
their
children
:
for
1.
The
Soveraigne's
power
over
the
Subjects
ariseth
from
a
voluntary
compact
,
and
consent
of
the
Subjects
,
as
was
shewed
;
but
the
Father's
power
requireth
no
such
previous
consent
or
compact
.
2.
The
Soveraigne's
power
may
be
restricted
to
so
many
degrees
by
the
Subjects
;
so
cannot
the
Father's
by
the
Children
.
3.
The
Subjects
obedience
and
subjections
to
the
Soveraigne
may
be
conditional
;
as
we
have
proved
,
and
our
adversaries
will
grante
it
,
in
limited
Princes
:
but
so
cannot
the
subjection
of
Children
be
.
4.
Whethersoever
Children
goe
,
they
keep
always
the
same
relation
to
the
same
Parents
:
but
Subjects
may
change
their
Soveraignes
,
by
changing
the
places
of
their
habitation
.
5.
Children
can
in
no
case
break
that
relation
,
which
is
betwixt
their
Fathers
and
them
;
but
in
many
cases
,
Royalists
themselves
will
grant
,
Subjects
may
shake
off
the
King
.
6.
Children
cannot
change
their
Fathers
:
but
Subjects
may
change
their
Soveraignes
;
for
Royalists
wil
grant
that
such
as
are
under
an
Aristocracy
may
make
choise
of
a
Monarch
.
7
,
Children
hold
their
natural
being
of
their
Parents
,
but
Soveraignes
are
designed
only
for
the
political
or
civil
welbeing
of
the
Subjects
.
8.
Subjects
may
choose
what
Soveraignes
they
will
,
whether
Monarchical
or
Aristocratical
,
and
what
persones
in
this
,
or
that
forme
:
Children
can
not
choose
what
Parents
they
shall
have
.
9.
Subjects
can
condescend
upon
the
time
how
long
such
an
one
shall
be
their
Soveraigne
,
ad
vitam
or
culpam
:
but
Children
can
not
set
bounds
unto
their
Parents
power
.
10.
Soveraignes
have
not
begotten
all
their
Subjects
,
nor
doth
their
relation
or
power
flow
form
such
an
act
:
but
Paternal
power
doth
.
11.
If
the
Soveraigne's
power
were
paternal
only
,
then
he
should
not
have
power
of
life
and
death
,
because
parents
as
such
have
not
that
power
over
their
Children
▪
12.
The
Surveyer
himself
granteth
this
Pag.
29.
in
these
words
.
[
Kings
are
not
fathers
of
our
flesh
,
or
by
generation
,
nor
can
they
be
truely
called
so
,
political
and
parental
power
are
different
things
.
]
So
then
the
Soveraigne's
power
is
paternal
only
in
a
metaphorical
sence
:
because
They
should
have
a
Fatherly
care
and
inspection
over
their
Kingdomes
,
and
should
nourish
,
cherish
,
love
and
governe
them
tenderly
and
carefully
;
and
as
Parents
in
some
respects
,
love
their
children
better
then
themselves
,
so
should
they
preferre
the
good
of
the
commonwealth
unto
their
owne
:
and
upon
this
account
are
stiled
Fathers
Gen.
20.
2.
Iudg.
5.
7.
1
Sum.
24.
12.
Isa.
49.
23.
as
also
Pastors
are
.
2.
The
Soveraigne's
power
is
not
properly
Marital
,
or
such
as
Husbands
have
over
their
Wives
,
for
.
1.
Wives
cannot
limite
their
Husband's
power
,
as
Subjects
may
limite
their
Soveraigne's
.
2.
Wives
cannot
prescribe
the
time
how
long
such
an
one
shall
be
their
Husband
,
as
Subjects
may
do
vvith
their
Soveraignes
.
3.
Wives
cannot
change
their
Husbands
,
as
Subjects
may
change
an
Aristocracy
into
a
Monarchy
.
4.
Wives
are
appoynted
for
an
helpe
to
the
Husband
,
but
the
Soveraigne
is
rather
for
the
Commonvvealth
,
then
the
Commonvvealth
for
him
.
5.
If
the
Soveraigne's
povver
vvere
such
,
then
he
could
not
have
povver
of
life
and
death
;
for
a
Husband
as
such
hath
not
that
povver
over
his
Wife
.
6.
Though
the
Husband
and
the
Wife
be
in
distinct
Kingdomes
,
the
relation
standeth
,
and
is
not
broken
upon
that
account
,
but
if
a
subject
goe
out
of
one
Kingdome
,
to
live
into
another
,
he
changeth
his
Soveraigne
,
and
hath
a
relation
to
a
nevv
Soveraigne
.
3.
So
he
is
but
metaphorically
,
and
not
properly
called
the
Head
of
the
Commonwealth
:
for
1.
the
head
is
not
made
Head
by
the
free
choise
of
the
Members
:
but
the
Soveraigne
is
chosen
by
the
People
.
2.
The
Members
have
not
so
much
as
a
consent
in
setting
up
the
Head
:
but
Subjects
,
at
least
,
have
this
much
,
in
setting
up
of
Princes
3.
the
Members
can
never
change
the
Head
,
but
Subjects
may
change
their
Soveraignes
.
4.
The
Members
can
make
no
compact
with
the
Head
,
as
Subjects
may
do
with
their
Princes
.
5.
The
Members
cannot
limite
the
power
of
the
Head
,
as
Subjects
can
limite
the
power
of
their
Princes
.
6.
The
Members
cannot
destroy
the
Head
and
live
themselves
,
but
Subjects
can
destroy
the
Monarch
and
choose
another
.
7.
The
Head
communicateth
life
,
sense
&
motion
to
the
rest
of
the
members
;
so
doth
not
the
Prince
unto
his
Subjects
.
8.
The
same
individual
life
is
in
Head
and
Members
;
but
not
in
King
and
Subjects
.
9.
Head
and
Body
die
and
live
together
,
but
there
is
no
such
connexion
betwixt
King
and
Subjects
.
So
then
he
is
but
a
metaphorical
Head
,
so
called
,
because
of
his
supereminency
,
He
is
over
the
civil
body
to
rule
and
guide
it
aright
.
4.
The
Soveraigne
hath
no
Lordly
,
dominative
,
or
masterly
power
over
the
Bodyes
of
his
Subjects
.
For
1.
this
government
is
founded
upon
the
law
and
light
of
pure
nature
,
but
this
masterly
dominion
is
a
frute
of
sin
.
2.
Slavery
being
against
nature
,
&
a
bondage
,
which
all
would
willingly
shun
,
we
cannot
suppose
that
rational
people
would
choose
that
life
,
if
they
could
help
it
:
but
they
willingly
,
&
not
out
of
constraint
,
choose
government
&
governours
3.
The
people
in
setting
up
a
Soveratigne
propose
their
owne
good
&
have
their
owne
ends
,
but
if
the
Soveraigne's
power
were
properly
a
masterly
power
,
they
should
propose
rather
his
good
then
their
owne
in
setting
him
up
.
4.
If
his
power
were
a
masterly
power
,
their
condition
after
the
government
were
established
should
be
worse
,
then
it
was
before
:
for
their
state
of
liberty
was
preferable
to
their
state
of
bondage
.
5.
They
had
not
acted
rationally
,
if
to
be
free
of
oppression
of
others
,
they
had
willingly
given
up
themselves
unto
an
oppressour
,
endued
with
masterly
dominion
and
power
.
6.
Masters
might
sell
their
servants
for
gaine
Gen.
9.
25.
and
20.
14.
and
26.
14.
1
King
.
2.
32.
2.
King
.
4.
1.
Neh.
5.
8.
Eccles.
2.
7.
Iob.
1.
3
,
15.
But
the
prince
cannot
sell
his
Kingdome
.
7.
Soveraignes
have
not
such
a
povver
as
this
,
from
God
,
but
only
a
povver
to
feed
,
to
rule
,
to
defend
,
and
to
watch
over
the
people
for
their
good
,
1
Tim.
2.
2.
Ps.
78.
71.
2
Sam.
5.
2.
1
Chron.
11.
2.
and
17.
6.
Neither
have
they
it
from
the
People
;
for
they
cannot
give
such
a
povver
,
vvhereby
to
make
themselves
slaves
.
8.
If
it
vvere
so
,
Princes
should
not
be
a
blessing
unto
a
People
,
but
rather
a
curse
contrare
to
1
King
.
10.
9.
Esa.
1.
26.
Ier.
17.
25.
Hos.
1.
11.
9.
It
is
a
blessing
to
be
free
of
slavery
Exod.
21.
2
,
26
,
27.
Deut.
15.
12.
Ier.
34.
9.
Ioh.
8.
33.
1
Cor.
9.
19.
But
it
is
not
a
blessing
to
be
free
of
government
,
but
a
curse
and
judgment
rather
,
Iudg.
19.
1
,
2.
Esa.
3.
1
,
6
,
7.
Hos.
3.
4.
10.
Subjects
are
the
King's
brethren
,
Deut.
17.
20.
and
so
not
his
slaves
.
The
Surveyer
Pag.
30.
31.
granteth
that
there
is
a
great
difference
betwixt
Magistratical
power
and
Masterly
,
and
giveth
three
maine
differences
.
1.
That
the
Master
of
slaves
had
his
owne
profite
mainly
before
his
eyes
,
and
the
profite
of
the
Slaves
only
secondarily
:
But
the
Magistrates
power
is
premarily
ordinated
to
the
Publick
good
of
the
Community
it self
,
and
only
secondarily
and
consequentially
to
the
good
of
Himself
.
2.
That
Masters
had
a
greater
power
over
the
bodyes
and
goods
of
these
,
who
were
their
Slaves
,
then
a
Magistrate
can
clame
over
Subjects
.
3.
The
Master
had
the
slaves
in
subjection
to
him
,
more
out
of
feare
and
constraint
,
then
love
or
delight
:
But
a
King
hath
his
Subjects
under
him
,
in
a
civil
,
free
,
liberal
,
voluntary
,
and
loving
subjection
.
Thus
we
see
this
point
is
cleare
and
undenyable
by
him
,
though
other
Royalists
will
not
grant
so
much
:
but
sure
if
they
were
his
slaves
,
they
behoved
to
be
taken
in
war
or
bought
with
money
.
5.
Neither
hath
he
a
despotick
&
masterly
power
over
the
go●ds
of
his
Subjects
,
what
ever
use
may
be
allowed
to
make
of
them
,
in
case
of
necessity
(
when
,
in
some
respect
,
all
things
are
common
)
for
the
Common
good
,
and
good
not
only
of
the
owners
,
but
also
of
all
the
Community
.
Yet
the
Subjects
are
righteous
proprietors
of
their
owne
goods
.
For
1.
the
People
make
choise
of
him
,
for
this
very
end
to
preserve
them
in
their
rights
,
to
keep
their
rights
inviolated
,
to
keep
them
from
oppression
and
injuries
of
others
;
so
that
it
cannot
be
imagined
that
rational
People
would
make
choise
of
one
great
robber
,
to
preserve
them
from
lesser
robbers
.
2.
Their
case
should
be
rather
worse
as
better
,
by
the
erecting
of
a
civil
government
,
if
the
Soveraigne
were
the
only
proprietor
of
all
their
goods
for
before
the
erection
they
had
a
just
right
and
title
unto
their
owne
goods
.
3.
Soveraignes
should
not
be
a
blessing
unto
a
People
,
but
a
curse
:
Which
is
false
.
4.
Then
they
could
wrong
no
man
take
what
they
would
from
him
,
contrare
to
Zeph.
3
:
3.
Esai
3
:
14
,
15.
and
58
:
4
,
6.
Mich.
3
:
3.
see
Timpl.
pol.
lib.
5.
cap.
1.
quaest.
3.
5.
The
law
,
Deut.
17.
contradicteth
this
masterly
power
over
the
Subjects
goods
.
6.
Ahab
was
blaimed
for
taking
Naboths
Vineyaird
.
7.
This
is
the
very
character
of
a
Tyrant
,
1
Sam.
8.
8.
The
Kings
of
Egypt
had
not
his
propriety
,
Gen.
45.
9.
No
man
might
then
defend
his
owne
right
by
law
against
the
Soveraigne
,
but
he
might
take
what
he
pleased
,
from
whom
he
pleased
,
and
give
to
whom
he
pleased
.
10.
Then
the
King
could
not
properly
buy
or
sell
with
his
Subjects
.
11.
Nor
could
Subjects
make
any
barganes
amongst
themselves
without
his
consent
.
12.
Nor
could
they
exerce
any
acts
of
charity
;
because
charity
must
be
of
Mens
owne
,
Esa
58
:
7.
Ecc.
11
:
1.
13.
Yea
,
Subjects
could
neither
perform
a
duty
,
nor
fail
in
a
duty
,
in
the
matter
of
goods
,
if
all
were
his
.
14.
Subjects
could
not
be
enjoyned
to
pay
tribute
unto
the
Prince
,
contrare
to
Rom.
13
:
6.
15.
It
is
contrare
both
to
the
Law
of
God
and
nature
:
see
Timpl.
ubi
supra
.
6.
Hence
Soveraignes
are
not
proper
proprietors
of
their
Kingdomes
:
Because
1.
there
are
other
qualifications
required
of
them
,
then
is
required
of
ordinary
proprietors
.
2.
The
People
then
could
never
change
their
Soveraignes
.
3.
The
Soveraigne
might
sell
and
dispone
his
Kingdomes
,
as
he
pleased
,
which
Royalists
themselves
wil
not
grant
.
4.
Kingdomes
then
should
come
in
amongst
bona
fortuna
.
5.
His
place
should
not
be
properly
a
function
or
office
,
but
a
proper
possession
.
6.
Several
Kings
both
in
Scotland
&
elsewhere
,
have
been
hindered
from
dilapidating
the
revenues
of
the
crovvne
,
or
by
gifts
and
other
contracts
deteriorating
the
Kingdome
,
and
punished
for
so
doing
.
7.
Would
rational
men
give
themselves
up
for
a
prey
to
one
,
that
they
might
be
saife
from
becoming
a
prey
to
others
?
8.
How
should
then
a
Soveraigne
be
chosen
for
the
good
of
the
Kingdom
,
if
he
might
do
with
it
what
he
pleased
,
sell
it
,
or
dispone
it
to
the
Turk
:
or
such
like
.
9.
Paul
,
by
commanding
that
tribute
&
custome
be
given
to
him
,
supponeth
some
other
thing
:
see
Althus
.
poli.
cap.
24.
n.
35
,
37.
7.
Nor
so
much
as
usufructuaryes
:
For
1.
they
may
not
lay
their
Kingdomes
in
pledge
,
as
an
usufructuary
may
do
.
2.
Nor
can
they
give
them
freely
away
.
Nor
3.
may
they
do
with
them
what
they
please
,
as
usufructuaryes
may
do
with
what
they
have
by
that
right
:
See
Iun.
Brut.
vind.
cont.
Tyr.
q.
3.
p.
(
mihi
)
205.
8.
The
Soveraigne's
power
is
properly
a
fiduciary
power
,
such
as
the
power
of
a
Tutor
of
Patron
,
for
to
this
end
&
purpose
was
He
created
of
the
People
that
he
might
defend
them
from
injuries
and
oppressions
.
He
is
appoynted
over
them
by
God
for
their
good
,
and
is
to
seek
that
mainly
.
2.
though
he
hath
his
power
by
way
of
compact
,
yet
it
is
not
a
compact
ex
condigno
,
such
as
betwixt
buyer
and
seller
,
upon
valuable
prices
and
considerations
3.
His
power
is
limited
&
restricted
and
he
is
bound
to
conditions
,
as
we
shewed
.
4.
He
may
not
(
as
was
said
)
dispose
of
his
Subjects
,
and
of
their
lives
as
he
pleaseth
.
5
if
he
sell
his
Kingdomes
,
Royalists
grant
he
may
be
dethroned
;
therefore
he
hath
no
other
power
then
of
a
Tutor
,
Publick
Servant
,
or
Watchman
,
6.
His
power
is
over
his
Subjects
,
as
it
is
over
the
law
of
God
and
religion
,
but
over
those
he
hath
no
other
power
,
but
a
ministerial
Tutorypower
:
He
is
to
take
care
for
them
ex
officio
,
as
a
special
pawne
committed
to
his
trust
,
to
see
that
they
be
not
wronged
or
violated
:
see
Althus
.
polit.
cap.
24.
n.
43
,
44
,
45.
Adrian
the
Imperour
used
to
say
Ita
se
Remp.
gesturum
ut
sciret
Populi
esse
.
non
suam
.
Hence
we
draw
these
arguments
for
resistence
of
Soveraignes
by
meer
private
Subjects
,
in
cases
of
necessity
.
1.
If
it
be
lawful
for
Children
to
resist
their
Father
,
when
enraged
against
them
,
and
seeking
in
his
fury
,
to
destroy
and
cut
them
off
,
whithout
any
violation
of
the
Law
of
God
enjoyning
Children
to
obey
,
and
be
subject
to
,
their
Parents
in
the
Lord
;
Then
it
is
lawful
for
Subjects
though
private
persons
,
to
resist
the
fury
of
their
enraged
Soveraigne
,
when
he
is
seeking
,
in
his
cruelty
and
rage
,
contrary
to
compact
,
oathes
and
vowes
,
to
destroy
Them
and
their
Religion
.
But
the
former
is
true
.
Therefore
&c.
The
Assumption
cannot
be
denyed
by
any
rational
person
.
It
being
most
just
and
rational
,
that
when
the
Father
is
taken
with
a
distemper
in
his
braine
,
and
in
his
madnesse
seeketh
to
destroy
or
cut
the
throates
of
his
Children
,
They
may
joyne
together
,
binde
his
hands
,
pull
the
weapon
out
of
his
hand
and
defend
themselves
the
best
way
they
can
.
The
connexion
of
the
proposition
is
certane
;
for
,
the
most
the
adversaries
can
make
of
the
Soveraignes
power
is
that
it
is
paternal
,
and
that
he
is
parens
patriae
the
Father
of
the
Commonwealth
:
&
yet
seing
natural
Fathers
may
be
resisted
by
their
natural
Children
,
in
case
of
necessity
,
without
the
help
or
conduct
of
Magistrates
:
Why
may
not
also
private
Subjects
,
without
the
conduct
of
a
Parliament
,
defend
of
themselves
,
in
case
of
necessity
,
against
the
fury
and
rage
of
their
civil
father
,
when
he
by
his
bloody
emistaries
,
is
seeking
to
undoe
them
?
But
next
we
may
draw
the
argument
from
the
lesse
to
the
more
.
If
it
be
lawful
for
Children
,
in
cases
of
necessity
,
to
defend
themselves
against
,
and
to
resist
the
unjust
violence
of
their
enraged
Father
:
Then
much
more
is
it
lawful
,
for
private
subjects
,
in
cases
of
necessity
,
without
the
conduct
of
Parliament
,
to
defend
themselves
against
and
to
repel
the
unjust
violence
of
their
Soveraigne
.
For
there
is
not
such
a
connection
betwixt
the
Soveraigne
and
his
Subjects
,
as
betwixt
Parents
and
their
Children
,
as
we
have
abundantly
cleared
:
And
againe
,
if
some
of
the
Children
may
resist
the
unjust
violence
of
their
Parent
and
of
others
of
their
Brethren
,
joyning
with
their
enraged
Father
to
cut
them
off
,
that
they
alone
may
enjoy
the
whole
inheritance
or
for
some
such
ends
:
Then
far
more
may
a
part
of
the
Common-wealth
resist
the
Prince's
unjust
Tyranny
,
though
he
hath
the
other
parts
of
the
Commonwealth
concurring
with
him
,
to
their
destruction
:
For
the
argument
followeth
,
as
I
said
,
à
;
minori
ad
majus
,
from
the
lesse
to
the
more
:
And
the
union
,
tye
&
relation
betwixt
Brethren
,
Sones
of
the
same
Father
,
is
as
great
,
yea
greater
,
then
the
tye
,
union
and
relation
betwixt
one
part
of
the
Commonwealth
&
another
;
this
relation
being
but
political
and
in
itself
no
wayes
indissoluble
,
but
the
other
natural
and
indissoluble
.
2
▪
If
Wives
may
lawfully
defend
themselves
against
the
manifest
and
unjust
violence
of
unnatural
and
enraged
Husbands
,
and
repel
,
in
case
of
necessity
,
violence
with
violence
,
without
the
conduct
or
concurrence
of
other
Magistrates
.
Then
it
is
no
lesse
,
yea
much
more
,
lawful
for
meere
Private
Subjects
,
in
cases
of
necessity
,
to
resist
without
the
help
and
conduct
of
a
Parliament
,
the
furious
and
unjust
assaults
of
their
enraged
Soveraigne
.
But
the
former
is
true
,
as
all
will
grant
.
Therefore
,
&c.
The
proposition
is
cleare
from
this
.
That
there
is
not
so
great
a
tye
betwixt
Prince
and
Subjects
,
as
betwixt
Husband
and
Wife
:
And
say
that
he
had
an
equal
power
over
his
Subjects
,
with
that
which
the
Husband
hath
over
his
Wife
(
which
is
false
,
)
yet
the
connexion
will
be
firme
,
as
to
a
lawfulnesse
in
this
case
,
as
wel
as
in
the
other
.
3.
If
there
be
not
such
a
connexion
betwixt
the
Soveraigne
and
his
Subjects
,
as
is
betwixt
the
natural
Head
,
and
the
Body
.
Then
it
can
no
more
yea
,
far
lesse
,
be
an
unnatural
thing
for
Subjects
to
defend
themselves
against
the
violence
of
distempered
Princes
,
Who
seek
directly
to
destroy
the
Commonwealth
,
when
necessity
doth
urge
;
Then
it
is
for
the
members
of
the
Body
,
to
defend
and
fortify
themselves
against
danger
,
paine
or
sicknesse
,
occasioned
by
a
distemper
of
the
braine
,
yea
and
with
violence
seek
to
cure
&
remove
that
distemper
in
the
head
,
that
is
like
to
destroy
the
whole
body
.
4.
If
the
Soveraigne
hath
not
a
Lordly
domination
,
&
masterly
power
over
his
Subjects
,
but
they
be
is
Brethren
&
not
his
Slaves
;
and
,
if
the
very
Law
will
allow
Servants
to
defend
themselves
against
their
Lords
and
Masters
,
L.
Minime
35.
de
Rel.
&
sumpt
.
funer
.
and
no
man
with
us
will
account
it
unlawful
for
servants
to
defend
themselves
against
the
unjust
and
violent
assaults
of
their
Lords
and
Masters
.
Then
farr
lesse
can
it
be
accounted
unlawful
for
private
Subjects
to
defend
themselves
,
when
constrained
with
necessity
,
against
the
unjust
assaults
of
the
Soveraigne
or
his
emislaries
.
But
the
Antecedent
is
cleared
,
and
confessed
.
Ergo.
5.
If
the
Soveraigne
have
no
despotick
or
Masterly
power
over
the
goods
and
heritages
of
his
Subjects
,
as
we
have
proved
.
Them
very
lawfully
may
they
defend
their
lands
goods
and
heritages
,
from
the
violent
and
unjust
oppressions
;
of
the
Prince
or
his
emissaries
,
sent
out
to
plunder
,
rob
,
destroy
their
corns
,
cattel
,
goods
,
land
summes
of
money
,
&c.
6.
If
the
Kingdome
be
not
his
proper
heritage
,
nor
he
proprietor
thereof
,
as
was
shewed
;
Then
when
He
or
his
Emissaries
come
to
destroy
a
considerable
part
of
the
Kingdome
,
and
to
alienate
the
profites
and
emoluments
thereof
unto
others
,
then
the
proper
owners
and
proprietors
,
unjustly
.
Then
may
that
part
of
the
Kingdome
lawfully
resist
these
unjust
oppressours
and
invaders
,
&
defend
their
owne
.
7.
If
He
be
not
so
much
as
an
usufructuary
of
the
Kingdome
:
then
when
He
laboureth
by
his
Emissaries
to
waste
and
destroy
the
Kingdome
or
any
part
thereof
,
by
unjust
violence
,
private
Subjects
may
resist
that
unjust
violence
,
and
oppose
his
oppressing
Emissaryes
.
If
a
Master
may
hinder
his
usufructuary
tennants
who
would
deteriorate
the
land
,
which
they
possesse
by
compact
;
Then
much
more
may
subjects
resist
the
Princes
Emissaries
when
labouring
utterly
to
spoile
,
and
lay
waste
these
lands
,
whereof
he
is
not
so
much
as
an
usufructuary
:
8.
If
the
King's
power
be
only
fiduciary
as
is
shewed
.
Then
when
that
power
is
manifestly
abused
,
and
the
pawne
which
he
hath
gote
to
keep
,
in
imminent
and
manifest
danger
,
lawfully
enough
may
he
be
resisted
;
When
the
Lives
,
the
Liberties
of
the
People
,
or
their
Religion
is
committed
unto
him
,
as
to
a
publick
Tutor
,
Watchman
,
or
Servant
;
&
He
what
through
negligence
,
what
through
wilful
wickednesse
,
laboureth
to
destroy
,
and
undoe
,
and
overturne
all
,
very
lawfully
may
Subjects
,
in
that
case
of
extreame
necessity
,
seek
to
secure
the
Necessary
and
desireable
things
,
and
resist
his
fury
and
unjust
violence
,
who
contrare
to
his
oath
and
promise
,
seeketh
to
have
all
overturned
and
ruined
.
Althusius
pol.
cap.
38.
n.
39.
speaketh
well
to
this
,
saying
[
Octava
ratio
sumitur
a
natura
contractus
mandati
,
quo
summa
Magistratui
administratio
est
delata
à
populo
,
ad
hoc
ut
Reip
pro●it
non
ut
noceat
,
Rom.
13.
Vasq.
lib.
1.
c.
44.
n.
6.
&c.
1.
&
2.
Illust.
Contr.
quando
igitur
mandatarius
fines
mandatiexcedit
non
illi
obligatus
est
mandator
,
§
15.
qui
Just.
de
Mand.
Luc.
16
:
1
,
2
,
3
,
&c.
&
quando
conditio
,
status
&
fortuna
mandatarii
mutatur
in
deterius
L.
si
quis
cum
de
procur
.
L.
cum
quis
desolut
.
Aut
mandatum
a
mandante
revocatur
,
vel
ipse
mandans
agere
&
tractare
negotium
incipit
ut
tradunt
J.
CC.
Vide
Vasq.
Lib.
1.
c.
43.
n.
5.
&c.
4
,
n.
12.
Illust
Controv.
]
What
he
addeth
is
worth
the
reading
.
CAP.
VIII
.
The
Peoples
saifty
is
the
supreme
Law
.
The
King
is
not
absolute
.
Hence
some
Moe
Arguments
.
THat
salus
populi
est
suprema
Lex
is
asserted
by
the
law
of
the
12
Tables
.
The
worthy
author
of
Lex
Rex
hath
fully
confirmed
this
truth
,
and
vindicated
it
from
the
exceptions
,
and
false
glosses
,
of
the
Royalists
,
Quaest.
25.
And
therefore
we
need
say
lesse
to
it
,
especially
seing
this
Surveyer
,
hath
nothing
against
it
,
that
I
have
observed
.
That
it
is
a
truth
,
That
the
peoples
saifty
is
the
cardinal
law
,
hence
appareth
,
1.
That
the
attaineing
of
this
end
,
was
the
maine
ground
and
motive
of
the
peoples
condescending
upon
the
constitution
.
2.
They
levelled
at
his
end
,
in
makeing
choyse
of
such
a
forme
,
and
not
of
another
;
for
had
they
thought
another
fitter
for
their
temper
,
and
more
conduceing
for
their
good
,
they
had
not
pitched
on
this
,
but
on
that
.
3.
with
an
eye
to
the
saife
and
sure
attaineing
of
this
end
proposed
and
designed
,
they
made
choise
of
such
persones
,
and
of
none
else
.
4.
upon
this
account
,
did
they
condescend
upon
that
manner
of
conveyance
of
the
supream
authority
,
which
they
thought
best
,
5.
For
no
other
end
,
was
it
,
that
the
Prince
was
limited
and
bound
unto
conditions
.
6.
The
end
being
alwayes
preferable
to
the
meanes
as
such
,
The
Peoples
saifty
,
which
is
the
end
,
must
be
preferred
to
all
such
things
as
are
made
use
of
as
meanes
conduceing
to
this
end
.
7.
By
the
very
Law
and
institution
of
God
,
the
Magistrate
is
ordained
for
the
Peoples
good
,
Rom.
13.
ver.
4.
and
to
this
end
,
(
next
to
the
glory
of
God
,
unto
which
we
alwayes
give
the
preference
)
is
he
direct
all
his
publick
actions
as
a
Magistrate
,
and
by
this
,
is
he
to
stirre
his
course
,
in
governing
the
helme
of
the
Republick
.
8.
Hence
it
is
that
all
the
municipal
lawes
of
the
Land
,
are
made
,
renewed
,
corroborated
,
explained
,
or
rescinded
and
annulled
,
so
as
they
most
conduce
to
this
great
end
which
is
ever
anima
&
ratio
Legis
.
9.
Hence
also
it
is
,
that
no
law
in
its
letter
tending
to
the
hurt
and
detriment
of
the
Realme
,
is
or
can
be
of
force
.
10.
Hence
it
is
,
that
the
Soveraigne
in
cases
of
necessity
,
may
neglect
the
strick
observation
of
the
letter
of
the
lawes
,
and
for
the
good
of
the
community
,
neglect
private
mens
interests
.
Finally
the
very
law
of
nature
requireth
this
,
as
Boxhornius
Inst.
Polit
lib.
1.
Pag.
25.
tells
us
.
Doctor
Sanderson
in
his
book
dc
obligati●ne
conscientiae
praelect.
9.
&
10.
laboureth
to
put
another
glosse
upon
this
axiome
:
But
he
may
be
easily
answered
:
for
we
shall
readyly
grant
with
him
,
that
by
saifty
here
is
not
meaned
dignity
,
or
liberty
in
some
small
and
inconsiderable
triffles
,
unto
which
some
small
and
inconsiderable
hurt
is
opposite
:
nor
shall
we
say
that
any
extraordinary
thing
is
to
be
attempted
in
a
Commonwealth
,
against
the
lawes
,
whensoever
any
leading
popular
man
or
bold
rhetoricator
or
a
Démagog
shall
say
that
Princes
and
Magistrates
,
have
violated
the
lawes
,
done
injuries
to
the
people
,
and
neglected
their
duty
;
yet
he
must
give
us
leave
to
say
,
That
the
saifty
of
the
people
,
is
in
hazard
,
when
it
is
manifest
and
notour
,
so
as
they
who
run
may
read
it
,
that
lawes
,
once
established
,
and
for
the
future
good
and
through
security
of
the
subject
,
by
Oathes
and
Covenantes
corroborated
,
and
made
irrepelable
,
by
any
Magistrate
higher
or
lower
,
are
annulled
,
condemned
,
and
rescinded
;
nay
the
Covenants
whereby
the
land
was
devouted
to
God
,
and
their
Religion
secured
to
them
,
and
the
fundamental
law
or
ground
of
the
Constitution
,
and
condition
on
which
the
Soveraigne
was
admitted
to
his
throne
,
overturned
,
and
trode
under
foot
:
All
forced
to
condemne
their
former
actions
and
Covenants
,
Vowes
,
Oathes
,
Prayers
,
Teares
,
Fastings
,
Fightings
&c.
by
subscribing
contradictory
,
condemnatory
,
and
rescissory
acts
,
and
declarations
,
and
forced
to
run
counter
their
owne
oathes
and
Solemne
Engagements
,
otherwise
to
be
exposed
to
ruine
by
arbitrary
mulcts
,
fineings
,
imprisonements
,
quarterings
,
cruel
and
inhumane
usages
,
plunderings
,
vastations
,
depopulations
and
the
like
.
Is
not
this
equivalent
to
incursions
of
forraigne
adversaryes
?
Is
not
this
depredation
committed
by
wicked
subjects
?
Is
there
not
here
impious
and
horrible
acts
of
tyranny
?
But
he
will
have
the
word
People
taken
for
the
Prince
distinct
from
the
People
,
or
in
a
collective
sense
,
for
Prince
and
People
together
.
He
must
be
a
strong
rhetoricator
indeed
that
will
perswade
any
to
beleeve
this
,
seing
there
is
no
reason
in
the
world
for
it
:
For
though
we
should
grant
that
among
the
Romans
it
vvas
sometimes
used
to
designe
,
not
only
the
plebeians
,
but
also
the
equestral
crder
conjunctly
,
as
in
that
axiome
Senatus
populusque
Romanus
.
The
senate
and
the
people
of
Rome
:
And
that
sometimes
it
did
designe
the
Fathers
,
the
knights
,
and
the
Plebeians
conjunctly
,
yet
it
will
not
follovv
that
it
is
so
it
is
so
taken
in
this
axiome
;
for
if
vve
should
follovv
his
ovvne
rule
,
viz.
That
collective
vvords
should
be
collectively
taken
,
unlesse
the
opposite
vvhich
is
annexed
,
require
othervvise
:
And
vvith
all
,
make
use
of
this
ovvne
vvords
prael
.
10.
§
.
19.
A
romana
gente
&c
,
1.
e
[
I
have
told
that
this
axiome
is
come
to
our
hands
from
the
Romans
,
and
now
I
adde
,
that
in
the
3
book
of
Cicero
de
legibus
that
sentence
is
frist
found
,
for
any
thing
I
know
;
yet
,
as
he
testifieth
himself
,
taken
out
of
the
ancient
lawes
of
that
nation
,
and
copied
out
of
the
very
letter
of
the
law
.
Now
this
Cicero
after
he
hath
described
and
explained
,
in
the
preceding
book
,
the
lawes
pertaining
to
Religion
and
the
worshiping
of
the
Gods
,
at
length
?
in
the
third
book
,
he
comes
to
rehearse
these
lawes
which
concearne
the
Republick
and
the
Magistrates
,
where
these
words
are
to
be
found
.
Regio
Imperio
duo
sunto
,
iique
praeeundo
,
judicando
,
consulendo
,
praetores
judices
consules
appellantor
,
militiae
summum
jus
habento
,
nemini
parento
,
ollis
(
i.e.
illis
)
salus
populi
suprema
lex
esto
he
sayes
,
to
these
the
chief
law
should
be
the
peoples
saifty
:
Now
who
are
these
?
those
,
viz.
Who
were
endued
with
King'ly
power
,
and
had
the
chief
disposall
of
the
militia
,
&c.
]
It
vvill
then
be
as
cleare
as
can
be
,
that
the
opposite
which
is
added
or
annexed
,
doth
sufficiently
show
that
the
vvord
People
in
this
axiome
,
is
to
be
taken
for
the
People
,
as
contradistinguished
from
the
Magistrates
,
and
not
for
People
and
Magistrate
conjunctly
;
far
lesse
for
the
Prince
as
distinct
from
the
People
.
And
doth
not
this
same
sentence
of
Cicero's
fully
confirme
our
Glosse
,
and
say
that
Princes
and
Magistrates
,
as
such
,
ought
mainly
to
designe
the
good
of
the
People
,
over
whom
they
are
set
,
&
to
have
that
for
their
end
in
all
their
publick
actings
,
whether
in
making
,
or
in
executing
lawes
?
How
then
can
he
say
that
this
axiome
is
rather
to
be
understood
of
the
Prince
alone
,
then
of
the
People
alone
?
But
for
this
he
tells
us
,
That
the
ancient
Fathers
did
esteem
of
them
as
next
unto
God
ad
inferiour
to
him
only
,
and
that
the
People
of
Israel
,
2
Sam.
18
:
3.
Did
preferre
the
saifty
of
the
King
unto
the
saifty
of
all
the
rest
,
and
in
the
Lament.
4
:
20.
He
is
called
the
breath
of
our
nostrils
.
To
all
which
it
is
easily
answered
,
1.
That
all
this
will
not
prove
,
that
Princes
are
bound
by
reason
of
their
office
,
only
to
seek
their
owne
good
,
greatnesse
and
power
;
or
to
preferre
that
unto
the
good
of
the
People
;
and
not
rather
designe
,
as
their
proper
and
principal
end
,
the
promoving
of
the
good
and
saifty
of
the
People
committed
to
their
charge
.
2.
The
Fathers
might
have
spoken
so
of
the
Emperours
,
as
they
were
then
de
facto
and
in
regaird
of
their
supereminency
,
but
notwithstanding
of
that
,
they
and
their
supereminency
both
,
was
subordinate
unto
the
good
of
the
People
,
and
was
ex
natura
rei
,
but
a
meane
for
that
maine
and
great
good
.
3.
It
is
true
in
some
cases
,
and
at
such
a
nick
of
time
,
as
that
was
2
Sam.
18.
The
losse
of
a
good
King
,
when
he
is
the
maine
person
hunted
for
by
the
adversaries
,
would
prove
more
destructive
to
the
Commonwealth
,
then
the
losse
of
ten
thousand
,
and
this
rather
confirmeth
the
axiome
then
weakeneth
it
,
for
it
was
upon
the
account
of
the
publick
good
of
the
Commonwealth
,
that
the
life
of
King
David
was
preferable
to
the
lives
of
many
.
4.
It
is
not
said
,
that
His
life
was
better
then
,
and
preferable
to
,
the
lives
of
the
whole
body
of
the
Commonwealth
.
5.
That
metaphorical
expression
Lament.
4.
she
weth
only
how
useful
&
steadable
the
King
would
be
unto
them
;
even
a
necessary
mean
to
keep
them
in
a
politick
life
as
to
a
Commonwealth
;
and
so
it
sayeth
that
,
his
whole
designe
as
a
Magistrate
should
be
to
procure
their
good
.
6.
Moses
a
good
Prince
did
preferre
the
Peoples
life
unto
his
owne
:
and
David
did
the
same
1.
Chron
12
:
17.
and
these
do
abundantly
confirme
our
sense
.
He
replyeth
further
;
That
it
was
no
wonder
that
among
the
Romans
from
whom
we
have
this
axiome
,
the
Peoples
saifty
was
the
principal
law
,
seing
in
that
democratical
government
,
the
People
were
the
Supreame
powres
.
Ans.
This
is
but
a
meer
shift
;
for
even
in
a
democrat
.
governm
.
the
Peoples
saifty
is
distinguished
from
the
Supreame
power
which
is
to
level
all
to
this
maine
end
,
the
saifty
of
the
People
.
2.
Cicero
told
us
that
the
Consuls
and
Praetors
were
bound
to
propose
this
end
unto
themselves
;
&
so
we
finde
that
the
People
,
whose
saifty
is
the
Supream
law
,
are
distinguished
from
these
who
,
whether
in
a
Popular
or
Aristocratical
govern
.
excerced
the
supreame
povver
.
3.
This
same
is
insert
in
the
law
of
the
XII
tables
,
&
so
it
was
in
force
whatever
forme
of
government
was
exerced
.
But
syes
he
Prael
.
9.
§
.
19.
Hence
it
will
not
follow
,
That
People
may
,
when
they
perceive
,
or
cry
out
that
they
perceive
their
libertyes
hurt
in
some
things
;
take
armes
without
the
Princes
leave
,
and
violate
all
lawes
and
dutyes
,
and
so
raise
tumults
and
seditions
.
Ans.
Neither
do
we
say
so
,
nor
resolve
to
draw
any
such
conclusions
therefrom
;
but
this
is
cleare
,
that
when
the
covenanted
work
of
reformation
is
overturned
,
laudable
lawes
establishing
the
same
,
contrary
to
oath
,
and
solemne
Engagement
,
rescinded
,
libertyes
palpably
violated
,
People
in
humanely
persecuted
for
adhereing
to
their
Covenants
,
&c.
and
unjustly
oppressed
by
the
Kings
emissaries
,
people
may
then
take
armes
in
their
own
defence
,
though
the
King
should
refuse
to
consent
,
or
should
countenance
the
oppressours
,
&
carry
on
that
inslaving
course
.
Againe
,
he
sayes
let
any
read
,
and
read
over
againe
that
sentence
of
Cicero
and
search
every
pairt
of
it
,
where
vvill
he
finde
any
vvarrand
for
Subjects
to
rise
up
against
princes
,
to
injure
them
or
dethrone
them
.
Ans
We
do
not
intend
to
search
the
sentence
for
that
end
,
it
vvill
suffice
us
,
if
hence
vve
finde
ground
to
conclude
the
lavvfulnesse
of
Peoples
defending
themselves
against
tyrannizeing
Princes
,
in
cases
of
necessity
:
and
let
him
,
or
any
for
him
,
read
,
and
better
read
that
vvhole
period
,
and
narrovvly
consider
and
examine
every
sentence
and
vvord
in
it
,
and
see
if
he
can
finde
this
condemned
.
Ere
I
come
to
speak
to
the
other
particular
,
I
shall
from
this
draw
some
few
things
useful
for
our
purpose
,
and
,
1.
It
is
irrational
,
and
meer
flattery
to
cry
up
and
exalt
the
Soveraignes
prerogative
,
in
prejudice
,
and
to
the
destruction
of
that
,
for
which
both
He
and
His
Prerogatives
are
,
and
were
appoynted
,
as
subservient
meanes
,
the
saifty
of
the
People
.
That
being
de
jure
his
maine
end
,
and
it
being
for
this
cause
end
,
that
he
is
endued
with
such
power
,
and
hath
such
privileges
and
prerogatives
conferred
upon
him
,
and
allowed
unto
him
,
He
and
his
Prerogatives
both
,
should
vaile
unto
this
Supreame
Law
the
saifty
of
the
People
:
so
that
when
they
come
in
competition
,
The
Peoples
saifty
of
right
,
is
to
have
the
preheminence
.
2.
Since
all
other
lawes
municipal
,
made
and
established
in
a
free
Realme
,
must
be
subordinate
unto
this
Principal
,
and
Cardinal
law
,
and
have
tendency
to
promove
,
corroborate
and
establish
it
:
Then
,
when
any
of
these
Lawes
,
in
their
letter
,
strick
directly
at
the
root
of
the
saifty
of
the
People
,
and
thoward
and
crosse
that
maine
and
highest
law
,
That
law
is
Eaienus
null
,
and
really
no
law
.
So
that
it
is
but
childish
scrupulosity
,
to
start
at
the
letter
of
a
law
,
when
the
Commonwealth
is
in
hazard
:
and
it
is
but
brutish
ignorance
to
object
the
letter
of
a
low
against
such
as
are
endeavouring
the
saifty
of
the
people
,
which
is
the
maine
businesse
,
and
to
preserve
the
Commonwealth
from
ruine
;
and
destruction
,
against
which
no
law
is
,
or
can
be
,
of
any
force
or
value
,
but
null
and
of
no
effect
,
for
here
it
holdeth
true
,
that
summum
jus
is
summa
injuria
.
3.
Since
Lawes
themselves
,
when
in
their
letter
they
crosse
this
maine
law
,
must
be
accounted
as
no
lowes
really
,
and
de
jure
;
and
may
saifly
be
neglected
and
passed
over
,
when
the
Peoples
saifty
is
in
no
small
hazard
by
the
strick
adhereing
to
the
letter
thereof
?
Then
,
much
more
may
punctilioes
,
and
law
formalities
be
laid
aside
,
when
the
Commonwealth
is
in
danger
.
When
there
is
a
fire
in
a
City
,
all
the
formalities
of
order
are
not
strickly
to
observed
.
4.
Since
The
privileges
,
and
lawful
prerogatives
of
the
Soveraigne
must
vaile
,
in
cases
of
necessity
,
unto
this
High
and
Supreame
Law
,
the
saifty
of
the
People
.
Then
no
lesse
must
the
privileges
of
a
Parliament
yield
unto
this
:
for
whatever
privilege
they
enjoy
,
it
is
in
order
to
this
end
,
and
the
meanes
must
alwayes
have
a
subserviency
unto
the
end
,
and
when
they
tend
to
the
destruction
of
the
end
,
they
are
then
as
no
meanes
unto
that
end
,
nor
to
be
made
use
of
for
that
end
.
5.
Though
King
and
Parliament
both
should
conspire
together
against
the
good
of
the
Land
,
yet
di
jure
they
have
no
power
or
authority
to
destroy
that
End
,
and
whatever
they
enact
or
doe
,
tending
to
the
ruine
of
this
maine
and
principal
good
,
which
they
should
have
before
their
eyes
,
as
their
end
,
is
ipso
facto
null.
6.
When
acts
and
actings
of
King
and
Parliament
tend
directly
,
and
are
made
and
done
of
purpose
,
to
destroy
and
overthrow
the
work
of
reformation
in
doctrine
,
worshipe
,
discipline
and
government
;
which
was
owned
,
and
established
by
lawes
,
with
all
formalities
of
law
,
and
was
avowed
by
solemne
vowes
,
Covenants
,
attestations
,
protestations
,
declarations
,
and
engagements
of
all
ranks
of
People
,
from
the
highest
to
the
lowest
:
and
courses
are
laid
doune
,
to
force
and
constraine
People
to
renunce
their
Covenant
with
God
,
to
turne
perjured
apostates
;
and
when
by
acts
and
actings
,
the
fundamental
tearmes
&
conditions
of
our
reformed
constitution
,
confirmed
by
unrepelable
lawes
,
by
the
King
's
accepting
of
his
Crowne
and
Scepter
,
and
all
other
Magistrates
accepting
their
places
,
upon
these
tearmes
,
are
overturned
;
and
when
by
an
arbitrary
and
illegal
tyranny
,
no
man
hath
security
for
his
life
,
his
lands
,
his
libertyes
,
nor
his
religion
,
is
not
the
saifty
of
the
People
in
danger
?
No
man
needs
to
say
who
shall
be
judge
,
The
Magistrates
or
the
people
?
For
all
who
have
eyes
to
see
may
judge
,
whether
the
Sun
be
shineing
or
not
,
and
all
who
have
common
sense
may
judge
in
this
case
.
When
these
things
are
done
and
avowed
,
they
cannot
be
denyed
,
and
no
man
of
reason
or
religion
will
deny
the
inference
.
Hence
then
it
is
cleare
,
that
no
man
in
reason
can
condemne
the
late
act
of
defence
,
which
was
the
only
meane
left
for
preserving
of
that
which
all
government
and
Governours
should
level
at
,
viz.
The
saifty
of
the
People
,
both
in
soull
and
body
,
their
Religion
,
Lives
,
Liberties
,
Privileges
,
Possessions
,
Goods
,
and
what
was
deare
to
them
as
men
,
and
as
Christians
,
howbeit
it
vvanted
the
formality
of
the
authority
of
Soveraine
,
Parliament
or
Councel
.
No
man
vvho
vvill
not
deny
this
axiome
,
can
condemne
them
as
Traitors
,
seing
they
vvere
noble
Patriots
and
loyall
to
that
Supreame
lavv
,
The
saifty
of
the
People
.
As
to
the
other
particular
,
concerning
the
absolute
power
of
the
Soveragne
,
We
say
.
1.
That
the
Soveraigne
is
under
obligations
to
his
People
,
and
bound
&
limited
by
conditions
,
we
have
shewed
above
:
which
conditions
he
is
bound
to
observe
,
see
Hoen
Disp.
Pol.
9.
2.
That
the
Soveraigne
is
not
exempted
from
the
lawes
of
God
,
none
but
profane
gracelesse
,
vvreatches
vvill
deny
;
since
he
is
a
creature
of
God's
and
a
subject
to
him
,
and
his
servant
,
Rom.
13.
and
therefore
must
not
transgresse
his
lawes
,
under
the
paine
of
high
treason
and
laese
Majesty
.
It
was
but
a
base
saying
of
an
impudent
whore
Iulia
to
her
step
sone
Antonius
Caracalla
,
si
libet
licet
,
an
nescis
te
imperatorem
esse
,
and
no
lesse
impious
was
that
saying
of
Anaxarchus
to
Alexander
the
Great
,
when
he
had
Killed
Clitus
in
a
rage
,
Nesus
adsess●rem
jovi
justitiam
,
&
fas
esse
quo
quicquid
actum
a
dominante
fuerit
,
id
jus
&
fas
sit
,
as
if
for
sooth
Alexander
could
do
no
wrong
.
It
was
an
abhominable
saying
of
these
judges
to
Cambyses
.
That
though
they
could
finde
no
law
permitting
a
brother
to
marry
his
sister
,
yet
they
knew
of
another
law
,
whereby
it
was
lawful
to
the
Kings
of
Persia
to
do
whatsoever
they
pleased
.
All
Divines
will
grant
this
:
and
so
do
Lawyers
and
Polititians
:
See
Bodine
de
Repub.
lib.
1.
cap.
8.
Hoenon
.
Disp.
Polit.
9.
Thes.
7.
Paul
.
Voetius
Iurispr
.
Sacra
.
Gerhard
de
Magist
Polit.
§
.
119.
Althus
.
Polit.
cap.
19.
n.
9
,
10
,
11.
Timpl.
Polit.
lib.
5.
cap.
1.
Our
Surveyer
grants
this
,
pag.
57
,
58.
and
elswhere
.
3.
Neither
is
he
exempted
from
the
Lawes
of
Nature
and
Nations
;
for
the
law
of
nature
is
the
very
Law
of
God
,
and
God
hath
no
where
Subjected
his
Law
unto
the
vvill
of
Princes
.
4.
Neither
is
the
exempted
from
all
the
civil
Lavves
,
sayeth
Hoenon
.
ubi
supra
.
For
,
sayes
he
,
many
civil
Lavves
are
but
declarative
of
the
Lavv
of
nature
,
and
consectaryes
thereof
,
and
vvhat
povver
he
hath
,
he
hath
from
the
People
,
and
the
People
are
certanely
bound
by
these
Lavves
:
Yea
as
Boxhornius
sayeth
,
Instit.
Polit.
lib.
1.
pag.
33.
Principi
tantummodo
licet
quantum
populus
ei
voluit
licere
:
No
more
is
lawful
for
him
then
the
People
will
.
The
Surveyer
in
the
forecited
place
sayeth
,
[
It
is
a
Royal
thing
for
a
King
to
live
by
the
same
good
Lawes
,
which
are
given
by
him
to
the
People
,
and
it
is
of
efficacious
influence
upon
them
;
to
move
them
to
walk
in
their
dutyes
orderly
:
Rex
tenetur
servare
Leges
,
si
non
ut
Leges
tamen
ut
rationes
.
But
he
might
know
that
our
King
is
bound
to
observe
the
Lawes
,
even
as
Lawes
,
and
must
pay
his
debt
,
and
submit
to
the
decision
of
Judges
as
well
as
others
.
5.
Our
Surveyer
confesseth
,
Pag.
75.
That
the
King
is
bound
before
God
to
rule
his
People
according
to
the
Law
of
God
,
of
reason
and
nature
;
yea
and
to
take
his
directions
in
government
,
from
the
rational
Lawes
of
the
Kingdome
(
which
are
deductions
from
,
or
determinations
of
,
the
Law
of
God
,
reason
and
nature
,
to
particular
circumstances
)
agreed
to
by
the
consent
and
good
likeing
of
his
People
.
Hence
it
followeth
,
1.
That
he
cannot
dispense
,
by
his
prerogative
Royal
,
with
a
just
Law
,
according
to
his
sole
pleasure
,
and
so
pardon
such
as
deserve
death
?
2.
He
cannot
kill
and
slay
whom
he
will
,
but
according
to
law
.
3.
Nor
can
he
alone
make
lawes
.
4.
Nor
can
his
will
stand
for
a
law
.
5.
Nor
is
he
the
sole
interpreter
of
the
law
.
6.
Nor
in
interpreting
of
the
law
,
hath
he
a
dominion
over
it
to
expone
it
as
he
wil
:
for
if
these
be
not
granted
,
it
cannot
be
granted
that
he
is
bound
to
rule
us
by
the
Law
of
God
,
of
reason
,
and
of
nature
,
or
by
the
Lawes
of
the
Kingdome
,
but
according
to
his
meer
will
and
pleasure
.
6.
It
must
be
a
most
unreasonable
thing
to
say
,
That
the
Soveraignes
power
is
absolute
,
which
Royalists
contend
so
much
for
,
and
say
that
he
is
above
all
law
of
man
;
for
then
he
might
do
what
he
pleased
without
controle
.
But
1.
did
ever
the
People
set
a
Soveraigne
over
themselves
,
upon
these
tearmes
?
Did
ever
People
set
him
over
themselves
to
rage
at
randon
,
to
kill
,
murther
,
massacre
,
and
do
what
seemed
good
in
his
eyes
?
2.
Their
condition
should
necessarily
,
be
worse
after
the
constitution
then
it
was
before
.
3.
The
saifty
of
the
People
should
not
be
the
supreame
Law
.
4.
He
might
then
break
all
bonds
and
oathes
,
and
keep
no
conditions
which
he
had
made
.
5.
If
so
,
a
Prince
as
a
Prince
,
should
be
a
great
plague
and
judgment
to
a
People
.
6.
All
his
Subjects
should
be
formal
Slaves
unto
him
,
their
lives
&
all
they
have
should
be
at
his
devotion
.
7.
He
should
not
then
be
the
Servant
of
God
for
the
good
of
the
People
,
contrare
to
Rom.
13
:
4.
8.
If
this
power
agree
to
him
as
King
,
then
it
is
from
God
,
and
so
God
should
give
him
a
power
to
sin
and
tyrannize
,
which
is
most
false
.
9.
Then
there
could
be
no
Tyrants
.
10.
Yea
a
King
as
a
King
,
should
be
a
Tyrant
in
actu
signato
,
and
a
Tyrant
should
be
nothing
but
a
King
in
actu
exercito
.
11.
Yea
if
so
,
they
might
not
so
much
as
be
rebuked
by
the
messengers
of
the
Lord
,
for
their
enormities
,
contrare
to
the
many
instances
in
the
Old
Testament
of
Prophets
rebuking
Princes
12
if
his
power
were
absolute
,
lawes
would
become
no
lawes
,
neither
were
there
need
of
lawes
,
nor
should
the
making
of
lawes
be
a
meane
to
promove
the
good
of
the
Realme
:
all
which
are
most
absurd
.
And
as
for
for
our
King
That
he
hath
no
such
prerogative
Royal
,
as
puts
him
above
all
limitations
is
already
sufficiently
evidenced
by
Lex
Rex
and
by
the
Apology
though
this
Surveyer
is
pleased
to
say
Pag.
11.
That
his
prerogative
Royal
is
disputed
downe
most
weakly
and
foolishly
in
the
Apology
:
Yet
he
will
not
see
so
much
weaknesse
and
folly
there
,
as
he
imagineth
,
when
ever
he
cometh
to
handle
that
disput.
But
I
grant
it
is
easier
to
him
to
say
,
that
all
is
weak
and
foolish
,
which
pleaseth
nor
him
,
then
to
undertake
the
confutation
thereof
.
It
is
enough
to
him
,
that
he
shew
his
teeth
once
,
and
then
run
away
.
But
if
he
will
afterward
undertake
that
debate
,
let
him
consider
the
particulars
there
mentioned
,
and
also
these
24
particulars
Mentioned
by
Lex
Rex
.
Quaest.
23.
pag.
205.
206.
Unto
which
I
shall
adde
(
that
he
may
make
one
work
of
all
)
these
particulars
,
which
will
furder
serve
to
confirme
what
is
there
said
,
and
prove
our
poynt
.
1.
As
it
is
not
proper
and
peculiar
to
the
Kings
of
Scotland
to
make
lavves
,
and
to
explaine
and
interpret
lavves
:
so
nor
is
it
peculiar
unto
them
,
to
appoynt
punishments
unto
transgressours
,
&
to
liberate
and
free
from
the
stroke
of
the
lavv
,
As
the
late
Parliament
declared
by
their
deed
,
in
murthering
some
,
and
in
liberating
others
guilty
of
Treason
,
more
then
such
as
vvere
executed
:
and
this
by
politicians
is
made
a
part
of
the
Soveraignity
See
Bondin
.
de
repub
.
(
mihi
Edit.
Gall.
)
pag.
236.
Volgm
.
in
Synop
,
de
jure
principum
,
pag.
58.
Hoen
.
Disput
Polit.
pag.
124.
Timpl.
Polit.
Lib.
5.
c.
1.
q.
2.
2.
The
last
appeal
cometh
not
alwayes
to
our
King
:
and
yet
this
is
reckoned
among
the
royal
prerogatives
by
Bodin
ubi
supra
,
Pag.
321.
and
Heen
.
Pag.
127.
Timpl.
Pol.
Lib.
5.
Cap.
1.
quaest.
2.
3.
It
is
not
proper
and
peculiar
to
the
King
to
appoynt
new
imposts
,
customes
,
and
taxes
:
but
Parliaments
do
this
,
Act.
277.
Parl.
15.
Iam.
6.
c.
2.
Parl.
23.
Iam.
6.
Act.
1.
Parl.
1.
Char.
1.
and
act.
14.
15.
of
the
same
parl.
act.
13.
parl.
Anno
1661.
Charl.
2.
and
this
is
reckoned
by
the
forementioned
politicians
among
the
prerogatives
.
Volgm
.
pag.
57.
Hoen
.
pag.
129.
Bodin
.
pag.
244.
Timpl.
ubi
supra
.
4.
Nor
doth
it
belong
to
him
alone
to
appoynt
the
value
of
money
,
as
is
cleare
by
our
acts
.
act.
67.
parl
8.
Iam.
3.
act.
93.
&
97.
parl.
13.
Iam.
3.
act.
23.
parl.
1.
Iam.
1.
act.
33.
parl.
8.
Iam.
2.
act.
59.
parl.
13.
Iam.
2.
act.
2.
parl.
1.
Iam.
4.
act.
17.
parl.
2.
Iam.
4.
act.
40.
parl.
4.
Iam.
4.
act.
17.
parl.
1.
Iam.
6.
act.
20.
of
the
same
parl.
act.
249.
parl.
15.
Iam.
6.
c.
9.
parl.
16.
Iam.
6.
&
yet
the
forecited
authors
reckon
this
also
,
among
jura
Majestatis
.
5.
He
must
not
rule
us
by
his
meer
will
,
but
by
the
lawes
of
the
land
,
act.
79.
parl.
6.
Iam.
4.
act.
130.
131.
parl.
8.
Iam.
6.
and
not
by
any
special
grant
or
privat
privileges
act.
48.
parl.
3.
Iam.
1.
6.
He
is
not
the
proper
judge
of
all
causes
in
the
first
instance
act.
45.
parl.
2.
Iam.
1.
act.
62.
parl.
8.
Iam.
3.
7.
Some
causes
are
fully
exempted
from
his
judgment
and
determination
act.
105.
parl.
14.
Iam.
3.
8.
The
Lords
of
the
Session
may
finally
decide
causes
,
according
to
the
act.
65.
parl.
3.
Iam.
1.
without
any
liberty
granted
to
the
party
to
appeal
to
the
King
act.
63.
parl.
14.
Iam.
2.
and
this
privilege
of
the
Session
in
ratified
act.
93.
parl.
7.
Iam.
5.
act.
1.
parl.
2.
Mar.
act.
170.
parl.
13.
Iam.
6.
act.
183.
of
the
same
parl.
act.
211.
parl.
14.
Iam.
6.
act.
23.
parl.
1.
Carol.
1.
act.
23.
parl.
Anno
1661.
Charl.
2.
Yea
the
judges
are
allowed
to
discerne
according
to
equity
notwithstanding
of
any
write
of
the
King
's
to
the
contrary
,
act.
92.
parl.
6.
Iam.
6.
act.
47.
parl.
11.
Iam.
6.
act.
79.
of
the
same
parl.
9.
He
is
limited
in
granting
remissons
sic
act.
46.
parl.
2.
Iam.
1.
act.
51.
parl.
3.
Iam.
1
:
act
75.
parl.
14.
Iam.
2.
act.
42.
parl.
6.
Iam.
3.
act.
94.
parl.
13.
Iam.
3.
act.
62.
&
63.
parl.
6.
Iam.
4.
act.
174.
parl.
13.
Iam.
6.
10.
He
is
limited
in
alienating
of
lands
,
possessions
or
moveable
goods
act.
2.
parl.
1.
Iam.
2.
act.
41.
parl.
11.
Iam.
2.
act.
70.
and
71.
parl.
9.
Iam.
3.
act.
112.
parl.
14.
Iam.
3.
act.
5.
parl.
1.
Iam.
4.
act.
10.
parl.
2.
Iam.
4.
act.
22.
ejusd.
parl.
act.
50.
parl.
4.
Iam.
4.
act.
90.
parl.
6.
Iam.
4.
act.
84.
parl.
6.
Iam.
5.
act.
115.
and.
116.
parl.
7.
Iam.
5.
act.
6.
parl.
9.
Iam.
6.
act.
176.
parl.
13.
Iam.
6.
act.
159.
ejusdem
parl.
act
.
203.
and
204.
parl.
14.
Iam.
6
:
act.
236.
parl.
15.
Iam.
6.
act.
242.
and
243.
ejusdem
parl.
act.
1.
parl.
16.
Iam.
6.
cap.
4.
parl.
23.
Iam.
6.
act.
10.
parl.
1.
Carol.
1.
11
,
So
is
he
limited
in
erecting
Royal
brughs
act.
43.
parl.
11.
Iam.
2.
12.
He
is
limited
in
appoynting
publick
offices
for
admininistration
of
justice
,
act.
44.
parl.
11.
Iam.
2.
12.
He
may
not
passe
gifts
,
signatures
,
or
remissions
,
but
with
the
consent
of
the
privy
Council
,
act.
12.
parl.
2.
Iam.
4.
14.
He
hath
been
aftentimes
admonished
of
his
duty
by
the
Parliament
:
see
act.
23.
parl.
1.
Iam.
1.
act.
5.
and.
6.
parl.
3.
Iam.
2.
act.
14.
parl.
6.
Iam.
2.
act.
92.
parl.
13.
Iam.
3.
act.
8.
parl.
2.
Iam.
4.
act.
29.
parl.
3.
Iam.
4.
act.
17.
parl.
1.
Iam.
6.
If
this
Surveyer
hath
a
minde
to
defend
the
King
's
civil
prerogative
royal
,
or
his
absolute
power
,
Let
him
take
all
these
particulars
to
his
consideration
:
but
we
goe
on
to
our
purpose
.
From
what
hath
been
said
concerning
this
limited
power
of
the
Kings
we
draw
these
particulars
for
our
purpose
.
1.
If
the
King
be
a
limited
Prince
,
Then
he
may
in
some
cases
be
lawfully
resisted
.
Gerhard
himself
de
Magistrat
.
Pol.
§.
484.
pag.
1303.
in
answering
of
that
quaestion
what
shall
Subjects
do
,
if
a
Magistrate
,
who
is
an
infidel
or
an
haeretick
,
doth
force
them
unto
a
false
religion
,
sayeth
That
such
a
Magistrate
who
hath
absolute
and
unlimited
power
,
and
is
under
no
compacts
may
not
be
resisted
,
by
such
as
are
meer
Subjects
:
So
that
he
would
grant
in
this
case
That
it
is
lawful
,
for
meer
private
Subjects
to
resist
a
limited
Prince
,
who
is
bound
by
compacts
and
contracts
.
It
is
true
when
he
cometh
afterward
to
speak
of
resisting
a
Tyrant
,
and
proponeth
the
quaestion
§.
486.
whether
such
who
have
absolute
power
and
turne
Tyrants
may
be
resisted
,
after
he
hath
cited
some
sayings
of
Papists
,
he
tells
us
§.
487.
That
all
the
arguments
of
iunius
Brutus
,
Rossaeus
,
Buckerius
are
solidly
answered
by
Barclaius
Albericus
Gentilis
,
Cunerus
and
Arnisaeus
,
and
this
passage
our
Surveyer
bringeth
in
Pag.
89.
But
who
seeth
not
,
that
it
cometh
not
at
all
home
to
our
purpose
,
seing
our
King
is
not
a
King
of
absolute
power
,
though
he
hath
his
Kingdom
by
succession
,
but
is
limited
by
conditions
,
and
stipulations
.
And
further
every
one
may
see
the
weaknesse
of
Gerhard's
reasons
,
and
how
inconsistent
he
is
with
himself
:
For.
1.
Sayeth
he
,
such
is
only
under
Gods
jurisdicton
.
But
alas
1.
May
not
I
resist
,
a
person
,
vvho
is
not
under
my
jurisdiction
?
2.
Royalists
will
say
the
same
of
all
Princes
,
even
Barclaus
and
Arnisaeus
.
Againe
he
sayes
The
People
have
translated
their
whole
power
unto
such
a
Prince
&
cannot
recall
it
.
But
1.
They
have
never
translated
over
unto
him
a
power
to
inslave
themselves
,
for
that
was
not
in
their
power
to
do
.
Nor
2.
Could
they
ever
give
away
the
power
of
self
defence
,
which
is
their
birth
right
.
3.
Sayes
he
,
Subjects
,
in
this
case
,
want
God's
command
and
a
Superiour
power
.
But
1.
They
have
God's
command
in
nature
,
no
lesse
then
these
who
are
under
limited
Princes
.
2.
They
have
a
superior
virtual
power
in
cases
of
necessity
.
4.
Sayes
he
,
He
is
a
Father
of
the
Republict
and
not
a
Tutor
only
,
and
therefore
as
Children
have
no
power
over
their
Parents
,
no
more
have
Subjects
over
their
Princes
.
But
,
1.
Are
not
even
limited
Princes
,
as
well
Fathers
to
the
Commonwealth
?
So
that
by
this
argument
,
it
shall
be
as
unlawfull
to
resist
these
,
which
he
will
not
say
.
2.
Yea
such
absolute
Princes
Look
rather
to
be
Tygers
,
and
stated
enemies
unto
the
Common-wealth
,
then
Fathers
.
3.
They
have
no
proper
Parental
power
,
as
we
shewed
,
but
Metaphorical
.
4.
Even
natural
parents
may
be
resisted
Ergo
much
more
they
.
5.
We
are
not
speaking
of
giving
judgment
against
Tyrants
but
of
resisting
of
them
:
and
if
he
grant
this
,
vve
have
our
desire
.
And
his
question
vvas
touching
resistence
§.
485.
Quest.
4.
2.
A
Limited
and
pactional
Prince
may
be
legally
resisted
,
Ergo
also
with
force
when
a
legal
resistence
cannot
be
had
.
The
antecedent
is
true
and
no
Scottish
man
vvill
deny
it
,
as
to
our
king
:
For
if
he
or
any
for
him
should
pretend
a
right
to
their
inheritance
and
intend
an
action
of
lavv
against
them
,
they
may
defend
themselves
by
lavv
;
or
if
he
should
take
possession
vvithout
a
sentence
of
lavv
,
They
might
pursue
him
and
his
tennants
,
or
vvho
ever
came
in
his
name
,
to
take
violent
possession
,
and
procure
letters
of
ejection
,
and
the
like
:
Yea
by
force
they
might
vvithstand
any
that
should
come
to
take
violent
and
illegal
possession
.
The
consequence
is
hence
clear
,
That
vvhatever
ground
a
man
hath
to
defend
his
rights
and
possession
by
lavv
,
the
same
ground
he
hath
to
defend
his
right
by
force
,
vvhen
he
cannot
use
the
legal
meane
;
for
if
the
King
had
real
right
,
and
not
he
,
unto
vvhat
he
possesseth
,
it
vvere
as
unlavvful
to
vvithhold
the
King
from
possession
of
his
ovvne
,
by
quircks
of
lavv
,
as
by
force
.
Againe
,
This
legal
resistence
is
no
resisting
of
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
but
of
the
man
,
vvho
seeketh
no
enjure
.
No
more
is
this
violent
resistance
a
resisting
of
the
ordinance
of
God
,
but
only
of
the
man
,
vvho
abuseth
his
povver
.
Hence
,
3.
If
the
King
have
not
absolute
power
to
do
and
command
what
he
will
:
Then
,
when
he
crosseth
the
rules
prescribed
by
God's
law
and
Man's
law
,
without
any
injury
offered
to
the
ordinance
of
God
,
he
may
be
resisted
by
his
Subjects
,
over
whom
he
thinketh
to
exerce
an
absolute
,
arbitrary
and
tyrannical
power
.
The
reason
is
because
.
That
power
,
which
is
not
the
ordinance
of
God
,
may
be
resisted
,
without
the
lest
injury
done
unto
the
true
ordinance
of
God
.
But
this
absolute
power
is
no
ordinance
of
God
,
it
is
not
appoynted
of
him
,
nor
allowed
of
him
.
Therefore
,
&c.
But
say
Royalists
,
Though
that
absolute
and
Tyrannical
power
be
not
simply
from
God
;
yet
it
is
so
from
God
,
that
no
man
can
lawfully
resist
it
Answ
,
1
▪
If
it
be
so
from
God
,
as
that
it
may
not
be
resisted
,
then
it
is
from
God
,
and
is
the
ordinance
of
God
:
for
it
is
the
ordinance
of
God
that
cannot
,
must
not
,
be
resisted
.
But
sayes
the
Surveyer
Pag.
37.
[
It
may
be
easily
seen
that
subjection
to
the
power
(
opposite
to
resistence
)
is
all
alongs
enjoyned
(
viz.
Rom.
13.
)
whether
the
power
be
rightly
used
or
otherwise
:
If
it
be
rightly
used
,
subjection
without
refuseing
active
obedience
is
required
:
if
it
be
not
rightly
used
,
subjection
without
resistence
,
violent
or
forcible
repelling
of
the
power
,
is
required
upon
this
formal
reason
and
ground
;
Because
even
when
the
power
is
abused
,
it
remaines
a
power
ordained
of
God
;
(
although
the
abuse
of
it
be
not
ordained
)
even
as
a
man's
eye
remaines
his
eye
,
although
sometimes
it
is
not
rightly
used
.
The
formal
reason
of
the
subjection
,
and
non-resistence
pressed
,
is
not
the
right
use
of
the
power
,
but
because
it
is
a
power
ordained
of
God
(
however
perverted
in
the
use
by
man
)
Answ.
]
1.
By
this
mans
doctrine
,
The
King
might
not
be
resisted
if
he
should
turne
another
Nero
or
Caligula
,
or
should
deal
with
us
all
,
as
the
Turk
doth
with
his
subjects
,
or
the
King
of
Spaine
,
with
his
slaves
in
America
.
If
he
should
fill
ditches
with
his
living
subjects
,
and
to
satisfy
his
lust
and
pleasure
should
tumble
them
be
thousands
downe
a
precipice
into
the
midst
of
the
sea
:
yea
though
he
should
bring
in
an
army
of
Turks
or
Tartars
to
destroy
all
his
subjects
young
and
old
;
Though
he
should
sell
and
give
away
the
whole
land
unto
the
Turk
or
any
forraigne
Tyrant
,
and
become
the
most
habited
not
our
and
compleat
Tyrant
:
and
should
against
all
appearance
of
law
,
manifestly
seek
the
destruction
of
the
whole
land
,
man
,
wife
and
childe
,
and
of
the
very
being
of
religion
,
according
to
law
,
and
of
all
known
libertyes
,
and
should
force
and
compel
,
with
armed
heathens
,
all
his
subjects
great
and
small
,
to
offer
sacrifice
to
the
Heathen
Gods
;
and
the
like
:
For
in
all
this
and
the
like
,
there
is
but
an
abuse
of
the
power
,
and
the
power
is
still
of
God
however
it
be
abused
,
and
because
it
is
a
power
ordained
of
God
,
this
abuse
must
be
submitted
unto
,
without
the
least
resistence
,
is
not
this
sufficient
to
make
all
men
abhore
this
man's
principles
?
2.
He
must
say
that
it
is
not
possible
to
resist
the
abuse
of
the
power
,
but
the
power
it self
must
be
resisted
,
and
so
,
such
as
do
resist
the
most
dreadful
tyranny
imaginable
,
do
resist
the
ordinance
of
God
,
which
is
most
false
and
absurd
.
3.
If
the
abuse
of
the
power
be
not
from
God
,
then
such
as
resist
this
abuse
,
do
not
resist
that
which
is
ordained
of
God
,
but
that
which
is
not
ordained
of
God
.
And
therefore
resisting
of
the
abuse
of
the
power
,
is
no
resisting
of
the
ordinance
of
God
.
4.
Subjection
is
only
required
to
that
which
is
the
ordinance
of
God
,
because
subjection
is
required
when
and
where
,
and
so
far
as
resistence
is
prohibited
:
Now
resistence
to
the
ordinance
of
God
,
is
only
prohibited
,
and
not
resistence
to
the
carnal
and
bloody
lusts
of
men
,
which
is
rather
the
ordinance
of
the
devil
then
the
ordinance
of
God
.
5.
The
vvrong
use
or
abuse
of
the
eye
may
be
resisted
,
hindered
,
and
obstructed
,
without
any
injury
done
to
the
eye
it self
.
So
may
the
wrong
use
or
abuse
of
Magistratical
power
be
resisted
,
without
any
vvrong
done
unto
the
povver
vvhich
is
of
God
.
5.
It
is
false
to
say
that
all
resistence
of
the
abused
power
,
is
forbidden
upon
this
formal
reason
and
ground
,
because
even
when
the
power
is
abused
it
remaines
a
povver
ordained
of
God
:
Because
the
abused
power
is
not
at
all
ordained
of
God
,
nor
never
vvas
,
it
is
no
part
of
that
povver
vvhich
God
ordained
:
a
povver
to
murther
the
innocent
,
to
kill
the
vvidow
and
fatherlesse
,
and
to
oppresse
the
people
of
God
,
is
not
of
God
:
God
never
appoynted
that
povver
of
David's
to
murther
Vriah
and
to
commit
adultery
vvith
Bathshebah
.
These
vvere
no
acts
of
the
Magistratical
povver
ordained
of
God
,
but
acts
of
lust
the
vvickednesse
.
7.
If
this
reason
hold
good
,
we
must
never
resist
by
refuseing
active
obedience
,
let
him
command
what
he
will
:
for
his
sinful
and
unjust
commands
are
but
the
abuse
of
that
power
which
is
ordained
of
God
,
and
the
power
even
when
abused
by
giving
out
edicts
,
and
mandats
,
(
according
to
this
man
)
remaineth
a
power
ordained
of
God
,
as
a
man's
eye
remaines
his
eye
,
though
sometimes
it
is
not
rightly
used
.
Now
how
will
he
loose
his
owne
argument
?
what
ever
answer
he
give
here
,
it
will
helps
us
out
.
Sure
,
if
a
man
many
refuse
obedience
to
an
unjust
command
,
of
an
abused
power
,
without
doing
injury
unto
the
power
which
is
ordained
of
God
,
it
will
be
no
lesse
cleare
,
that
a
man
may
refuse
subjection
to
and
resist
abused
power
,
without
doing
hurt
unto
the
power
which
is
ordained
of
God
.
And
I
Desire
that
the
Reader
vvould
seriously
notice
this
,
and
see
how
all
he
objecteth
is
answered
by
it
,
&
the
wicked
insnared
in
the
vvork
of
his
owne
hands
.
4.
If
the
King
have
not
absolute
power
,
but
be
limited
both
by
the
lawes
of
God
,
and
by
the
lawes
of
Man
:
Then
when
he
transgresseth
the
bounds
prescribed
to
him
,
he
may
be
resisted
.
The
reason
is
because
.
He
who
is
no
Magistrate
many
be
resisted
.
But
the
King
going
beyond
his
bounds
is
no
Magistrate
.
Therefore
he
may
be
resisted
,
The
proposition
cannot
be
denyed
:
for
he
vvho
is
not
a
Magistrate
,
is
not
that
ordinance
of
God
,
which
we
are
forbiden
to
resist
.
The
assumption
is
granted
by
Arniseus
de
auth:
princi
.
c.
2.
n.
10.
saying
,
Dum
contra
officium
facit
Magistratus
,
non
est
Magistratus
,
quippe
a
quo
non
injuria
sed
jus
nasci
debeat
.
while
the
Magistrate
doth
against
his
office
,
he
is
no
Magistrate
;
because
a
Magistrate
should
do
no
wrong
but
right
,
l.
miminerint
6
c.
unde
vi
.
c.
quod
quis
24.
5.
If
the
King's
power
be
not
absolute
,
and
if
he
cannot
do
whatsoever
he
pleaseth
:
Then
when
he
makes
his
lust
a
law
,
and
followeth
the
dictate
of
his
tyrannical
corrupted
will
,
he
may
be
resisted
:
because
,
what
power
he
never
gote
from
the
People
to
exerce
,
if
he
exerce
it
,
he
may
be
,
by
them
resisted
.
But
the
People
never
gave
him
a
power
to
rule
as
he
listeth
,
and
to
do
what
his
missed
understanding
and
enraged
will
did
prompt
him
to
do
.
Ergo
they
may
resist
him
when
he
exerceth
no
power
given
him
,
but
a
power
assumed
to
himself
,
through
the
corruption
of
his
heart
and
wicked
will
.
6.
If
the
King's
power
be
not
absolute
,
then
the
People
are
not
denuded
of
the
power
of
self
defence
.
Royalists
,
and
such
as
trade
their
steps
think
,
that
an
absolute
prince
,
or
a
prince
integrae
Majestatis
,
as
they
call
him
,
hath
gotten
all
Power
from
the
People
,
even
that
power
of
self
defence
(
which
yet
is
false
)
but
though
this
were
granted
,
it
will
not
follow
,
that
a
limited
Prince
hath
gote
away
that
power
of
self
defence
from
the
People
,
and
left
them
naked
to
his
tyrannical
will
,
to
be
disposed
of
,
as
he
thinketh
good
.
7.
The
King's
power
being
limited
,
and
not
absolute
,
sayes
that
,
by
the
constitution
and
limitation
,
more
regaird
was
had
to
the
security
of
the
People
,
then
to
the
King
's
meer
will
and
pleasure
;
and
that
the
Kings
meer
will
and
pleasure
should
not
be
followed
,
but
resisted
,
when
thereby
the
good
of
the
People
and
their
saifty
vvas
in
hazard
:
all
men
are
bound
to
look
more
to
the
end
then
to
the
meanes
,
and
to
hinder
such
things
as
are
destructive
of
the
end
.
8.
If
the
King's
povver
be
no
absolute
;
then
the
Parliament's
povver
is
not
absolute
:
And
if
the
King
may
be
resisted
in
cases
of
necessity
,
because
his
povver
is
not
absolute
:
Then
the
Parliament
also
may
be
resisted
,
upon
the
same
ground
,
vvhen
they
do
violence
and
oppresse
the
innocent
:
And
if
the
Parliament
may
be
resisted
by
Subjects
,
then
it
cannot
be
unlavvful
for
,
Subjects
,
in
the
cases
of
necessity
,
to
defend
themselves
against
the
unjust
violence
of
their
limited
Prince
,
albeit
they
vvant
the
concurrence
,
countenance
and
conduct
of
a
Parliament
or
Publick
Representatives
.
9.
If
King
and
Parliament
both
be
limited
,
they
cannot
make
what
lawes
they
wil.
Nay
,
themselves
declare
that
they
cannot
make
any
particular
act
or
ratification
in
prejudice
of
the
lavvful
rights
of
a
third
party
,
and
therefore
in
the
end
of
their
Parliaments
or
Sessions
of
Parliaments
they
usually
passe
an
act
salvo
jure
cujuslibet
.
And
if
their
particular
acts
are
no
force
,
in
so
far
as
they
prejudge
the
rights
of
a
third
person
,
nor
to
be
submitted
unto
nor
obeyed
,
Then
their
other
acts
made
in
prejudice
of
the
glory
of
God
,
of
the
good
of
his
Church
,
and
of
the
interest
of
Christ
in
the
land
,
are
of
no
force
,
nor
to
be
obeyed
and
submitted
unto
:
and
,
if
in
the
former
case
particular
persons
are
allovved
to
defend
their
rights
,
notvvithstanding
of
these
acts
:
Then
much
more
may
private
Persones
be
allovved
to
defend
Christ's
rights
,
and
their
ovvne
rights
,
as
to
their
soull
&
consciences
,
notvvithstanding
of
any
act
or
lavv
general
or
particular
made
to
the
contrary
,
the
best
vvay
they
can
,
vvhen
all
formal
legal
vvayes
are
taken
from
them
.
10.
If
the
King
be
not
absolute
.
He
cannot
execute
the
Lawes
made
,
according
to
his
owne
lust
and
pleasure
:
nor
may
any
inferiour
judictory
do
so
:
For
that
is
a
piece
of
tyranny
:
and
when
he
or
they
,
following
their
owne
tyrannical
wills
,
transgresse
the
Lawes
and
Bounds
prescribed
,
and
take
an
arbitrary
way
of
executeing
their
cruelty
,
They
may
in
that
case
be
resisted
:
Because
that
power
is
no
proper
magistratical
power
,
but
tyranny
,
and
an
arbitrary
ebullition
of
rage
,
no
power
ordained
of
God
,
but
the
lawlesse
will
of
corrupt
creatures
.
11.
Since
He
hath
not
absolute
power
to
execute
the
Lawes
after
an
arbitrary
manner
according
to
his
owne
lust
&
pleasure
,
if
when
he
is
doing
so
,
he
may
be
resisted
;
then
much
lesse
can
be
Impower
his
Emissaries
with
an
arbitrary
,
tyrannical
,
lawlese
cruelty
,
under
pretence
of
executing
the
Lawes
;
or
if
he
do
,
the
resisting
of
such
in
that
case
,
can
be
no
resistance
of
the
Ordinance
of
God
.
Neither
God
nor
Man
ever
gave
him
power
to
conferre
on
others
a
Lawlesse
license
to
oppresse
,
rob
,
spoile
,
plunder
&
tyrannize
over
innocents
.
And
therefore
the
resisting
of
such
bloody
executioners
,
without
any
lawful
power
,
tyrannyzing
over
the
subjects
,
can
be
no
sin
or
rebellion
,
condemned
by
God
or
his
Law
.
12.
Since
the
King
may
not
by
an
absolute
power
command
what
he
will
.
His
Subjects
are
not
bound
to
an
absolute
obedience
,
but
alwayes
in
the
Lord
:
It
being
better
to
obey
God
then
Man
;
and
when
his
Subjects
are
not
bound
to
obey
,
he
cannot
Lawfully
inflict
punishment
on
such
,
as
contraveeing
his
Lawes
,
obey
the
Lawes
of
God
:
Because
just
punishments
are
for
transgressions
of
just
Laws
:
And
when
he
inflicts
punishment
where
God
alloweth
a
reward
.
he
goeth
directly
against
his
commission
,
which
is
to
be
a
terrour
to
evil
works
,
and
not
to
good
Rom.
13
:
ver.
3.
And
when
a
Servant
,
or
publick
Messenger
goeth
contrare
to
his
commission
,
it
is
no
disloyalty
to
the
King
,
to
refuse
subjection
unto
such
.
So
nor
is
it
distloyalty
to
the
King
of
Kings
,
to
refuse
Subjection
unto
his
Minister
,
when
he
runeth
crosse
to
his
ovvne
expresse
commission
.
And
therefore
the
Late
Act
of
defence
,
being
the
defence
of
innocents
in
the
case
of
extreame
and
inevitable
necessity
,
against
illegal
commissions
,
contrary
to
the
Lavv
of
God
,
cannot
be
branded
vvith
rebellion
,
but
accounted
an
Act
of
lavvful
self-defence
.
CAP.
IX
.
Of
the
Peoples
Power
in
the
works
of
Reformation
.
Our
Argument
hence
.
THe
Author
of
Naphtaly
,
Pag.
18.
19.
had
these
words
,
[
As
we
have
already
cleared
,
that
in
case
either
the
People
,
or
any
part
of
them
be
violented
to
a
complyance
,
or
be
wickedly
persecuted
for
adhereing
to
God
,
in
the
profession
and
practice
of
the
contrary
dutyes
,
they
may
lawfully
defend
themselves
,
and
are
mutually
bound
to
assist
and
deliver
one
another
:
So
it
now
comes
to
be
considered
that
,
seing
the
maintainance
of
truth
,
and
the
true
Worshipe
of
God
,
were
and
are
the
principal
ends
and
motives
of
contracting
of
Societyes
,
and
erecting
of
Governments
,
whereunto
both
the
People
and
Rulers
,
are
not
only
separatly
every
one
for
himself
,
but
joyntly
obliged
for
the
publick
advancement
and
establishment
thereof
:
And
that
God
doth
therefore
equally
exact
,
and
avenge
the
sin
of
the
Rulers
only
,
or
of
the
People
only
,
or
of
any
part
of
the
People
only
,
upon
the
whole
body
of
Rulers
and
People
,
for
their
simple
Tolerance
and
connivance
,
without
their
active
complyance
with
the
transgressours
;
of
necessity
,
both
from
the
principles
deduced
,
and
from
the
most
visible
judgments
of
God
agreeable
thereto
,
there
must
be
a
supeperior
and
antecedent
obligation
to
that
of
submission
,
incumbent
upon
all
both
joyntly
and
separatly
,
for
the
maintainance
,
vindication
,
and
reformation
of
Religion
,
in
order
to
the
promoving
of
these
great
ends
of
the
publick
profession
of
truth
,
and
true
Worshipe
,
which
the
Lord
doth
indispensibly
require
.
]
By
vvhich
any
,
vvho
read
vvith
judgment
and
attention
,
and
consider
vvhat
preceedeth
,
and
vvhat
follovveth
,
may
see
vvhat
vvas
that
Authors
scope
and
intention
,
viz.
to
shevv
in
few
vvords
,
the
lavvfulnesse
of
Peoples
standing
to
the
maintainance
and
defence
of
truth
,
and
the
true
Worship
of
God
,
vvhen
violated
and
enjured
by
these
,
vvho
,
by
their
places
and
callings
,
should
endeavour
the
establishing
and
perfect
security
thereof
,
both
from
adversaries
vvithin
and
vvithout
;
as
vvel
as
to
the
defence
of
their
persones
and
libertyes
,
vvhen
wickedly
persecuted
for
adhereing
to
God
:
And
that
,
as
it
vvas
not
his
scope
and
intention
;
so
nor
will
the
words
give
ground
to
any
(
vvho
is
not
utterly
blinded
vvith
prejudice
,
and
resolved
to
pervert
the
fairest
and
smoothest
expressions
that
can
be
used
,
to
the
end
they
may
pervert
truth
,
&
deceive
the
simple
who
readily
beleeve
every
thing
)
to
think
that
he
pleadeth
for
any
magistratical
authority
,
and
povver
to
give
out
mandats
,
and
enjoyn
execution
upon
transgressours
in
poynt
of
reformation
of
Religion
,
unto
privat
persones
:
Far
lesse
,
that
he
pleadeth
for
a
povver
due
unto
them
,
to
rise
against
,
and
throvv
dovvne
King
and
all
Magistrates
,
supreame
and
subordinate
,
and
to
use
the
vindicative
punishing
&
reforming
povver
of
the
sword
,
even
in
case
of
defection
in
matter
of
Religion
.
If
any
vvill
but
look
to
the
end
of
that
Paragraph
,
they
shall
see
this
fully
confirmed
,
vvhere
he
is
applying
vvhat
he
said
,
to
the
purpose
he
vvas
upon
,
viz.
in
vindication
of
vvhat
vvas
done
by
our
first
Reformers
,
in
the
dayes
of
Mr
Knox
(
of
whom
only
he
is
speaking
in
that
part
of
his
book
)
for
thus
he
speaketh
[
and
had
not
our
Reformers
great
reason
to
feare
and
tremble
,
least
the
manifest
toleration
of
proud
cruel
and
flattering
Prelates
,
who
had
perverted
the
lawful
powers
into
bloody
persecutors
;
and
of
idolatrous
Priests
,
whose
wickednesse
and
idolatry
had
corrupted
the
whole
Land
,
might
involve
not
only
themselves
,
but
the
whole
Nation
in
destroying
and
overflowing
indignation
.
]
Was
there
any
such
thing
pretended
,
or
assumed
by
these
Reformers
,
but
a
power
to
defend
,
and
maintaine
the
true
reformed
Religion
,
and
their
reformed
Preachers
,
against
the
malice
of
powers
perverted
and
enraged
against
them
,
by
the
bloody
and
pestilent
counsel
of
the
these
idolatrous
locusts
,
and
to
hinder
open
and
avowed
idolatry
,
which
provoked
God
against
the
whole
Land
?
Did
they
ever
arrogate
to
themselves
the
magistratical
,
vindicative
,
punishing
and
reforming
power
of
the
sword
against
all
Magistrates
Supreame
and
Subordinate
?
Or
doth
Naphtaly
say
any
such
thing
?
And
yet
this
Surveyer
because
he
cannot
confute
what
is
there
nervously
vindicated
,
asserted
and
demonstrated
;
That
he
may
not
be
seen
to
do
nothing
for
his
hire
,
he
will
thraw
Naphtaly's
words
as
he
thinketh
best
,
and
falsly
and
most
impudently
assert
Pag.
83.
That
Naphtali
sayeth
[
Any
party
of
meer
private
persones
may
rise
against
,
resist
,
throw
downe
King
and
all
Magistrates
,
Supreame
and
Subordinate
;
and
in
their
Phinehas-like
motions
,
use
the
vindicative
,
punishing
,
reforming
power
of
the
sword
,
especially
in
case
of
defection
in
matter
of
Religion
:
and
that
there
is
a
joynt
obligation
laying
upon
the
people
,
and
every
party
thereof
,
to
vindicate
and
reforme
Religion
,
in
a
publick
punitive
way
,
even
against
all
Magistrates
and
Nobles
,
and
against
the
plurality
of
the
people
.
So
that
if
any
part
of
the
people
do
think
the
Magistrates
,
all
of
them
,
or
the
plurality
of
the
people
,
patrons
of
abhominations
,
any
private
party
that
think
they
have
power
enough
,
may
flee
to
the
vindicative
,
punishing
and
reforming
sword
,
and
falt
upon
all
Rulers
and
other
,
whom
they
think
to
be
in
a
defection
,
and
will
boldly
say
that
in
truth
they
are
so
.
]
Who
seeth
not
what
perverting
of
truth
is
here
?
When
Naphtali
only
asserts
,
that
in
case
the
Magistrate
,
to
whom
the
vindicative
,
and
(
in
case
of
backslideing
)
the
reforming
power
is
committed
,
and
who
should
make
this
his
maine
work
,
shall
turne
the
principal
perverter
,
and
chief
patron
of
these
abhominations
,
some
other
thing
is
required
of
the
people
then
submission
,
&
there
lyeth
upon
them
some
obligation
antecedent
to
that
,
even
an
obligation
to
the
maintainance
,
vindication
,
and
reformation
of
Religion
:
Which
may
be
,
and
is
,
something
distinct
from
that
vindication
and
reformation
,
which
is
incumbent
on
Magistrates
,
even
a
vindication
and
reformation
,
by
way
of
maintainance
of
the
received
truth
,
and
hindering
of
idolatry
and
blasphemy
,
or
what
is
dishonorable
to
God
,
pernicious
to
the
commonwealth
,
&
opposite
to
the
true
reformed
Religion
:
which
may
be
done
without
arrogateing
in
the
least
,
that
power
which
God
hath
committed
to
the
Magistrates
:
And
this
is
far
from
useing
the
sword
against
the
Magistrate
,
and
from
throwing
him
down
.
It
is
incumbent
to
the
Magistrate
,
to
defend
private
subjects
from
Robbers
;
and
if
they
spoyl
and
robe
a
man's
house
,
to
recover
what
is
by
robbery
taken
away
:
but
if
he
neglect
this
,
and
rather
patronize
such
Robbers
;
It
is
a
duty
on
the
subject
,
to
defend
his
owne
,
and
vindicate
and
recover
his
goods
,
the
best
way
he
can
:
and
who
will
say
that
it
is
an
usurping
of
the
Magistrates
sword
,
whereby
he
should
punish
Robbers
,
defend
the
innocent
,
and
recover
the
goods
of
the
spoyled
;
or
a
riseing
up
aginst
the
Magistrate
to
dethrone
him
.
There
is
a
private
maintaining
,
vindicateing
and
recovering
of
goods
stollen
,
which
yet
is
active
,
and
may
be
effectual
:
and
there
is
a
publick
,
authoritative
and
magistratical
defending
,
vindicating
and
recovering
.
The
other
may
be
incumbent
to
private
persones
in
some
cases
,
when
yet
they
do
not
usurpe
this
.
So
in
the
Matters
of
Religion
,
there
is
a
private
,
yet
active
and
real
maintaining
,
vindicating
and
reforming
of
Religion
when
corrupted
,
and
there
is
a
publick
,
authoritative
and
Magistratical
maintaining
,
vindicating
and
reforming
.
The
former
may
be
assumed
by
private
persons
,
in
some
cases
,
without
the
least
hazzard
of
incroaching
upon
this
,
far
more
without
the
hazard
of
calling
Magistrats
to
account
,
judging
,
condemning
,
and
dethroning
them
,
and
the
like
.
Having
thus
cleared
how
little
ground
he
hath
,
to
cry
out
so
against
Naphtaly
and
his
party
,
as
the
sanguinary
faction
(
as
he
doth
Pag.
83.
)
and
to
prosecute
that
dispute
as
he
doth
in
the
following
Pages
,
we
will
not
have
much
difficulty
in
answering
what
he
hath
said
:
but
first
let
us
prosecute
our
owne
businesse
,
and
shew
what
real
power
People
have
,
without
their
Magistrats
,
in
the
maintaining
and
reforming
of
Religion
:
And
,
1.
It
is
lawful
,
yea
necessary
,
for
every
private
person
,
whether
the
Magistrates
Superiour
and
Inferiour
give
their
countenance
,
concurrence
,
or
consent
thereunto
,
or
not
,
to
purge
their
hearts
,
and
reforme
thier
lives
,
and
to
walk
in
all
the
wayes
of
God's
Commandements
.
Our
Surveyer
himself
granteth
this
,
Pag.
84.
for
sayes
he
,
every
one
is
bound
to
amend
one
,
and
so
all
will
be
more
easily
amended
.
Very
true
:
And
if
this
were
done
,
our
work
were
at
an
end
,
and
himself
would
be
a
Hangman
to
his
owne
pamphlet
,
unlesse
he
think
himself
exeemed
from
that
duty
of
reformation
,
and
that
he
hath
a
dispensation
to
lie
,
slander
,
calumniate
,
and
blaspheme
the
work
,
wayes
,
and
People
of
God
.
2.
It
is
the
duty
of
all
private
persones
,
notwithstanding
that
idolatry
,
superstition
,
or
any
other
corruption
in
the
worshipe
of
God
be
established
by
authority
,
or
countenanced
and
encouraged
;
or
conformity
there
to
pressed
,
to
keep
themselves
pure
from
such
courses
as
provoke
the
eyes
of
God
,
who
is
a
jealous
God
,
and
will
not
give
his
glory
to
another
;
This
is
undenyable
by
all
who
are
not
professed
Atheists
,
and
who
know
another
God
,
then
a
clay
creature
,
and
who
know
that
it
is
better
to
obey
God
,
then
a
Man
.
Our
Surveyer
granteth
in
the
forecited
place
[
that
every
one
of
the
people
ought
to
reforme
themselves
from
all
real
corruptions
in
the
worshipe
of
God
.
]
But
,
it
may
be
,
he
maketh
this
real
,
an
open
door
for
him
and
his
fraternity
,
to
escape
by
;
and
so
conclude
that
he
and
they
are
arived
at
the
hight
of
perfection
,
(
because
forsooth
they
are
fallen
backward
,
and
have
a
minde
to
goe
backward
,
and
never
to
advance
)
and
so
fall
not
under
the
compasse
of
this
duty
.
But
corruptions
will
be
real
corruptions
,
though
they
account
them
perfections
.
3.
It
is
the
duty
of
private
persons
to
rebuke
,
admonish
,
exhort
,
reprove
,
observe
,
edify
and
provoke
one
another
to
love
and
good
works
Lev.
19.
17.
Mat.
18.
15
,
16.
Rom.
15.
13.
Col.
3.
16.
1
Thes.
5.
11.
Heb.
3.
13.
and
10.
24.
25.
And
thus
instruct
one
another
in
the
right
wayes
of
the
Lord
,
perswade
move
and
induce
them
by
motives
and
arguments
,
and
all
meanes
possible
,
to
imbrace
the
truth
,
and
to
forsake
errour
,
or
any
false
way
,
Even
though
the
Magistrates
should
prohibite
and
discharge
this
,
and
by
their
command
and
authority
should
establish
errour
and
corruption
,
and
banish
truth
with
their
edicts
and
proclamations
.
Our
Surveyer
granteth
Pag.
84.
[
that
no
man
should
say
,
am
I
am
brothers
keeper
,
but
by
faithful
instruction
,
warning
,
reproof
,
strive
to
save
others
from
the
evil
of
the
time
and
places
wherein
they
live
]
And
yet
he
knowes
who
are
persecuted
upon
this
account
,
of
meeting
together
for
these
and
such
like
ends
,
to
strengthen
the
hands
one
of
another
,
that
they
faint
not
in
this
evil
day
,
and
to
save
one
another
from
the
evils
of
these
times
,
as
keepers
of
conventicles
,
and
seditious
disturbers
of
the
peace
.
4.
When
there
is
any
corruption
in
the
reformed
Religion
,
whether
in
doctrine
,
worship
,
discipline
,
or
government
creept
in
;
or
any
corrupt
sinful
practice
come
in
use
,
and
abounding
in
a
land
,
and
these
corruptions
not
only
connived
at
by
the
Magistrates
,
but
also
countenanced
,
approved
and
authorized
;
it
is
the
duty
of
all
the
faithful
Ministers
of
Christ
,
to
be
laying
out
themselves
to
the
utmost
,
in
their
pastoral
functions
,
for
the
suppressing
of
these
corruptions
and
enormities
,
notwithstanding
of
any
prohibiton
of
the
Magistrate
,
whose
power
is
not
privative
in
this
case
,
to
the
contrary
.
Though
this
be
abundantly
cleared
and
confirmed
by
the
practice
of
all
the
faithful
Prophets
and
Apostles
of
the
Lord
,
both
under
the
Old
,
and
under
the
N.
Testament
;
yet
we
all
know
how
impiously
and
tyrannically
this
is
denyed
to
the
honest
Ministers
of
Scotland
,
who
,
left
they
should
speak
any
thing
against
the
rageing
evills
and
abounding
corruptions
,
both
in
matters
of
opinion
and
practice
,
which
hasten
the
curse
and
wrath
of
God
upon
the
land
,
and
make
us
ripe
for
destruction
,
are
not
permitted
to
preach
uncontroverted
truthes
,
and
the
undenyable
grounds
of
Christianity
.
But
however
this
piece
of
tyranny
and
persecution
be
established
by
law
,
yet
the
law
of
God
stands
unrepealed
&
in
full
force
and
vigour
,
&
by
this
law
,
all
who
have
a
trumpet
and
a
mouth
should
set
the
trumpet
to
their
mouth
,
and
cry
aloud
and
not
spare
,
and
both
privately
and
publicky
labour
thus
to
reforme
the
grievous
abuses
,
that
abound
in
the
land
.
5.
Private
persones
may
,
let
Magistrates
command
or
discharge
what
they
will
,
yea
are
bound
to
,
obey
the
whole
some
exhortations
and
admonitions
of
Ministers
and
others
,
who
faithfully
declare
the
minde
of
God
,
and
discover
abhominable
corruptions
,
&
crying
abhominations
:
&
notwithstanding
of
any
law
to
the
contrary
,
Imbrace
,
and
practise
the
true
Religion
,
and
reject
the
corruptions
.
This
is
certane
,
for
it
is
God's
minde
and
will
that
his
commands
be
obeyed
rather
then
mans
;
and
if
Ministers
,
and
private
persons
be
bound
to
exhorte
,
rebuke
,
warne
,
reprove
,
admonish
,
move
and
perswade
,
it
is
Peoples
duty
to
hearken
to
,
and
obey
these
good
and
necessary
exhortations
,
rebukes
,
warnings
,
reproofs
,
admonitions
and
persuasions
.
God's
minde
should
be
followed
,
hold
it
forth
who
will
,
especially
when
it
is
declared
by
his
Ambassadours
,
who
in
a
special
manner
are
authorized
by
him
for
that
effect
.
We
know
what
a
dreadful
plague
and
judgment
came
upon
Iudah
2
Chron.
36
:
16.
17.
because
they
mocked
the
messengers
of
God
,
and
despised
his
words
,
and
misused
his
Prophets
,
the
wrath
of
God
arose
against
his
People
,
till
there
was
no
remedie
.
And
it
was
this
,
which
occasioned
the
Non-churching
of
the
Church
of
the
Jewes
Act.
13
:
46.
Sure
when
Peoples
eare
is
so
uncircumcised
that
they
wil
not
heare
,
and
the
Word
of
the
Lord
is
a
reproach
unto
them
,
and
they
have
no
delight
in
it
,
then
is
there
ground
to
fear
the
verification
of
that
sad
threatning
Ier.
6
:
11
,
12.
that
wrath
shall
be
poured
out
upon
the
children
abroad
,
and
upon
the
assembly
of
young
men
together
,
so
that
even
the
husband
with
the
wife
shall
be
taken
,
the
aged
with
him
that
is
full
of
dayes
,
and
their
houses
shall
be
turned
unto
others
,
with
their
fieldes
,
and
wives
together
;
for
I
will
streach
out
my
hand
upon
the
inhabitants
of
the
land
,
sayeth
the
Lord
.
6.
From
what
is
said
,
it
is
apparent
,
that
all
who
vvould
have
peace
vvith
God
,
and
peace
in
their
ovvne
consciences
,
and
joy
in
the
day
of
their
accounts
,
should
imbrace
,
professe
,
and
practise
the
truth
of
God
,
and
the
true
Religion
reformed
in
doctrine
,
vvorshipe
,
discipline
and
government
,
Though
King
,
Parliament
,
and
Council
should
reject
and
condemne
the
same
,
and
countenance
,
or
command
and
authorize
the
practice
of
idolatry
,
superstition
,
or
any
false
way
in
the
vvorshipe
of
God
,
or
in
the
doctrine
and
discipline
.
For
,
no
lavv
of
man
can
vvarrand
iniquity
,
no
act
or
constitution
of
any
Magistrat
under
Heaven
,
can
rescinde
or
invalidate
the
mandats
of
the
King
of
Kings
,
or
exempt
People
from
obedience
due
thereunto
.
No
true
Christian
(
whatever
court
flatterers
&
atheists
may
do
)
can
deny
this
.
7.
Nor
can
it
be
denyed
,
That
in
Kingdomes
or
Commonvvealths
vvhere
once
the
True
Religion
,
reformed
in
doctrine
,
vvorshipe
,
discipline
and
government
,
hath
been
received
,
publickly
imbraced
,
approved
and
countenanced
by
authority
,
ratified
by
lavves
,
statutes
,
acts
,
declarations
,
proclamations
,
oathes
,
vovves
and
engagements
.
Though
the
Magistrates
Superiour
and
inferiour
should
turne
Apostates
from
that
Reformed
and
received
Religion
,
and
by
their
lavves
condemne
the
same
,
and
establish
corruptions
,
and
enforce
corrupt
practices
by
penaltyes
;
yet
it
vvere
the
duty
of
all
Subjects
,
vvho
had
any
regaird
to
the
matters
of
their
ovvne
salvation
,
to
adhere
to
the
truth
once
received
and
established
,
and
vvorshipe
and
Serve
God
,
after
the
right
manner
,
and
refuse
to
obey
these
iniquous
lavves
.
Will
any
deny
such
a
truth
as
this
,
except
such
as
have
sold
soull
,
consciences
and
all
,
unto
the
lust
of
Men
;
or
think
there
is
no
Religion
,
but
vvhat
King
and
Parliament
vvill
have
,
and
consequently
if
they
should
enjoyne
the
imbraceing
of
Mahomet's
Religion
,
or
the
vvorshiping
of
Sun
,
Moon
,
and
Starrs
,
or
of
Satan
himself
,
obedience
must
be
yeelded
.
8.
If
in
the
forementioned
case
,
The
Magistrates
Superiour
and
inferiour
should
combine
together
,
and
conspire
against
Christ
and
his
interest
,
and
should
not
only
,
by
their
acts
and
statutes
,
banish
him
,
and
his
glorious
interests
out
of
the
Kingdome
;
but
also
,
by
their
cruel
executions
,
labour
to
force
,
constraine
and
compel
all
their
subjects
or
a
part
of
them
,
to
the
renunceing
of
the
formerly
received
and
avowed
truthes
,
and
to
the
imbraceing
of
the
introduced
corruptions
,
and
so
to
run
with
themselves
unto
the
same
excesse
of
iniquity
,
perjury
and
abhomination
:
Then
it
is
lawful
for
these
Subjects
so
oppressed
,
persecuted
and
abused
for
their
constancy
in
adhereing
to
the
truths
once
received
,
contrare
to
all
engagements
,
vowes
and
Covenants
,
to
defend
themselves
against
that
unjust
tyranny
and
rage
,
and
maintaine
the
reformed
truth
,
which
is
unjustly
&
violently
taken
from
them
,
by
force
,
when
there
is
no
other
probable
meane
left
for
them
to
essay
;
nay
when
liberty
to
supplicate
or
petition
is
inhumanely
and
severely
,
under
the
very
paine
of
Treason
,
discharged
.
The
reasons
are
1.
because
,
we
have
shewed
above
,
that
it
is
most
lawful
for
Subjects
to
maintaine
their
lives
,
persons
,
and
Estates
,
against
the
unjust
violence
and
tyrannical
oppression
of
their
enraged
Magistrates
:
And
if
that
be
lawful
,
this
must
also
be
much
more
lawful
;
for
as
the
soul
is
much
more
precious
then
the
body
,
so
matters
that
concerne
the
soul
,
should
be
preferred
to
such
things
as
concerne
the
body
.
And
therefore
Religion
,
which
is
necessary
for
the
life
of
the
soull
,
should
be
with
no
lesse
Zeale
,
care
and
industry
,
maintained
and
preserved
pure
and
uncorrupted
,
then
what
concerneth
the
lives
of
our
bodyes
.
2.
It
is
lawful
for
Subjects
to
maintaine
their
natural
and
civil
libertyes
,
by
force
,
when
no
other
way
can
be
used
,
lest
they
,
and
their
posterity
after
them
,
should
be
redacted
unto
a
state
of
perfect
slavery
and
bondage
,
worse
then
that
of
the
Israilites
in
Egypt
:
And
shall
it
be
unlawfull
to
fight
for
the
defence
of
Religion
,
wherein
is
comprised
all
true
and
desireable
liberty
,
and
to
save
posterity
from
tyranny
and
bondage
in
their
souls
and
consciences
,
much
more
dreadfull
and
terrible
,
then
the
most
insupportable
and
bitter
bondage
of
the
body
imaginable
?
Shall
men
be
allowed
to
fight
to
preserve
their
owne
bodyes
,
and
the
bodyes
of
their
posterity
from
the
slavery
of
men
,
and
shall
they
not
be
allowed
to
fight
that
they
may
preserve
their
owne
soulls
and
the
souls
of
their
posterity
,
from
the
tyranny
of
Satan
?
Who
but
such
,
as
either
think
they
have
no
soulls
,
more
then
beasts
,
or
know
not
the
worth
of
their
souls
,
will
deny
this
consequence
?
3.
It
is
lawful
for
Subjects
to
defend
their
lives
and
libertyes
,
in
order
to
the
defence
of
the
true
Religion
,
and
the
interests
of
Jesus
Christs
,
when
their
losseing
of
these
should
certanely
tend
to
the
losse
of
Religion
.
Ergo
It
cannot
be
unlawful
to
defend
Religion
,
which
is
the
maine
and
principal
thing
.
4.
If
it
be
lawful
to
maintaine
the
interests
of
a
King
against
an
usurper
,
whether
a
stranger
,
or
an
inferiour
Magistrate
,
who
is
under
the
King
,
and
is
seeking
to
eject
him
and
his
interest
,
contrare
to
his
faith
and
trust
:
Then
much
more
must
it
be
lawful
,
to
defend
Christ
Iesus
and
his
interest
,
when
King
and
Parliament
,
contrare
to
their
sworne
allaigance
unto
him
,
have
rebelled
;
and
are
seeking
to
dethrone
him
,
by
their
wicked
Lawes
and
Ordinances
,
and
to
banish
him
and
his
interests
out
of
the
Kingdome
,
by
their
tyrannical
cruelty
&
inhumane
and
mercilesse
executions
.
Will
any
deny
this
but
ingrained
Atheistical
Malignants
,
whose
chief
character
hitherto
hath
been
,
to
preferre
man's
interest
unto
Christs
?
Or
such
as
have
renounced
all
faith
and
loyalty
unto
the
King
of
Kings
,
and
have
set
up
a
creature
as
their
only
God
,
whom
they
minde
to
Worshipe
and
adore
,
and
for
whom
they
minde
to
fight
against
all
breathing
,
and
against
the
God
of
heaven
also
:
But
their
weapons
shall
fall
out
of
their
hands
when
They
shall
feel
the
lighting
downe
of
his
arme
,
with
the
indignation
of
his
anger
,
and
with
the
flame
of
a
devouring
fire
,
and
with
scattering
and
tempests
and
hailstones
,
and
when
he
shall
cause
his
glorious
voyce
to
be
heard
.
If
any
should
Object
,
That
because
Christ's
Kingdome
is
not
of
this
World
,
therefore
his
Servants
should
not
fight
for
him
.
It
is
easily
answered
.
That
,
as
hence
it
will
follow
,
that
Religion
cannot
be
forced
by
the
sword
upon
any
;
So
it
will
not
follow
that
Religion
should
not
be
defended
;
for
then
Magistrates
should
not
defend
Religion
,
nor
Christians
should
not
defend
their
Religion
against
the
Turks
.
Which
is
false
.
And
hence
,
5.
If
it
be
lawful
for
People
to
defend
their
Religion
against
an
army
of
infidells
,
Mahometans
,
or
Papists
,
invadeing
the
Land
of
purpose
to
spoile
us
of
our
Religion
,
and
to
force
us
to
imbrace
heathenisme
;
Turcisme
,
or
Popery
:
Then
it
must
be
lawfull
to
defend
the
same
true
Religion
against
King
and
Parliament
,
when
they
seek
to
rob
the
People
thereof
,
and
force
corruptious
upon
them
:
because
King
and
Parliament
have
no
more
authority
from
God
,
to
oppresse
the
consciences
of
their
Subjects
,
to
corrupt
Religion
,
and
force
corruptions
upon
them
;
then
the
Turk
or
the
Pope
hath
:
and
therefore
,
no
lesse
lawfully
may
they
be
resisted
.
6.
If
privat
persons
may
resist
and
withstand
the
Prince
and
Parliaments
,
when
they
sell
them
,
and
their
land
and
heritages
,
unto
a
forraigner
,
to
the
Turk
or
such
an
adversary
:
Then
much
more
may
they
withstand
them
,
and
defend
their
Religion
,
when
they
are
selling
it
by
their
apostatical
acts
,
and
thereby
selling
them
and
their
Souls
unto
Satan
the
God
of
this
World
.
9.
When
Religion
,
by
the
constitution
of
the
Kingdome
,
is
become
a
fundamental
law
,
and
a
maine
article
and
cardinal
condition
of
the
established
Politie
,
and
upon
which
,
all
the
Magistrates
Supreme
and
Inferiour
,
are
installed
in
their
offices
:
Then
may
that
Religion
be
defended
by
private
subjects
,
when
their
Magistrates
have
conspired
together
to
destroy
the
same
;
&
to
enforce
the
corruptions
of
their
owne
braine
.
The
reasons
are
1.
because
,
it
is
lawful
to
defend
the
just
and
laudable
constitution
of
the
Realme
,
&
in
so
far
,
as
Religion
,
which
is
a
principal
fundation-stone
of
this
constitution
,
is
subverted
,
the
constitution
is
wronged
,
and
the
fundations
thereof
are
shaken
.
2.
In
so
far
,
the
Magistrates
are
no
Magistrates
:
And
therefore
they
may
be
resisted
.
Magistrates
,
I
say
,
in
so
far
as
they
overturne
the
constitution
,
are
not
Magistrates
;
for
that
is
a
maine
pairt
of
their
work
,
to
maintaine
it
:
For
upon
the
constitution
hang
all
the
libertyes
and
all
the
good
and
necessary
Ends
,
which
People
have
set
before
their
eyes
,
in
the
setting
up
of
governement
,
and
His
owne
being
as
such
;
&
the
subversion
of
that
,
subverts
all
,
and
declareth
the
subverter
to
be
an
enemy
to
the
Commonwealth
,
and
an
overturner
of
the
polity
:
and
this
is
inconsistent
with
being
a
Magistrate
.
3.
In
so
far
as
they
overturne
or
shake
the
fundations
,
they
cannot
be
seeking
the
good
of
the
Community
,
but
their
owne
,
with
the
destruction
of
the
Common
good
,
and
this
is
the
mark
and
true
character
of
a
Tyrant
:
And
when
they
seek
not
the
good
of
the
Community
,
they
cannot
be
looked
upon
as
Magistrates
doing
their
duty
▪
but
as
Tyrants
seeking
themselves
,
with
the
destruction
of
the
Commonwealth
.
Therefore
,
in
so
far
they
may
be
resisted
.
4.
In
so
farr
,
The
compact
,
the
ground
of
the
constitution
,
is
violated
,
and
as
Magistrates
,
in
this
case
,
in
so
far
,
fall
from
their
right
,
in
so
farr
also
,
are
People
liberated
from
their
obligation
,
so
that
if
They
become
no
Magistrates
,
the
Subjects
become
no
Subjects
;
for
the
relation
is
Mutual
,
and
so
is
the
obligation
,
as
was
shewed
above
.
Therefore
,
in
this
case
Subjects
,
may
lawfully
resist
,
and
defend
their
Religion
,
which
is
become
the
principal
condition
of
their
constitution
,
and
of
the
compact
betwixt
King
and
Subjects
.
10.
Where
Religion
is
universally
received
,
publickly
owned
,
and
countenanced
by
persones
in
authority
,
ratified
,
approved
and
established
by
the
lawes
,
and
authority
of
the
land
;
There
,
every
person
is
bound
and
obliged
before
God
,
to
maintaine
and
defend
that
Religion
,
according
to
their
power
,
with
the
hazard
of
their
lives
and
fortunes
against
all
,
who
under
whatsoever
colour
and
pretence
,
seek
to
subvert
and
overturne
the
same
;
and
to
hinder
any
corruption
that
King
or
Parliament
at
home
,
or
adversaries
abroad
,
would
,
whether
by
subtilty
,
or
power
and
force
,
bring
in
;
and
lay
hold
on
the
first
opportunity
offered
to
endeavour
the
establishment
of
Truth
,
and
the
overturning
of
these
corrupt
courses
,
which
tend
to
the
perverting
thereof
:
And
the
reasons
are
,
because
.
1.
When
the
True
Religion
is
once
embraced
,
and
publickly
received
,
That
land
or
Commonwealth
is
really
dedicated
and
devouted
unto
God
,
and
so
in
a
happy
condition
;
which
happy
condition
,
all
loyal
subjects
and
true
Christians
,
should
maintaine
and
promove
,
&
recover
,
when
nearby
or
altogether
lost
.
And
therefore
,
should
do
what
they
can
,
to
hinder
any
course
that
may
tend
to
recal
this
dedication
,
to
deteriorate
the
happy
condition
of
the
Realme
,
and
to
give
up
the
land
,
as
an
offering
unto
Satan
.
2.
By
this
meanes
,
they
endeavour
to
avert
the
wrath
and
anger
of
God
,
which
must
certanely
be
expected
to
goe
out
against
the
land
,
if
defection
be
not
prevented
and
remedyed
:
For
if
but
a
few
should
depairt
,
wrath
might
come
upon
the
whole
,
much
more
if
the
Leaders
turne
patrones
of
this
defection
.
But
of
this
more
in
the
next
chapter
.
11.
Much
more
,
must
this
be
allowed
in
a
Land
where
Reformation
of
Religion
in
doctrine
,
worshipe
,
discipline
and
governement
,
is
not
only
universally
owned
,
publickly
received
,
and
imbraced
:
nor
yet
only
approved
,
authorized
,
ratified
and
confirmed
,
by
publick
authority
,
and
the
lawes
of
the
Land
.
But
also
corroborated
by
solemne
vows
and
Covenants
,
made
and
sworne
unto
God
,
by
all
ranks
and
conditions
of
People
,
from
the
King
to
the
meanest
of
the
subjects
,
in
a
most
solemne
manner
,
and
that
several
times
re-iterated
:
in
which
Covenants
,
all
sweare
to
Maintaine
and
defend
this
Riligion
,
with
their
lives
and
fortunes
,
and
to
labour
,
by
all
meanes
lawfull
,
to
recover
the
purity
and
liberty
of
the
gospel
;
and
to
continow
in
the
profession
and
obedience
of
the
foresaid
Religion
,
defend
the
same
,
and
resist
all
contrary
errours
and
corruptions
,
according
to
their
vocation
,
and
to
the
uttermost
of
that
power
that
God
puts
in
their
hands
,
all
the
dayes
of
their
life
:
as
also
mutually
to
defend
and
assist
one
another
,
in
the
same
cause
of
maintaining
the
true
Religion
,
with
their
best
Counsel
,
bodyes
,
meanes
and
whole
power
,
against
all
sorts
of
persons
whatsoever
.
And
[
Sincerely
,
really
and
constantly
,
endeavour
,
in
their
several
places
and
callings
,
the
preservation
of
thereformed
Religion
in
doctrine
,
worshipe
,
discipline
and
government
.
The
extirpation
of
Popery
,
Prelacy
,
Superstition
,
Heresy
,
Schisme
,
Prophannesse
,
and
whatsoever
shall
be
found
to
be
contray
to
sound
doctrine
and
the
power
of
godlinesse
.
And
to
assist
and
defend
all
those
that
enter
into
the
same
bond
,
in
the
maintaining
&
pursueing
thereof
.
And
shall
not
suffer
themselves
directly
or
indirectly
,
by
whatsoever
combination
,
persuasion
or
terrour
,
to
make
defection
to
the
contrary
party
,
or
to
give
themselves
to
a
detestable
indifferency
,
or
neutrality
in
this
cause
,
which
so
much
concerneth
the
glory
of
God
,
the
good
of
the
Kingdomes
,
and
the
honour
of
the
King
;
but
shall
,
all
the
Dayes
of
their
lives
,
Zealously
and
constantly
,
continue
therein
,
against
all
opposition
,
and
promote
the
same
,
according
to
their
power
,
against
all
lets
and
impediments
whatsoever
.
]
Now
I
say
,
in
such
a
case
as
this
,
when
after
all
these
engadgments
and
covenants
,
a
courte
of
defection
is
carryed
on
,
by
a
strong
and
violente
hand
,
by
King
and
Parliaments
,
and
there
is
no
meane
left
unto
Private
Persones
,
when
violented
and
constrained
to
a
complyance
,
by
acts
,
and
tyrannical
and
arbitrary
executions
,
of
either
preventing
their
owne
destruction
in
soull
and
body
,
or
preserving
the
reformation
sworn
unto
,
or
recovering
the
same
when
corrupted
,
and
of
purging
the
land
of
that
dreadful
sin
of
perjury
and
defection
.
They
may
lawfully
take
the
sword
of
just
and
necessary
defence
,
for
the
maintainance
of
themselves
and
of
their
Religion
.
This
is
abundantly
cleare
from
what
is
said
,
and
shall
be
furder
cleared
and
confirmed
,
when
we
examine
what
this
Surveyer
allaigeth
against
it
.
12.
Scripture
giveth
us
ground
to
beleeve
,
that
in
such
a
case
as
this
,
when
a
defection
in
a
covenanted
land
,
and
a
land
devoted
to
God
,
is
carryed
on
,
more
is
required
of
Private
Persones
,
then
to
mourne
and
sigh
in
secret
:
as
,
1.
Deut.
13
:
12
,
13
,
14
,
&c.
If
thou
shall
heare
say
in
one
of
thy
cities
,
which
the
Lord
thy
God
hath
given
thee
to
dwell
there
,
saying
,
certane
men
the
children
of
Belial
are
gone
out
from
among
you
,
and
have
with
drawne
the
inhabitants
of
their
city
,
saying
,
let
us
goe
and
serve
other
Gods
,
which
yee
have
not
known
.
Then
shall
thou
enquire
and
make
search
,
and
ask
diligently
,
and
behold
,
if
it
be
truth
,
and
the
thing
certane
,
that
such
abhomination
is
wrought
among
you
,
thou
shall
surely
smite
the
inhabitants
of
that
city
,
with
the
edge
of
the
sword
,
destroying
it
utterly
and
all
that
is
therein
,
and
the
cattel
thereof
,
with
all
that
is
therein
,
&c.
Which
words
were
undenyably
spoken
to
the
People
,
to
whom
the
rest
of
that
chapter
was
spoken
and
particularly
directed
:
So
the
dutch
annot.
in
the
contents
of
that
chapt.
say
,
that
the
way
is
shewed
how
the
People
of
God
were
to
demeane
themselves
to
wards
a
city
that
was
fallen
off
:
and
though
,
we
readyly
grant
,
that
these
words
do
not
impower
private
persones
to
act
the
part
of
Magistrates
,
and
brevi
manu
judge
and
condemne
,
or
put
to
death
such
as
are
guilty
of
the
crime
mentioned
;
nor
to
fall
upon
the
execution
without
previous
judging
and
tryal
of
the
cause
;
yet
it
will
be
no
wire
drawing
of
Scriptures
,
whatever
this
Surveyer
allaige
,
to
say
,
That
this
place
will
warrand
private
persones
to
defend
their
Reformation
,
when
by
oppression
and
violence
,
it
is
taken
from
them
,
and
when
defection
is
carryed
on
in
a
land
devoted
to
God
,
and
Magistrates
either
neglect
to
take
course
therewith
,
or
countenance
the
same
.
The
Zeal
of
the
Lord
should
stirr
up
people
to
do
more
for
vindicating
the
glory
of
God
,
and
saving
the
land
from
an
universal
apostasie
,
then
privately
mourne
in
secret
.
Sure
this
being
spoken
to
the
people
,
sayes
,
they
should
manifest
and
declare
their
Zeal
otherwayes
;
seing
by
this
,
they
might
have
sufficiently
knowne
how
detestable
such
a
defection
was
unto
the
Lord
,
and
that
no
lesse
would
pacifie
his
wrath
against
that
part
corrupted
,
then
utter
exterminion
and
overthrow
of
young
and
old
in
it
,
with
their
cattel
and
goods
:
Will
not
any
readyly
yeeld
,
that
they
had
been
bound
,
to
have
concurred
with
the
Magistrate
in
this
execution
;
and
that
if
the
Magistrate
had
been
negligent
,
to
have
remonstrated
the
matter
unto
him
;
and
if
either
that
had
not
prevailed
,
or
Magistrates
being
chief
actors
and
patrons
thereof
,
they
durst
not
have
remonstrated
the
matter
,
they
might
lawfully
have
joyned
together
,
and
with
their
swords
in
their
hands
,
have
moved
the
Magistrate
to
purge
out
that
abhomination
,
and
to
have
granted
them
security
,
that
the
contagion
should
not
have
spread
,
nor
they
be
infected
therewith
,
left
the
fierce-anger
of
God
had
not
been
turned
away
from
them
?
And
if
this
be
granted
(
which
cannot
easily
be
denyed
)
we
have
our
purpose
,
and
Naphthali
hath
all
which
he
desired
,
And
certanely
,
to
say
,
That
this
course
was
only
to
be
taken
,
when
one
city
was
infected
,
and
not
when
moe
,
when
ten
or
twenty
,
or
possibly
the
major
part
,
were
but
to
elude
Scripture
,
as
Naphtali
said
:
seing
the
same
reason
will
hold
in
these
cases
,
which
holdeth
in
the
cases
instanced
:
and
whatever
the
Surveyer
say
pag.
56.
such
a
cleaving
to
the
literal
meaning
of
Scripture
,
as
will
not
admit
consequential
arguments
to
be
drawne
therefrom
,
to
the
like
cases
,
nor
an
argument
drawne
a
minori
ad
majus
,
from
the
case
instanced
,
is
neither
the
Doctrine
of
Christ
,
nor
of
found
Divines
:
nor
is
the
following
of
Christs
example
and
of
the
Apostles
,
who
made
use
of
such
consequences
,
a
making
a
nose
of
wax
of
the
holy
Scriptures
,
nor
a
wringing
or
wresting
them
,
to
bring
in
our
owne
fancyes
,
nor
a
covering
of
our
crooked
courses
with
such
a
cloak
:
(
however
we
be
branded
by
him
,
for
this
,
and
as
being
men
of
blood
and
violence
,
but
his
falsly
rubbing
that
aspersion
on
the
innocent
,
will
never
wipe
that
right
name
off
him
and
his
party
,
whose
violence
and
thirsting
after
blood
,
is
more
then
sufficiently
knowne
)
yea
himself
in
his
3
Answere
pag.
57
,
58.
will
allow
something
to
be
done
by
vertue
of
this
text
,
where
the
major
part
is
corrupt
,
and
the
minor
part
found
,
saying
[
Though
the
lesser
part
is
not
to
acquiesce
in
the
way
of
the
greater
,
runing
into
rebellion
against
God
,
but
by
all
meanes
competent
to
them
,
bear
witnesse
against
that
way
,
and
study
to
keep
themselves
pure
,
when
they
cannot
prevaile
to
have
matters
rectified
,
as
to
the
whole
body
]
And
yet
the
carnal
luckwarmnesse
and
indifferency
of
this
latitudinarian
Politician
in
the
matters
of
God
,
appeareth
.
That
after
he
had
said
that
[
there
is
no
coming
to
an
accomodation
in
this
matter
whether
the
True
God
,
or
other
Gods
should
be
served
.
]
he
presently
addeth
,
in
a
parenthesis
[
and
yet
this
man
would
be
very
severe
,
if
no
Nation
in
the
world
,
might
(
having
before
been
embodyed
in
a
Kingdome
or
State
)
continue
and
abide
in
their
peaceable
communion
in
civil
interests
,
upon
supposition
of
such
an
equal
division
ariseing
amongst
them
.
]
It
seemeth
this
meek
peaceable
man
,
would
suffer
Satan
to
be
worshiped
in
the
same
State
with
the
true
and
living
God
:
and
that
(
if
he
apply
this
to
the
purpose
)
if
the
equal
half
of
the
Kingdome
of
Israel
had
worshiped
,
the
devil
,
he
would
not
have
been
severe
,
but
advised
the
other
half
to
abide
united
with
them
in
civil
communion
.
But
,
leaving
these
and
the
like
,
which
are
not
much
to
our
purpose
,
let
us
see
what
he
sayes
,
to
the
thing
.
He
tells
us
Pag.
57.
[
That
no
exposition
of
a
text
can
subsist
,
that
is
either
contrary
to
other
texts
of
Scripture
,
or
to
sound
reason
.
]
This
is
granted
:
But
how
showeth
he
that
the
exposition
given
,
is
contrary
to
either
?
[
It
is
contrary
to
Scripture
;
because
(
sayes
he
)
the
Scripture
committeth
the
vindicative
and
punishing
sword
only
to
the
Magistrate
,
who
only
is
the
sword
bearer
.
Rom.
13.
]
But
this
is
not
against
us
or
our
exposition
:
Naphthali
speaks
only
of
private
persons
taking
the
defensive
sword
,
and
thereby
keeping
the
land
pure
,
and
labouring
(
still
in
their
private
way
,
not
in
a
judicial
authoritative
and
Magistraticall
way
)
to
purge
out
corruption
,
and
maintaine
Reformation
;
can
he
shew
us
Scripture
against
this
?
Againe
sayes
he
[
this
is
poynt-blank
contrary
to
reason
,
remedyles●y
tending
to
dissolve
humane
Societies
,
and
all
Kingdomes
and
Comon-wealths
.
]
Then
it
seemeth
though
Magistrates
should
concurre
,
with
the
minor
and
sounder
part
,
to
purge
out
the
corruption
of
the
greater
;
or
concurre
with
the
equal
half
,
to
purge
the
other
,
or
with
a
greater
part
to
purge
the
lesser
,
if
a
considerable
part
,
it
might
not
be
;
because
,
that
were
a
way
to
dissolve
humane
Societies
,
and
all
Kingdomes
and
Commonwealths
.
Ay
,
but
he
meaneth
that
it
is
so
[
To
teach
that
any
meer
privat
persones
,
or
any
part
of
a
People
,
who
think
themselves
strong
enough
,
should
take
on
them
to
sit
and
act
as
punishing
judges
,
over
all
Magistrates
Supreme
and
Subordinate
,
yea
and
upon
the
Major
part
of
the
People
themselves
,
and
upon
their
owne
fancyes
,
led
with
their
own
lusts
,
draw
the
Magistratical
sword
.
]
Answ.
But
then
against
whom
doth
he
fight
?
Naphtaly
spoke
not
so
:
Nor
doth
our
cause
require
that
we
should
say
so
.
We
say
not
,
that
private
persones
should
take
up
the
Magistrat's
sword
,
and
with
Magistratical
power
and
authority
judge
and
execute
the
whole
body
of
the
People
,
and
the
Magistrates
Supreme
and
Subordinate
;
far
lesse
do
we
say
,
That
they
should
do
this
upon
their
fansies
,
or
when
led
with
their
owne
lusts
.
This
is
nothing
else
but
to
fansy
an
adversary
to
himself
,
when
he
cannot
answere
or
stand
against
his
proper
adversary
:
and
after
he
hath
busked
him
up
in
as
ugly
a
shape
,
as
he
can
,
then
he
may
well
cry
out
[
Oh
horrid
confusion
,
to
be
detasted
of
all
rational
and
Christian
hearts
!
]
But
this
is
not
faire
dealing
,
yet
suteable
enough
to
him
and
his
cause
,
which
he
can
get
defended
no
other
way
?
But
then
he
tells
us
Pag.
59.
[
That
though
the
words
be
spoken
to
the
People
;
yet
it
is
alwayes
to
be
understood
,
that
the
Peoples
concurrence
in
the
punishing
of
an
Apostate
city
,
was
to
be
within
the
bounds
of
their
calling
,
and
under
the
conduct
of
the
Magistratical
power
set
over
them
:
As
when
inticers
to
idolatry
are
,
in
the
former
part
of
the
chapter
,
enjoyned
to
be
taken
order
with
,
(
however
nearly
they
were
related
to
People
)
and
to
be
stoned
,
it
is
not
to
be
supposed
that
the
charge
is
given
to
every
private
person
brevi
manu
to
do
this
,
but
judgment
was
to
be
execute
on
them
after
judicial
conviction
,
and
sentence
given
by
the
Magistrate
,
as
sayeth
Diodat
.
on
v.
8.
and
Pelargus
on
v.
14.
]
Answ.
1.
That
the
Peoples
concurrence
was
to
be
within
the
bounds
of
their
calling
,
we
grant
:
But
the
question
is
how
far
the
bounds
of
their
calling
did
extend
:
Did
it
extend
no
further
then
to
goe
out
when
called
thereto
of
the
Magistrate
,
to
punish
that
Apostate
city
?
Then
if
the
Magistrate
neglected
to
call
them
out
,
they
were
not
so
much
as
to
mourne
for
that
Apostasy
,
by
this
text
;
Nor
to
use
any
other
meanes
to
have
the
Matter
rectified
,
nay
nor
to
beare
witnesse
against
that
way
:
For
if
the
Magistrate
was
to
preceed
,
and
they
only
to
goe
under
his
conduct
,
if
he
called
them
not
forth
,
they
were
exonered
,
all
that
was
required
of
them
,
being
only
to
be
willing
and
ready
at
a
call
.
But
sure
this
interpretation
is
not
consonant
to
other
texts
of
scripture
,
as
we
shall
shew
.
2.
If
we
look
to
the
other
particulars
spoken
to
in
that
chapter
,
we
will
finde
that
there
was
more
required
then
that
,
or
a
simple
mourning
in
secret
;
for
no
man
wil
think
they
were
exonered
,
if
they
had
been
only
willing
to
execute
the
sentence
of
the
Magistrate
upon
the
false
Prophet
and
dreamer
,
that
sought
to
draw
them
after
other
Gods
.
Seing
they
were
not
to
hear
him
.
So
as
to
the
enticer
,
they
were
not
only
not
to
hearken
unto
him
,
but
they
were
not
to
pity
him
,
nor
to
conceale
him
v.
8.
but
now
,
what
in
case
the
Magistrate
should
have
refused
to
have
done
his
duty
,
to
have
examined
the
Matter
;
or
,
what
in
case
the
Magistrate
should
have
countenanced
and
encouraged
such
an
one
,
was
there
no
more
required
of
them
,
but
to
have
made
offer
of
ther
Son
,
Daughter
,
Wife
,
or
Brother
unto
justice
,
and
when
justice
could
not
have
been
gotten
executed
upon
them
take
them
home
again
to
their
house
and
into
their
bosome
,
&
live
as
formerly
good
friends
together
?
I
feare
such
cleaving
to
the
letter
of
the
scripture
shall
be
found
a
meer
eludeing
of
scripture
,
and
a
mocking
of
the
holy
ghost
by
whom
it
was
given
.
3.
Yea
that
wich
Diodat
sayes
,
is
more
,
for
he
sayes
,
[
They
were
to
procure
vengeance
on
him
,
in
way
of
justice
accusing
him
to
the
Magistrate
by
information
or
sufficient
proof
.
]
And
if
the
Magistrate
refused
to
do
justice
,
I
suppose
,
they
might
have
provided
for
their
owne
security
,
and
shot
him
or
her
out
of
doores
with
violence
,
that
was
seeking
to
draw
them
a
way
from
the
true
God
.
So
that
granting
what
the
Surveyer
would
be
at
,
the
place
will
make
for
us
:
For
though
the
Magistrate
was
bound
to
examine
,
judge
and
sentence
the
Apostate
city
,
in
a
judicial
authoritative
manner
;
yet
in
case
the
Magistrate
should
have
connived
at
,
or
countenanced
such
apostacy
,
they
were
to
use
other
meanes
to
have
the
land
purged
of
that
crying
obhomination
,
then
simple
mourning
in
secret
,
even
to
have
taken
the
sword
in
their
hand
,
in
case
the
defection
was
approaching
to
themselves
,
and
Magistrates
were
forceing
them
to
a
complyance
with
that
evil
,
or
apostasy
;
and
never
to
have
laid
it
downe
,
till
not
only
themselves
were
secured
as
to
theirpart
,
but
the
land
were
purged
of
that
idolatry
&
the
idolaters
executed
according
to
the
law
,
Their
Zeal
in
this
case
should
have
carryed
them
without
doors
,
though
not
to
an
assumeing
of
the
Magistrates
juridicall
authoritative
and
punishing
sword
.
2.
Esai
.
59
:
v.
4.
None
calleth
for
justice
,
nor
any
pleadeth
for
truth
.
Where
the
Prophet
among
the
rest
of
the
evils
wherof
that
People
was
guilty
,
and
for
which
heavy
calamities
did
presse
them
,
reckoneth
this
,
that
there
was
none
who
called
for
justice
,
or
did
plead
for
truth
;
that
is
,
there
was
none
who
endeavoured
to
relieve
,
and
right
the
wronged
,
or
to
redresse
what
was
amisse
,
see
the
English
Annotat.
no
man
owned
the
right
cause
,
or
took
God's
part
against
falshood
and
wickednesse
,
[
No
man
(
say
the
Duth
Annotat.
)
to
dehort
them
that
deal
unjustly
,
or
to
maintaine
a
just
cause
,
and
the
truth
to
the
utmost
of
his
power
.
]
So
that
by
this
we
see
what
was
required
of
People
,
in
a
day
of
defection
,
even
to
call
and
cry
aloude
,
that
justice
might
be
executed
,
and
deal
with
such
as
were
Magistrats
to
do
their
duty
,
and
not
to
bring
and
keep
on
the
wrath
of
God
upon
the
Land
;
And
this
is
more
then
the
Surveyer
will
have
to
be
the
only
duty
of
private
persones
in
a
day
of
general
defection
,
Pag.
52.
viz.
To
keep
themselves
pure
without
any
degree
of
acting
these
sinnes
,
to
mourne
and
sigh
for
the
evils
that
are
done
,
to
be
earnest
in
prayer
that
God
may
convert
others
,
to
admonish
faithfully
,
and
study
to
reclame
these
who
are
out
of
the
way
.
But
this
will
be
more
cleare
by
the
following
passages
.
3.
Esay
.
59
:
15
,
16.
[
Yea
truth
faileth
and
he
that
departeth
from
evill
maketh
himself
a
prey
,
and
the
Lord
saw
it
,
and
it
displeased
him
that
there
was
no
judgment
,
and
he
saw
that
there
was
no
man
,
and
wondered
that
there
was
no
intercessour
.
]
Truth
and
the
cause
of
God
was
so
at
under
,
that
a
man
could
not
get
leave
to
live
,
if
he
depairted
from
evil
,
he
was
a
prey
unto
the
persecuters
,
so
general
and
universal
was
this
defection
;
and
at
this
time
,
he
saw
that
there
was
no
man
,
and
wondered
that
there
was
no
intercessour
to
interpose
,
none
that
would
stand
up
and
lay
out
themselves
to
the
utmost
,
to
set
things
in
order
,
none
that
would
bestirre
himself
for
truth
and
the
right
,
which
was
then
oppressed
:
see
the
English
Annot.
on
the
place
:
the
word
is
used
2
Sam.
22.
17.
where
it
is
said
the
servants
of
Saul
would
not
fall
upon
the
Priests
of
the
Lord
.
So
Exod.
5.
3.
lest
he
fall
upon
us
&c.
So
that
we
see
,
there
was
some
positive
thing
required
of
them
,
some
effectual
mediating
,
and
interposeing
,
and
hindering
of
these
iniquities
;
some
publick
owneing
and
avowing
of
the
truth
,
and
by
publick
testimonies
,
or
other
wayes
of
interposeing
,
&
falling-into
impede
,
and
stand
in
the
way
of
that
course
of
wickednesse
.
4.
So
Ier.
8
:
6.
[
I
hearkened
and
heard
but
they
spake
not
a
right
no
man
repented
him
of
his
wickedness
saying
what
have
I
done
]
It
is
not
probable
that
there
was
none
penitent
among
them
,
where
then
was
Baruch
and
Ebedmelech
Cap.
38.
7
,
9.
and
others
that
stood
for
the
Prophet
Cap.
26
,
8
,
16
,
17
,
24.
But
there
must
be
some
other
thing
imported
,
viz.
That
there
was
few
or
none
repenting
of
national
evils
,
and
labouring
to
remove
these
,
no
man
was
standing
up
and
opposeing
these
publick
land
defections
,
&
labouring
by
this
meanes
to
raise
up
the
virgin
of
Israel
who
was
fallen
Amos
.
5.
2.
5.
Ierm.
9
:
3.
[
And
they
bend
their
tongues
like
their
bowes
for
lies
,
but
they
are
not
valient
for
the
truth
upon
the
earth
.
]
that
is
,
they
were
ready
enough
,
all
of
them
,
to
imploy
their
power
to
the
utmost
,
for
the
evil
cause
,
to
establish
errour
and
a
false
way
;
but
they
used
no
valour
for
the
oppressed
cause
and
truth
of
God
,
they
did
not
their
utmost
to
have
Truth
established
,
and
the
true
Religion
:
They
did
not
put
out
themselves
,
or
make
use
of
their
strength
,
for
the
maintainance
of
truth
,
and
equity
in
the
land
,
say
the
English
Annot.
and
they
make
it
parallel
with
Esa.
59
:
4.
This
was
their
guilt
,
and
hereby
we
see
what
was
the
duty
even
of
privat
persons
(
for
of
such
this
is
to
be
meaned
,
as
the
context
cleareth
.
)
in
such
a
general
day
of
defection
,
viz.
to
be
valient
owners
and
maintainers
of
Truth
against
all
opposers
.
6.
Ier.
5
:
v.
1.
[
Run
yee
to
and
fro
throw
the
streets
of
Ierusalem
,
and
see
now
and
know
,
and
seek
in
the
broad
places
thereof
,
if
ye
can
finde
a
man
,
if
there
be
any
that
executeth
judgment
,
that
seeketh
the
truth
,
and
I
will
pardon
it
.
]
We
can
hardly
think
,
that
there
were
no
mourners
in
secret
in
all
Ierusalem
,
though
it
is
like
they
were
very
few
:
but
there
was
none
to
owne
the
good
cause
,
that
was
now
troden
under
foot
,
none
bestirring
themselves
,
to
oppose
and
hinder
the
carryed
on
course
of
defection
.
If
that
had
been
,
the
Lord
sayes
,
he
would
have
spared
the
place
;
which
shewes
,
how
desirable
a
thing
this
was
,
and
how
acceptable
it
would
have
been
in
the
Lords
eyes
,
that
for
that
cause
he
would
have
forborne
to
have
destroyed
them
or
to
have
cut
them
off
.
7.
Ezech.
22
:
30.
[
And
I
sought
for
a
man
among
them
,
that
should
make
up
the
hedge
,
and
stand
in
the
gap
before
me
,
that
I
should
not
destroy
it
,
but
I
found
none
.
]
There
were
some
even
at
this
time
sighing
and
mourning
in
secret
,
for
these
abhominations
,
who
were
marked
Cap.
9.
but
there
were
none
to
make
up
the
hedge
,
which
their
provocations
had
made
,
none
to
redresse
the
publick
defection
and
Apostasy
,
and
stand
for
the
truth
and
the
suppressing
of
errour
and
iniquity
.
So
is
it
laid
to
the
charge
of
their
Prophets
Cap.
13
:
5.
that
they
did
not
goe
up
into
the
gaps
,
neither
made
up
the
hedge
,
for
the
house
of
Israel
to
stand
in
the
battel
in
the
day
of
the
Lord
,
Whereby
we
see
,
that
by
this
standing
in
the
gape
and
making
up
the
hedge
,
more
is
meaned
then
a
secret
mourning
,
even
a
faithful
and
publick
owneing
of
the
truth
and
opposeing
of
defection
,
and
putting
a
stope
unto
it
,
as
Moses
did
when
he
stood
in
the
breach
,
Exod.
32.
(
though
with
authority
,
as
a
Magistrate
,
which
private
persones
have
not
)
he
not
only
prayed
and
wrestled
with
the
Lord
v.
11
,
12
,
13.
but
in
great
zeal
took
the
calfe
,
which
they
had
made
,
and
brunt
it
in
the
fire
,
and
ground
it
to
powder
,
and
strawed
it
upon
the
watter
,
and
made
them
to
drink
of
it
v.
20.
If
there
had
been
any
who
thus
effectually
would
have
stood
in
the
breach
,
the
Lord
sayes
,
he
would
have
spared
them
:
so
acceptable
would
such
a
work
have
been
to
him
.
8.
So
that
word
Ier.
13
:
18.
[
Say
unto
the
King
and
to
the
Queen
,
humble
your selves
sit
downe
,
for
your
principalities
shall
come
downe
,
even
the
crowne
of
your
glory
.
]
Will
import
something
more
;
it
being
spoken
to
all
indefinitely
,
giveth
a
warrand
to
all
,
to
deal
with
King
and
Queen
,
to
prevent
the
sad
dayes
which
were
coming
by
reason
of
the
defection
and
abounding
sinnes
.
9.
So
that
word
Hos.
2
:
2.
[
Plead
with
your
mother
,
plead
,
for
she
is
not
my
wife
,
]
which
is
spoken
to
private
persones
,
and
so
is
a
warrand
to
them
,
to
contend
in
judgment
(
as
the
word
doth
import
)
against
the
Church
,
which
was
corrupted
,
and
had
forsaken
the
Lord
,
and
his
wayes
;
and
so
to
stand
to
the
defence
of
truth
,
and
to
plead
for
the
cause
of
God
,
against
their
very
Mother
the
Church
,
The
body
of
the
Nation
,
that
not
only
they
might
exoner
their
owne
consciences
,
but
also
get
things
reformed
,
so
far
as
lay
in
their
power
;
and
keep
the
memory
of
the
cause
of
God
afresh
that
it
should
not
be
buryed
.
These
places
and
the
like
,
though
we
bring
them
not
to
prove
immediatly
our
maine
Question
(
as
it
may
be
the
Surveyer
,
who
useth
to
take
but
half
a
look
of
matters
,
will
suppose
)
yet
when
duely
considered
,
in
their
just
latitude
and
extent
,
they
will
clearely
evince
;
That
more
is
required
of
private
persons
,
in
a
general
day
of
defection
,
then
to
keep
themselves
free
of
the
same
,
or
to
mourne
in
secret
,
or
the
like
.
And
if
we
lay
them
together
,
they
will
clearly
prove
it
the
duty
of
privat
persones
,
in
such
a
day
of
defection
,
to
be
publickly
declareing
their
abhorrence
of
the
wicked
courses
which
are
carryed
on
:
to
be
actually
and
effectually
interposeing
with
King
and
Great
ones
,
that
a
stope
may
be
put
unto
the
course
of
wickednesse
,
and
God's
wrath
averted
:
that
they
would
plead
Zions
cause
against
all
opposers
,
and
thus
stand
up
in
the
gape
,
and
make
up
the
hedge
by
publick
and
avowed
owneing
of
the
oppressed
truth
and
cause
of
God
:
and
valiently
seek
and
plead
for
the
truth
,
and
with
their
Mother
the
Church
,
when
all
is
corrupted
,
left
a
bill
of
divorce
be
given
her
:
And
this
is
something
more
then
our
Surveyer
will
allow
.
And
vvhat
way
this
shall
help
us
,
vve
shall
see
aftervvard
.
Novv
vve
must
examine
What
the
Surveyer
sayeth
.
He
Pag.
46.
after
some
rambling
after
his
wonted
manner
,
&
misrepresenting
of
the
thing
wich
vvas
said
in
Naphtaly
,
(
as
any
judicious
reader
will
perceive
,
so
that
we
need
not
trouble
ourselves
to
discover
the
same
unfaire
dealing
so
oft
as
vve
meet
with
it
,
lest
vve
should
waiste
paper
and
paines
,
as
he
hath
done
,
in
repeating
the
same
things
over
and
over
againe
,
)
He
tells
us
That
[
It
is
not
to
be
doubted
that
Religion
is
the
chief
interest
,
that
men
and
Christians
should
look
after
,
and
where
it
becomes
a
legall
right
,
and
the
Magistrate
who
beares
the
sword
leads
the
way
,
no
doubt
privat
persones
may
follow
in
the
violent
defence
of
it
,
against
all
opposeing
the
Magistrate
,
the
law
,
and
themselves
in
owneing
of
it
.
]
Answer
.
This
cold
laodicean
will
give
Religion
the
best
word
,
but
no
more
:
He
granteth
that
it
is
the
chief
interest
that
men
and
Christians
should
look
after
;
and
yet
so
cautious
is
he
in
showing
the
manner
how
they
should
look
after
it
,
that
in
effect
he
doth
postpone
it
unto
many
other
lower
concernments
:
For
1.
it
must
become
a
legal
right
,
ere
they
defend
it
.
2.
And
when
it
is
become
a
legal
right
,
they
cannot
defend
it
unlesse
the
Magistrate
lead
the
way
.
But
what
if
a
virgine
hath
not
a
legal
right
unto
her
chastity
,
by
such
a
law
as
that
leacherous
King
Ewen
the
3.
made
,
shall
she
not
be
allowed
to
defend
the
same
?
And
if
she
shall
,
shall
not
men
be
allowed
to
maintaine
their
Religion
,
though
some
iniquous
act
of
Parliament
take
the
legal
right
of
it
away
?
Yes
doubtlesse
if
it
be
the
chief
interest
.
Againe
,
what
if
an
unjust
act
take
away
a
man's
right
to
his
heritage
,
shall
he
not
be
in
case
to
defend
it
against
robbers
?
2.
By
his
second
caution
it
would
appear
,
that
if
an
army
of
Turks
or
Tartars
were
landing
in
Scotland
to
robus
of
our
Religion
,
we
might
not
resist
,
unlesse
the
Magistrate
did
lead
the
way
.
But
might
we
not
in
that
case
defend
our
lives
and
lands
?
If
he
should
deny
it
,
I
know
few
that
will
be
of
his
opinion
,
and
if
he
grant
it
,
he
must
not
account
Religion
the
chief
interest
.
Againe
,
what
if
the
Magistrate
shall
permit
Subjects
to
defend
their
Lives
and
Libertyes
against
invaders
,
though
he
should
not
lead
the
way
?
Will
he
allow
it
in
that
case
?
Then
he
must
preferre
these
unto
Religion
;
for
Religion
,
he
sayes
,
must
must
not
be
defended
,
but
when
the
Magistrate
leads
the
way
:
[
Neither
(
sayes
he
)
can
it
enter
into
a
Christian
heart
,
that
it
is
to
be
surrendred
unto
the
arbitrement
or
pleasure
of
any
power
in
the
world
,
nor
of
any
Magistrate
over
us
,
as
this
man
wickedly
suggests
is
done
]
Answ.
The
Surveyer
is
this
wicked
person
,
who
not
only
suggests
,
but
upon
the
matter
affirmes
it
,
and
avowes
it
;
for
what
is
it
else
,
then
to
surrender
our
Religion
to
the
arbitrement
of
Magistrates
,
to
say
,
that
we
may
not
stand
to
the
defence
thereof
,
unlesse
they
will
both
authorize
it
with
their
law
,
and
also
lead
the
way
when
any
oppose
it
?
That
which
we
will
not
maintaine
without
the
approbation
and
conduct
of
another
,
we
wholly
give
up
to
the
disposeing
and
pleasure
of
that
other
.
What
he
sayes
concerning
our
present
case
,
shall
be
considered
in
end
,
once
for
all
.
Then
Pag.
47.
[
Whatever
may
be
said
concerning
private
mens
resisting
the
powers
that
urge
them
to
idolatry
,
or
false
Worshipe
,
or
invading
their
lives
,
if
they
will
not
so
do
,
comes
not
home
to
the
present
case
.
]
Answ.
He
would
do
well
to
speak
plaine
,
and
not
look
with
a
double
face
;
Either
he
thinks
it
lawful
,
in
this
case
to
resist
,
or
he
thinks
it
unlawful
;
if
he
think
it
unlawful
to
what
purpose
doth
he
make
mention
of
it
,
as
a
different
case
from
what
is
presently
under
debate
;
And
will
not
any
see
that
if
he
deny
this
to
be
lawful
,
our
Religion
is
wholly
given
upto
the
arbitrement
of
the
Magistrate
?
If
he
think
it
lawful
,
he
must
then
grant
that
Religion
may
be
defended
,
even
when
the
Magistrate
who
bears
the
sword
,
doth
not
lead
the
way
,
and
why
then
it
should
not
come
home
to
our
present
case
,
I
do
not
see
;
for
he
doth
not
lay
the
stresse
of
his
answers
on
the
inconsiderablenesse
of
the
ground
of
the
resistence
,
(
though
here
and
there
He
hint
at
that
)
but
upon
the
unlawfulnesse
of
resisting
the
Magistrate
,
who
beares
the
sword
:
Now
this
ground
faileth
him
here
.
But
he
ads
[
Yet
Lactantius
word
,
Lib.
5.
c.
20.
is
to
be
well
remembered
by
all
private
persones
,
Defendenda
est
Religio
a
privatis
omnibus
,
non
occidendo
,
sed
moriendo
]
Answ.
Then
according
to
Lactantius
it
must
be
unlawful
to
defend
Religion
,
even
when
the
Magistrat
urgeth
to
idolatry
,
invading
lives
if
they
will
not
do
it
:
yea
if
this
be
generally
received
as
a
truth
,
The
People
of
Scotland
might
not
defend
their
Religion
against
an
army
of
Pagans
Turks
or
Tartars
,
if
the
Soveraigne
should
not
concurre
:
Which
I
know
not
who
would
assent
unto
.
But
he
will
come
off
with
a
few
notes
Pag.
47.
&c.
That
whereas
Naphtali
said
That
to
be
violented
in
Religion
(
which
cannot
be
without
an
unjust
force
,
either
on
mens
persons
,
or
on
their
goods
)
is
the
most
wicked
and
insupportable
of
all
injuries
He
thinks
such
a
word
should
have
been
better
guarded
,
lest
all
coactive
power
of
the
magistrate
in
matters
of
Religion
,
might
seem
to
be
disowned
,
which
would
favoure
such
,
as
are
for
absolute
toleration
.
But
what
needed
this
?
Could
he
think
that
the
author
of
Naphtaly
did
imagine
,
That
to
be
violented
in
any
Religion
whether
true
or
false
,
was
such
an
insupportable
injury
?
Or
that
it
was
his
minde
to
plead
for
an
universal
toleration
?
What
ground
had
he
for
so
thinking
?
Sure
that
had
been
prejudical
to
his
hypothesis
,
which
this
Surveyer
himself
will
not
call
a
false
Religion
:
will
it
not
suffice
to
say
,
he
meaned
a
violenting
in
the
true
Religion
?
[
No
(
sayes
he
)
for
what
Sectary
will
not
pretend
,
that
he
is
violented
for
the
true
Religion
,
which
he
will
avow
is
so
,
according
to
his
conscience
,
—
and
it
is
this
man's
principle
,
that
every
man
in
his
discretive
judgment
,
is
judge
of
the
justice
or
in
justice
of
his
owne
sufferings
,
and
accordingly
must
determine
a
nent
his
resistence
to
the
violence
]
Answ.
1.
Then
it
seemeth
his
guairding
of
it
,
in
his
owne
words
,
saying
[
It
is
true
,
to
use
violence
upon
any
in
their
persons
or
goods
,
to
bring
them
to
an
external
false
Religion
,
or
to
drive
them
from
the
true
(
otherwise
Religion
cannot
be
violented
)
is
the
greatest
of
injuries
]
Is
not
sufficient
to
salve
the
Magistrates
co-active
power
in
matters
of
Religion
;
for
notwithstanding
of
what
he
sayes
,
the
pleaders
for
universal
toleration
have
the
same
door
open
they
had
.
2.
If
he
will
deny
this
discretive
judgment
in
matters
of
sufferings
,
he
must
deny
it
also
in
matters
of
acting
;
for
if
no
man
must
judge
,
whether
the
violence
offered
him
be
just
or
unjust
,
why
should
a
man
judge
,
whether
the
commands
enjoyned
him
be
lawful
or
unlawful
?
And
so
,
as
he
may
not
so
judge
of
the
violence
offered
him
in
the
matters
of
Religion
,
as
to
repel
unjust
violence
with
violence
,
neither
must
he
judge
of
the
lawfulnesse
of
the
commands
concerning
Religion
,
so
as
to
refuse
obedience
to
unjust
commands
:
And
then
it
will
follow
,
that
subjects
must
yeeld
blinde
obedience
to
all
the
commands
of
the
Magistrate
in
matters
of
Religion
,
and
never
question
any
of
them
:
This
,
I
grant
,
is
not
to
plead
for
absolute
toleration
,
but
it
is
clearly
to
plead
for
absolute
tyranny
over
consciences
,
fit
to
be
heard
and
received
by
Atheists
,
but
by
none
else
.
3.
We
know
the
most
lawful
thing
may
be
abused
,
and
he
dar
not
say
that
every
one
who
pleads
for
a
lawful
thing
,
pleads
also
for
the
abuse
of
it
.
He
who
sayes
a
man
must
not
change
his
true
Religion
,
at
the
command
of
the
Magistrate
,
doth
not
say
that
a
man
must
not
change
that
Religion
,
which
he
thinketh
in
his
conscience
is
the
true
Religion
,
and
is
not
,
at
the
command
of
the
Magistrate
:
So
he
vvho
fayeth
a
people
may
defend
their
true
Religion
,
when
the
Magistrate
is
violenting
them
in
it
,
Sayeth
not
that
every
Sectarian
company
may
defend
that
Religion
,
which
they
take
to
be
true
,
and
is
not
,
when
the
Magistrate
is
violenting
them
in
it
.
We
say
not
that
an
erring
conscience
obligeth
,
or
that
a
man's
thinking
that
he
is
injured
in
the
true
Religion
,
is
sufficient
ground
to
engage
him
in
violent
resistance
.
And
he
himself
dar
not
say
,
the
Religion
as
reformed
in
doctrine
,
worshipe
,
discipline
,
and
government
(
which
the
late
defenders
owned
)
is
a
false
Religion
:
Nor
dar
he
say
,
that
the
corruptions
which
they
opposed
,
were
the
only
true
and
necessary
Religion
.
He
seems
to
chant
some
other
thing
here
and
there
,
in
this
part
of
his
pamphlet
;
but
we
look
for
more
in
the
following
parts
,
where
we
shall
have
his
minde
more
fully
.
Sure
the
Religion
they
owned
,
and
we
stand
for
,
was
the
Religion
he
himself
once
owned
,
and
all
the
Magistrates
,
Supreme
and
inferiour
sealed
and
approved
,
with
their
oathes
and
subscriptions
:
And
the
corruptions
they
and
we
oppose
,
were
once
by
himself
,
and
all
ranks
of
people
of
the
land
,
abjured
oftner
then
once
▪
So
that
all
this
is
but
to
raise
dust
in
peoples
eyes
,
to
the
end
they
may
mistake
the
way
[
Againe
(
sayes
he
)
does
not
this
man
plainely
professe
to
stir
up
all
,
with
whom
he
can
prevaile
,
to
violente
others
,
Magistrates
,
Church-men
,
people
and
all
,
in
the
matter
of
their
profession
?
]
Answ.
Their
profession
is
manifest
and
professed
perjury
;
for
they
have
renunced
the
reformed
Religion
which
they
once
owned
,
and
avowed
with
hands
lifted
up
to
the
Most
High
,
and
their
extant
subscriptions
beare
witnesse
against
them
;
and
all
the
congregations
and
publick
meetings
,
in
which
this
Religion
was
owned
,
are
witnesses
above
all
exception
.
And
they
have
with
the
dog
licked
up
their
vomite
,
which
once
they
spewed
out
with
an
oath
of
abjuration
.
2.
But
wherein
are
they
violented
?
Do
they
that
stand
to
the
defence
of
their
Religion
,
and
labour
or
endeavour
to
have
corruptions
formerly
abjured
,
purged
out
,
incurre
the
crime
of
violenting
others
?
Yes
for
(
sayes
he
)
even
private
men
are
stirred
by
bloody
exhortations
,
to
be
revenged
on
,
and
punish
all
Magistrates
and
others
,
whose
blood
they
thirst
for
,
because
of
their
not
being
of
their
way
,
which
they
call
Religion
.
)
Answer
.
This
is
but
one
of
many
of
his
bloody
assertions
,
savouring
neither
of
Christianity
,
nor
prudence
,
but
much
of
cruelty
and
tyranny
:
and
we
see
his
teeth
,
and
his
tongue
both
;
But
the
judge
of
the
innocent
heareth
and
seeth
.
2
,
Did
not
this
perjured
wretch
and
his
fraternity
call
this
way
,
Religion
,
and
the
true
Reformed
Religion
,
when
they
swore
those
Covenants
,
&
will
he
now
come
&
speak
thus
?
O
but
he
must
have
a
brazen
face
&
an
abdured
conscience
!
Ay
but
he
tells
us
afterward
,
Pag.
48.
that
[
Whether
truth
lye
on
our
side
or
his
,
as
to
the
poynts
of
Church
government
is
the
question
,
and
if
we
will
not
admit
publick
powers
and
authorities
to
be
judges
in
that
matter
,
far
lesse
have
they
reason
to
admit
of
privat
persones
.
]
Answ.
1.
It
seemeth
it
is
past
question
with
him
,
that
the
vomite
which
he
hath
licked
up
,
is
the
most
fatning
morsel
,
that
ever
he
gote
;
but
the
most
fatning
food
is
not
alwayes
the
most
wholesome
:
And
I
fear
this
shall
prove
so
to
him
,
if
he
repent
not
,
when
for
it
,
the
wrath
of
God
and
the
long
&
broad
curse
shall
enter
into
his
dwelling
place
,
and
into
his
very
soul
.
2.
We
are
content
the
stresse
of
the
businesse
lie
upon
that
question
,
and
shall
be
glade
to
hear
what
spirits
his
new
food
hath
put
into
him
,
to
maintaine
that
condemned
and
abjured
cause
.
3.
We
look
not
upon
our
publick
powers
and
authorities
as
Judges
competent
in
that
matter
,
nor
did
they
judge
,
as
Judges
should
have
done
,
when
they
set
up
that
abhomination
;
but
as
men
mad
on
their
idols
,
so
did
they
run
,
to
please
,
he
knoweth
,
whom
.
4.
This
is
the
very
thing
which
Papists
say
anent
the
judge
of
controversies
,
save
that
he
puts
the
civil
Magistrate
,
in
place
of
the
Pope
.
5.
This
controversy
is
not
to
be
judged
till
now
,
and
privat
persones
may
be
sufficient
judges
of
what
was
sworne
and
subscribed
by
King
,
and
all
rankes
of
People
,
and
must
have
more
solide
grounds
and
motives
to
induce
then
to
renunce
what
they
have
been
fully
perswaded
was
truth
,
and
have
owned
as
such
,
under
the
paine
of
damnation
,
by
their
solemne
Oathes
and
vowes
;
then
the
meer
vvill
and
command
of
a
Creature
,
as
obnoxious
to
errour
&
mistakes
as
another
.
And
as
for
vvhat
he
hath
a
minde
to
say
upon
that
head
,
it
is
novv
a
little
too
too
late
,
unlesse
he
be
able
to
do
,
vvhat
never
one
before
hath
done
,
viz.
prove
that
forme
of
government
;
the
only
necessary
government
,
Iure
Divino
,
perpetually
binding
all
,
in
all
ages
:
but
the
vulgar
vvill
have
a
sufficient
antidote
against
all
,
vvhich
he
can
say
,
by
seeing
&
hearing
,
vvhat
they
have
seen
and
heard
these
yeers
bygone
,
both
vvhen
this
abhomination
vvas
but
about
to
be
introduced
,
and
since
it
hath
gote
up
to
its
pinacle
,
though
nothing
should
be
said
,
of
the
abhominable
&
scandalous
carriage
of
such
as
have
imbraced
that
Antichristian
course
,
a
true
historical
relation
of
vvhich
vvould
make
the
eares
of
all
true
Christians
to
tingle
.
His
2.
note
is
upon
the
probable
capacity
which
Naphtaly
spoke
of
:
this
brings
to
his
minde
Bellarmin's
excuse
why
the
ancient
Christians
took
not
armes
against
Nero
,
because
they
wanted
temporal
strength
.
But
might
not
that
excuse
be
good
in
itself
though
Bellarmine
made
use
of
it
?
I
suppose
upon
second
search
,
it
will
be
found
,
that
they
had
not
such
a
capacity
,
as
he
,
it
may
be
,
supposeth
:
But
of
this
afterward
.
It
brings
to
his
minde
also
what
Creswel
the
Jesuite
said
against
the
Edict
of
Q.
Elizabeth
.
But
all
this
is
nothing
to
the
purpose
,
for
neither
we
,
nor
Naphtaly
joyne
with
the
Iesuites
(
whatever
he
say
)
as
to
the
deposeing
and
throwing
downe
of
Princes
,
and
all
Magistrates
,
and
punishing
them
by
private
hands
.
But
if
he
think
this
condition
,
in
private
persons
resisting
of
violence
,
Iesuitical
,
viz.
if
they
be
in
a
probable
capacity
to
do
it
.
He
must
give
us
leave
to
say
,
It
is
very
rational
,
and
he
is
more
then
brutish
to
think
otherwise
:
For
will
he
say
,
that
it
is
an
indispensable
duty
,
for
Ten
private
persones
,
though
they
had
their
Magistrates
with
them
,
to
go
and
resist
an
army
of
Ten
Thousand
,
unlesse
they
have
an
extraordinary
particular
&
peremptory
cal
of
God
?
Sure
then
he
but
shewes
his
folly
to
carpe
at
such
things
as
these
,
let
him
read
,
Luk.
14
:
31.
Next
let
us
see
what
he
hath
Pag.
84.
85.
86.
Where
he
sayeth
1.
(
That
albeit
it
be
God's
holy
will
,
that
in
erections
of
civil
government
,
his
Truth
,
sincere
worshipe
and
glory
in
these
,
should
be
mainly
minded
and
intended
by
men
,
and
it
is
mens
duty
so
to
do
;
yet
it
is
clear
that
in
many
places
de
facto
it
is
not
so
;
although
men
in
the
general
professe
aiming
at
Truth
,
and
right
worshipe
,
yet
there
are
aberrations
in
the
particular
.
]
Answ.
1.
This
is
very
true
,
and
not
only
do
we
see
that
it
is
so
de
facto
;
but
also
that
where
conscience
hath
been
made
of
mindeing
Gods
truth
,
sincere
vvorshipe
,
and
glory
,
and
these
so
twisted
in
,
and
interwoven
with
the
constitution
of
the
civil
government
,
that
they
became
to
the
subject
,
a
piece
of
their
National
patrimony
,
secured
by
all
meanes
imaginable
,
not
only
these
necessary
things
are
not
minded
,
but
they
are
sought
to
be
overturned
and
destroyed
.
2.
Since
he
grants
that
it
is
men's
duty
so
to
do
,
how
can
he
condemne
what
the
honest
Parliaments
of
Scotland
did
,
and
what
the
king
consented
to
,
and
owned
?
Was
that
any
thing
else
but
to
establish
and
secure
the
reformed
Religion
in
Doctrine
,
worshipe
,
discipline
and
government
,
for
the
glory
of
God
,
and
the
good
of
the
nations
?
Next
he
sayes
,
[
Albeit
there
be
in
the
poynt
of
truth
,
and
the
worshipe
of
God
,
anotable
perversion
and
swerving
,
that
doth
not
at
all
invalidate
the
authority
,
nor
break
the
obligation
thereunto
,
although
it
be
injurious
,
to
favourers
of
Truth
and
right
Worshipe
:
for
although
Religion
be
not
minded
,
as
it
ought
to
be
,
God
will
not
have
the
Commonwealths
,
where
justice
between
Man
and
Man
is
maintained
,
for
his
glory
,
casten
loose
;
nor
have
men
think
themselves
loosed
from
obligation
to
the
government
—
for
neither
must
they
be
heard
,
who
hold
that
civil
dominion
is
founded
on
grace
,
nor
they
who
say
,
That
infidel
,
heretical
,
or
excommunicate
Magistrates
fall
from
their
power
,
or
that
the
subjects
obligation
to
them
ceaseth
.
]
Answ.
1.
Yet
vvhere
the
maintainance
of
Truth
,
and
of
the
right
vvorshipe
is
a
fundamental
pillar
of
the
constitution
,
and
a
maine
article
of
the
compact
betwixt
Magistrates
and
subjects
,
a
failing
here
is
a
loosing
of
the
government
,
and
of
the
Subjects
obligation
,
if
not
in
vvhole
,
yet
in
so
far
;
2.
A
pleading
for
the
observation
of
the
compact
and
maintainance
of
the
Truth
and
Worshipe
of
God
,
conforme
to
sworne
compacts
,
is
no
breaking
of
the
obligation
,
but
rather
a
way
to
have
it
strengthened
and
made
more
firme
:
Much
lesse
can
they
be
charged
with
this
,
who
plead
only
for
a
liberty
of
defence
of
the
same
Truth
and
Worshipe
,
against
manifest
injuries
,
contrary
to
Covenants
,
vowes
and
compacts
.
3.
Such
as
resist
the
unjust
violence
of
Magistrates
,
do
not
therby
loose
themselves
from
the
obligation
to
government
,
otherwise
every
woman
who
in
defence
of
her
chastity
resisted
the
prince
,
should
die
as
a
Traitor
,
4.
We
abhore
both
that
opinion
,
that
dominion
is
founded
on
grace
,
and
that
other
of
the
Papists
:
we
stand
upon
other
grounds
,
as
hath
been
,
and
may
yet
be
,
furder
shewed
.
The
summe
of
what
he
says
in
the
4
place
(
for
what
he
hath
said
in
the
3
place
is
but
some
concessions
,
which
are
touched
already
)
is
this
[
That
to
reforme
in
a
publick
coactive
way
,
by
the
use
of
the
vindicative
and
punitive
sword
,
belongeth
alone
to
the
Magistrate
,
so
that
persones
of
meer
private
capacity
,
cannot
use
that
sword
against
all
Magistrates
,
and
their
fellow
subjects
,
to
violent
them
in
matters
of
Religion
,
or
which
they
account
Religion
,
and
punish
them
for
not
being
,
of
their
Religion
.
]
Answ.
It
is
but
his
groundlesse
calumny
,
to
say
that
Naphtaly
sayes
all
this
,
and
so
it
is
nothing
to
the
question
in
hand
,
which
is
concerning
privat
persons
maintaineing
their
Religion
,
and
endeavouring
to
have
corruptions
removed
,
which
may
wel
be
,
without
the
least
incroachment
upon
the
Magistrates
;
and
since
he
speakes
not
to
this
,
he
either
declares
himself
unable
to
confute
what
we
say
;
or
he
fowlely
prevaricates
,
to
the
palpable
betraying
of
his
owne
cause
;
or
both
.
Then
he
tells
us
further
.
[
That
the
great
mistake
in
all
this
matter
is
,
That
we
think
the
Magistrate
&
People
,
are
,
as
to
their
Covenant
with
God
,
debtors
bound
in
a
band
conjunctly
and
severally
,
for
one
sum
,
so
that
in
the
deficiency
of
the
one
.
the
other
must
pay
all
,
and
hath
power
to
distresse
the
deficient
—
whereas
they
binde
,
but
for
their
several
moieties
of
a
sum
—
so
that
if
the
People
reforme
themselves
,
and
keep
themselves
pure
from
abhominations
,
the
Magistrates
deficiency
(
which
they
tolerat
with
grief
)
shall
not
be
imputed
to
them
:
Because
God
giveth
them
not
a
calling
to
intrude
into
the
Magistrates
office
—
there
lyes
no
obligation
on
them
to
force
the
King
,
or
their
fellow
subjects
to
external
meanes
of
Worship
and
Religion
.
]
Answ.
This
is
the
summe
of
what
he
spendeth
many
words
about
,
but
it
may
be
easily
answered
.
For
1.
By
this
simile
he
will
wronge
the
Magistrate
:
for
as
the
People
may
not
presse
the
Magistrate
to
pay
his
moyety
,
how
may
He
presse
the
Subjects
to
pay
their
moyety
?
2.
If
the
Magistrate
break
to
God
,
and
will
not
pay
his
moyety
of
the
summe
,
he
cannot
presse
the
Subjects
to
break
also
,
and
not
to
pay
their
part
;
but
whether
he
will
or
not
,
they
are
bound
to
keep
Covenant
:
and
if
he
force
them
▪
his
violence
is
unjust
and
illegall
(
for
no
law
can
warrand
People
to
break
their
Covenant
with
God
)
and
may
lawfully
be
resisted
;
and
this
is
enough
for
us
.
3.
A
better
lawyer
then
he
Althusius
pol.
cap.
28.
n.
18.
tels
us
that
in
those
Religious
Covenants
,
Magistrates
and
People
are
bound
conjunctly
and
severally
,
so
that
the
whole
summe
may
be
required
of
either
of
the
corrëi
:
Ita
sunt
corrëi
(
sayes
he
)
ut
in
solidum
&
in
continenti
ab
unoquoque
promissum
peti
possit
,
tanquam
a
principalirëo
.
l.
poen
.
de
duob
.
rëis
stip
.
2
Chro.
33.
2
King
.
24.
4.
Deut.
29.
)
And
his
reason
is
,
because
God
would
not
commit
to
one
the
care
of
his
Church
,
and
worshipe
;
but
to
the
whole
People
,
whom
their
servants
King
and
Parliaments
do
represent
,
which
also
he
proveth
from
Ier.
17
:
20.
and
againe
Num.
19.
He
tells
us
that
one
of
the
corrëi
must
answere
for
the
other
and
partaketh
of
his
guilt
,
if
he
do
not
oppose
and
resist
him
as
much
as
he
can
,
and
so
hinder
him
from
breaking
:
Which
he
proveth
from
1
King
.
14
:
16.
and
Num.
23
:
24.
He
ansvvers
Barclaius
alledging
the
same
thing
vvhich
this
Surveyer
alledgeth
saying
,
[
Concedo
Barclaio
in
duobus
rëis
promittendi
observari
,
ut
uno
solvente
quod
promisit
,
alter
liberetur
,
Ergo
quando
Rex
vel
Populus
ob
delictà
sua
arque
foederis
initi
transgressiones
,
poena
â
Deo
est
affectus
,
alter
liberabitur
.
Verum
haecregula
,
uno
corrëo
solvente
,
alterum
,
liberari
,
exceptionem
patitur
in
casu
quo
non
insolidum
&
in
tot●m
corrëus
solvit
.
sed
pro
parte
,
uti
hîc
,
unus
ex
corrëis
poenas
persolvens
,
Deo
non
in
solidum
solvere
potest
.
Deinde
haec
regula
non
procedit
in
delictis
;
In
his
enim
uterque
corrëus
delinquens
&
criminis
socii
puniuntur
in
solidum
,
neque
unus
poenas
luendo
,
alterum
liberare
potest
,
1
Sam.
12
:
ver.
27.
Et
docent
id
late
ICC.
Denique
praedicta
regula
non
procedat
in
casu
qnando
uterque
corrëus
se
in
solidum
obligavit
ad
idem
factum
,
uti
in
hoc
foedere
accidit
,
2
Chron.
15
:
ver.
13
:
Vbi
de
poena
subditorum
&
Regis
loquitur
,
ut
,
1
Sam.
12
:
ver.
7.
4.
But
now
the
question
is
what
is
the
Peoples
duty
,
in
a
day
of
defection
?
He
sayes
it
is
only
to
keep
themselves
pure
from
the
abhominations
,
and
reforme
themselves
.
But
we
have
shewed
above
that
the
scripture
requireth
more
,
even
some
active
endeavour
,
to
have
the
National
Corruptions
removed
,
though
not
to
usurpe
the
Magistrates
place
.
But
sayes
he
[
The
late
Covenant
it self
,
doth
bind
private
persons
in
their
places
and
callings
(
which
certanely
are
private
,
and
to
be
managed
by
private
means
)
to
endeavour
reformation
,
&
doth
not
bind
any
number
of
private
persons
to
pull
the
sword
out
of
the
Magistrate's
hand
,
when
they
think
he
useth
it
otherwise
then
he
should
,
and
then
they
would
have
him
use
it
—
if
the
Covenant
be
passive
of
such
commentaryes
,
as
this
man
puts
upon
it
,
That
whatever
any
private
party
accounts
Reformation
,
they
may
use
the
vindictive
punishing
sword
against
all
,
of
all
degrees
,
that
stand
in
their
way
to
advance
the
same
,
we
have
little
reason
to
be
in
love
with
it
;
and
just
cause
to
cast
it
by
,
till
it
be
cleared
of
such
corrupt
glosses
.
[
Answer
.
I
feare
the
Surveyer
be
so
out
of
love
with
it
,
and
have
so
cast
it
by
,
that
were
it
never
so
cleared
(
as
it
is
cleare
enough
)
he
hath
no
minde
to
take
it
up
againe
,
and
he
best
knoweth
what
it
vvas
that
moved
him
to
cast
it
off
.
But
2.
as
Naphtaly
said
vvel
,
That
clause
annexed
can
not
be
so
restrictive
,
as
this
Surveyer
would
have
it
;
for
certanely
it
cannot
bind
up
privat
men's
hands
,
from
doing
of
these
things
,
which
otherwise
were
commanded
them
to
do
.
Now
whether
this
Covenant
had
been
or
not
,
more
would
have
been
required
of
private
persons
,
in
a
time
of
great
and
universal
or
a
national
defection
,
then
at
other
times
.
Every
man
is
bound
according
to
his
place
and
station
to
preserve
he
Kings
person
and
authority
.
Now
put
the
case
that
some
party
or
faction
should
captivate
him
,
This
man
will
grant
that
private
persones
,
without
the
conduct
of
inferiour
Magistrates
,
may
joyn
together
,
if
they
be
in
a
capacity
to
break
thorow
impediments
,
&
through
the
interprize
,
and
labour
his
vindication
and
delivery
,
and
restauration
:
Would
he
in
this
case
condemne
these
men
,
as
acting
without
their
sphere
,
or
as
usurpers
:
I
suppose
not
:
Let
him
then
apply
this
to
our
case
.
and
he
will
easily
see
the
parallel
.
So
it
is
the
duty
of
burgesses
in
their
places
and
stations
,
to
promove
the
good
of
the
society
:
Now
suppose
a
fire
kindle
,
and
such
as
are
appointed
to
oversee
the
quenching
of
fires
either
are
absent
,
or
carelesse
,
or
half
willing
the
Town
should
be
burnt
,
shall
private
persones
hands
be
bound
up
from
doing
what
they
can
,
in
what
order
they
may
,
to
save
the
Towne
?
shall
they
be
accounted
transgressours
,
or
Usurpers
of
the
Magistrat's
place
,
though
they
should
materially
occupy
his
roome
for
that
exigent
?
No
certanely
,
they
should
rather
be
accounted
faithful
citizens
,
mindeful
of
their
oath
and
promise
.
So
when
an
army
is
engaged
with
the
Enemy
,
if
the
Commanders
should
perfidiously
betray
their
trust
,
and
leave
their
station
,
or
seek
the
destruction
of
the
army
,
in
their
station
,
It
would
be
accounted
no
usurpation
,
in
any
private
persons
,
who
could
best
fill
these
roomes
and
places
,
for
these
exigents
,
to
do
what
they
could
,
for
the
saifty
of
the
army
:
Nor
would
this
be
thought
contrare
to
their
oath
.
When
a
Master
of
a
Shipe
either
through
sotishnesse
,
or
vvickednesse
,
vvould
run
the
ship
against
the
rock
,
any
private
Seaman
in
that
case
of
necessity
,
may
,
to
save
his
ovvne
life
and
the
lives
of
all
vvho
are
in
the
shipe
,
do
the
best
he
can
,
to
prevent
destruction
,
without
any
sinful
transgressing
the
bounds
of
his
calling
.
Whence
we
may
understand
,
that
in
cases
of
extreame
necessity
,
private
persones
may
do
more
,
then
in
ordinary
cases
;
and
yet
not
sinfully
goe
beyond
their
places
and
callings
:
and
though
materially
,
they
,
for
that
exigent
,
occupy
the
places
of
Superiours
,
who
sinfully
,
unfaithfully
,
and
basely
,
either
neglect
or
betray
their
trust
;
yet
they
cannot
be
accounted
Usurpers
:
nor
is
it
rational
to
say
,
that
such
as
plead
for
the
lawfulnesse
of
this
,
do
plead
for
the
lawfulnesse
of
private
persons
pulling
the
sword
out
of
the
Magistrate's
hands
,
whensoever
they
think
he
useth
it
otherwise
then
he
should
,
or
whensoever
he
useth
it
otherwise
then
they
would
have
him
use
it
;
and
useing
the
vindictive
punishing
sword
against
all
Magistrates
and
others
,
that
stand
in
their
way
.
By
this
also
,
vve
may
see
what
injury
he
doth
to
Naphtaly
,
when
he
draweth
such
consequences
from
vvhat
he
said
Pag
,
151.
and
there
did
shevv
by
the
simile
adduced
,
that
such
a
thing
vvas
to
be
done
only
in
extreame
inevitable
and
urgent
necessity
.
And
what
the
Surveyer
hath
said
Pag.
116.
and
117.
needeth
no
other
ansvvere
.
This
is
not
all
,
he
must
harpe
on
this
string
againe
Pag.
103.
where
he
sayes
[
That
it
is
to
ruine
all
order
,
to
teach
that
the
advancing
Religion
,
not
only
actibus
elicitis
but
actibus
imperatis
,
which
belong
to
the
Magistrate
,
may
be
medled
with
by
the
people-extraordinary
necessities
are
more
easily
pleaded
then
justified
,
as
ground
sufficient
for
some
actions
,
whereto
there
is
no
extraordinary
call
]
Answ.
Though
this
be
sufficiently
answered
before
,
yet
we
say
,
1.
That
order
is
already
ruined
,
when
the
Magistrat
destroyeth
what
he
should
preserve
,
and
so
crosseth
his
commission
:
and
who
teach
that
in
such
an
extraordinary
case
,
when
God's
order
is
violated
and
broken
,
and
all
in
hazard
to
be
overturned
,
such
things
might
be
done
,
which
needed
not
to
be
done
,
if
God's
order
and
appoyntment
were
observed
,
do
not
take
a
way
to
ruine
all
order
,
but
rather
to
preserve
that
,
vvhich
order
it self
is
appoynted
,
as
a
meane
,
to
preserve
.
2.
We
plead
not
for
such
formal
imperate
acts
,
in
matters
of
Religion
,
as
due
to
privat
persones
(
as
we
have
said
.
)
But
for
a
povver
,
according
to
the
ability
God
puteth
into
their
hands
to
hinder
him
from
being
dishonoured
,
to
defend
their
ovvne
profession
and
Religion
,
to
hinder
an
universal
apostasy
,
and
to
endeavour
in
their
capacities
,
to
have
things
righted
,
vvhich
are
out
of
order
.
And
vvhen
private
persones
are
carrying
themselves
thus
,
vve
deny
that
they
are
runing
out
of
their
rank
and
calling
;
nor
can
he
prove
it
.
3.
Will
he
say
that
no
actions
can
be
sufficiently
justified
because
done
in
extraordinary
necessities
and
vvithout
an
extraordinary
call
?
Then
he
shall
condemne
the
Covenants
which
David
made
vvith
the
men
of
Israel
,
2
Sam.
5.
and
vvhich
Iehojadah
made
betwixt
the
King
&
the
People
:
For
he
told
us
that
both
these
vvere
in
extraordinary
occasions
,
and
he
cannot
shovv
us
any
extraordinary
call
.
He
addeth
[
If
Magistrates
be
deficient
—
privat
persons
are
sufficiently
discharged
,
if
they
keep
themselves
pure
,
and
do
vvhat
possibly
they
can
,
for
advanceing
Religion
in
their
privat
capacities
and
by
their
Elicite
acts
—
if
a
mans
eyes
be
put
out
his
eares
,
or
other
senses
will
goe
as
far
to
supply
that
defect
,
as
may
be
;
yet
,
cannot
help
the
body
by
elicite
acts
of
seeing
.
So
whatever
length
private
persons
may
goe
,
for
the
good
of
the
body
,
they
must
not
goe
to
exercise
and
exert
formally
,
acts
magistratical
.
]
Answ.
All
alongs
we
heare
nothing
but
dictatings
:
This
and
this
he
sayes
,
and
there
is
an
end
,
a
noble
patron
of
a
desperat
cause
,
and
worthy
of
a
great
hire
.
But.
1.
The
question
still
abideth
undiscussed
how
far
privat
persons
capacity
doth
reach
;
for
that
they
must
do
more
then
keep
themselves
pure
we
have
shevved
.
2.
If
they
may
do
what
possibly
they
can
,
for
advanceing
Religion
in
their
capacities
,
they
may
do
more
then
he
will
have
them
doing
;
for
then
they
may
defend
Religion
with
the
sword
,
and
with
violence
hinder
idolatry
and
superstition
,
and
what
of
that
nature
provocketh
God
to
wrath
.
All
this
and
more
is
within
their
capacity
and
possibility
,
as
he
would
easily
grant
,
if
the
Magistrate
vvould
but
countenance
it
,
yea
and
though
he
should
oppose
,
say
vve
.
But
he
will
say
,
these
are
not
elicite
acts
.
And
vvill
he
grant
nothing
else
to
privat
subjects
but
elicit
acts
?
Then
he
vvill
not
grant
them
liberty
to
disput
for
Religion
,
to
exhort
,
rebuke
and
admonish
&c.
for
these
are
not
elicite
acts
,
more
then
disputing
vvith
the
svvord
,
and
so
vvith
his
Philosophick
distinctions
,
he
vvould
charme
us
into
a
perfect
acquiescence
vvith
vvhat
Religion
the
King
vvill
enjoyne
.
3.
Eares
and
other
senses
never
set
up
the
eyes
,
and
gave
them
povver
to
see
for
their
good
:
But
the
People
set
up
the
Magistrates
,
and
may
do
,
when
the
Magistrate
layeth
downe
his
sword
,
or
avowedly
betrayeth
his
trust
,
what
they
might
have
done
before
they
made
choice
of
him
.
4.
By
this
Simile
it
would
follow
that
the
People
cannot
only
not
do
the
Magistrate's
Imperat
acts
,
but
not
so
much
as
the
Elicite
acts
which
he
may
do
,
vvhich
is
false
.
5.
Though
they
cannot
exert
or
exercise
Formally
acts
Magistratical
,
if
they
may
do
it
Materially
,
we
seek
no
more
.
In
end
he
tell
us
.
That
it
is
a
dangerous
and
destructive
tenent
to
be
held
forth
to
be
beleeved
by
People
That
in
all
cases
whether
concerning
Religion
or
Liberty
,
when
they
account
the
Magistrate
to
pervert
the
government
,
that
they
are
Eatenus
in
so
far
,
even
as
if
they
had
no
King
,
and
that
the
royalty
hath
recurred
to
themselves
,
and
they
may
act
and
exercise
it
formally
as
if
they
had
no
King
at
all
]
and
this
he
tels
us
is
the
expresse
doctrine
of
Lex
Rex
Pag.
99.
100.
Novv
that
all
may
see
vvhat
a
shamelesse
and
impudent
man
this
is
,
and
how
little
reason
any
have
to
give
him
credite
,
I
shall
recite
the
authors
very
words
.
[
But
because
(
sayeth
he
)
the
Estates
never
gave
the
King
power
to
corrupt
Religion
,
and
presse
a
false
and
I
dolatrous
worshipe
upon
them
;
Therefore
when
the
King
defendeth
not
true
Religion
,
but
presseth
upon
the
People
a
false
and
Idolatrous
Religion
(
this
is
some
other
thing
then
when
they
account
the
Magistrate
to
pervert
&c.
)
in
that
they
are
not
under
the
King
,
but
are
presumed
to
have
no
King
eatenus
so
farre
,
&
are
presumed
to
have
power
in
themselves
,
as
if
they
had
not
appoynted
any
King
at
all
—
If
an
incorporation
accused
of
Treason
&
in
danger
of
the
sentence
of
death
,
shall
appoynt
a
lawyer
to
advocate
their
cause
,
—
if
he
be
stricken
with
dumbnesse
,
because
they
have
losed
their
legal
and
representative
tongue
,
none
can
say
,
that
this
incorporation
hath
losed
the
tongues
that
nature
hath
given
them
,
so
as
by
natures
law
they
may
not
plead
in
their
owne
just
and
lawful
defence
,
as
if
they
had
never
appoynted
the
foresaid
lawyer
to
plead
for
them
.
The
King
—
is
made
by
God
and
the
People
King
,
for
the
Church
and
People
of
God's
sake
,
that
he
may
defend
true
Religion
,
for
the
behove
and
salvation
of
all
:
If
then
he
defend
not
Religion
—
(
NB
)
in
his
publick
and
Royal
way
,
It
is
presumed
as
undenyable
,
That
the
People
of
God
who
by
the
law
of
nature
,
are
to
care
for
their
owne
soull
,
are
to
defend
(
NB
)
in
their
way
,
true
Religion
,
which
so
nearly
concerneth
them
and
their
eternall
happinesse
.
]
Now
let
any
judge
if
this
be
so
dangerous
and
destructive
a
tenent
,
As
he
would
make
his
reader
beleeve
.
But
it
is
easy
for
him
who
hath
no
shame
,
to
pervert
sentences
which
he
cannot
confute
,
and
then
call
them
dangerous
and
destructive
:
and
thus
he
will
make
the
rabble
of
the
degenerate
clergy
and
other
simple
ones
beleeve
,
that
he
hath
confuted
Lex
Rex
.
And
thus
dealeth
he
with
Naphtaly
as
we
have
shewed
already
.
Having
thus
considered
all
which
the
Surveyer
hath
here
and
there
spoken
against
that
which
we
have
said
,
let
us
now
come
to
apply
what
hath
been
said
,
unto
our
present
purpose
,
of
vindicating
the
late
act
of
defence
;
which
,
by
what
we
have
said
,
we
finde
cannot
be
justly
condemned
as
treasonable
or
rebellious
,
but
rather
approved
and
commended
as
loyall
service
to
God
and
the
Countrey
.
For
1.
Thereby
they
were
professing
their
constancy
,
in
adhereing
to
the
reformation
of
Religion
in
doctrine
,
worshipe
Discipline
and
Government
,
which
was
consonant
to
the
word
of
God
,
and
publickly
received
with
all
solemnities
imaginable
,
notwithstanding
of
acts
and
lawes
made
to
the
contrary
:
and
no
true
Christian
will
say
,
That
subjects
should
imbrace
any
Religion
which
Magistrates
will
countenance
and
prescribe
,
be
what
it
will
,
or
upon
that
account
.
2.
As
they
were
thereby
declareing
their
soul
abhorrence
of
these
corruptions
,
which
were
countenanced
and
authorized
by
sinful
acts
and
statutes
;
so
they
were
defending
,
to
the
utmost
of
their
power
,
the
reformed
Religion
,
according
to
their
Covenant
,
and
vow
to
God
.
And
that
such
a
defence
as
this
,
is
lawful
,
we
have
shewed
.
3.
They
were
defending
themselves
against
intolerable
and
manifestly
unjust
violence
,
offered
because
of
their
adhereing
to
the
cause
of
God
,
and
to
the
reformed
Religion
,
which
King
,
Parliament
,
and
all
rankes
of
People
in
the
land
,
were
solemnely
sworne
to
owne
,
and
avow
,
all
the
dayes
of
their
lives
,
really
,
sincerely
and
constantly
▪
as
they
should
answere
to
God
,
in
the
great
day
;
no
lesse
then
they
.
4.
They
were
mindeing
their
Oath
and
Covenant
made
with
God
,
with
hands
lifted
up
,
with
solemne
attestations
,
and
protestations
;
the
Covenants
which
they
did
make
and
renew
in
the
presence
of
Almighty
God
,
the
Searcher
of
all
hearts
,
with
a
true
intention
to
performe
the
same
.
5.
They
were
endeavouring
in
their
places
and
stations
(
according
to
the
latitude
allowed
in
times
of
such
necessitie
,
and
in
matters
of
such
weight
and
moment
)
to
have
the
Church
and
Kingdome
purged
of
these
abhominable
and
crying
corruptions
,
and
grievous
abhominations
,
which
provoke
the
Lord
to
wrath
,
against
the
whole
Church
and
Kingdome
.
6.
They
were
defending
the
maine
fundamental
law
and
constitution
of
the
Kingdome
,
and
that
maine
article
of
Agreement
and
Compact
betwixt
Soveraigne
and
Subject
,
which
all
the
members
of
the
Nation
,
were
no
Lesse
bound
unto
,
then
they
.
7.
They
were
joyning
together
,
as
detasteing
that
detestable
indifferency
and
neutrality
abjured
,
to
defend
and
assist
one
another
in
the
same
cause
of
maintaining
their
reformed
Religion
,
with
their
best
counsel
,
bodyes
,
meanes
,
and
whole
power
,
against
the
old
,
inveterate
and
Common
enemie
,
that
malignant
spirit
and
rage
;
according
to
their
Covenants
.
8.
They
were
repenting
of
their
National
sin
,
in
complying
(
by
their
sinful
silence
,
&
not
giving
open
,
faithful
,
and
faire
testimony
,
when
the
Truth
of
God
was
openly
and
violently
trode
under
foot
)
with
that
dreadful
course
of
backslideing
,
which
was
violently
carryed
on
.
They
were
calling
for
justice
,
and
valiently
pleading
for
truth
,
sinfully
and
tyrannically
borne
downe
and
oppressed
.
They
were
with
zeal
and
courage
valiently
interposeing
,
&
labouring
to
put
a
stop
to
the
begun
and
far-carryed-on
defection
,
when
truth
was
failing
,
and
he
who
depairted
from
evil
made
himself
a
prey
,
that
God
might
pardon
,
and
look
in
mercy
on
the
land
.
They
were
endeavouring
to
stand
in
the
gape
and
make
up
the
hedge
;
and
pleading
with
their
Mother
Church
,
or
a
malignant
faction
in
her
,
shamefully
departing
from
God
,
when
there
was
no
other
way
or
meane
to
be
followed
,
or
essaved
.
When
all
these
things
are
duely
considered
and
laid
together
,
It
will
appeare
to
impartial
and
unbyassed
persones
,
That
the
late
act
which
is
so
much
condemned
and
cryed
our
against
,
is
not
so
hainous
and
unpardonable
a
crime
,
as
this
Surveyer
and
his
wicked
party
vvould
give
it
out
to
be
:
but
vvas
a
noble
and
laudable
interprize
,
for
the
glory
of
God
,
the
good
of
Religion
,
Church
and
Kingdome
;
beside
that
it
vvas
a
most
necessary
and
unavoydable
act
of
self
defence
.
Since
the
Scriptures
formerly
cited
vvill
allovv
more
unto
private
persons
,
then
vvhat
this
Surveyer
restricketh
them
unto
,
(
as
vve
have
shevved
)
in
a
time
of
defection
:
Then
vvhen
there
vvas
no
other
vvay
left
to
do
these
dutyes
there
required
,
and
vvhen
vvith
all
several
other
things
did
call
aloud
to
a
mutual
conjunction
in
armes
for
defence
of
one
another
,
and
repelling
of
unjust
violence
,
and
prosecuteing
the
holy
and
necessary
ends
of
the
Covenants
vvhich
they
svvore
,
no
man
in
reason
can
suppose
that
such
a
vvork
is
repugnant
to
Scripture
or
right
reason
,
but
rather
most
consonant
to
both
.
And
though
many
do
and
will
condemne
the
same
,
even
as
to
this
interprize
of
Reformation
,
upon
what
grounds
and
motives
themselves
best
know
,
yet
Our
worthy
and
Noble
Reformer
famous
Mr
Knox
if
he
were
living
this
day
,
would
be
far
from
speaking
after
the
language
of
such
.
For
he
in
his
appellation
Pag.
22.
&c.
hath
these
words
[
The
second
is
,
that
the
punishing
of
such
crimes
,
as
are
idolatry
blasphemy
,
&
others
that
touch
the
Majesty
of
God
,
doth
not
Appertaine
to
the
Kings
and
chief
rulers
only
;
but
also
to
the
whole
body
of
the
People
,
and
to
every
member
of
the
same
,
according
to
the
vocation
of
every
man
,
and
according
to
that
possibility
and
occasion
which
God
doth
minister
,
to
revenge
the
injury
done
against
his
glory
,
when
that
impiety
is
manifestly
knowne
:
And
that
doth
Moses
plainly
speak
Deut.
13
:
v.
12
,
13
,
14
,
15
,
16.
in
these
words
,
if
in
any
of
the
cities
&c.
—
plaine
it
is
that
Moses
speaketh
not
,
nor
giveth
charge
to
Kings
,
Rulers
,
and
judges
only
;
but
he
commandeth
the
whole
body
of
the
People
,
yea
and
every
member
of
the
same
,
according
to
their
possibility
:
And
who
dar
be
so
impudent
,
as
to
deny
this
to
be
most
reasonable
and
just
;
for
,
seing
that
God
had
delivered
,
the
whole
body
from
bondage
;
and
to
the
whole
multitude
had
given
his
law
;
and
to
the
twelve
Tribes
had
he
so
distributed
the
inheritance
of
the
land
of
Canaan
!
that
no
family
could
complaine
that
it
was
neglected
;
was
not
the
People
and
every
member
addebted
,
to
acknowledge
,
and
confesse
the
benefites
of
God
?
Yea
,
had
it
not
been
the
part
of
every
man
,
to
have
studyed
to
have
keeped
the
possession
which
he
had
received
?
Which
thing
God
did
plainly
pronounce
they
should
not
do
,
except
that
in
their
hearts
they
did
sanctify
the
Lord
God
;
that
they
embraced
,
and
inviolably
keeped
his
Religion
established
;
and
finally
except
,
they
did
put
away
iniquity
from
amongst
them
,
declareing
themselves
earnest
Enemies
to
these
abhominations
,
which
God
declared
himself
so
vehemently
to
hate
,
that
first
he
commanded
the
whole
inhabitants
of
that
Countrey
to
be
destroyed
,
and
all
monuments
of
their
idolatry
to
be
broken
downe
.
—
But
in
such
cases
Gods
will
is
,
that
all
creatures
stoup
,
cover
their
faces
,
and
desist
from
reasoning
,
when
commandement
is
given
to
execute
his
judgement
.
Albeit
I
could
adduce
diverse
causes
of
such
severity
;
yet
will
I
search
none
other
then
the
holy
ghost
hath
assigned
;
first
,
that
all
Israel
hearing
of
the
judgement
,
should
feare
to
commit
the
like
abhomination
;
and
secondly
,
That
the
Lord
might
turne
from
the
fury
of
his
anger
,
might
be
moved
towards
the
People
with
inward
affection
,
be
mercyful
unto
them
,
&
multiply
them
,
according
to
his
oath
made
unto
their
Fathers
:
Which
reasons
as
they
are
sufficient
in
God's
children
to
correct
the
murmuring
of
grudging
flesh
;
so
ought
they
to
provoke
every
man
,
as
before
I
have
said
,
to
declare
himself
an
enemy
to
that
which
so
highly
provoketh
the
wrath
of
God
against
the
whole
People
:
For
where
Moses
sayeth
Let
the
city
be
burned
,
&c.
he
plainly
doth
signify
that
by
the
defection
and
idolatry
of
a
few
,
Gods
wrath
is
kindled
against
the
whole
,
which
is
never
quenched
till
such
punishment
be
taken
upon
the
offenders
,
that
whatsoever
served
them
in
their
idolatry
be
brought
to
destruction
,
because
that
it
is
execrable
and
cursed
before
God
;
and
therefore
he
will
not
that
it
be
reserved
to
any
use
of
his
People
.
I
am
not
ignorant
That
this
law
was
not
put
into
execution
,
as
God
commanded
;
but
what
did
thereof
ensue
and
follow
?
Histories
declare
,
viz.
plague
after
plague
till
Israel
and
Iudah
were
led
into
captivity
,
as
the
Books
of
the
Kings
do
witnesse
.
The
consideration
whereof
maketh
me
more
bold
,
To
affirme
that
it
is
the
duty
of
every
man
,
who
desireth
to
escape
the
plague
and
punishment
of
God
,
to
declare
himself
Enemy
to
idolatry
,
not
only
in
heart
hateing
the
same
,
but
also
in
external
gesture
declareing
,
that
he
lamenteth
,
if
he
can
do
no
more
,
for
such
abhominations
—
of
these
premises
,
I
suppose
,
it
be
evident
.
That
the
punishment
of
idolatry
,
doth
not
appertaine
to
Kings
only
,
but
also
to
the
whole
People
,
yea
to
every
member
of
the
same
,
according
to
his
possibility
:
For
,
that
is
a
thing
most
assured
that
no
man
can
mourne
lament
and
bewail
for
these
things
,
which
he
will
not
remove
to
the
uttermost
of
his
power
.
]
And
a
little
thereafter●
And
therefore
I
feare
not
to
affirme
that
the
Gentiles
(
I
meane
every
City
,
Realme
,
Province
or
Nation
,
amongst
the
Gentiles
,
imbraceing
Christ
Jesus
and
his
true
Religion
)
be
bound
to
the
same
league
and
Covenant
,
that
God
made
with
his
People
Israel
when
he
promised
to
root
out
the
Nations
before
them
,
in
these
words
Exod.
34
:
12
,
13
,
14.
—
to
this
same
law
and
Covenant
are
the
Gentiles
no
lesse
bound
,
then
some
time
were
the
jewes
,
vvhensoever
God
doth
illuminate
the
eyes
of
any
multitude
,
Province
,
People
,
or
City
,
and
puteth
the
sword
in
their
ovvn
hand
,
to
remove
such
enormities
from
amongst
them
,
as
before
they
knevv
to
be
abhominable
.
Then
,
I
say
,
are
they
no
lesse
bound
,
to
purge
their
Dominions
,
Cities
,
and
Countreyes
,
from
idolatry
,
then
vvere
the
Israelites
,
vvhat
time
they
received
the
possession
of
the
Land
of
Canaan
.
And
moreover
,
I
say
if
any
goe
about
to
erect
and
set
up
idolatry
,
or
to
teach
defection
from
God
,
after
that
the
verity
hath
been
received
and
approved
,
that
then
not
only
the
Magistrates
,
to
vvhom
the
svvord
is
committed
,
but
also
the
People
,
are
bound
,
by
that
oath
,
vvhich
they
have
made
to
God
,
to
revenge
to
the
utmost
of
their
povver
,
the
injury
done
against
his
Majesty
.
]
So
in
his
admonition
to
the
Commonalty
of
Scotland
Pag.
36.
[
Neither
would
I
that
you
should
esteem
the
reformation
and
care
of
Religion
lesse
to
appertaine
to
you
.
because
yee
are
not
Kings
,
Judges
,
Nobles
,
nor
in
authority
.
Beloved
brethren
,
you
are
God's
Creatures
created
and
formed
to
his
owne
image
and
similitude
,
for
whose
redemption
,
was
shed
the
most
precious
blood
of
the
only
beloved
sone
of
God
,
to
whom
he
hath
commanded
his
gospel
and
glade
tidings
to
be
preached
,
and
for
whom
he
hath
prepared
the
heavenly
inheritance
;
so
that
yee
will
not
obstinately
refuse
,
and
disdainfully
contemne
the
meanes
,
which
he
hath
appoynted
to
obtaine
the
same
—
for
albeit
God
hath
put
and
ordained
distinction
betwixt
King
and
Subjects
;
yet
in
the
hope
of
the
life
to
come
,
he
hath
made
all
equal
—
and
therefore
I
say
,
that
it
doth
no
lesse
appertaine
to
you
,
to
be
assured
that
your
faith
and
Religion
be
grounded
and
established
upon
the
true
and
undoubted
word
of
God
,
then
to
your
Princes
or
Rulers
;
for
,
as
your
bodyes
cannot
escape
corporal
death
,
if
with
your
Princes
,
you
eate
or
drink
deadly
poison
(
although
it
be
by
ignorance
or
negligence
)
so
shall
ye
not
escape
the
everlasting
,
if
with
them
yee
professe
a
corrupt
Religion
—
and
this
is
the
cause
that
so
oft
I
repeate
,
and
so
constantly
I
affirme
,
that
to
you
it
doth
no
lesse
appertaine
,
then
to
your
King
or
Princes
to
provide
that
Christ
Iesus
be
truely
preached
among
you
,
seing
without
his
true
knowledge
,
you
cannot
attaine
to
salvation
.
]
More
to
this
purpose
may
be
read
there
.
CAP.
X.
Arguments
taken
from
the
hazard
of
becoming
guilty
of
the
sin
of
others
,
and
of
partaking
of
their
Judgments
.
And
from
the
duty
of
relieving
the
oppressed
,
&c.
IT
is
not
necessary
for
our
purpose
to
dip
much
into
that
question
concerning
Gods
imputing
of
the
sin
of
one
unto
others
;
and
therefore
we
shal
shortly
hint
at
some
few
particulars
from
Scripture
,
and
after
we
have
considered
what
this
Surveyer
sayeth
,
we
shall
apply
them
to
our
purpose
.
That
God
doth
punish
some
,
and
that
most
justly
,
for
the
sinnes
of
others
,
the
Scripture
doth
abundantly
verifie
:
Not
to
insist
on
the
instances
of
his
punishing
of
whole
families
,
for
the
sinnes
of
the
Head
of
the
family
:
as
the
family
of
Pharaoh
,
Gen.
12
:
v.
17.
of
Abimelech
,
Gen.
20
:
v.
17
,
18.
of
Corah
and
his
companions
,
Num.
16
:
v.
27
,
32
,
33.
of
Achan
,
Ios.
7
:
v.
24
,
25.
of
Ieroboam
,
1
King
.
14
:
v.
10
,
11.
&
Cap.
15
:
29.
of
Ahab
,
1
King
.
21
:
v.
21
,
22
,
24.
2
King
.
9
:
v.
8.
of
Baasha
,
1
King
.
16
:
3
,
4.
of
Iehoram
,
2
Chron.
21
:
14.
Nor
on
the
instances
of
his
punishing
of
Servants
for
the
sinnes
of
their
Masters
,
or
the
Children
and
Posterity
for
the
sinnes
of
their
Parents
,
as
in
the
2
Command
,
where
he
threatneth
to
visite
the
iniquities
of
the
Fathers
upon
the
Children
,
unto
the
3
and
4
generation
.
So
also
Levit.
26
:
ver.
38
,
39.
Deut.
28
:
v.
18
,
32
,
45
,
46.
So
the
Children
of
such
as
were
drowned
in
the
flood
,
Gen.
6
,
&
7.
The
posterity
of
Canaan
,
Gen.
9
:
v.
24
,
25
,
26
,
27.
The
children
of
the
Egyptians
,
Exod.
11
:
v.
5
,
6.
of
the
Israelites
,
Num.
14
:
v.
33.
Psal.
106
:
v.
27.
of
Dathan
and
Abiram
,
Num.
16.
of
the
Canaanites
,
Deut.
3
,
&
Cap.
20.
of
the
Amalekites
,
1
Sam.
15.
of
Saul
,
1
Sam.
21.
of
Cehazie
,
2
King
.
5
:
ver.
27.
of
the
Babilonians
,
Esai
.
14
:
ver.
21
,
22.
of
Semaia
,
Ier.
24.
v.
32.
Hence
true
penitents
acknowledge
&
are
humbled
for
not
only
their
owne
sinnes
,
but
the
sinnes
of
their
Fathers
,
Ezra
9.
Dan.
9.
Job
sayes
Cap.
21
:
v.
19.
God
layeth
up
his
iniquity
(
or
the
punishment
of
his
iniquity
,
as
it
is
in
the
margine
)
for
his
children
.
But
to
passe
these
we
finde
moreover
.
1.
That
People
have
been
punished
for
the
sinnes
of
their
Pastors
,
or
in
hazard
to
be
punished
therefore
.
When
Nadab
and
Abihu
had
provoked
the
Lord
with
their
strange
fire
,
Moses
spoke
unto
Aaron
and
to
his
other
two
Sones
,
and
sayd
,
Levit.
10
:
v.
6.
Vncover
not
your
heads
,
neither
rend
your
cloathes
,
lest
you
die
,
(
N.
B.
)
and
left
wrath
come
upon
all
the
People
.
So
that
their
sin
would
not
only
have
brought
wrath
upon
themselves
,
but
also
upon
all
the
People
.
So
the
wickednesse
of
Hophny
and
Phinehas
was
part
of
the
cause
of
that
sad
discomfiture
,
that
the
People
of
Israel
did
meet
with
,
1
Sam.
2
:
ver.
12.
comp:
with
Cap.
3
:
ver.
11.
and
with
Cap.
4
:
ver.
10
,
11.
So
Esai
.
43
:
ver.
27
,
28.
because
the
Teachers
had
transgressed
against
the
Lord.
Therefore
was
Iacob
given
to
the
curse
and
Israel
to
reproaches
.
So
Lam.
4
:
v.
13.
among
other
provocations
,
the
sinnes
of
her
Prophets
are
mentioned
,
and
the
iniquities
of
her
Priests
.
So
Micah
.
3
:
v.
11
,
12.
Because
the
Heads
did
judge
for
reward
,
and
the
Priests
did
teach
for
hire
,
and
the
Prophets
did
divine
for
money
,
Therefore
Zion
was
to
be
plowed
as
a
field
and
Ierusalem
to
become
heaps
,
and
the
mountaine
of
the
house
,
as
the
high
places
of
the
forest
.
2.
That
the
sinnes
of
a
few
have
procured
judgments
unto
the
whole
multitude
,
or
put
them
in
hazard
thereof
.
So
Deut.
13
:
v.
12
,
17.
the
Apostate
city
would
kindle
the
fiercenesse
of
God's
anger
against
the
whole
People
:
For
it
is
said
,
The
Lord
would
not
turne
from
the
fiercenesse
of
his
anger
,
and
shew
them
mercy
and
compassion
,
and
multiply
them
,
until
it
were
destroyed
,
and
all
that
was
within
it
.
So
Num.
25.
for
the
sinne
of
these
who
joyned
with
Baal
peor
the
anger
of
the
Lord
was
kindled
against
the
whole
congregation
.
So
when
Moses
was
speaking
unto
the
two
Tribes
and
halfe
,
Num.
32
:
14
,
15.
he
sayeth
,
And
behold
yee
are
risen
up
in
your
Fathers
stead
—
to
augment
yet
the
fierce
anger
of
the
Lord
toward
Israel
,
for
if
yee
turne
away
from
after
him
,
he
will
yet
againe
leave
them
in
the
wildernesse
,
and
yee
shall
destroy
all
this
People
.
So
Ios.
7
:
ver.
5.
for
one
Ahan's
sin
,
all
Israel
was
troubled
,
and
Ios.
22
:
v.
17.
18.
say
the
commissioners
of
the
whole
congregation
,
unto
the
two
Tribes
and
half
,
And
it
will
be
▪
seing
,
ye-rebel
to
day
against
the
Lord
,
that
to
morrow
,
he
will
be
wroth
,
with
the
whole
congregation
of
Israel
.
And
it
was
this
which
moved
all
the
Tribes
to
goe
against
Benjamin
,
Iudg.
20
3.
That
the
Subjects
have
suffered
sad
and
dreadful
judgments
for
the
sinnes
of
their
Rulers
:
As
Micah
3
:
9
,
10
,
11
,
12.
formerly
cited
:
Abimelech's
sin
,
Gen.
20.
was
like
to
hazard
himself
,
and
all
his
Kingdome
,
ver.
7
,
9.
For
Pharaoh's
refusing
to
let
Israel
goe
,
not
only
he
and
his
Princes
,
but
his
Subjects
through
all
his
coasts
,
did
smarte
,
Exod.
6
,
and
7
:
&
8
,
and
9.
and
10
Cap.
Neh.
9
:
v.
10.
So
Saul's
sin
in
seeking
to
destroy
the
Gibeonites
,
brought
on
three
yeers
famine
on
the
land
in
the
dayes
of
David
,
2
Sam.
21
:
v.
1.
So
David's
sin
of
numbering
the
people
cost
the
lives
of
three
score
and
Ten
thousand
,
2
Sam.
24
:
v.
1
,
2
,
15.
1
Chron.
21
:
1
,
2
,
14.
So
the
Lord
threatned
by
the
Prophet
,
1
King
,
14
:
ver.
16.
that
for
the
sins
of
Ieroboam
,
who
did
sin
,
and
who
made
Israel
to
sin
,
he
would
give
up
Israel
,
And
for
Ahab's
sin
of
letting
Benhadad
goe
,
the
Man
of
God
told
Ahab
,
1
King
.
20
:
ver.
42.
Because
thou
hast
let
goe
out
of
thy
hand
a
man
whom
I
appoynted
to
utter
destruction
,
therefore
thy
life
shall
goe
for
his
life
,
and
thy
People
for
his
People
.
So
for
Manasseh's
sin
,
Ier.
15
:
ver.
4.
The
Lord
sayes
I
will
cause
them
to
be
removed
into
all
King
domes
of
the
Earth
,
because
of
Manasseh
the
son
of
Hezekiah
King
of
Iudah
for
that
which
he
did
in
Ierusaelem
.
So
it
is
also
spoken
,
2
King
.
21
:
ver.
11
,
12
,
13.
Because
Manasseh
King
of
Iudah
hath
done
these
abhominations
—
therefore
thus
sayeth
the
Lord
God
of
Israel
,
behold
I
am
bringing
such
evil
upon
Ierusalem
and
Iudah
that
whosoever
heareth
of
it
,
both
his
eares
shall
tingle
,
&c.
And
notwithstanding
of
the
reformation
that
was
in
the
dayes
of
Iosiah
.
Yet
this
judgement
came
to
be
accomplished
,
and
the
Lord
sent
the
bands
of
the
Caldees
and
of
the
Syrians
:
surely
,
(
so
it
is
said
,
2
King
.
24
:
v.
3
,
4.
)
at
the
commandement
of
the
Lord
came
this
upon
Iudah
to
remove
them
out
of
his
sight
,
for
the
sinnes
of
Manasseh
,
according
to
all
that
he
did
,
and
also
for
the
innocent
blood
that
he
shed
,
which
the
Lord
would
not
pardon
.
And
2
King
.
23
,
26.
Though
there
was
a
great
work
of
reformation
done
in
the
dayes
of
that
non-such
King
(
v.
25
,
)
Iosiah
,
yet
it
is
sayd
notwithstanding
the
Lord
turned
not
from
the
fiercenesse
of
his
great
wrath
,
wherewith
his
anger
was
kindled
against
Iudah
,
because
of
all
the
provocations
that
Manasseh
had
provoked
him
with
all
.
Yea
,
so
did
this
sin
of
Manasseh
provoke
the
Lord
against
the
land
,
that
how
be
it
Manasseh
himself
repented
,
and
found
mercy
,
2
Chron.
33
:
v.
12.
and
questionlesse
many
of
the
People
turned
with
him
,
yet
these
same
sinnes
of
Manasseh
are
mainly
taken
notice
of
as
the
procureing
cause
of
that
final
stroke
.
Out
of
these
particulars
,
these
few
things
are
very
obvious
to
any
.
1.
That
People
combined
into
a
society
have
great
cause
,
not
only
to
look
to
their
owne
carriage
,
but
also
unto
the
carriage
of
others
;
Since
the
carriage
of
others
will
bring
them
in
hazard
of
God's
judgments
,
and
hasten
downe
vengeance
&
wrath
from
God
on
all
,
sure
they
have
need
to
look
about
them
.
2.
Especially
,
they
have
reason
to
take
notice
of
the
publick
carriage
and
deportment
of
Princes
and
Pastors
:
seing
in
a
special
manner
those
highten
the
wrath
&
hasten
the
judgments
of
God
,
as
hath
been
shewed
.
3.
If
these
sinnes
in
Princes
,
Pastors
and
others
were
not
committed
,
those
plagues
and
judgments
which
are
threatned
,
and
at
length
executed
upon
that
account
,
would
have
been
prevented
.
4.
If
People
,
considering
their
hazard
by
reason
of
these
publick
transgressions
,
had
actively
bestirred
themselves
,
&
interposed
,
as
that
these
iniquities
had
not
been
committed
,
they
had
not
smarted
so
for
as
they
did
,
not
had
they
felt
the
weight
of
the
hand
of
Gods
anger
,
as
they
were
made
to
do
.
5.
It
was
not
enough
for
them
,
to
have
keeped
themselves
free
of
these
actual
transgressions
,
whereof
others
were
really
guilty
:
for
we
finde
some
punished
,
for
that
iniquity
of
others
,
which
could
not
be
laid
to
their
charge
,
as
actors
.
6.
How
ever
such
as
were
so
punished
,
were
not
free
of
inherent
transgressions
,
and
other
sinnes
,
which
deserved
judgment
at
the
hands
of
the
Lord
;
yet
when
the
Spirit
of
the
Lord
is
pleased
to
make
no
mention
of
these
,
as
the
Procureing
cause
of
these
plagues
,
but
seemeth
to
lay
the
whole
or
maine
stresse
of
the
businesse
,
upon
that
sin
committed
by
others
,
we
must
thinke
that
that
hath
had
no
small
influence
,
but
rather
a
mine
causality
in
the
procureing
of
these
plagues
,
and
it
becometh
us
to
be
sober
in
inquireing
after
other
causes
hid
from
us
,
and
rest
satisfied
with
what
the
Spirit
of
the
Lord
is
pleased
particularly
and
evidently
to
poynt
forth
unto
us
,
and
pitch
upon
,
as
the
peccant
and
procureing
cause
7.
Though
we
could
not
satisfy
wrangling
wits
,
touching
the
equity
of
this
,
(
which
yet
the
common
and
ordinary
practice
of
men
,
forfaulting
a
whole
posterity
,
for
one
mans
transgression
,
will
not
suffer
us
to
account
insolent
)
yet
we
ought
to
rest
satisfyed
with
what
is
clearly
and
undenyably
held
forth
in
the
word
,
and
beleeve
that
for
these
causes
,
such
and
such
plagues
were
inflicted
upon
distinct
and
different
persones
,
because
the
spirit
of
truth
sayeth
so
.
8.
As
all
Scripture
was
given
by
the
inspiration
of
God
,
and
is
profitable
for
doctrine
,
for
reproof
,
for
correction
,
for
instruction
in
righteousnesse
,
that
the
Man
of
God
,
may
be
perfect
,
thorowly
furnished
,
unto
all
good
works
,
2
Tim
,
3
:
v.
16
,
17.
So
these
particular
passages
,
so
particularly
described
are
written
for
our
learning
,
Rom.
15
:
ver.
4.
and
are
out
examples
,
that
we
should
not
do
as
they
did
,
1
Cor.
10
:
v.
6.
and
are
written
for
our
admonition
,
1
Cor.
10
:
ver.
11.
And
therefore
we
must
not
look
slightly
upon
them
,
but
ponder
then
narrowly
,
as
so
many
documents
given
us
for
our
use
and
instruction
,
and
particularly
,
that
we
may
take
warning
to
prevent
such
evils
.
Now
let
us
hear
what
the
Surveyer
sayeth
Pag.
51.
He
layes
downe
two
assertions
[
1.
That
no
man
is
involved
in
divine
judgments
and
punishments
,
for
the
sinnes
of
others
,
(
as
the
deserving
cause
of
his
punishment
)
if
he
be
no
way
accessory
to
these
sinnes
of
others
2.
That
no
private
Subject
is
accessory
to
the
sins
of
Rulers
,
nor
involved
in
the
punishments
of
the
same
,
meerly
upon
the
accouut
of
his
tolerating
the
sinnes
,
or
not
violent
resisting
the
Magistrate
in
his
sinful
courses
.
]
Answ.
Not
to
enlairge
on
these
now
,
because
of
what
he
is
to
say
in
explication
of
these
,
&
we
are
then
to
speak
,
I
would
only
at
present
enquire
.
1.
What
accession
had
the
army
of
Israel
which
was
defate
by
the
Men
of
Ai
(
a
stroke
,
which
made
Iosua
rent
his
cloaths
,
and
fall
upon
his
face
to
the
Earth
,
until
the
even
tyde
,
he
and
the
elders
of
Israel
,
and
put
dust
upon
their
heads
)
unto
the
sin
of
Achan
?
And
why
doth
the
Spirit
of
the
Lord
say
,
Ios.
7
:
v.
1.
That
the
Children
of
Israel
had
committed
a
trespasse
in
the
accursedthing
.
And
againe
ver.
10
,
11
,
12.
[
And
the
Lord
said
unto
Iosua
,
Get
thee
up
,
wherefore
lyest
thou
thus
upon
thy
face
?
Israel
hath
sinned
,
and
they
have
also
transgressed
my
Covenant-for
they
have
taken
of
the
accursed
thing-and
they
have
put
it
even
amongst
their
owne
stuff
.
Therefore
the
Children
of
Israel
could
not
stand
because
they
were
accursed
,
neither
will
I
be
with
you
any
more
,
except
yee
destroy
the
accursed
from
amongst
you
.
]
Though
we
can
learne
of
no
accession
which
they
had
,
unto
this
particular
fact
,
yet
we
see
the
whole
body
is
punished
as
guilty
,
and
must
be
legally
purified
,
and
sanctified
,
and
purged
from
that
contagion
.
2.
What
accession
had
all
these
who
suffered
in
these
three
yeers
famine
,
which
was
in
David's
dayes
,
unto
that
bloody
act
of
Saul
and
his
house
,
which
was
committed
many
yeers
before
thousands
of
these
who
suffered
therefore
knew
the
right
hand
from
the
left
,
or
were
borne
possibly
?
3.
What
accession
had
the
children
unborne
to
the
third
and
fourth
generation
,
unto
the
sinnes
of
their
forefathers
?
and
yet
the
holy
Lord
thinks
good
to
visite
their
iniquities
on
them
.
4.
What
accession
had
the
People
unto
David's
sin
of
numbering
,
the
people
doth
not
David
himself
say
,
2.
Sam
,
24
:
ver.
17.
But
these
sheep
,
what
have
they
done
?
But
let
us
heare
how
he
explaineth
this
,
[
A
certane
thing
it
is
(
sayes
he
)
that
God
doth
not
properly
punish
any
man
but
in
reference
to
his
owne
personal
sins
(
as
the
deserving
cause
of
the
punishment
)
albeit
he
may
and
often
taketh
occasion
,
in
his
wise
providence
,
to
punish
men
for
their
owne
sinnes
,
from
the
sinnes
of
others
,
(
and
in
that
only
sense
,
they
may
be
said
to
be
punished
for
the
sins
of
others
.
)
But
every
soul
suffers
for
his
owne
sin
.
Divine
justice
finding
causes
of
punishment
,
in
every
one
that
is
punished
,
either
their
personal
accession
to
the
sinnes
of
others
(
which
is
their
owne
sin
)
or
else
some
other
sinnes
,
for
which
he
may
in
justice
inflict
the
punishment
upon
them
,
albeit
the
impulsive
cause
,
or
occasion
rather
,
for
punishing
in
such
a
manner
and
time
&c
,
be
from
the
sinnes
of
others
.
]
Ans.
1.
Though
vve
desire
to
be
vvise
unto
sobriety
in
this
matter
,
and
not
to
meddle
vvith
matters
beyond
our
reach
,
yet
vve
think
it
saifer
to
speak
in
the
language
of
the
Holy
Ghost
,
then
in
the
vvords
of
this
Surveyer
,
vvho
giveth
us
no
Scripture
for
vvhat
he
sayes
.
The
expressions
of
Scripture
hold
forth
some
thing
more
then
a
meer
occasion
:
It
semeth
strange
to
say
that
Ahan's
sin
should
have
been
only
an
occasion
of
that
discomfiture
:
when
the
Spirit
of
the
Lord
sayes
,
that
Israel
had
sinned
,
and
therefore
could
not
stand
before
their
Enemies
,
because
they
were
accursed
,
and
that
till
this
accursed
were
taken
from
amongst
them
he
would
not
be
with
them
any
more
.
2.
He
vvould
do
vvell
to
explaine
to
us
,
vvhat
he
meaneth
by
a
proper
punishment
,
and
vvhat
is
the
opposite
tearme
thereunto
?
3.
We
grant
divine
justice
findeth
deserving
causes
of
punishment
in
all
,
in
whom
is
original
sin
,
but
vve
suppose
that
vvhen
that
is
not
mentioned
as
the
procureing
cause
of
such
a
stroke
,
but
the
sin
committed
by
another
,
vve
ought
to
look
on
that
mainly
,
as
having
a
procureing
causality
in
that
affliction
.
4.
How
ever
,
we
see
he
granteth
one
may
be
punished
for
the
sin
of
another
(
or
upon
occasion
of
the
sin
of
another
,
as
he
loveth
to
speak
.
)
to
which
he
hath
no
personal
accession
.
5.
If
these
sinnes
of
others
,
were
only
the
occasion
of
punishing
in
such
a
manner
or
time
,
how
cometh
it
that
the
very
punishment
it self
is
removed
,
upon
the
taking
away
of
that
sin
,
according
to
God's
appoyntment
,
and
God
is
pacified
toward
the
whole
,
as
he
was
vvith
Israel
vvhen
Ahan
vvas
killed
,
and
Seven
of
Saul's
sones
hanged
up
?
6.
But
whether
vve
take
these
sinnes
of
others
,
as
impulsive
causes
,
or
occasions
of
such
punishments
.
This
is
cleare
.
That
,
if
these
sinnes
had
been
prevented
,
these
punishments
had
been
prevented
also
:
so
that
if
Saul
had
not
gotten
liberty
to
have
staine
the
Gibeonites
,
in
his
bloody
rage
,
contrare
to
oath
and
Covenant
,
these
three
yeers
famine
had
not
come
:
And
if
David
had
been
hindered
from
numbering
of
the
people
,
and
had
not
gotten
his
vvill
,
these
Seventy
thousand
had
not
died
then
as
they
did
:
And
seing
no
other
cause
or
occasion
is
rendered
of
this
,
it
vvould
clearly
warne
all
in
a
Community
and
Society
,
to
labour
,
by
all
meanes
,
according
to
their
power
and
places
,
to
hinder
the
Committing
(
or
removing
when
committed
)
of
these
sinnes
,
which
bring
heavy
plagues
on
the
Community
.
The
Dutch.
Aunot
.
on
2
Sam.
21
:
1.
say
that
so
for
this
offence
,
all
the
land
was
punished
because
at
least
(
as
it
oft
hapneth
)
the
people
had
not
hindered
it
.
Then
Pag.
52.
he
cometh
to
explaine
his
other
assertion
(
It
is
no
lesse
certane
(
sayes
he
)
to
us
that
if
the
Magistrate
do
not
connive
at
the
sinnes
of
Subjects
,
nor
neglect
to
curb
and
punish
them
,
the
sins
of
the
people
shall
no
way
be
imputed
to
him
(
he
not
being
thereunto
accessory
in
any
way
)
nor
shall
be
punished
for
their
sinnes
,
which
in
his
place
and
calling
he
is
wrestling
against
]
Answ.
Yet
we
know
,
that
for
the
transgression
of
a
land
,
many
are
the
princes
thereof
Prov.
8.
v.
2.
And
that
for
a
punishment
to
people
,
God
may
even
cut
the
dayes
of
a
good
prince
,
and
though
we
should
grant
,
that
it
were
no
proper
punishment
unto
the
good
Prince
,
yet
materially
and
in
it self
it
is
a
stroke
.
But
he
addeth
.
[
Also
it
is
alike
certane
.
That
private
persons
shall
not
have
the
sinnes
of
Magistrates
,
or
of
the
body
of
the
people
imputed
unto
them
,
nor
be
punished
for
the
same
,
if
so
be
they
honestly
endeavour
to
do
all
things
against
these
sins
,
which
in
their
privat
calling
they
are
bound
to
do
.
]
Answ.
Be
this
granted
,
The
main
question
will
be
if
people
can
be
said
to
have
honestly
endeavoured
to
do
all
things
against
these
sinnes
,
which
in
their
privat
callings
they
are
bound
to
do
,
if
having
power
to
withstand
the
committing
of
these
evills
,
or
to
remove
them
after
they
are
committed
,
yet
they
forbeare
,
and
suffer
these
things
to
be
done
,
and
labour
not
to
remove
them
.
He
addeth
[
If
they
keep
themselves
without
any
degree
of
acting
these
sins
,
or
any
way
of
accession
to
them
.
if
they
mourne
and
sigh
for
evils
that
are
done
;
if
they
be
earnest
in
prayer
▪
that
God
may
convert
others
from
their
evil
way
,
if
they
(
as
they
can
have
opportunity
)
faithfully
admonish
and
study
to
reclaime
those
who
are
out
of
the
way
,
and
do
such
like
Christian
dutyes
.
God
will
never
enter
in
judgment
vvith
them
for
not
doing
violence
to
the
authorityes
that
are
above
them
.
]
Answ
,
If
the
Surveyer
would
do
no
more
then
this
,
he
ought
neither
to
be
accounted
a
good
Christian
,
nor
a
loyal
subject
:
For
,
if
he
saw
the
King
about
to
cut
his
owne
throat
with
a
knife
,
or
about
to
do
as
Saul
did
,
fall
upon
his
owne
sword
,
or
runing
doun
a
precipice
to
break
his
neck
,
would
any
think
he
had
had
done
his
duty
,
and
exonered
his
conscience
;
if
he
should
not
lead
his
hand
unto
that
mischief
,
nor
thrust
him
doune
the
principice
,
but
should
roare
and
cry
God
save
the
King
,
and
admonish
and
study
,
with
faire
words
,
to
reclaime
the
King
from
that
cruel
deed
?
would
any
think
but
he
might
have
done
more
,
even
if
he
had
had
strength
enough
have
holden
his
hands
,
and
keeped
him
back
from
breaking
his
neck
,
and
yet
never
have
been
in
any
hazard
or
sinfully
touching
the
Lord's
anoynted
,
or
doing
violence
to
the
authority
that
God
had
set
over
him
.
2.
And
if
Kings
may
be-resisted
,
and
with
violence
hindered
from
putting
hands
in
themselves
,
or
from
drinking
a
cup
of
poyson
,
or
doing
some
such
deed
,
which
will
or
may
prove
destructive
to
their
life
and
posterity
,
without
doing
violence
to
the
authority
appoynted
of
God
;
vvhy
may
they
not
also
be
hindered
from
doing
that
which
will
ruine
their
souls
,
and
prove
destructive
to
their
Kingdomes
,
and
bring
on
the
curse
and
vengeance
of
God
upon
young
and
old
,
without
doing
any
sinful
violence
unto
the
authority
?
And
as
in
the
former
case
,
a
man
could
not
but
be
guilty
of
the
King's
death
,
who
knew
that
it
was
a
cup
of
poyson
which
he
was
to
drink
,
and
did
not
,
having
power
to
do
it
,
hinder
him
from
drinking
it
:
So
in
this
case
,
they
that
have
power
to
hinder
the
Magistrate
from
drinking
poyson
,
or
doing
what
may
be
deadly
to
thousands
of
his
innocent
subjects
,
and
bring
downe
the
curse
of
God
upon
him
and
his
posterity
,
and
do
it
not
,
cannot
but
be
guilty
of
that
sin
before
God
,
and
so
cannot
expect
to
be
free
of
the
punishment
which
God
will
inflict
because
of
that
sin
,
as
not
having
done
,
even
in
their
private
callings
,
what
they
were
bound
to
do
,
viz.
not
having
used
their
power
for
the
glory
of
God
,
the
good
of
the
Soveraigne
and
his
posterity
,
nor
for
the
good
of
the
Commonwealth
,
which
they
were
bound
to
do
.
He
tells
us
moreover
concerning
that
instance
of
Manasseh
,
Ier.
15
:
v.
4.
[
That
the
people
were
punished
,
because
they
were
shares
of
the
guiltinesse
(
not
by
not
violent
resisting
,
which
they
were
never
exhorted
to
)
but
by
direct
or
indirect
accession
otherwayes
,
Hos.
5
:
ver.
11.
Ier.
5
:
v.
31.
]
Ans.
1.
How
could
young
children
be
accessory
,
either
by
consent
or
any
otherwayes
to
these
courses
of
Manasseh
?
2.
It
were
hard
to
say
that
even
all
who
were
come
to
the
use
of
reason
,
were
guilty
of
accession
unto
these
wickednesses
,
who
yet
were
carryed
away
captive
,
such
as
Daniel
,
Hananiah
,
Mishael
,
and
Azaria
,
and
others
.
3.
That
there
were
many
,
yea
the
far
greatest
part
of
the
People
who
were
guilty
,
of
hainous
sinnes
,
when
the
final
stroke
came
,
cannot
be
denyed
;
but
,
that
they
were
at
that
same
hight
of
wickednesse
,
which
they
were
at
,
in
Manasseh's
dayes
is
doubted
,
4.
We
shalll
grant
with
Calvin
on
the
place
.
That
Manasseh
alone
was
not
in
that
transgression
,
but
had
many
of
the
People
consenting
;
Yet
,
as
Manasseh
himself
was
dead
,
long
ere
the
stroke
came
,
so
were
they
;
and
yet
for
that
sin
of
theirs
,
the
posterity
suffered
:
Yea
even
notwitstanding
that
there
interveened
a
National
repentance
and
mourning
for
that
National
sin
,
and
National
Reformation
of
these
idolatrous
courses
,
in
the
dayes
of
Iosiah
,
5.
Though
it
be
true
that
the
People
after
Iosiah's
dayes
,
returned
to
their
vomite
,
and
had
wickednesse
enough
of
their
owne
,
for
which
God
might
have
punished
them
;
yet
it
is
very
remarkable
,
how
that
sin
of
Manasseh
is
particularly
mentioned
,
as
if
there
had
not
been
another
,
to
procure
that
stroke
:
and
certanely
all
who
read
the
places
cited
before
,
will
easily
observe
that
there
is
something
more
in
them
,
then
an
occasion
taken
to
remember
that
dreadful
time
of
Manasseh
,
when
the
wickednesse
began
,
as
the
Surveyer
sayeth
in
the
following
words
.
6.
It
was
their
sin
,
I
grant
,
that
they
did
consent
;
and
that
sayeth
that
they
should
not
have
consented
,
but
have
refused
obedience
unto
the
King
idolatrous
mandats
,
and
have
hindered
in
their
places
,
an
according
to
their
power
,
the
setting
up
of
these
abhominations
,
and
should
have
adhered
to
the
truth
and
worship
of
God
,
as
it
was
practised
in
the
dayes
of
good
Hezekiah
his
Father
.
7.
He
needs
not
say
,
they
were
not
exhorted
to
this
violent
resisting
;
for
it
was
but
folly
to
speak
of
resistence
,
to
these
,
who
so
willingly
walked
after
the
commandement
,
and
would
not
do
so
much
as
disobey
.
8.
That
place
of
Hoseah
speaking
of
Ephraim's
willingly
walking
after
the
commandment
,
proves
not
what
the
people
of
Iudah's
carriage
was
in
the
dayes
of
Manasseh
;
albeit
we
grant
the
thing
was
too
true
of
the
greatest
part
,
even
of
them
,
then
:
Neither
doth
the
place
,
Ier
,
5
:
v.
31.
speak
of
the
dayes
of
Manasseh
:
for
Ieremiah
was
not
then
a
Prophet
;
for
he
began
to
prophecy
in
the
13
year
of
Iosiah
,
Ier.
1
:
2.
Then
the
cometh
,
Pag.
53.
and
giveth
some
reasons
:
But
first
we
must
take
notice
how
he
wordeth
the
principle
which
he
accounteth
so
dangerous
If
it
be
once
admitted
(
sayes
he
)
that
the
sins
of
Rulers
&
Governours
involve
the
People
in
sin
,
&
make
them
obnoxious
to
judgment
,
(
albeit
they
be
not
accessory
thereto
directly
only
they
toler
at
what
they
cannot
amend
abiding
within
the
bounds
of
their
calling
)
neither
can
the
consciences
of
people
,
nor
the
state
of
the
commonwealth
have
any
true
peace
or
quyetnesse
.
]
Ans.
We
might
grant
him
what
he
desireth
,
&
acknowledge
,
that
this
principle
is
not
sound
:
we
do
not
say
so
,
for
we
shall
grant
that
(
excepting
the
Lord's
Soveraignity
of
doing
as
he
did
in
the
case
of
Ahan
&
such
like
,
)
that
the
People
who
are
come
to
age
must
be
directly
or
indirectly
guilty
of
the
sin
of
Rulers
,
in
which
they
are
involved
.
But
so
they
are
guilty
,
when
they
tolerate
what
they
might
amend
,
abideing
within
the
bounds
of
their
calling
.
But
here
the
difference
betwixt
him
&
us
lyeth
.
That
he
thinketh
it
is
beyond
the
bounds
of
the
calling
of
private
persones
,
to
hinder
Princes
from
committing
such
〈…〉
which
would
ruine
them
&
their
subjects
both
,
which
we
deny
,
and
we
have
not
yet
seen
him
prove
it
:
yea
we
have
shewed
the
contrary
above
.
But
now
we
proceed
to
his
two
reasones
.
[
For
1.
(
sayes
he
)
Once
grant
this
then
what
a
continual
puzle
should
tender
hearted
Christians
be
in
,
anent
the
actions
of
their
Rulers
and
Magistrates
,
and
they
behoved
to
meddle
with
and
examine
all
their
proceedings
—
matters
of
government
not
probably
or
morally
possible
for
them
to
know
.
]
Answ.
We
do
not
,
neither
need
we
extend
that
principle
to
all
the
private
or
personal
sinnes
of
Magistrates
,
or
to
such
acts
which
are
beyond
the
reach
of
the
capacity
of
the
vulgar
,
wherein
their
invincible
ignorance
,
whether
as
to
the
jus
or
factum
,
may
excuse
them
from
any
accession
direct
or
indirect
.
If
he
will
grant
it
to
us
,
in
sinnes
publick
,
hainous
,
and
which
People
can
well
discerne
both
as
to
jus
and
factum
,
we
desire
no
more
:
and
if
it
be
limited
to
these
,
we
will
gaine
our
poynt
(
for
our
case
is
as
clear
as
the
Sun
)
and
tender
consciences
will
be
free
of
all
puzle
or
perplexity
.
What
is
his
2.
[
Would
not
this
(
sayes
he
)
be
a
perpetual
Seminary
of
unavoydable
sedition
of
the
Commonwealth
,
and
of
exposeing
the
Magistrate
to
violence
,
no
lesse
when
he
is
acting
justly
,
then
when
unjustly
.
]
Answ.
Then
this
loyal
Subject
,
if
he
saw
an
house
or
a
great
milstone
falling
upon
the
King's
head
,
he
would
not
pull
him
from
under
it
,
lest
others
under
pretence
of
that
,
should
use
violence
to
the
Magistrate
,
when
he
is
in
no
hazard
.
Or
if
he
saw
the
King
putting
a
cup
of
poison
to
his
head
,
or
a
Knife
to
his
throate
,
he
would
not
hinder
him
,
lest
others
under
that
pretence
should
hinder
him
from
taking
wholsome
food
,
&
so
starve
him
;
or
should
under
pretence
of
saving
the
King
,
put
hands
in
his
Majesty
,
and
stob
him
under
the
fiftrib
.
But
2.
doth
he
not
know
,
that
the
best
things
may
be
abused
,
and
will
any
,
that
is
wise
,
say
,
that
he
pleadeth
for
the
abuse
of
a
thing
,
who
pleadeth
only
for
its
use
?
4.
By
this
same
reason
,
he
might
plead
against
refuseing
to
give
obedience
unto
the
King
in
all
his
most
sinful
commands
;
for
may
not
seditious
and
unquyet
spirits
easily
pretend
that
his
commands
are
unjust
,
and
that
if
they
obey
these
they
are
involved
in
sin
and
judgment
,
and
so
disobey
him
,
even
when
he
commandeth
most
just
and
necessary
things
.
If
he
be
not
for
universal
obedience
,
let
him
answere
this
inconvenience
in
that
case
,
and
we
shall
make
use
of
his
answere
in
this
case
.
In
the
next
place
he
cometh
to
speak
of
these
scriptures
,
which
he
allaigeth
Naphtaly
doth
abuse
.
The
first
is
Ier.
26
:
v.
15.
If
yee
put
me
to
death
shall
surely
bring
innocent
blood
upon
yourselves
,
and
upon
this
city
,
and
upon
the
inhabitants
thereof
,
concerning
which
two
things
(
he
sayes
)
are
to
be
remarked
.
[
1.
That
Jeremiah
is
speaking
to
the
Princes
and
all
the
People
,
warning
them
not
to
meddle
with
his
blood
;
The
Princes
that
they
should
not
unjustly
condemne
him
,
The
People
that
they
should
not
consent
to
,
nor
co-operate
with
an
unjust
sentence
,
as
to
the
execution
thereof
(
as
the
manner
of
execution
was
amongst
that
People
,
stoning
&c.
)
And
2.
He
certifieth
both
that
if
they
consented
and
co-operated
to
his
death
,
they
should
bring
innocent
blood
upon
themselves
,
and
upon
the
City
,
and
inhabitants
thereof
.
He
doth
not
at
all
incite
the
People
to
rise
up
and
rescue
him
by
violence
out
of
the
hands
of
Rulers
,
if
they
should
give
sentence
of
death
against
him
,
(
neither
did
ever
any
of
the
holy
Prophets
instigate
People
to
use
violent
resistance
agàinst
their
perverse
Magistrates
,
nor
did
they
ever
reprove
directly
or
indirectly
that
sin
of
non-violent
resistence
to
Magistrats
,
as
some
excessively
bold
do
averr
)
but
only
warns
Princes
and
People
both
,
that
they
be
not
by
consent
and
concurrence
accessory
to
his
death
]
Answ.
1.
Here
is
enough
for
us
:
For
1.
He
granteth
the
People
were
not
to
consent
to
,
nor
co-operate
with
an
unjust
sentence
;
but
if
they
should
have
refused
to
have
co-operated
,
the
sentence
had
not
been
executed
;
and
so
Ieremiah
had
been
really
rescued
from
the
sentence
,
and
decree
of
the
Magistrates
;
so
that
there
needed
no
other
resistence
to
have
been
used
,
innocent
blood
would
not
have
been
shed
,
and
this
was
sufficient
.
2.
He
needed
not
to
have
incited
them
furder
unto
a
violent
rescueing
of
him
,
for
though
they
should
have
given
sentence
of
death
against
him
,
yet
if
none
would
have
executed
it
,
he
had
been
sufficiently
rescued
.
But
what
needed
more
incitation
,
then
to
tell
that
by
shedding
of
his
blood
they
should
bring
innocent
blood
upon
the
whole
city
,
and
upon
the
inhabitants
thereof
.
3.
It
was
little
wonder
that
the
Prophets
did
not
instigate
People
to
use
violent
resistence
unto
perverse
Magistrates
,
seing
it
was
usually
such
Prince
such
People
,
and
the
People
as
forward
unto
wickednesse
as
the
Princes
,
and
yet
we
finde
the
duty
of
delivering
the
oppressed
urged
upon
People
conjunct
with
their
Rulers
:
Because
both
,
in
their
places
,
should
have
concurred
hereunto
;
which
sayes
,
that
people
,
though
they
were
not
formally
to
execute
Magistratical
power
,
yet
they
were
to
concurre
to
have
Justice
,
executed
,
and
to
have
the
oppressed
delivered
,
out
of
the
hands
of
oppressours
.
And
these
were
judges
as
well
as
others
,
but
more
of
this
afterward
.
4.
This
place
doth
abundantly
cleare
,
That
the
shedding
of
innocent
blood
by
Magistrates
bringeth
judgement
on
the
Subjects
:
for
Ieremiah
sayes
,
that
if
they
should
have
killed
him
,
they
should
have
brought
innocent
blood
not
only
to
themselves
,
who
gave
out
the
sentence
,
and
did
execute
it
;
but
on
the
whole
city
,
and
on
the
inhabitants
thereof
.
To
this
he
hath
many
words
Pag.
55.
but
little
answere
.
The
summe
is
this
(
for
it
were
wearisome
to
transcribe
all
his
needlesse
tautologies
and
repetitions
,
which
if
taken
away
,
his
pamphlet
of
a
120
pages
,
might
be
reduced
to
20
)
[
All
who
were
defiled
behoved
to
be
accessory
either
by
doing
,
or
not
hindering
what
they
were
called
and
capacitated
to
hinder
,
which
was
not
by
violent
resistence
:
nor
doth
the
Prophet
meane
,
that
all
the
absents
should
be
guilty
and
properly
deserve
Gods
wrath
upon
that
account
,
but
only
that
the
actors
,
and
such
as
were
accessory
,
should
be
guilty
,
and
others
should
,
upon
this
occasion
,
fall
under
wrath
,
though
for
other
sinnes
:
and
yet
the
judgment
on
the
People
might
be
a
punishment
to
the
Rulers
,
for
that
same
particular
sin
;
for
God
may
punish
Princes
or
Fathers
,
in
the
punishment
of
Subjects
and
Children
;
and
yet
these
same
Subjects
and
Children
have
no
reason
to
quarrel
with
God
,
or
to
say
as
it
is
,
Exech.
18.
v.
2.
Answ.
We
grant
God
may
and
doth
punish
Princes
and
Parents
,
in
their
Subjects
and
Children
;
and
That
these
same
Subjects
and
Children
so
punished
,
have
no
just
cause
to
say
that
their
Fathers
have
eaten
sowre
grapes
and
that
their
teeth
are
set
on
edge
,
as
if
there
were
no
sin
in
themselves
.
But
that
God
may
not
visite
the
iniquities
of
the
Fathers
upon
the
Children
,
who
have
not
formally
acted
these
evills
,
nor
consented
thereto
,
we
dar
not
peremptorily
assert
,
against
so
many
clear
scriptures
.
2.
Sure
this
place
seemeth
to
hint
something
else
,
then
that
this
sin
of
shedding
Ieremiahs
blood
should
be
an
occasion
of
God's
visiting
the
City
,
for
their
other
sinnes
:
For
he
sayes
you
shall
bring
innocent
blood
upon
this
city
:
so
that
by
this
Murther
,
they
should
have
brought
innocent
blood
as
well
on
the
other
inhabitants
,
as
on
themselves
,
who
were
to
be
actors
:
the
text
maketh
no
difference
.
3.
If
the
People
here
had
done
all
which
in
their
calling
and
station
,
they
were
capacitated
to
have
done
,
for
hindering
of
this
sheding
of
blood
,
they
would
have
hindered
it
effectually
;
and
further
violent
resistence
was
needlesse
.
If
a
wicked
Magistrat
should
condemne
an
innocent
person
,
and
make
this
his
sentence
,
that
he
should
not
have
the
benefite
of
a
lodging
within
the
land
,
The
People
need
do
no
more
to
resist
the
Magistrat's
unjust
sentence
,
but
,
notvvithstanding
thereof
,
receive
the
innocent
into
their
house
,
and
intertaine
him
friendly
.
And
still
vve
say
,
the
People
vvere
to
do
all
that
lay
in
their
povver
,
to
hinder
innocent
blood
to
be
shed
,
that
so
innocent
blood
might
not
be
laid
to
their
charge
:
And
in
so
far
as
they
came
short
in
this
,
they
made
themselves
guilty
be
accession
,
notvvithstanding
of
any
thing
he
hath
said
.
The
next
place
he
speaketh
to
,
is
Deut.
13.
vvhich
vve
have
already
vindicated
,
and
must
observe
this
further
,
That
in
all
his
long
ansvvere
he
speaketh
nothing
to
that
vvhich
novv
vve
are
upon
,
viz.
the
hazard
that
People
in
such
a
case
are
into
,
both
of
sin
,
and
of
judgment
,
if
effectuall
course
be
not
taken
to
suppresse
idolatry
,
and
apostasy
from
God
,
and
to
put
that
crying
evil
avvay
from
amongst
them
:
For
v.
17.
it
is
clearly
held
forth
,
that
till
this
city
and
all
which
was
within
it
,
was
rooted
out
:
the
Lord
would
not
turne
from
the
fiercenesse
of
his
anger
,
nor
shew
them
mercy
,
nor
have
compassion
upon
them
,
nor
multiply
them
,
as
he
swore
unto
their
Fathers
.
So
that
their
not
doing
their
utmost
to
execute
this
sentence
of
God
,
made
them
lyable
to
the
constant
abideing
of
the
fierce
anger
of
God
upon
them
,
and
closed
the
door
of
Mercy
and
compassion
,
so
that
they
could
not
expect
the
blessings
promised
and
Covenanted
.
Then
Pag.
59.
he
cometh
to
speak
to
Ios.
22
:
ver.
17
,
18
,
19.
and
tells
us
That
they
were
not
private
persones
that
transacted
that
businesse
with
the
Children
of
Reuben
:
for
the
body
of
the
People
concurred
with
the
Magistrates
Supreame
and
Subordinate
.
What
makes
all
this
for
the
encroachment
of
meer
private
persons
upon
the
use
of
the
Magistrates
avenging
sword
?
]
Answ.
It
is
true
the
Magistrates
and
major
part
of
the
People
were
here
concurring
;
but
why
doth
he
not
take
notice
of
the
words
cited
by
Naphtaly
(
which
clearly
hold
forth
the
end
of
his
adduceing
that
passage
)
If
yee
rebel
to
day
against
the
Lord
,
to
morrow
he
will
be
worth
with
the
whole
congregation
of
Israel
,
which
do
clearly
hold
forth
,
that
the
defection
of
a
part
(
though
a
minor
part
)
will
bring
wrath
upon
the
whole
Nation
aud
Society
.
And
may
not
any
see
hence
;
That
each
are
to
concurre
in
their
places
and
stations
,
according
to
their
povver
,
to
prevent
this
defection
,
or
to
remove
it
,
even
when
the
major
part
is
infected
with
it
;
yea
even
though
Magistrates
should
be
remisse
,
and
should
rather
encourage
then
discountenance
such
rebellion
against
God
?
Seeing
the
reason
holdeth
à
fortiori
,
for
it
upon
the
defection
of
a
minor
part
,
wrath
will
come
upon
the
whole
,
much
more
will
wrath
come
upon
the
defection
of
a
major
part
,
and
of
the
Magistrates
too
:
And
therefore
if
in
the
former
case
,
private
persons
be
bound
to
concurre
with
Magistrates
,
for
rooting
out
of
that
provoking
sin
of
a
few
,
then
it
cannot
be
unlawful
for
private
persones
,
in
this
later
case
,
to
do
what
they
can
,
to
stirr
up
Magistrates
to
their
duty
,
if
it
be
possible
;
and
to
prevent
their
owne
destruction
from
that
wrath
of
God
,
kindled
against
all
;
and
to
remove
the
provokeing
cause
of
that
anger
:
And
,
as
we
have
said
,
they
may
take
an
effectual
course
for
this
,
without
encroaching
upon
the
use
of
the
Magistrate's
avenging
sword
,
or
exercing
any
formall
Magistratical
power
.
The
next
place
he
speaketh
to
,
is
Iudg.
20.
where
Israel
warreth
against
Benjamin
because
of
a
notorious
crime
acted
there
,
and
countenanced
and
defended
by
that
whole
Tribe
,
to
the
end
that
such
a
crying
abhomination
might
be
purged
out
of
the
land
,
To
which
he
answereth
in
short
(
to
let
passe
his
unchristian
jibes
)
thus
[
Though
this
was
when
there
was
no
King
in
Israel
,
yet
it
is
likely
they
retained
somewhat
of
their
Sanhedrin
appoynted
Deut.
17.
which
in
such
a
horrid
case
might
draw
together
in
an
extraordinary
meeting
:
It
was
the
body
or
the
major
part
of
the
People
,
that
useth
the
sword
against
the
lesser
;
which
maketh
nothing
for
the
minor
parts
using
the
sword
to
punish
Magistrates
&
the
major
part
of
the
People
also
.
]
Answ.
Though
I
should
grant
that
they
retained
yet
something
of
the
Sanhedrin
,
yet
in
all
this
passage
,
there
is
no
mention
made
thereof
;
but
it
is
said
v.
1.
That
all
the
Children
of
Israel
went
out
,
&
the
Congregation
was
gathered
together
as
one
Man
,
to
Mizpeh
;
and
resolved
not
to
returne
to
their
owne
houses
,
ver.
8.
until
these
Children
of
Belial
in
Gibeah
had
been
executed
,
and
evil
was
put
away
from
Israel
,
Cap.
13
:
v.
2.
To
say
that
this
speaks
not
to
our
case
,
is
but
to
wrangle
;
for
sure
if
we
should
suppose
that
Benjamin
had
been
maintaining
their
integrity
,
and
the
true
worshipe
of
God
,
against
the
generality
of
the
People
,
who
had
turned
idolaters
,
and
had
raised
war
against
them
,
because
they
would
not
depart
from
their
profession
;
would
he
have
condemned
the
minor
part
for
standing
to
their
defence
in
this
case
?
Or
if
they
should
have
joyned
together
to
have
hindered
the
defection
of
the
major
part
,
or
removed
the
corruptious
that
were
prevailing
;
would
he
have
condemned
them
?
Sure
this
is
not
improve
Scripture
a
right
,
but
rather
to
elude
it
;
for
there
is
not
the
least
shaddow
,
that
the
stresse
of
the
matter
is
laid
on
this
,
that
they
vvere
the
major
part
.
Finally
he
cometh
to
Achan's
case
,
Jos.
7.
and
tells
us
,
[
That
there
is
nothing
in
it
,
to
justify
private
persones
rising
against
the
Magistrates
,
and
plurality
of
the
people
,
to
avert
the
judgments
of
God
;
for
what
was
done
to
Achan
was
done
by
the
Supreame
Magistrat
Josua
.
]
Answer
.
But
Naphtaly
only
maketh
use
of
this
place
,
to
shew
that
our
reformers
had
great
reason
to
feare
and
tremble
,
lest
the
manifest
toleration
of
proud
,
cruel
,
flattering
Prelats
,
and
idolatrous
Priests
,
whose
wickednesse
and
idolatry
,
had
corrupted
the
whole
land
;
might
involve
the
whole
Nation
in
destroying
indignation
;
since
the
wrath
of
God
for
the
hidden
and
secret
sin
of
one
poor
Achan
suddenly
and
fearfully
overtook
the
whole
People
,
and
all
the
congregation
of
Israel
,
so
that
that
man
perished
not
alone
in
his
iniquity
.
Now
can
any
body
deny
this
consequence
?
But
our
Surveyer
layeth
downe
againe
his
peremptory
assertions
without
further
proof
,
and
we
have
spoken
to
them
already
,
and
need
not
repeat
things
so
oft
as
he
gives
us
occasion
so
to
do
,
otherwise
we
should
follow
this
fool
in
his
folly
,
and
weary
the
reader
as
he
doth
,
in
repeating
almost
whole
pages
verbatim
,
let
any
look
and
he
shall
finde
the
whole
61
page
,
(
except
some
groundlesse
jibes
which
do
not
help
his
cause
)
nothing
almost
but
repetitions
.
We
shall
then
goe
on
,
and
draw
forth
our
arguments
from
what
is
said
,
to
shew
that
the
late
act
ought
rather
to
be
praised
then
condemned
.
For
1.
Thereby
they
were
endeavouring
,
according
to
their
power
and
places
,
(
as
that
exigent
required
)
when
all
doores
were
closed
from
essaying
any
other
meane
,
not
only
to
defend
themselves
against
manifest
and
intolerable
injury
and
oppression
,
but
to
save
themselves
,
their
posterity
,
and
the
whole
land
(
so
far
as
lay
in
their
power
)
from
the
wrath
and
vengeance
of
God
,
and
the
dreadful
plagues
and
judgments
that
were
and
are
to
be
expected
,
for
the
dreadful
and
unparallelable
apostasy
and
defection
of
a
corrupt
ministry
.
Did
God
threaten
that
Zion
should
be
plowed
as
a
field
,
and
Ierusalem
become
as
a
heape
,
That
Iacob
should
be
given
to
the
curse
,
and
Israel
to
reproaches
,
for
the
sinnes
of
a
corrupt
ministry
;
and
when
our
eyes
did
never
see
a
more
corrupt
company
,
who
have
partly
apostatized
from
their
sworne
profession
,
and
partly
are
thrust
in
over
flocks
,
to
the
ruineing
of
their
souls
,
the
corrupting
of
the
truthes
of
God
,
and
to
be
a
standing
occasion
of
dreadful
persecution
unto
them
;
and
when
,
for
this
cause
,
nothing
could
or
can
be
looked
for
,
from
the
hands
of
a
just
and
jealous
God
,
but
wrath
without
remedy
,
and
judgment
after
judgment
,
till
we
become
as
plowed
fields
,
and
as
heaps
:
Can
or
ought
these
to
be
blamed
,
who
standing
to
their
sworne
profession
,
were
labouring
in
the
integrity
of
their
hearts
,
to
purge
the
land
of
these
plagues
and
locusts
,
that
we
might
become
a
holy
and
pure
Church
unto
the
Lord
,
and
that
the
Lord
might
delight
to
dwell
among
us
;
and
for
this
end
,
tooke
their
lives
in
their
hands
,
and
essayed
that
now
sole
remedy
,
seing
there
was
no
other
meane
left
unto
them
,
whereby
to
attaine
this
noble
End
.
2.
When
one
Apostat
city
not
taken
course
with
,
according
to
the
command
of
God
,
would
provoke
God
to
anger
against
the
whole
assembly
of
God's
People
,
so
that
till
it
was
destroyed
,
he
would
not
have
mercy
or
compassion
upon
them
;
was
there
not
much
more
reason
to
feare
,
that
God's
anger
should
burne
against
Scotland
his
covenanted
People
,
and
that
he
should
have
no
more
mercy
on
us
,
since
there
was
such
a
dreadful
defection
in
it
,
whereof
not
only
one
city
,
but
many
cities
were
in
an
eminent
manner
guilty
,
having
so
foulely
departed
from
their
sworne
truth
and
profession
,
and
openly
and
avowedly
revolted
from
God
and
his
wayes
,
and
since
there
was
no
other
way
imaginable
to
prevent
this
heavy
indignation
of
God
?
Shall
any
condemne
these
,
who
our
of
Zeal
to
God's
Glory
,
and
for
the
good
of
the
poor
land
,
whereof
they
were
members
,
took
their
lives
in
their
hands
,
and
did
what
lay
in
their
power
,
to
have
that
corruption
and
apostasy
removed
,
and
God
restored
to
his
honour
,
and
the
land
to
it
s
Covenanted
integrity
?
3.
Since
the
backslideing
and
defection
of
a
few
members
of
a
Society
,
joyned
together
in
a
Covenant
to
God
as
his
People
,
brings
vvrath
upon
the
vvhole
;
if
timeous
remedy
be
not
used
,
as
the
forecited
places
shevv
:
Shall
any
condemne
these
vvho
endeavoured
according
to
their
povver
,
to
prevent
the
destruction
that
vvas
and
is
to
be
feared
,
for
the
defection
not
of
a
fevv
,
not
of
one
poor
Achan
,
but
of
multitudes
,
and
that
of
all
ranks
and
conditions
?
4.
Did
the
people
of
Israel
goe
out
as
one
man
,
to
prevent
apostasy
,
when
they
heard
some
rumore
thereof
in
a
part
of
their
number
;
and
to
take
course
with
,
and
purge
the
land
of
a
crying
evil
that
was
committed
in
one
of
their
cities
:
&
who
shall
condemne
these
who
lately
went
out
with
one
heart
and
spirit
,
to
do
what
in
them
lay
,
to
remove
the
far-carryed-on
defection
,
and
the
dreadful
evil
of
perjury
and
many
other
hainous
crimes
,
that
did
&
yet
do
abound
,
whereof
Many
of
all
rankes
were
guilty
,
even
such
as
should
have
been
,
by
their
publick
places
and
stations
,
eminently
appearing
on
the
head
of
these
worthyes
,
for
the
glory
of
God
,
and
the
good
of
the
whole
Church
and
Kingdome
.
5.
Seing
the
publick
transgressions
of
Kings
and
Princes
,
do
hazard
the
whole
Realme
and
Commonwealth
,
as
the
instances
formerly
adduced
do
cleare
;
How
much
reason
have
People
of
all
rankes
,
qualityes
and
conditions
,
to
be
doing
what
lyeth
in
their
power
,
either
to
prevent
and
hinder
that
these
iniquities
be
not
committed
,
which
prove
destructive
unto
the
Land
,
or
labour
by
all
meanes
to
have
them
done
away
when
committed
,
before
the
fierce
anger
of
the
Lord
break
forth
?
And
since
it
is
not
our
and
undenyable
how
our
Kings
and
Nobles
,
and
other
judges
have
revolted
from
a
sworne
Covenant
,
Truth
and
Profession
,
and
openly
and
avowedly
,
renunced
the
interest
of
Christ
,
and
conspired
against
his
truth
and
cause
;
can
any
blame
these
worthies
who
endeavoured
according
to
their
power
,
to
have
these
crying
abhominations
remedyed
,
that
the
wrath
of
God
should
not
consume
us
root
and
branch
,
and
burne
so
as
it
should
not
be
quenched
?
What
can
be
replyed
to
these
reasons
,
is
sufficiently
answered
already
;
and
I
would
further
propose
this
to
be
seriously
considered
by
all
:
let
us
put
the
case
,
That
King
and
Princes
should
conspire
together
,
to
poyson
all
the
fountains
of
water
in
the
Land
,
and
lay
downe
a
course
,
how
they
should
be
keeped
so
,
and
people
should
be
forced
to
drink
of
these
poysoned
waters
;
would
not
any
rational
man
think
,
that
when
no
meanes
else
could
prevaile
,
People
might
lawfully
with
force
,
see
to
their
owne
lives
,
and
to
the
lives
of
their
little
ones
?
And
shall
we
be
allowed
to
use
violent
resistence
,
for
the
lives
of
our
bodyes
,
and
not
also
for
the
lives
of
our
souls
?
shall
people
be
allowed
to
run
together
,
&
with
force
,
when
they
can
no
otherwayes
,
keep
the
springs
of
water
cleare
,
for
their
owne
lives
or
healths
,
and
of
their
posterity
also
;
and
shall
they
be
condemned
for
runing
together
to
keep
their
Religion
as
it
was
reformed
,
pure
and
uncorrupted
?
Who
but
Atheists
will
say
this
?
Againe
put
the
case
.
That
the
Magistrates
of
some
Brugh
or
City
were
about
to
do
,
or
had
already
done
,
some
publick
prohibited
bited
action
,
which
would
so
irritate
the
Soveraigne
or
Prince
,
that
he
would
come
with
an
hudge
army
and
cut
off
the
city
,
man
,
wife
and
childe
:
would
any
in
this
case
,
condemne
the
private
inhabitants
of
that
Brough
or
City
,
if
,
when
no
other
mean
could
be
essayed
effectually
to
hinder
the
same
,
they
should
with
force
,
either
hinder
them
from
doing
that
irritating
action
,
or
if
done
,
should
endeavour
to
remedy
the
matter
the
best
way
they
could
,
for
the
good
of
the
City
,
to
prevent
its
ruine
and
overthrow
,
and
for
their
owne
saifty
,
and
for
the
saifty
of
their
posterity
?
And
why
then
shall
any
condemne
the
late
defenders
,
who
,
when
the
Magistrate
,
by
their
many
sinful
and
publick
actions
,
had
provoked
the
King
of
Kings
to
anger
and
jealousy
against
the
whole
land
,
so
that
in
justice
they
could
expect
nothing
but
the
vvrath
and
vengence
of
God
to
root
them
out
and
their
posterity
,
laboured
what
they
could
,
to
have
the
wrath
of
the
King
of
Kings
pacified
,
and
the
wicked
deeds
provoking
him
remedied
?
Would
the
Soveraigne
in
the
former
case
account
these
privat
persons
traitours
to
their
Magistrates
,
and
not
rather
more
loyal
Subjects
to
him
,
then
the
Magistrates
themselves
?
And
shall
we
think
that
the
King
of
Kings
shall
account
the
late
act
,
disloyalty
to
the
King
and
Magistrates
,
and
not
rather
commendable
loyalty
to
him
,
and
faithful
service
?
There
is
another
argument
much
of
the
Nature
with
the
preceeding
,
taken
from
the
grounds
of
Christian
love
and
affection
,
whereby
each
is
bound
to
preserve
the
life
and
welfare
of
another
,
as
he
would
do
his
owne
:
and
as
each
would
have
another
helping
him
,
in
the
day
when
he
is
unjustly
wronged
and
oppressed
,
so
he
should
be
willing
to
helpe
others
when
it
is
in
the
power
of
his
hand
to
doe
it
according
to
that
royal
law
of
Christ's
,
Mat.
7
:
ver.
12.
Luk.
6
:
ver.
31.
Therefore
all
things
whatsoever
ye
would
that
men
should
do
to
you
,
do
ye
even
so
them
,
for
this
is
the
law
and
the
prophets
.
It
is
unnaturall
and
unchristian
both
,
to
say
am
I
my
brother's
keeper
.
Sure
he
who
helps
not
his
brother
against
a
murderer
,
when
he
may
do
it
,
is
before
God
,
guilty
of
the
man's
blood
.
Meroz
and
the
inhabitants
thereof
were
to
be
cursed
bitterly
,
because
they
came
not
out
to
the
help
of
the
Lord
and
his
People
,
against
the
mighty
,
Iudg.
5.
Was
not
David
helped
thus
against
the
Tyranny
and
wickednesse
of
King
Saul
?
And
honest
Ionathan
rescued
from
the
hands
of
his
bloody
Father
?
Prov.
24
:
ver.
11
,
and
12.
If
thou
forbear
to
deliver
them
that
are
drawne
unto
death
,
and
these
that
are
ready
to
be
slaine
:
If
thou
sayest
behold
we
know
it
not
,
doth
not
he
that
pondereth
the
heart
considerit
?
And
he
that
keepeth
thy
soull
,
doih
not
he
know
it
?
And
shall
not
herender
to
every
man
according
to
his
work
?
Now
the
text
maketh
no
difference
whether
they
be
drawne
to
death
unjustly
by
private
persons
or
by
Magistrates
:
They
are
(
if
they
can
do
it
)
with
force
to
rescue
such
;
for
so
the
word
imports
as
I
Sam.
30
:
18.
2
King
.
18
:
34.
1
Sam.
17
:
35.
Hos.
5
:
14.
And
this
did
famous
Mr.
Knox
avow
unto
Lithingtoun
,
in
his
discourse
with
him
,
registrated
in
the
history
of
reformation
.
Hence
it
is
that
Ieremiah
Cap.
22
:
23.
cryeth
to
the
People
as
well
as
to
the
King
,
execute
judgment
and
righteousnesse
and
deliver
the
spoiled
out
of
the
hand
of
the
oppressour
:
and
though
it
be
true
,
as
Calvin
on
the
place
sayeth
,
that
this
did
chiefly
belong
to
the
judges
and
Magistrates
;
Yet
,
when
their
proceeding
in
this
course
of
oppressing
of
the
stranger
,
the
fatherlesse
and
the
widow
,
and
of
shedding
innocent
blood
,
would
provoke
God
to
execute
what
he
threateneth
with
an
oath
,
ver
5.
And
make
that
house
a
desolation
,
and
prepare
destroyers
against
it
and
the
whole
city
ver.
7
:
8.
and
when
all
this
is
spoken
in
the
eares
of
the
people
,
it
would
seem
to
import
,
that
even
they
should
have
stood
in
the
way
of
such
oppression
,
and
delivered
the
spoiled
out
of
the
hands
of
the
oppressour
;
&
not
have
suffered
innocent
blood
to
have
been
shed
,
especially
when
inferiour
as
well
as
Superiour
Magistrates
were
oppressing
and
tyrannizing
,
and
were
the
only
oppressours
and
wolves
as
we
see
Esa.
1
:
21.
and.
3
,
12
,
14
,
15.
Micha.
3
:
9
,
10.
Ezech.
22
:
27.
And
many
of
the
people
conjoyned
with
them
in
the
like
,
as
encouraged
by
their
practice
ver.
29.
see
furder
for
this
Isa.
1
:
ver.
10
,
17.
Ier.
5
:
ver.
2
,
5
,
6.
But
sayes
our
Surveyer
Pag.
53.
[
That
such
prophetical
preachings
uttered
to
the
body
of
Rulers
and
People
,
are
to
be
understood
as
reproveing
what
was
amisse
in
every
one
,
in
their
respective
calling
,
and
as
injoying
such
duties
as
might
be
done
by
every
one
,
salvâ
justitiâ
,
salvo
ordine
,
&
modulo
vocationis
—
but
to
say
that
they
minded
to
condemne
in
People
,
the
grand
sin
of
non-resistence
to
the
oppressing
Magistrates
,
or
to
incite
private
persones
to
pull
the
sword
out
of
the
Magistrat's
hand
,
&
relieve
the
oppressed
,
&
execute
judgment
on
the
oppressours
,
even
Magistrats
(
as
Lex
Rex
doth
say
Pag.
367
,
)
is
not
only
a
most
fearful
perverting
of
the
most
holy
scripture
—
but
a
doctrine
that
tends
directly
to
horrid
confusion
&
utter
subversion
of
humane
societies
]
Ans.
We
shall
easily
grant
,
that
in
those
sermons
,
every
one
was
reproved
for
what
was
amisse
in
his
respective
calling
,
and
all
were
enjoyned
to
do
,
what
might
be
done
by
them
according
to
their
places
and
callings
,
and
without
wronging
of
justice
:
But
we
averre
,
that
it
vvas
the
duty
of
privat
persones
,
to
hinder
,
so
far
as
lay
in
their
power
,
the
shedding
of
innocent
blood
,
the
oppressing
of
the
innocent
,
and
wronging
the
vvidow
and
fatherlesse
.
If
a
Magistrate
in
a
rage
run
upon
an
innocent
person
going
by
,
to
kill
him
,
It
is
the
part
of
any
private
person
that
is
next
,
to
hinder
the
Magistrate
from
committing
manifest
murther
,
without
breach
of
justice
,
order
,
or
the
extent
of
his
calling
:
Bacause
in
that
case
he
is
not
acting
the
part
of
a
judge
.
So
a
judge
perverting
judgment
,
and
manifestly
oppressing
the
innocent
,
is
no
judge
authorized
of
God
for
that
;
but
a
privat
person
,
and
may
as
justly
be
withheld
from
murthering
or
oppressing
,
as
any
other
Man
.
2.
They
might
presse
them
to
relieve
the
oppressed
though
they
did
not
incite
them
to
pul
the
svvord
out
of
the
Magistrat's
hand
:
viz
by
hindering
,
according
to
their
povver
,
oppression
to
be
committed
;
and
this
might
be
vvithout
the
least
violence
done
to
the
Magistrate's
power
and
authority
,
as
is
shevved
:
So
might
they
move
them
to
execute
judgment
not
formally
but
materially
,
by
hindering
justice
according
to
their
povver
,
or
labouring
to
have
the
lavv
executed
according
to
God's
vvord
.
3.
Lex
Rex
speaketh
no
such
thing
in
that
place
,
as
any
vvill
see
vvho
read
it
.
4.
It
is
but
his
ignorance
to
say
,
that
in
this
vve
fearfully
pervert
the
holy
scripture
.
5.
Hovv
vvill
he
shovv
that
this
doctrine
tends
to
horrid
confusion
?
He
tels
us
Pag.
50.
[
That
such
pretences
will
not
be
wanting
to
the
worst
of
men
,
and
the
best
Magistrate
,
proceeding
most
legally
,
shall
never
have
security
from
seditious
partyes
]
Answ.
But
sure
his
doctrine
tendeth
more
to
confusion
;
for
,
by
it
every
Magistrat
of
the
land
hath
povver
to
kill
and
destroy
vvhom
he
vvill
:
and
thus
Magistrates
should
be
formally
constituted
wolves
.
2.
But
how
oft
will
he
put
us
to
tell
him
,
that
the
best
truth
may
be
abused
?
3.
But
let
him
speak
in
earnest
,
what
would
he
do
if
he
saw
his
wife
carryed
away
by
some
drunken
officers
,
before
a
judge
drunk
as
a
beast
,
so
as
he
could
neither
hear
nor
speak
sense
,
who
yet
without
further
processe
,
would
condemne
her
to
be
brunt
as
a
witch
,
or
executed
as
a
harlot
,
would
he
not
labour
,
if
he
had
power
,
to
relieve
his
innocent
wife
out
of
the
hands
of
these
bloody
oppressours
?
What
would
he
then
do
with
his
pretences
?
Would
these
scar
his
tender
conscience
?
I
suppose
not
.
And
what
if
he
saw
the
King
,
without
ground
,
or
colour
of
reason
,
possibly
upon
a
mistake
,
runing
in
a
rage
to
kill
his
wife
,
or
only
son
,
would
he
not
help
the
innocent
in
that
case
,
and
hold
the
King
with
force
?
Or
would
he
only
assist
them
by
prayers
to
God
for
them
,
by
consolatory
words
,
by
giving
counsel
to
them
,
or
by
supplications
to
the
Magistrate
with
all
dutiful
respects
,
and
if
nothing
could
avail
,
sit
dovvne
as
having
discharged
his
duty
;
and
vvould
not
resist
more
?
(
vvhich
he
thinketh
is
all
vvhich
is
required
of
private
persones
Pag.
49.
)
If
so
,
many
might
think
he
vvere
accessory
to
the
death
of
his
vvife
or
childe
,
and
so
possibly
might
the
King
,
when
he
came
to
himself
,
and
his
rage
was
off
him
,
and
he
convinced
of
his
mistake
.
And
if
he
vvould
hinder
innocent
blood
to
be
shed
(
as
rational
people
will
easily
think
he
might
)
hovv
shall
he
salve
the
matter
,
for
the
vvorst
of
men
may
resist
the
best
Magistrate
,
proceeding
most
legally
,
upon
pretences
,
that
the
King
is
in
a
rage
,
he
hath
no
shaddow
of
law
or
reason
for
him
,
he
is
mistaken
of
the
persones
&c.
And
would
he
think
,
that
in
this
case
,
there
were
a
necessary
connexion
betvvixt
resistence
and
revenge
?
and
if
he
should
have
the
upper
hand
in
the
matter
of
resistence
,
could
he
not
sit
dovvn
satisfied
?
If
he
could
:
then
he
may
think
that
these
tvvo
,
may
be
seperated
in
exercise
and
practice
,
in
other
cases
,
as
vvell
as
in
his
ovvne
,
unlesse
the
fault
be
on
the
Magistrate's
side
.
Thus
is
answered
also
vvhat
he
hath
P
ag.
49.
for
it
is
but
the
same
thing
which
he
hath
in
the
place
before
considered
,
He
is
tedious
in
his
repetitions
,
and
therefore
we
Proceed
to
our
arguments
.
And.
1.
If
Humanity
,
Brotherly
Affection
,
Christian
Love
.
Tendernesse
and
Compassion
to
a
suffering
injured
brother
,
call
for
help
and
releef
at
the
hands
of
others
,
according
to
their
power
and
capacities
:
Then
none
can
justly
blame
or
condemne
the
late
risers
for
endeavouring
in
their
places
,
&
according
to
their
power
,
the
releife
of
their
oppressed
brethren
,
with
violence
,
when
no
other
meane
was
left
feasible
or
practicable
.
Their
Solemne
covenants
did
engadge
them
to
account
each
injury
done
unto
any
Covenanter
,
upon
that
account
,
as
done
unto
themselves
;
And
to
vindicate
and
maintaine
the
libertyes
of
the
Subjects
,
in
all
these
things
,
which
concerne
their
Consciences
,
persones
,
and
Estates
,
and
who
can
blame
them
for
paying
their
vowes
unto
God
▪
2.
If
this
same
duty
was
expresly
required
of
the
people
of
God
of
old
,
that
they
should
endeavour
to
relieve
the
oppressed
,
and
to
prevent
the
shedding
of
innocent
blood
:
Then
none
can
justly
blame
those
late
valient
vindicators
of
justice
,
and
relievers
of
the
oppressed
.
But
the
former
is
true
,
as
the
places
above
cited
do
show
.
Therefore
&c.
3.
If
their
forebearing
had
made
them
guilty
before
God
,
of
the
oppression
and
bloodshed
committed
,
vvhen
it
vvas
in
their
povver
to
help
it
:
Then
they
could
not
forbeare
to
do
what
they
did
,
without
sin
.
But
the
former
is
true
.
The
very
Egyptians
knew
so
much
by
the
light
of
nature
,
when
by
their
law
,
such
as
did
not
relieve
the
oppressed
,
when
it
was
in
their
povver
,
vvere
accused
upon
their
head
;
and
if
they
vvere
not
able
to
help
,
they
vvere
bound
to
accuse
the
oppressour
,
or
else
they
vvere
to
be
vvhipped
,
&
to
endure
three
dayes
hunger
.
I
shall
close
this
chapter
,
as
I
did
the
former
,
with
a
testimony
of
famous
Mr.
Knox
,
that
it
may
be
seen
to
be
no
nevv
doctrine
of
ours
.
In
his
admonition
to
the
Commonalty
of
Scotland
he
hath
these
words
,
neer
the
end
,
[
These
vaine
excuses
I
say
,
will
nothing
availe
you
,
in
the
presence
of
God
,
who
requireth
no
lesse
of
the
Subjects
,
then
of
their
Rulers
—
and
if
yee
think
that
ye
are
innocent
,
because
you
are
not
the
chief
actors
of
such
iniquity
,
ye
are
utterly
deceived
,
for
God
doth
not
only
punish
the
chiefe
offenders
,
but
with
them
,
doth
he
condemne
the
consenters
to
such
iniquity
,
and
all
are
judged
to
consent
,
that
knowing
impiety
committed
give
no
testimony
that
the
same
displeaseth
them
.
To
speak
this
matter
more
plaine
:
As
your
Princes
and
Rulers
are
criminal
with
your
Bishops
,
of
all
Idolatry
committed
,
and
of
all
the
innocent
blood
that
is
shed
,
for
the
testimony
of
Christs
truth
:
and
that
because
they
maintaine
them
in
their
tyranny
:
So
are
yee
(
I
meane
so
many
of
you
,
as
give
no
plaine
confession
to
the
contrary
)
criminal
and
guilty
with
your
Princes
and
Rulers
,
in
the
same
crimes
;
because
you
assist
and
maintaine
your
Princes
in
their
blind
rage
,
and
give
no
declaration
that
their
tyranny
displeaseth
you
.
This
doctrine
I
know
is
strange
to
the
blinde
world
,
but
the
verity
thereof
hath
been
declared
in
all
notable
punishments
from
the
beginning
;
vvhen
the
Original
vvorld
perished
by
vvater
;
vvhen
Sodome
and
Gomorah
vvere
punished
by
fire
;
and
finally
,
vvhen
Ierusalem
vvas
horribly
destroyed
,
doth
any
think
that
all
vvere
alike
vvicked
before
the
vvorld
?
Evident
it
is
,
that
they
vvere
not
,
if
they
be
judged
according
to
their
external
facts
;
for
some
were
young
and
could
not
be
oppressours
,
nor
could
defile
themselves
with
unnatural
,
and
beastly
lusts
;
Some
were
pitiful
and
gentle
of
nature
,
and
did
not
thirst
for
the
blood
of
Christ
,
and
his
Apostles
:
but
did
any
escape
the
plagues
and
vengeance
which
did
apprehend
the
multitude
?
let
the
scripture
witnesse
,
and
the
histories
be
considered
,
which
plainly
do
testify
that
by
the
vvaters
,
all
flesh
on●arth
at
that
time
,
did
perish
,
(
Noah
and
his
family
reserved
)
That
none
escaped
in
Sodome
and
in
the
other
cities
adjacent
,
except
Lot
and
his
tvvo
daughters
;
And
evident
it
is
that
in
that
famous
city
of
Ierusalem
,
in
that
last
and
horrible
destruction
,
none
escaped
God's
vengeance
,
except
so
many
as
before
were
dispersed
.
And
what
is
the
cause
of
this
severity
,
seing
that
all
were
not
alike
offenders
?
let
flesh
cease
to
disput
with
God
,
and
let
all
men
by
these
examples
learne
betimes
to
flee
and
avoyd
the
society
and
company
of
the
proud
contemners
of
God
,
if
that
they
list
not
to
be
partakers
of
their
plagues
.
The
cause
is
evident
,
if
we
can
be
subject
,
without
grudging
,
to
God's
judgments
,
which
in
themselves
are
most
holy
and
just
;
for
in
the
original
world
none
was
found
that
either
did
resist
tyranny
,
nor
yet
that
earnestly
reprehended
the
same
.
In
Sodome
was
none
found
that
did
gain-stand
that
furious
and
beastly
multitude
that
did
compasse
about
and
besiege
the
house
of
Lot
—
and
finally
in
Ierusalem
was
found
none
that
studyed
to
reprepresse
the
tyranny
of
the
priests
vvho
vvere
conjured
against
Christ
and
his
Evangel
;
but
all
fainted
(
I
except
ever
such
as
gave
vvitnesse
vvith
their
blood
,
or
flying
,
that
such
impiety
displeased
them
)
all
keeped
silence
,
by
the
which
all
approved
iniquity
,
and
joyned
hands
with
the
Tyrants
,
and
so
were
arrayed
and
set
,
as
it
were
,
in
one
battle
against
the
almighty
,
and
against
his
Son
Christ
Jesus
;
for
whosoever
gathereth
not
with
Christ
,
in
the
day
of
his
harvest
,
is
judged
to
scatter
,
and
therefore
of
one
vengeance
temporal
,
were
they
all
partakers
,
—
will
God
in
this
behalf
hold
you
as
innocents
,
be
not
deceived
dear
Brethren
,
God
hath
punished
not
only
the
proud
tyrants
,
filthy
persones
,
and
cruel
murtherers
,
but
also
such
as
with
them
did
draw
the
yoke
of
iniquity
,
vvas
it
by
flattering
their
offences
,
obeying
their
unjust
commands
,
or
in
winking
at
their
manifest
iniquity
.
All
such
,
I
say
,
God
once
punished
,
vvith
the
chief
offenders
.
Be
ye
assured
brethren
,
That
as
he
is
immutable
in
nature
,
so
will
he
not
pardon
you
in
that
which
he
hath
punished
in
others
,
and
now
the
lesse
,
because
he
hath
plainly
admonished
you
of
the
dangers
come
,
and
hath
offered
you
his
mercy
,
before
he
poure
forth
his
wrath
and
displeasure
upon
the
disobedient
.
]
So
in
his
Exhortation
to
England
,
P
ag.
107.
[
No
other
assurate
will
I
require
that
your
plagues
are
at
hand
,
and
that
your
destruction
approacheth
,
then
that
I
shall
understand
that
yee
do
justify
your selves
in
this
your
former
iniquity
:
absolve
and
flatter
you
who
list
,
God
the
Father
,
His
son
Christ
Jesus
,
his
holy
Angels
,
the
creatures
sensible
and
insensible
in
heaven
and
earth
,
shall
rise
in
judgment
and
shall
condemne
you
,
if
in
time
you
repent
not
.
The
cause
why
I
wrape
you
all
in
idolatry
,
all
in
murther
,
and
all
in
one
and
the
same
iniquity
,
is
,
that
none
of
you
hath
done
his
duty
,
none
hath
remembered
his
office
and
charge
,
which
was
to
have
resisted
to
the
uttermost
of
your
power
,
that
impiety
at
the
beginning
,
but
you
have
all
follovved
the
wicked
commandement
,
and
all
have
consented
to
cruel
murther
;
in
so
far
as
in
your
eyes
,
your
Brethren
have
most
unjustly
suffered
,
and
none
opened
his
mouth
to
complaine
of
that
injury
,
cruelty
and
Murther
.
I
do
ever
except
such
as
either
by
their
death
,
by
abstaining
from
Idolatry
,
or
by
avoiding
the
realme
for
iniquity
in
the
same
committed
,
and
give
testimony
that
such
an
horrible
falling
from
God
did
inwardly
grieve
them
.
But
all
the
rest
even
from
the
highest
to
the
lowest
,
I
feare
no
more
to
accuse
of
idolatry
,
of
treason
committed
against
God
,
and
of
cruel
Murthering
of
their
brethren
,
then
did
Zecharias
the
son
of
Iehojadah
.
2
Chron.
24
:
ver.
20.
feare
to
say
to
the
King
,
Princes
and
People
of
Iudah
.
Why
have
yee
transgressed
the
commandements
of
the
Eternal
God
?
it
shall
not
prosperously
succeed
unto
you
,
but
even
as
ye
have
left
the
Lord
,
so
shall
he
leave
you
]
And
,
againe
Pag.
109.
[
.
,
But
let
his
holy
and
blessed
ordinances
commanded
by
Jesus
Christ
to
his
Kirk
,
be
within
the
bounds
so
sure
and
established
,
that
if
Prince
King
or
Emperour
would
interprise
to
change
or
disannul
the
same
,
that
he
be
the
reputed
enemy
of
God
,
and
therefore
unworthy
to
reigne
above
his
people
?
Yea
that
the
same
Man
or
Men
that
goe
about
to
destroy
God's
true
Religion
once
established
,
and
to
erect
idolatry
which
God
detasteth
,
be
adjudged
to
death
,
according
to
God's
commandement
:
The
negligence
of
which
part
,
hath
made
you
all
(
these
only
excepted
which
before
I
have
expressed
)
murtherers
of
your
Brethren
,
denyers
of
Christ
Jesus
,
and
manifest
traitours
to
God's
Soveraigne
Majesty
:
Which
horrible
crimes
if
ye
will
avoyd
in
time
comeing
,
then
must
yee
(
I
meane
the
Princes
Rulers
and
People
of
the
realme
)
by
solemne
Covenant
renew
the
oath
betwixt
God
and
you
,
in
that
forme
and
as
Asa
King
of
Iudah
did
in
the
like
case
2
Chron.
15.
—
This
is
thy
duty
,
&
this
is
the
only
remedy
O
England
to
stay
God's
vengeance
,
which
thou
hast
long
deserved
,
and
shall
not
escape
,
if
his
Religion
and
Honour
be
subject
to
mutation
and
change
,
as
oft
as
thy
Rulers
list
.
]
The-reader
may
consider
also
what
he
sayes
to
this
in
his
discourse
with
Litingtoun
,
who
was
of
this
Surveyer's
judgment
,
History
of
Reformation
,
Lib.
4.
This
is
consonant
likewise
unto
our
confession
of
faith
authorized
by
King
Iames
and
Parliament
Anno
1567.
Act.
14.
where
among
good
works
of
the
2
table
,
these
are
mentioned
To
honour
Father
,
Mother
,
Princes
,
Rulers
,
and
Superiour
powers
;
To
love
them
,
to
support
them
,
yea
to
obey
their
charge
(
not
repugning
to
the
commandement
of
God
)
to
save
the
lives
of
innocents
,
to
represse
tyranny
,
to
defend
the
oppressed
,
&c.
]
the
contrary
whereof
is
[
To
disobey
or
resist
any
that
God
hath
placed
in
authority
(
while
they
passe
not
over
the
bounds
of
their
office
)
to
murther
,
or
to
consent
thereunto
,
to
bear
hatred
,
or
to
let
innocent
blood
be
shed
if
we
may
withstand
it
,
&c.
]
Citeing
in
the
Margine
,
Ezech.
22
:
1
,
2
,
3
,
4.
&c.
where
the
bloody
City
is
to
be
judged
,
because
she
relieved
not
the
oppressed
out
of
the
hand
of
bloody
Princes
v.
6.
And
to
what
Ambrose
sayeth
de
office
.
Lib.
1.
c.
36.
saying
qui
non
repellit
a
socio
injuriam
si
potest
,
tam
est
in
vitio
quam
ille
qui
facit
.
i.
e.
he
who
doth
not
repel
an
injury
from
his
brother
when
he
may
,
isas
guilty
as
he
who
doth
the
injury
:
And
this
he
cleareth
by
Moses
his
deed
,
defending
the
Hebrew
against
the
Egyptian
.
CAP
XI
.
Of
our
qualified
alledgiance
to
the
King
.
Our
Arguments
hence
.
THe
author
of
Naphtaly
Pag.
177
,
said
[
That
all
powers
are
subordinate
to
the
Most
high
,
and
appoynted
and
limited
by
his
holy
will
and
commandement
,
for
his
owne
glory
,
and
the
Peoples
good
;
and
our
allegiance
was
and
standeth
perpetually
and
expresly
thus
qualified
,
viz.
in
defence
of
Religion
and
Liberty
,
according
to
our
first
and
second
Covenants
-
all
allegiance
&
obedience
to
any
created
power
whatsoever
(
though
in
the
construction
of
charity
apparently
indefinite
,
yet
)
in
its
owne
nature
is
indispensably
thus
restricted
.
]
By
which
words
,
any
,
who
will
duely
consider
the
scope
which
that
author
doth
drive
at
,
will
see
,
That
his
meaning
was
,
That
as
obedience
and
allaigeance
is
to
be
given
to
Magistrates
only
in
the
Lord
,
So
the
same
ought
to
be
promised
with
this
qualification
or
limitation
,
so
far
as
it
is
not
contrary
to
Religion
and
Liberty
of
the
Subject
:
&
thus
we
all
swore
to
defend
his
Majesties
person
and
authority
in
the
preservation
and
defence
of
the
true
Religion
,
and
Libertyes
of
the
Kingdomes
;
and
it
is
plaine
to
all
who
will
not
shut
their
eyes
,
that
the
foresaid
author
putteth
no
corrupt
glosse
upon
that
necessary
clause
and
qualification
;
for
while
he
is
dissuadeing
from
taking
of
that
bond
,
which
was
urged
upon
the
People
of
Edinburgh
,
he
useth
the
words
cited
,
&
furder
addeth
[
To
renew
the
same
;
or
take
any
the
like
oath
of
allegiance
purely
,
and
simply
;
purposely
omitting
the
former
and
due
restriction
,
especially
when
the
powers
are
in
most
manifest
,
&
notorious
rebellion
against
the
Lord
&
opposition
to
his
cause
and
Covenant
,
is
in
effect
,
equivalent
to
an
expresse
rejecting
and
disowning
of
the
same
limitation
,
and
of
the
Soveraigne
prerogative
of
the
Great
God
and
King
over
all
,
which
is
thereby
reserved
;
&
as
much
as
in
plaine
tearmes
to
affirme
,
That
whatever
abused
authority
shall
command
or
do
,
either
as
to
the
overturning
of
the
work
of
God
,
subverting
of
Religion
,
destroying
of
Rights
and
Libertyes
,
or
persecuting
of
all
the
faithful
to
the
utmost
extremity
,
we
shall
not
only
stupidly
endure
it
,
but
activly
concurre
with
,
and
assist
in
all
this
tyranny
]
What
could
have
been
spoken
either
more
full
,
or
plaine
,
both
for
explicating
the
genuine
import
of
that
restriction
or
qualification
,
or
the
authors
Orthodox
sense
thereof
?
Yet
behold
how
this
wrangling
pamphleter
,
because
he
can
get
nothing
to
say
against
the
truth
asserted
,
must
wrest
words
and
sense
and
all
,
that
he
may
have
something
to
say
against
the
straw-adversary
of
his
owne
setting
up
.
Therefore
he
tells
us
Pag.
6.
[
Can
this
assertion
subsist
that
neither
alledgiance
,
or
fidelity
,
nor
obedience
is
to
be
given
to
any
created
power
,
but
in
defence
of
Religion
and
Liberty
?
As
if
Naphtaly
had
meaned
,
That
no
alledgiance
,
fidelity
or
obedience
was
due
,
or
to
be
given
to
the
created
powers
,
but
when
and
in
so
far
as
,
they
did
actually
owne
,
and
contribute
their
utmost
for
the
promoving
or
establishing
of
Religion
and
the
Liberties
of
the
People
.
Whileas
his
meaning
is
clearly
seen
to
have
been
this
,
That
as
all
powers
are
subordinate
unto
God
the
great
King
over
all
;
So
all
alledgiance
,
fidelity
,
or
obedience
is
to
be
promised
and
given
unto
them
,
with
a
reserve
of
the
allegiance
,
fidelity
and
obedience
due
to
God
the
Highest
of
all
;
and
that
man's
interest
is
not
to
be
preferred
unto
God's
,
but
alwayes
acknowledged
in
subordination
thereunto
:
So
that
when
earthly
powers
are
stated
Enemies
to
Christ
and
his
interest
,
no
absolute
allegiance
,
fidelity
,
or
obedience
is
to
be
promised
,
But
alwayes
with
this
restriction
,
or
limitation
:
Neither
are
the
Subjects
bound
to
concurre
,
or
assist
them
,
while
in
such
a
stated
course
of
opposition
to
the
King
of
King's
,
and
while
actively
endeavouring
to
destroy
his
great
interest
in
the
world
.
But
what
sayes
our
Surveyer
furder
[
That
obedience
is
not
to
be
given
unto
any
creature
on
earth
,
against
Religion
or
the
revealed
will
of
God
,
shall
be
easily
granted
;
we
ahhore
the
very
thought
of
so
doing
.
]
Ans.
Though
he
abhore
the
very
thought
of
so
doing
;
yet
many
will
say
that
he
hath
not
abhorred
to
do
it
:
It
is
against
God's
expresse
and
revealed
will
to
commit
perjury
,
and
renunce
a
Covenant
sworne
with
hands
lifted
up
to
the
most
high
God
,
and
yet
he
knowes
who
is
guilty
of
this
,
&
maketh
the
will
of
a
creature
the
Law
of
the
Conscience
,
when
the
appendix
is
a
full
belly
.
[
Againe
(
sayes
he
)
it
shall
not
be
said
that
obedience
is
to
be
given
to
powers
against
the
liberty
competent
to
us
as
subjects
,
and
consistent
with
Soveraignity
;
yet
so
that
the
measure
of
that
liberty
must
not
be
made
by
every
man's
private
will
,
but
by
the
declarature
of
the
Parliament
,
representative
of
the
Subjects
,
which
best
knowes
what
thereunto
belongs
.
]
Answ.
This
royal
liberal
man
would
seem
to
yeeld
something
in
favours
of
the
liberty
of
the
People
,
but
with
his
annexed
clause
and
restrictions
,
he
takes
all
back
again
:
For
1.
sayes
he
,
it
must
be
consistent
with
Soveraignity
,
and
how
wide
a
mouth
this
Soveraignity
hath
,
in
his
and
his
complices
estimation
,
many
know
,
and
we
have
seem
in
part
,
even
so
wide
as
that
is
shall
swallow
up
all
the
Peoples
liberties
;
like
one
of
Pharaohs
leane
kine
that
eates
up
the
fat
and
yet
is
never
the
fatter
.
Then
2.
it
must
be
determined
by
the
Representatives
,
as
if
the
Representatives
were
not
ex
officio
bound
and
obliged
to
maintaine
the
Liberties
of
the
People
,
which
belong
to
the
People
,
ere
the
Representatives
have
a
being
;
and
as
if
it
were
in
the
power
of
the
Representatives
to
sell
and
betray
the
Libertyes
of
the
People
;
or
as
if
no
more
were
competent
to
the
Subjects
de
jure
then
what
they
will
:
Hath
a
man
no
more
right
to
his
lands
aud
heritages
then
what
his
advocate
,
who
betrayeth
his
trust
for
a
larger
summe
of
money
,
alloweth
him
or
declareth
?
We
know
Parliaments
can
basely
betray
their
trust
,
and
sell
away
the
Libertyes
of
a
People
,
contrare
to
their
vow
and
oath
to
God
,
and
their
obligation
to
the
People
,
whose
trustees
they
should
be
;
and
shall
People
have
no
more
liberty
competent
to
them
,
then
what
a
perfidious
company
conspired
against
the
good
of
the
Commonwealth
,
to
pleasure
a
sinful
Creature
,
determineth
by
their
declarature
?
This
is
hard
if
true
,
for
then
a
Parliament
might
sell
them
and
their
posterity
for
bondmen
and
bond
women
to
the
Turk
for
ever
.
But
we
see
no
more
reason
,
for
asserting
an
infallibility
,
or
absolutenesse
of
power
in
Parliaments
,
then
in
Princes
.
What
furder
?
[
But
to
say
,
that
all
(
not
only
obedience
but
)
allegiance
and
fidelity
,
due
to
any
created
power
is
indispensably
restricted
to
this
qualification
in
defence
of
Religion
and
liberty
,
viz.
of
the
Subjects
,
is
a
most
false
assertion
.
]
Answ.
He
said
not
restricted
to
this
qualification
,
but
thus
qualified
,
and
thus
restricted
.
This
must
be
either
ignorance
,
or
worse
in
this
pamphleter
,
thus
to
wrong
the
author
.
But
,
vvhat
vvas
the
authors
meaning
vve
have
shevved
.
Let
us
heare
The
pamphleting
Prelate
[
It
is
knowne
(
sayes
he
)
that
a
restriction
excludes
all
other
cases
which
are
not
in
the
restrictive
proposition
included
,
&c.
Answ.
All
this
is
founded
upon
his
either
wilfull
or
ignorant
mistake
;
for
the
author
took
not
the
restriction
,
so
(
as
we
have
seen
)
as
to
exclude
all
fidelity
or
obedience
,
except
in
things
tending
immediatly
and
directly
unto
the
good
of
Religion
and
Liberty
of
the
Subject
:
But
so
as
that
we
might
do
nothing
in
prejudice
of
Religion
and
Liberty
,
nor
yeeld
obedience
to
him
in
any
thing
tending
to
the
hurt
of
either
:
&
thus
is
our
obedience
to
be
restricted
,
or
qualified
.
We
deny
not
obedience
,
even
when
the
act
of
obedience
,
cannot
be
properly
&
directly
said
to
be
either
in
defence
of
Religion
or
the
liberty
of
the
subject
:
So
that
we
crosse
not
what
the
ministers
said
unto
the
doctors
of
Aberdeen
:
for
we
take
not
that
clause
as
exclusive
,
that
is
,
that
we
shall
never
defend
his
person
and
authority
but
when
he
is
actually
&
actively
defending
Religion
&
Libertyes
;
but
only
as
a
restriction
or
qualification
,
thus
,
that
we
shall
defend
his
person
&
authority
,
so
far
as
may
consist
with
Religion
&
Libertyes
:
And
thus
we
agree
also
with
the
general
assemblie
1639.
for
we
say
it
is
the
Subjects
duty
to
concurre
with
their
friends
and
followers
,
as
they
shall
be
required
,
in
every
cause
that
concernes
his
Majesties
honour
,
yet
so
as
that
they
do
nothing
to
the
prejudice
of
Religion
or
Libertyes
But
furder
(
sayes
he
)
as
to
the
poynt
of
allegiance
or
fidelity
,
that
is
another
matter
then
obedience
.
]
Answ.
True
,
when
men
will
become
very
critical
;
but
the
scope
of
the
place
showeth
in
what
sense
he
took
it
,
not
only
as
includeing
an
owneing
of
him
as
lawful
and
rightful
King
&c.
but
as
includeing
also
a
promise
of
active
concurrence
in
defending
of
him
and
his
interest
:
and
so
while
this
is
urged
in
an
absolute
,
illimited
,
unqualified
or
un
-
restricted
way
,
he
made
it
all
one
with
obedience
.
It
is
true
,
a
man
may
keep
allegiance
or
fidelity
to
the
King
,
when
he
cannot
obey
his
commands
;
yet
the
clause
of
the
Covenant
respects
allegiance
as
well
as
obedience
,
in
so
far
,
as
we
are
not
to
defend
his
person
and
authority
absolutely
,
but
in
defence
of
the
true
Religion
and
Liberties
of
the
Subjects
.
Allegiance
then
is
a
comprehensive
thing
,
not
only
taking
-
in
an
owneing
of
the
King
as
rightful
King
,
and
fidelity
to
his
person
crowne
and
dignity
against
conspiracyes
and
treasons
;
but
also
an
active
concurring
to
promove
his
honour
and
dignity
,
and
to
defend
his
person
and
authority
:
And
so
all
who
say
allegiance
must
be
qualified
according
to
this
restriction
,
do
not
meane
every
thing
in
allegiance
,
but
that
which
is
expressed
in
the
Covenants
.
So
that
it
is
his
ignorant
inference
,
to
say
.
That
that
which
Naphtals
sayeth
is
contrary
to
the
confession
of
saith
Cap.
23.
§.
4.
which
sayeth
is
difference
in
Religion
doth
not
make
voyd
the
Magistrates
just
and
legal
authority
,
nor
free
the
people
from
their
due
obedience
to
him
,
unlesse
he
think
the
article
of
the
Covenant
,
interfereth
with
the
confession
of
faith
,
which
he
dar
not
assert
;
but
if
he
do
assert
it
,
let
us
hear
by
his
next
what
he
will
say
to
the
Apologetical
Relation
,
Pag.
386.
387.
388.
389.
390.
where
that
clause
of
the
Covenant
is
vindicated
.
He
addeth
[
It
is
the
Lord's
way
for
keeping
humane
societies
from
grosse
disorders
,
to
allow
to
such
as
are
in
supreme
power
by
lawful
calling
,
the
honour
due
unto
their
place
,
although
in
the
maine
things
they
pervert
the
Ends
of
government
,
dishonouring
him
by
a
false
Religion
,
or
seduceing
others
to
their
evil
way
.
]
Answ.
Do
we
say
that
honour
is
not
due
unto
Magistrates
of
another
Religion
,
because
we
say
that
we
must
promise
allegiance
and
obedience
to
them
in
the
Lord
;
and
must
not
concure
with
them
,
nor
contribute
our
power
unto
them
,
to
the
manifest
detriment
of
Religion
and
Libertyes
?
This
is
like
the
rest
of
this
Man
's
foolish
inferences
.
Or
doth
he
think
that
we
cannot
give
to
Caesar
the
things
vvhich
are
Caesar's
,
unlesse
vve
give
him
also
,
the
things
which
are
God's
,
and
are
the
Peoples
?
Then
he
citeth
Calv.
Instit.
Lib.
4.
c
20.
§
,
25.
27.
But
He
speaketh
nothing
contrare
to
the
businesse
we
are
upon
:
Doth
he
think
that
Calvin
was
of
the
judgment
that
People
are
bound
to
sweare
absolute
Subjection
,
allegiance
or
fidelity
and
obedience
to
all
wicked
princes
,
whatever
right
they
may
have
to
the
place
?
That
subjects
are
bound
to
obey
,
and
to
sweare
allegiance
in
the
Lord
unto
wicked
Kings
who
denyeth
?
do
vve
say
that
vvicked
Kings
,
because
vvicked
,
are
eo
ipso
no
Kings
;
nor
to
be
acknowledged
as
Kings
?
What
then
doth
this
testimony
make
against
thus
?
But
2.
will
he
stand
to
what
Calvin
sayeth
?
Then
he
must
condemne
vvhat
King
and
Parliament
have
done
,
in
taking
the
life
of
the
Marquise
of
Argyle
;
and
say
that
they
are
guilty
of
innocent
blood
;
for
by
vvhat
Calvin
here
sayeth
,
vve
were
as
much
bound
to
acknovvledge
Cromwel
then
,
vvhen
he
did
Reigne
,
as
now
to
acknowledge
the
King
:
for
he
speaks
of
all
qui
quoquo
modo
rerum
potiuntur
.
How
will
he
then
free
himself
from
treason
?
For
sure
in
Calvine's
judgment
,
Argile
did
but
his
duty
,
though
he
had
done
more
,
and
yet
he
was
condemned
as
a
Traitour
:
can
he
reconcile
this
with
Calvine's
judgment
?
So
then
our
promiseing
and
swearing
alleagiance
,
fidelity
,
and
obedience
to
the
King
,
being
with
a
reserve
of
our
alleagiance
,
fidelity
,
and
obedience
unto
the
Supreame
King
of
Kings
and
Lord
of
Lords
,
and
according
to
that
due
subordination
,
and
thus
limited
and
restricted
,
that
we
may
do
nothing
against
God
,
or
in
prejudice
of
his
interests
;
no
person
can
with
any
colour
of
law
or
conscience
,
challenge
or
accuse
any
of
Treason
or
Rebellion
against
the
King
,
when
they
preferre
the
interest
of
God
unto
Man's
,
and
labour
to
secure
Religion
and
the
interest
of
Christ
,
unto
which
they
are
absolutely
,
and
indispensably
obliged
,
and
from
which
obligation
and
alleagiance
,
no
authority
of
man
can
loose
them
,
nothwithstanding
that
in
so
doing
,
they
postpone
the
authority
of
man
,
and
their
alleagiance
thereunto
,
and
lay
it
by
;
seing
it
is
of
no
force
,
when
it
cometh
in
competition
with
the
authority
of
God
,
and
is
stated
against
that
Religion
,
which
by
divine
authority
they
are
bound
to
maintaine
,
with
hazard
and
losse
of
their
lives
,
goods
and
fortunes
;
And
therefore
the
late
act
of
defence
being
,
according
to
their
sworne
alleagiance
to
God
,
a
necessary
defence
of
Religion
,
cannot
be
condemned
of
Treason
or
Rebellion
,
though
it
wanted
that
formality
of
the
authority
of
Subordinat
powers
:
As
postponing
the
authority
of
inferiour
Magistrates
,
in
act
of
obedience
,
and
duty
of
alleagiance
unto
the
Superiour
,
can
be
no
proper
disloyalty
or
rebellion
;
so
nor
can
the
postponing
of
the
authority
,
of
Superiour
and
inferiour
Magistrates
,
in
poynt
of
obedience
,
and
performing
alleagiance
unto
the
most
Supreame
,
be
really
treasonable
,
seditious
,
or
rebellious
.
2.
If
we
be
sworne
to
maintaine
the
King's
person
and
authority
,
in
the
defence
of
the
liberties
of
the
subject
:
Then
who
ever
preferre
the
Liberties
of
the
Subject
unto
his
person
and
authority
,
are
not
Traitours
or
Rebels
:
And
so
the
late
act
of
defence
,
being
for
the
liberties
of
the
subject
,
when
they
were
basely
betrayed
,
sold
,
and
given
away
,
by
a
company
conjured
into
a
conspiracy
against
the
same
,
and
were
trode
upon
,
and
violently
plucked
away
,
cannot
in
conscience
,
or
in
the
law
of
God
,
or
according
to
any
just
law
of
man
,
be
accounted
,
or
condemned
as
;
an
act
of
Treason
or
Rebellion
.
CAP.
XII
.
Some
moe
Arguments
Briefly
proposed
and
Prosecuted
.
WE
have
in
the
preceeding
Chapters
proponed
and
considered
such
arguments
as
gave
us
occasion
to
meet
with
what
this
Surveyer
allaidged
.
We
shall
here
,
ere
we
come
to
consider
his
objections
,
briefly
summe
up
other
arguments
.
The
worthy
author
of
Lex
Rex
Quest.
28.
and
31.
hath
some
,
which
we
shall
here
set
downe
,
partly
because
that
book
is
not
in
every
mans
hand
,
and
partly
because
this
windy
man
pretends
to
have
answered
much
of
that
book
,
though
he
hath
not
so
much
as
offered
to
make
a
reply
unto
the
six
hundereth
part
thereof
.
1.
Pag.
261.
thus
he
argueth
,
[
That
power
which
is
obliged
to
command
and
rule
justly
and
religiously
,
for
the
good
of
the
subjects
,
and
is
only
set
over
the
people
on
these
conditions
,
and
not
absolutely
,
cannot
tye
the
people
to
subjection
without
resistence
,
when
the
power
is
abused
to
the
destruction
of
lawes
,
religion
,
and
the
subjects
.
But
all
power
of
the
law
is
thus
obliged
Rom.
13
:
ver.
4.
Deut.
17
:
ver.
18.
19.
23.
2
Chron.
19
:
ver.
6.
Psal.
132.
ver.
11.
12.
and
89.
ver.
30.
31.
2
Sam.
7
:
ver.
12.
Jer.
17
:
ver
,
24
,
25
,
And
hath
been
&
may
be
abused
by
Kings
,
to
the
destruction
of
Lawes
Religion
,
and
Subjects
.
The
proposition
is
cleare
,
for
the
powers
that
tye
us
to
subjection
,
only
are
of
God
.
2.
Because
to
resist
them
is
to
resist
the
ordinance
of
God
.
3
,
Because
they
are
not
a
terrour
to
good
works
but
to
evil
.
4.
Because
they
are
God's
ministers
for
our
good
:
But
abused
powers
are
not
of
God
but
of
men
,
are
not
ordinances
of
God
,
they
are
a
terrour
to
good
works
not
to
evil
,
they
are
not
God's
ministers
for
our
good
.
]
2.
ibid
)
[
That
power
which
is
contrary
to
law
,
and
is
evil
and
tyrannical
,
can
tye
none
to
subjection
,
but
is
a
meer
tyrannical
power
and
unlawful
;
and
if
it
tye
not
to
subjection
,
it
may
lawfully
be
resisted
.
But
the
power
of
a
King
abused
to
the
destruction
of
Lawes
,
Religion
,
and
subjects
,
is
a
power
contrary
to
law
,
evil
and
tyrannical
,
and
tyeth
no
man
to
subjection
;
wickednesse
by
no
imaginable
reason
,
can
oblige
any
man
.
Obligation
to
suffer
of
wicked
men
,
falleth
under
no
commandement
of
God
,
except
in
our
Saviour
.
A
Passion
as
such
,
is
not
formally
commanded
,
I
meane
a
physical
passion
,
such
as
is
to
be
killed
.
God
hath
not
said
to
me
in
any
moral
law
,
be
thou
killed
,
tortured
,
beheaded
,
but
only
be
thou
patient
if
God
deliver
thee
to
wicked
mens
hands
to
suffer
these
things
.
3.
(
Ibid
)
There
is
not
a
stricker
obligation
moral
,
betwixt
King
and
People
,
then
betwixt
parents
and
Children
,
Master
and
Servant
,
Patron
and
Clyant
,
Husband
and
Wife
,
The
Lord
and
the
Vassal
,
between
the
pilote
of
a
shop
,
and
the
passengers
,
the
Phisitian
and
the
Sick
,
the
doctor
and
the
Schollar
:
But
law
granteth
,
1.
minime
35.
De
Relig.
&
sumpt
.
funer
.
If
those
betray
their
trust
committed
to
them
,
they
may
be
resisted
?
If
the
Father
turne
distracted
and
arise
to
kill
his
Sones
,
his
Sones
may
violently
apprehend
him
,
bind
his
hands
,
spoile
him
of
his
weapons
,
for
in
that
,
he
is
not
a
father
Vasq.
lib.
1.
illustr.
quaest.
Cap.
8.
n.
18.
Si
dominus
subditum
,
enormiter
&
atrociter
oneraret
;
princeps
superior
vasallum
posset
ex
toto
eximere
a
sua
jurisdictione
,
&
etiam
tacente
subdito
&
nihil
petente
.
Quid
papa
in
suis
decis
:
parliam
.
grat
.
decis
.
32.
Si
quis
Baro.
abutentes
dominio
privari
possunt
.
The
Servant
may
resist
the
Master
,
if
he
attempt
unjustly
to
kill
him
;
So
may
the
wife
do
to
the
Husband
:
If
the
pilot
should
wilfully
run
the
ship
on
a
roke
to
destroy
himself
,
and
his
passengers
,
they
might
violently
thrust
him
from
the
helme
.
Every
Tyrants
is
a
furious
Man
,
and
is
morally
distracted
,
as
althus
.
sayeth
,
polit
cap.
28.
n.
30.
&
seqq.
4.
Pag.
262.
That
which
is
given
as
a
blessing
and
a
favour
and
a
scrine
betwixt
the
Peoples
Liberty
,
and
their
bondage
,
cannot
be
given
of
God
as
a
bondage
and
slavery
to
the
People
.
But
the
Power
of
a
King
is
given
as
a
blessing
&
favour
of
God
to
defend
the
poor
&
needy
,
to
preserve
both
tables
of
the
law
,
and
to
keep
the
People
in
their
libertyes
,
from
oppressing
and
treading
on
upon
another
.
But
so
it
is
,
that
if
such
a
power
be
given
of
God
to
a
King
,
by
which
actu
primo
he
is
invested
of
God
to
do
acts
of
Tyranny
,
and
so
to
do
them
,
that
to
resist
him
in
the
most
innocent
way
,
which
is
self
defence
,
must
be
resisting
of
God
,
and
rebellion
against
the
King
his
deputy
;
Then
hath
God
given
a
royal
power
,
as
incontrollable
by
mortal
men
by
any
violence
,
as
if
God
himself
,
were
immediatly
and
personally
resisted
,
when
the
King
is
resisted
,
and
so
this
power
shall
be
a
power
to
waste
and
destroy
irresistably
,
and
so
in
it self
a
plague
and
curse
;
for
it
cannot
be
ordained
,
both
according
to
the
intention
and
genuine
formal
effect
and
intrinsecal
operation
of
the
power
,
to
preserve
the
tables
of
the
Law
,
Religion
and
Liberty
,
Subject
and
lawes
;
and
also
to
destroy
the
same
.
But
it
is
taught
by
Royalists
,
That
this
power
is
for
Tyranny
,
as
wel
as
for
peacable
government
,
because
to
resist
this
royal
power
put
forth
in
acts
either
of
Tyranny
or
just
government
,
is
to
resist
the
ordinance
of
God
,
as
Royalists
say
,
from
Rom.
13
:
1
,
2
,
3.
We
know
to
resist
God's
Ordinance
and
Gods
deputy
formaliter
as
his
deputy
,
is
to
resist
God
himself
2
Sam.
8.
ver.
7.
Mat.
10
:
ver.
40.
as
if
God
were
doing
personally
these
acts
that
the
King
is
doing
;
and
it
importeth
as
much
as
the
King
of
Kings
doth
these
acts
,
in
and
through
the
Tyrant
.
Now
it
is
blasphemy
to
think
or
say
,
That
when
a
Kings
is
drinking
the
blood
of
innocents
,
and
vvasting
the
Church
of
God
,
That
God
if
he
vvere
personally
present
,
vvould
commit
the
same
acts
of
Tyranny
(
God
avert
such
blasphemy
)
and
that
God
in
and
through
the
King
his
lavvsul
deputy
and
vicegerent
,
in
these
acts
of
Tyranny
,
is
wasting
the
poor
Church
of
God
.
If
it
be
said
,
in
these
sinfull
acts
of
tyranny
,
he
is
not
God's
formal
vicegerent
,
but
only
in
good
and
lawful
acts
of
Government
,
yet
he
is
not
to
be
resisted
in
these
acts
,
not
because
the
acts
are
just
and
good
,
but
because
of
the
dignity
of
his
royal
persone
.
Yet
this
must
prove
that
these
who
resist
the
King
in
these
acts
of
Tyranny
,
must
resist
no
ordinance
of
God
,
but
only
that
we
resist
him
who
is
the
Lord's
deputy
.
What
absurdity
is
there
in
that
,
more
then
to
disobey
him
,
refuseing
active
obedience
to
him
who
is
the
Lord's
deputy
,
but
not
as
the
Lord's
deputy
,
but
as
a
man
commanding
beside
his
Master's
warrand
?
5.
(
Pag.
263.
)
That
which
is
inconsistent
with
the
care
and
providence
of
God
in
giving
a
King
to
his
Church
,
is
not
to
be
taught
.
Now
God's
end
in
giving
a
King
to
his
Church
,
is
the
feeding
,
saifty
,
preservation
,
the
peacable
and
quyet
life
of
his
Church
,
1
Tim.
2
:
2.
Esai
.
49
:
ver.
23.
Psal.
79
:
7.
But
God
should
crosse
his
owne
end
in
the
same
act
of
giving
a
King
,
if
he
should
provide
a
King
,
who
by
office
were
to
suppresse
Robbers
,
Murtherers
,
and
all
oppressours
and
wasters
in
his
holy
mount
,
and
yet
should
give
an
irresistible
power
to
one
crowned
Lyon
a
King
who
may
kill
a
Thousand
Thousand
protestants
for
their
religion
,
in
an
ordinary
providence
,
and
they
are
by
an
ordinary
law
of
God
to
give
their
throats
to
his
Emissaries
,
and
bloody
executioners
.
If
any
say
,
the
King
will
not
be
so
cruel
.
I
beleeve
it
,
because
,
actu
secundo
it
is
not
possible
in
his
power
to
be
so
cruel
;
we
owe
thanks
to
his
good
will
that
he
killeth
not
so
many
,
but
no
thanks
to
the
genuine
intrinsecal
end
of
a
King
,
who
hath
power
from
God
to
kill
all
these
,
and
that
without
resistence
made
by
any
Mortal
man
:
Yea
no
thanks
(
God
avert
blasphemy
)
to
God's
ordinary
providence
,
which
(
if
Royalists
may
be
beleeved
)
putteth
no
bar
upon
the
illimited
power
of
a
Man
inclined
to
sin
,
and
abuse
his
power
to
so
much
cruelty
.
Some
may
say
,
the
same
absurdity
doth
follow
if
the
King
should
turne
papist
,
and
the
Parliament
and
all
were
papists
,
in
that
case
,
there
might
be
so
many
Martyres
for
the
truth
put
to
death
,
and
God
should
put
no
bar
of
providence
upon
this
power
,
more
then
now
;
and
yet
in
that
case
.
King
and
Parliament
should
be
judges
given
of
God
actu
primo
,
and
by
vertue
of
their
office
obliged
to
preserve
the
people
in
peace
and
godlinesse
.
But
I
answere
.
If
God
gave
a
lawful
official
power
to
King
and
Parliament
to
work
the
same
cruelty
upon
Millions
of
Martyrs
,
and
it
should
be
unlawful
for
them
to
defend
themselves
,
I
should
then
think
that
King
&
Parliament
were
both
ex
officio
and
actu
primo
judges
and
Fathers
,
and
also
by
that
same
office
,
Murtherers
and
butchers
,
which
were
a
grievous
aspersion
to
the
unspotted
providence
of
God
.
6.
(
Pag.
331.
)
Particular
nature
yeelds
to
the
good
of
universal
nature
;
for
which
cause
heavy
bodyes
ascend
,
aëry
and
light
bodyes
descend
:
If
then
a
wild
bull
or
a
goaring
Oxe
may
not
be
let
loose
in
a
great
market
confluence
of
people
;
and
if
any
man
turne
so
distracted
,
as
he
smite
himself
with
stones
,
and
kill
all
that
passe
by
him
,
or
come
at
him
;
in
that
case
the
man
is
to
be
bound
and
his
hands
fettered
,
and
all
whom
he
invadeth
may
resist
him
,
were
they
his
owne
sones
,
and
may
save
their
owne
lives
with
weapons
.
Much
more
a
King
turning
a
Nero
,
King
Saul
vexed
with
an
evil
spirit
from
the
Lord
,
may
be
resisted
:
and
far
more
if
a
King
endued
with
use
of
reason
,
shall
put
violent
hands
on
all
his
subjects
,
kill
his
sone
and
heire
:
yea
,
any
violently
invaded
,
by
natures
law
,
may
defend
themselves
;
&
the
violent
restraining
of
such
an
one
is
but
the
hurting
of
one
Man
,
who
cannot
be
virtually
the
Commonwealth
,
but
his
destroying
of
the
community
of
men
,
sent
out
in
warres
as
his
bloody
Emissaries
,
to
the
dissolution
of
the
Commonwealth
.
7.
(
Pag.
335.
)
By
the
law
of
Nature
,
a
Ruler
is
appoynted
to
defend
the
innocent
:
Now
by
Nature
,
an
infant
in
the
womb
defendeth
it self
first
,
before
the
parents
can
defend
it
;
Then
when
parents
and
Magistrates
are
not
(
and
violent
invading
Magistrates
are
not
,
in
that
,
Magistrates
)
Nature
hath
commended
every
man
to
self
defence
.
8.
(
Ibid
)
The
law
of
nature
excepteth
no
violence
,
whether
inflicted
by
a
Magistrate
or
any
other
;
unjust
violence
from
a
Ruler
is
thrice
injustice
1.
He
doth
injustice
as
a
man
,
2.
As
a
member
of
the
Commonwealth
.
3.
He
committeth
a
special
kinde
of
sin
of
injustice
against
his
office
.
But
it
is
absured
to
say
we
may
lawfully
defend
our selves
from
smaller
injuries
,
by
the
law
of
Nature
,
and
not
from
greater
,
&c.
These
and
many
moe
,
to
this
purpose
,
may
be
seen
in
that
unansvverable
piece
:
But
I
proceed
to
adde
some
mo●
here
.
9.
If
it
be
lawful
for
the
people
,
to
rise
in
armes
to
defend
themselves
,
their
Wives
and
Children
,
&
their
Religion
,
from
an
invadeing
army
of
cut
throat
Papists
,
Turks
or
Tartars
,
though
the
Magistrates
Superiour
and
inferiour
,
should
either
,
through
absence
,
or
some
other
physical
impediment
,
not
be
in
a
present
capacity
to
give
an
expresse
warrand
or
command
,
or
through
wickednesse
,
for
their
owne
privat
ends
,
should
refuse
to
concurre
,
and
should
discharge
the
people
to
rise
in
armes
:
Then
it
cannot
be
unlawful
to
rise
in
armes
and
defend
their
owne
Lives
,
and
the
lives
of
their
Posterity
,
and
their
Religion
;
when
Magistrates
,
who
are
appoynted
of
God
to
defend
,
turn
enemies
themselves
,
and
oppresse
,
plunder
,
and
abuse
the
innocent
,
and
overturne
Religion
,
&
presse
people
to
a
sinful
compliance
there
with
.
But
the
former
is
true
.
Therefore
&c.
The
assumption
is
cleare
:
Because
all
the
power
of
Magistrates
,
which
they
have
of
God
,
is
cumulative
,
and
not
privative
and
destructive
,
it
is
a
power
to
promove
the
good
of
the
Realme
,
and
not
a
power
to
destroy
the
same
,
whether
by
acting
and
going
beyond
their
power
,
or
by
refuseing
to
act
and
betraying
their
trust
.
2.
No
power
given
to
Magistrates
,
can
take
away
Natures
birth
right
,
or
that
innate
power
of
self
defence
.
3.
It
can
fare
no
worse
with
people
in
this
case
,
then
if
they
had
no
Magistrates
at
all
;
but
if
they
had
no
Magistrates
at
all
,
they
might
lawfully
see
to
their
owne
self
defence
.
3.
The
power
given
to
Magistrates
can
not
loose
the
obligation
of
people
unto
God's
moral
law
;
but
by
the
moral
law
they
are
bound
,
in
this
case
of
imminent
danger
,
to
defend
themselves
,
their
Wives
and
Children
,
and
their
Religion
:
these
are
acts
of
charity
,
which
Magistrates
cannot
loose
them
from
;
otherwise
Magistrates
might
command
us
to
kill
the
innocent
,
the
widow
and
the
fatherlesse
,
and
we
might
lawfully
do
it
at
their
command
;
which
is
most
false
and
absurde
:
therefore
neither
can
their
expresse
prohibition
hinder
us
from
relieving
such
,
whom
we
are
bound
to
relieve
,
nor
exeem
us
from
the
guilt
of
Murther
,
before
God
,
if
we
do
it
not
,
but
obey
their
prohibition
.
The
connexion
of
the
proposition
I
cleare
thus
.
1.
The
law
of
self
defence
is
no
lesse
valide
in
the
one
case
,
then
in
the
other
.
2.
The
law
of
charity
obligeth
in
the
one
case
,
no
lesse
then
in
the
other
.
3.
Magistrates
are
no
more
appoynted
of
God
to
destroy
the
people
themselves
,
then
to
suffer
others
to
destroy
them
;
and
so
the
resisting
of
their
violence
in
the
one
case
,
is
no
more
a
resisting
of
the
ordinance
of
God
,
then
the
resisting
or
counter-acting
of
their
prohibition
,
or
silence
,
in
the
other
case
.
4.
Magistrates
are
no
lesse
to
be
accounted
,
in
so
far
,
no
Magistrates
,
when
they
counter-act
their
commission
,
then
when
they
sinfully
betray
their
trust
,
and
neglect
their
commission
.
5.
Unjust
violence
offered
in
Lives
,
Liberties
and
Religion
,
is
no
lesse
unjust
violence
,
when
offered
by
Magistrats
themselves
,
then
when
offered
by
strangers
,
Magistrates
permitting
or
conniveing
.
10.
If
it
be
lawful
for
private
Subjects
to
joyne
together
in
armes
,
and
defend
Themselves
,
their
Lands
,
Liberties
,
Wives
,
Children
;
Goods
,
and
Religion
,
against
a
forraigne
Enemie
,
invading
the
land
to
conquer
and
subdue
the
same
,
with
the
Magistrates
approbation
,
or
expresse
warrand
.
Then
it
is
also
lawful
to
resist
domestick
Enemies
animated
by
the
same
power
and
authority
.
But
the
former
is
true
,
because
Magistrates
,
in
that
case
,
do
professe
and
avow
themselves
tyrants
,
seeking
the
destruction
of
the
whole
Realme
:
and
therefore
are
not
Magistrates
.
Therefore
&c.
The
consequence
is
cleared
abundantly
in
the
preceeding
argument
,
and
cannot
be
denyed
:
for
,
a
domestick
enemy
is
more
unnatural
,
unjust
,
ihhumane
;
illegal
,
hurtful
and
dangerous
,
then
a
forraigne
enemy
.
11.
Such
acts
of
unjust
violence
,
which
neither
Magistrates
themselves
may
immediatly
commit
,
nor
may
any
subject
under
them
,
without
sin
and
disobedience
to
God
,
execute
,
may
lawfully
be
resisted
by
private
persones
,
when
committed
in
a
rage
,
or
cruelly
executed
by
inseriours
.
But
such
are
acts
of
oppressing
,
plundering
,
spoyling
Subjects
of
their
libertyes
,
because
of
their
adhereing
to
their
sworne
Covenanted
Religion
.
Therefore
&c.
That
Princes
and
Magistrates
may
not
oppresse
,
and
wronge
the
People
,
is
clear
1
Sam.
12
:
3
,
4
,
5.
2
Sam.
23
:
3.
1
King
.
Cap.
21.
and
22.
2
Chron.
9
:
8.
Psal.
105
:
14
,
15.
Esa.
1
:
23.
and
3
:
12
,
13
,
14
,
15.
and
14
:
15
,
to
23.
and
9
:
7.
and
16
:
5.
and
32
:
1
,
2.
and
49
:
23.
Ier.
22
:
3
,
to
32.
Zeph.
2
:
8.
and
3
:
3.
Micah
.
3
:
1.
to
12.
Obad.
v.
2
,
10
,
to
17.
Ezech.
22
:
6
,
7
,
27.
and
45
:
8
,
9.
It
is
contrare
to
their
expresse
commission
Rom.
13
:
4
,
5.
That
their
unjust
mandats
for
oppression
and
useing
of
violence
,
are
not
to
be
obeyed
,
is
no
lesse
clear
from
Exod.
1
:
15
,
16
,
17
,
18
,
19
,
20.
1
Sam.
22
:
17
,
18.
Psal.
52
:
5.
So
likewise
it
cannot
but
be
cleare
,
That
it
must
also
be
lawful
to
resist
that
violence
when
wickedly
and
unjustly
acted
and
executed
:
For
,
what
power
Magistrates
can
not
themselves
put
into
execution
,
is
not
of
God
nor
ordained
of
God
;
and
therefore
the
resisting
of
that
,
cannot
be
the
resisting
of
any
power
ordained
of
God
:
And
againe
,
what
power
subjects
cannot
lawfully
put
into
execution
can
be
no
lawful
Magistratical
power
appoynted
of
God
:
For
,
if
it
were
,
a
refuseing
to
put
the
same
into
execution
were
a
real
resisting
of
the
ordinance
of
God
:
And
so
a
resisting
of
this
,
when
wickedly
put
into
execution
,
is
no
resisting
of
the
ordinance
of
God
,
which
causeth
damnation
.
12.
That
it
is
just
and
lawful
to
flee
from
the
violence
of
Magistrates
will
not
be
denyed
.
But
if
that
be
lawful
,
when
subjects
have
no
power
or
meanes
whereby
to
resist
,
or
oppose
unjust
violence
with
violence
,
It
cannot
be
simply
unlawful
to
resist
the
same
unjust
violence
with
force
,
vvhen
neither
flying
,
nor
hideing
,
nor
other
such
like
meanes
of
saifty
are
practicable
:
Because
it
is
the
principle
of
self
defence
against
violence
,
that
makes
flight
lavvful
,
vvhen
there
is
no
possibility
of
resistence
;
and
the
same
principle
of
self
defence
will
make
resistance
lawful
,
when
the
other
is
not
practicable
.
Againe
,
the
principle
of
charity
to
their
Wives
and
Children
and
other
Relations
,
makes
flight
lawful
,
when
they
can
not
otherwise
avoide
the
unjust
violence
of
Tyrants
;
and
the
same
principle
will
animate
to
resistence
,
when
practicable
,
&
when
they
cannot
flee
with
wives
and
children
and
old
decrepite
parents
&c.
Thirdly
,
the
same
principle
of
conscience
,
viz
that
they
may
keep
their
Religion
and
Conscience
free
and
undefiled
,
which
will
prompt
to
a
flight
,
when
there
is
no
other
remedy
,
will
prompt
also
to
resistence
,
when
flight
is
not
practicable
.
I
remember
,
The
Surveyer
Pag.
41.
calleth
this
[
a
monster
of
a
stoical
paradex
which
the
paire
of
pseu●o
-
martyres
brought
forth
;
whereas
flight
is
only
a
withdrawing
from
under
his
dominion
,
and
putting
ones
self
under
another
dominion
where
his
power
reaches
not
:
and
so
by
flight
and
withdrawing
from
the
Kingdomes
,
the
man
ceaseth
to
be
a
subject
to
him
,
whose
subject
he
was
,
and
comes
to
be
under
other
Lords
and
lawes
.
]
Answ.
This
must
be
a
monster
of
men
,
whose
eyes
must
be
of
a
magnifying
glasse
of
a
paradoxical
quality
;
and
he
must
have
a
strange
stoical
phancy
,
who
imagineth
that
such
a
thing
is
a
paradex
,
and
a
stöical
paradox
,
and
a
monster
of
a
stöical
paradox
:
what
could
his
stoical
braine
have
said
more
paradoxically
?
Flight
and
non-obedience
both
are
a
resisting
of
the
abused
power
;
and
if
the
cause
be
just
which
is
pressed
by
the
Magistrate
,
flight
on
that
account
,
&
non-obedience
,
is
a
resistence
of
the
powers
ordained
of
God
,
condemned
Rom.
13.
for
such
an
one
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
he
is
out
of
due
order
.
But.
2.
As
we
have
seen
,
the
consequence
will
hold
,
and
we
seek
no
more
;
we
need
not
make
it
a
resistence
equal
with
forcible
resistence
.
3.
He
speaketh
of
a
flight
out
of
the
King's
dominions
,
but
what
sayes
he
to
a
flight
,
when
the
persones
flying
keep
still
within
the
dominions
?
Will
he
grant
that
this
is
liker
unto
a
resistence
?
And
he
must
,
if
his
reasons
hold
;
for
in
this
case
,
the
man
ceaseth
not
to
be
a
subject
nor
cometh
he
to
be
under
another
Lord
:
and
if
he
grant
this
,
our
argument
will
stand
as
firme
as
ever
.
4.
The
man
,
for
all
the
money
he
hath
gotten
from
his
majesty
for
his
paines
,
or
paine
,
is
not
afrayed
to
rub
,
by
what
he
sayes
here
,
upon
his
sacred
Majesty
and
his
Royal
Councel
;
for
,
if
persons
withdrawne
and
out
of
the
Kingdom
,
cease
to
be
subjects
to
the
King
.
How
could
the
King
and
council
summon
home
the
Scottish
officers
who
served
under
the
States
of
the
Netherlands
,
and
were
servants
to
them
,
and
under
their
pay
,
and
had
been
in
their
bounds
,
all
most
all
their
dayes
,
yea
some
of
them
were
borne
under
the
States
;
and
yet
for
not
comeing
to
the
Kings
dominions
upon
his
call
and
charge
,
they
were
denunced
rebels
&
fore
faulted
,
and
stand
under
that
sentence
to
this
day
,
for
any
thing
I
know
;
which
,
though
I
account
the
most
unjust
,
inhumane
,
barbarous
&
irrational
act
,
that
can
be
,
so
that
it
may
well
be
reckoned
,
among
the
Surveyer's
monsters
of
stöical
paradoxes
;
yet
I
think
tendernesse
to
his
Majesties
honour
and
credite
,
should
have
made
him
spare
to
have
set
downe
this
parenthesis
:
But
,
some
men
,
it
seemes
,
have
liberty
to
say
what
they
can
or
will
,
if
it
may
help
the
desperate
cause
,
though
it
should
reflect
upon
King
and
Council
both
.
Let
a
friend
goe
with
a
foe
.
13.
It
was
not
to
Parliaments
or
inferiour
Magistrates
,
that
Christ
said
,
alittle
before
he
was
to
be
apprehended
,
Luk.
22
:
36
,
38.
But
now-he
that
hath
no
sword
,
let
him
sell
his
garment
,
and
buy
one
—
and
they
say
Lord
here
are
two
swords
,
and
he
said
unto
them
,
it
is
enough
.
Here
is
enough
to
evince
the
lawfulnesse
of
resisting
with
force
unjust
oppressours
;
for
if
Christ
had
thought
it
simply
unlawful
,
why
would
he
have
desired
his
naked
private
disciples
,
to
buy
swords
,
which
are
weapons
for
forcible
resistence
and
defence
,
and
that
at
such
a
time
?
It
is
true
,
he
would
not
suffer
them
to
make
use
of
them
as
they
would
,
not
because
it
was
simply
unlawful
for
them
to
rescue
him
out
of
the
hands
of
that
band
of
robbers
;
for
he
useth
no
such
argument
to
dissuade
them
:
but
because
,
he
was
commanded
of
the
father
,
to
yeeld
and
to
lay
downe
his
life
,
of
his
owne
accord
;
and
therefore
was
it
also
that
he
would
not
use
the
help
of
angells
,
as
he
might
have
done
,
in
his
owne
defence
;
therefore
said
he
Ioh.
18
:
ver.
10
,
11.
put
up
thy
sword
into
the
sheath
,
the
cup
which
my
father
hath
given
me
shall
I
not
drink
?
(
&
Mathew
addeth
Cap.
26
:
52
,
53.
)
thinkest
thow
that
I
cannot
pray
to
my
father
,
and
he
shall
presently
give
me
,
more
then
twelue
legions
of
angells
:
God
had
revealed
his
will
,
that
Christ
behoved
to
suffer
Mat.
16
:
ver.
21
,
22
,
23.
Ioh.
20
:
24.
and
that
was
sufficient
to
restraine
this
act
of
self
preservation
hic
&
nunc
:
which
was
otherwise
lawful
;
as
well
as
it
did
restraine
from
flight
,
a
mean
which
Christ
at
other
times
used
,
for
his
preservation
:
Neither
did
his
word
to
Peter
import
that
this
self
defence
was
unlawful
;
but
the
reasones
of
it
were
(
as
River
sayes
in
decal
.
6.
praec
.
)
1.
Because
it
had
a
kinde
of
revenge
in
it
;
for
so
few
could
not
repel
such
an
army
as
came
to
take
Christ
.
2.
He
waited
not
Christ's
answere
.
3.
He
could
have
defended
himself
another
way
.
4.
It
was
contr●re
to
God's
will
revealed
to
Peter
.
]
14.
That
doctrine
cannot
be
of
God
,
which
to
the
eye
of
sound
reason
,
&
to
all
rational
persones
,
doth
remedylesly
&
unavoydably
,
tend
to
overthrow
and
destroy
polities
,
all
order
,
and
all
humane
society
,
and
open
a
gap
and
wide
door
to
all
confusion
,
disorder
,
tyranny
,
oppression
,
cruelty
,
and
injustice
.
Our
Surveyer
cannot
deny
this
proposition
;
seing
he
maketh
use
if
it
,
or
of
one
very
like
unto
it
Pag.
43.
But
to
say
that
a
poor
oppressed
people
may
not
defend
themselves
,
in
extreame
necessity
,
against
the
oppression
and
tyranny
of
Magistrates
,
and
resist
unjust
violence
with
violence
is
to
all
rational
persones
a
remedylesse
and
unavoydable
course
laid
downe
,
for
utter
overturning
of
all
Society
,
&
is
an
opening
of
a
door
to
all
confusion
,
disorder
,
tyranny
,
oppression
,
Murthers
,
cruelty
,
injustice
,
&c.
for
when
Magistrates
turne
Tyrants
,
oppressours
,
set
themselves
to
seek
the
ruine
and
destruction
of
their
Kingdomes
,
and
of
all
their
Subjects
,
in
bodyes
,
goods
,
and
Consciences
,
and
sell
themselves
to
do
such
villany
and
wickednesse
,
there
is
no
remedy
,
by
this
doctrine
;
the
Commonwealth
is
utterly
gone
;
oppression
and
Murthers
are
increased
;
all
is
overthrowne
and
overturned
;
and
there
is
no
help
.
Thus
God
shall
have
given
a
power
to
one
man
to
kill
and
massacre
millions
of
Christians
,
to
destroy
whole
Commonwealthes
,
and
to
root
them
out
,
and
all
their
memorial
,
that
no
more
mention
should
be
made
of
them
.
But
who
can
beleeve
this
?
Yea
if
this
were
received
as
a
truth
,
what
incouragement
were
it
to
tyranny
and
oppression
?
And
what
mischief
would
not
wicked
hearts
contrive
and
execute
,
if
they
did
not
feare
opposition
and
resistence
?
This
Surveyer
tels
us
Pag.
103.
That
it
is
enough
to
keep
Kings
right
,
to
tell
them
they
must
answer
to
God
,
But
we
see
that
for
all
this
,
there
are
moe
evil
and
wicked
Kings
,
then
good
;
and
it
is
more
then
probable
,
that
that
alone
vvould
no
more
suppresse
their
tyranny
,
and
keep
them
from
wickednesse
,
then
the
fear
of
the
gallowes
would
keep
theeves
from
stealing
and
robbing
;
if
they
knew
that
no
body
would
resist
them
,
or
oppose
them
with
force
,
when
they
came
to
steal
and
rob
.
15.
By
this
doctrine
,
People
should
be
in
the
most
miserable
condition
imaginable
when
under
governours
;
for
not
only
should
they
be
lyable
to
all
the
oppressions
of
Magistrates
tyrannizing
over
them
,
and
have
their
hands
bound
up
,
so
that
they
could
not
helpe
themselves
;
but
also
unto
the
opression
and
tyranny
of
every
one
who
could
but
say
,
he
had
a
commission
from
his
Majesty
to
kill
and
murther
all
whom
he
pleased
:
For
they
might
not
resist
whether
he
had
a
real
commission
or
not
,
lest
they
should
resist
the
ordinance
of
God
,
in
resisting
a
servant
sent
of
the
King
to
execute
his
lust
and
cruelty
,
with
expresse
warrand
and
commission
:
&
thus
there
would
be
as
many
irresistible
tyrants
,
armed
with
absolute
and
irresistible
power
,
as
one
Tyrant
will
,
and
the
people
might
no
more
use
violent
resistence
against
them
,
then
against
him
.
A
doctrine
,
I
am
sure
,
poynt
blanck
contrary
to
all
reason
and
equity
.
16.
If
forraigne
princes
may
lawfully
help
a
poor
people
oppressed
by
their
owne
Soveraigne
:
Then
people
may
lawfully
,
if
they
be
able
,
hold
in
the
paines
of
these
forraigne
princes
,
and
defend
themselves
.
But
the
former
is
granted
by
casuists
and
politicians
.
Therefore
&c.
The
consequence
cannot
be
denyed
:
for
forraigners
have
no
more
power
or
authority
over
another
soveraigne
,
then
the
people
have
themselves
:
and
what
justice
,
or
equity
of
the
cause
could
warrand
them
to
come
to
their
reliefe
and
succoure
,
the
same
will
warrand
the
persones
injured
to
help
themselves
,
if
they
be
able
.
17.
As
the
law
of
Nature
will
allow
this
self
defence
even
to
private
persons
,
in
cases
of
necessity
,
So
will
the
law
of
Nations
,
and
the
Civil
law
;
for
it
maketh
no
distinction
betwixt
self
defence
used
by
private
persons
alone
,
and
that
which
is
used
by
private
persons
having
their
Representatives
concurring
:
And
where
the
law
distinguisheth
not
,
we
should
not
distinguish
.
As
all
law
permits
to
repel
violence
with
violence
;
so
doth
it
give
this
allowance
to
all
persons
whatsoever
l.
Liberam
C.
quando
licet
unicuique
sine
judic
.
18.
To
maintaine
,
that
in
no
case
it
were
lawful
for
Private
subjects
,
to
resist
the
unjust
violence
,
and
to
defend
themselves
from
the
tyranny
of
Princes
,
would
be
a
direct
condemning
of
our
owne
Princes
K.
Iames
,
and
K.
Charles
,
who
helped
the
private
Subjects
of
other
Princes
against
them
:
and
is
it
not
unreasonable
to
plead
for
more
absolute
subjection
,
then
princes
themselves
will
plead
for
:
Or
to
condemne
that
resistence
which
even
they
will
approve
of
,
countenance
and
encourage
to
?
16.
If
it
were
not
lawful
for
private
persons
to
defend
themselves
against
the
manifest
tyranny
of
a
Soveraigne
,
without
the
concurrence
or
conduct
of
a
Parliament
,
or
their
Representative
:
Then
the
condition
of
such
as
live
under
such
a
government
where
there
are
Ephori
,
or
where
there
is
a
Representative
constituted
,
should
be
worse
,
then
is
the
condition
of
these
,
who
want
such
Representatives
.
But
that
were
absurd
.
Therefore
&c.
The
consequence
of
the
Major
is
hence
cleared
:
Because
,
all
the
arguments
,
which
have
been
adduced
by
any
,
for
proving
the
lawfulnesse
of
resistence
in
cases
of
necessity
,
will
evince
that
a
people
,
who
have
no
formal
Representative
,
may
resist
the
tyranny
of
their
Prince
:
But
now
if
this
were
not
allowed
unto
a
People
having
Representatives
,
their
case
should
certanely
be
worse
:
Because
their
hands
should
be
bound
up
from
that
necessary
defence
,
which
otherwise
they
might
have
used
viz.
when
Representatives
should
betray
their
trust
,
and
comply
with
a
tyrannous
Prince
against
the
people
.
The
Minor
is
most
certane
,
because
Parliaments
or
Representatives
have
been
instituted
for
the
good
&
advantage
of
the
people
:
And
therefore
should
not
prove
hurtful
and
destructive
,
otherwise
they
cease
to
be
a
benefite
and
a
blessing
.
A
benefite
should
not
prove
onerous
,
sayeth
the
law
,
si
filiusf
ff.
ut
legator
nom
.
caveaetur
.
20.
If
it
be
lawful
for
private
persons
to
resist
the
Tyranny
of
Parliaments
,
and
other
inferiour
Magistrates
:
Then
it
cannot
be
unlawful
for
them
to
resist
the
Tyranny
of
others
,
without
their
concurrence
and
conduct
.
But
the
former
is
true
,
as
all
the
arguments
used
by
divines
and
politicians
to
prove
resistence
,
will
evince
;
and
as
several
of
our
adversaries
will
very
readily
grant
,
though
they
will
stifly
maintaine
,
that
no
resistence
is
to
be
used
against
the
Soveraigne
.
Therefore
&c.
The
connexion
is
hence
cleare
,
That
to
whom
the
greater
is
lawful
,
the
lesse
is
also
lawful
:
Now
it
is
a
greater
matter
to
resist
a
Parliament
,
then
to
wave
them
,
and
miskend
them
,
or
to
resist
others
vvithout
their
help
;
as
all
may
see
and
will
easily
grant
.
There
is
not
a
more
expresse
command
for
Subjects
to
do
nothing
without
the
concurrence
of
a
Parliament
,
then
not
to
resist
them
and
oppose
them
:
Nor
are
people
more
obliged
to
the
one
,
then
to
the
other
.
21.
Privat
persons
without
the
concurrence
of
Parliaments
,
may
resist
and
oppose
the
Prince
,
yea
and
binde
his
hands
,
when
in
a
fit
of
frenzie
,
of
a
distempered
braine
and
madnesse
,
he
would
seek
to
cut
his
owne
throat
,
or
with
Saul
would
run
upon
his
sword
.
Therefore
they
may
also
resist
oppose
him
,
when
in
madnesse
and
fury
,
he
would
not
only
endanger
his
owne
life
in
soul
and
body
,
but
vvould
destroy
the
inheritance
of
the
Lord
,
and
cut
off
his
faithful
and
innocent
subjects
,
and
destroy
the
land
.
The
connexion
is
cleare
:
Because
more
respect
is
to
be
had
unto
the
life
of
Thousands
,
then
to
the
life
of
one
Man
.
The
antecedent
is
certane
,
because
otherwise
they
should
be
guilty
before
the
Lord
,
of
his
death
,
if
they
vvould
not
hinder
it
,
when
it
was
in
the
povver
of
their
hands
;
for
he
vvho
hindereth
not
a
mischief
vvhen
he
may
,
he
vvilleth
it
,
and
so
is
formally
guilty
before
God
.
22.
Privat
persons
,
vvithout
the
concurrence
of
inferiour
Magistrates
,
may
resist
the
Soveraigne
,
vvhen
in
a
rage
he
runeth
upon
an
innocent
man
passing
by
,
and
with
Saul
,
vvhen
an
evil
spirit
from
the
Lord
came
upon
him
,
vvould
cast
his
javelin
or
deadly
instrument
at
the
innocent
Davids
.
This
no
rational
person
vvill
deny
,
vvho
knovveth
vvhat
a
hazard
it
is
to
partake
of
other
men's
sinnes
:
Love
to
the
Prince
should
presse
to
this
perserving
of
him
from
shedding
innocent
blood
;
and
vvho
doth
not
this
vvhen
he
may
,
consenteth
to
that
murther
.
Therefore
they
may
also
,
no
lesse
,
yea
much
more
,
resist
him
,
vvhen
in
his
madnesse
and
distemper
,
he
is
seeking
to
destroy
millions
of
the
people
of
God
:
And
againe
,
much
more
may
vve
resist
him
,
vvhen
he
is
seeking
to
destroy
ourselves
,
vve
being
much
more
bound
to
love
and
defend
ourselves
,
then
to
love
and
defend
others
.
23.
If
it
be
lawful
for
private
subjects
,
without
the
Commande
or
allowance
of
Parliaments
or
their
Representatives
,
to
resist
a
Tyrant
,
or
the
Tyranny
of
a
Prince
,
with
teares
and
prayers
:
Then
also
,
in
cases
of
necessity
,
it
shall
be
lawful
for
them
to
resist
his
violent
Tyranny
and
tyrannical
violence
,
with
violence
,
But
the
former
is
true
.
Therefore
,
&c.
The
minor
is
cleare
:
For
Royalists
themselves
will
grant
that
praeces
and
lachrymae
may
be
opposed
to
Tyranny
;
Thus
did
the
ancient
Christians
resist
their
tyrannical
Emperours
with
earnest
cryes
and
prayers
to
God
,
especially
Iulian
the
Apostate
,
whom
they
ordinarily
stiled
Idolianus
,
Pisaeus
,
Adonaeus
,
Tauricremus
,
alter
Hieroboam
,
Achab
,
Pharaoh
,
&c.
And
we
are
allowed
to
pray
against
the
Enemies
of
Christs
Kingdome
,
against
the
Turk
,
the
Pope
that
great
Antichrist
,
and
all
the
little
Antichrists
that
make
warre
against
the
Lord
and
his
interest
.
Therefore
we
may
also
resist
a
Prince
Tyrannically
oppressing
the
People
of
God
,
destroying
the
mountaine
of
the
Lord
,
makeing
havock
of
his
Church
,
when
we
are
in
probable
capacity
for
that
work
.
The
reason
is
because
,
the
one
is
no
more
condemned
in
Scripture
then
the
other
.
2.
The
one
is
no
more
a
sinful
resisting
of
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
then
is
the
other
.
3.
Adversaries
themselves
will
grant
that
resistence
by
prayers
and
tears
is
more
powerful
and
effectual
,
then
the
other
.
4.
This
personal
resistence
is
as
consistent
with
that
command
,
let
every
soul
be
subject
to
higher
powers
,
as
the
other
is
with
that
,
1
Tim.
2
:
ver.
1
,
2.
1
exhort
that
supplications
,
prayers
and
intercessions
be
made
for
Kings
,
and
for
all
in
authority
.
5.
If
the
Prince
be
good
,
the
one
is
as
unlawful
as
the
other
,
and
a
sinful
resistence
of
the
ordinance
of
God
,
no
lesse
then
the
other
:
Therefore
when
he
becometh
a
Tyger
,
a
Lyon
,
a
waster
of
the
inheritance
of
the
Lord
,
an
Apostate
,
as
I
may
not
pray
for
him
,
except
conditionally
,
but
against
him
,
as
an
enemy
of
Christ's
;
so
I
may
also
lawfully
resist
him
with
violence
.
6.
It
is
cleare
from
other
perfsons
or
things
against
whom
or
which
,
I
may
lawfully
pray
,
as
inward
or
outward
Enemics
,
forraigne
or
domestick
,
be
they
inferiour
or
superiour
,
against
these
I
may
use
resistence
,
in
my
ovvne
sinlesse
defence
.
7.
The
lavves
of
the
land
make
the
one
treasonable
as
vvel
as
the
other
,
and
that
deservedly
,
vvhen
the
Prince
is
doing
his
duty
:
but
vvhen
he
turneth
Tyrant
,
neither
can
justly
be
condemned
.
8.
We
have
seen
the
one
practiced
in
Scripture
and
other
Histories
,
as
vvell
as
the
other
.
24.
If
it
be
lavvful
for
meer
privat
persons
to
refuse
obedience
unto
the
unjust
and
iniquous
commands
of
Princes
:
Then
it
is
also
lavvfull
for
them
to
resist
the
unjust
and
illegal
Tyranny
of
such
.
But
the
former
is
undengable
.
Therefore
so
is
the
latter
.
The
connexion
is
cleare
.
For
1.
Subjection
is
no
more
expresly
pressed
in
Scripture
,
then
is
obedience
,
to
Superiours
:
Therefore
if
not
withstanding
of
this
command
,
non-obedience
be
allowed
yea
and
necessary
,
vvhy
not
also
non-subjection
or
resistence
?
2.
The
lavv
of
God
doth
not
presse
this
as
more
absolute
and
unlimited
,
then
the
other
.
3.
Non-obedience
to
the
povver
commanding
just
things
is
a
resisting
of
the
ordinance
of
God
,
as
well
as
non-subjection
thereunto
:
if
notwithstanding
hereof
non-obedience
to
unjust
commands
be
allowed
,
why
also
shall
not
non-subjection
to
tyranny
be
allowed
?
4.
The
one
doth
no
more
derogate
from
the
lawful
authority
of
the
Soveraigne
,
then
the
other
.
5.
The
one
is
no
more
a
wronging
of
the
Minister
of
God
as
such
,
then
the
other
;
because
he
is
no
more
the
Minister
and
vicegerent
of
God
in
acts
of
Tyranny
,
then
in
commanding
unjust
things
.
And
therefore
6.
such
as
resist
unjust
violence
,
can
no
more
procure
to
themselves
damnation
,
then
the
such
as
disobey
unjust
commands
.
CAP.
XIII
.
The
Surveyer's
grounds
taken
from
Scripture
,
for
absolute
Submission
to
Suffering
,
examined
.
HAving
thus
proved
the
lawfulnesse
of
private
persones
resisting
,
in
cases
of
necessity
,
the
unjust
violence
of
Superiour
powers
,
by
many
arguments
;
and
having
vindicated
the
same
from
what
this
Surveyer
had
to
say
against
them
,
We
come
now
to
examine
his
grounds
for
the
contrary
assertion
.
Out
of
Scripture
he
adduceth
Three
grounds
Pag.
28.
&c.
The
first
is
taken
from
the
duty
of
Children
toward
Paents
unjustly
afflicting
them
Heb.
12
:
ver.
9
,
10.
where
,
their
reverend
subjection
under
unreasonable
and
unjust
dealing
is
commended
:
and
from
the
duty
of
Servants
to
suffer
at
the
hands
of
unjust
and
froward
Masters
1
Pet.
2
:
18
,
19
,
20.
To
which
we
answere
,
1.
That
these
examples
are
so
far
from
making
against
us
,
that
they
fully
comfirme
our
poynt
,
as
we
have
shewed
above
:
For
,
notwithstanding
of
what
is
said
in
these
places
,
he
cannot
deny
,
but
Parents
may
be
resisted
by
their
Children
,
in
several
cases
,
and
Masters
by
their
Servants
.
It
would
be
strange
,
if
he
should
presse
this
subjection
so
close
home
,
that
now
no
Servant
might
lawfully
resist
and
withstand
the
fury
of
his
Master
;
nor
no
Childe
might
hold
his
furious
Father's
hands
,
and
defend
himself
against
his
unjust
acts
of
cruelty
.
And
Althusius
Pol.
c.
38.
n.
88
,
89.
tels
us
that
in
several
cases
,
the
father
lòseth
the
right
of
his
fatherly
power
over
Children
;
&
masters
power
,
from
the
law
Tit.
lust
quib
.
mod.
jus
Pat.
Pot.
amit
.
§
Domin
,
lust
.
de
his
qui
sunt
sui
vel
alieni
juris
l.
5.
§
sivel
Par.
de
agant
.
vel
alend.
lib.
L.
necfilium
Cap.
de
Patr.
potcst
.
L.
2.
L.
3.
Cap.
de
Inf.
expos.
Novel
115.
Cap.
3.
2.
If
these
simititudes
be
hardly
pressed
,
it
shall
not
now
be
lawful
for
Subjects
to
resist
so
much
as
by
flying
;
for
the
reverence
and
subjection
required
of
Children
unto
their
parents
,
will
not
suffer
that
to
evite
every
smal
injurie
from
their
parents
,
they
should
ran
away
from
under
their
power
and
subjection
;
nor
might
servants
in
those
dayes
run
away
from
their
Masters
,
who
had
another
dominion
over
them
,
then
Masters
now
have
over
their
Servants
,
who
are
free
to
goe
off
when
they
will
;
himself
acknowledgeth
this
Pag.
31.
3.
We
have
shewed
above
what
a
vast
difference
there
is
,
betwixt
the
power
of
Parents
over
their
Children
;
and
the
power
of
Magistrates
over
their
Subjects
:
And
he
himself
doth
confesse
there
is
a
difference
;
yet
sayes
he
,
Pag.
29.
There
is
a
full
parity
and
agreement
in
this
,
that
in
the
inflicting
of
evils
upon
these
who
are
under
them
(
such
as
are
competent
to
them
to
inflict
within
their
sphaere
)
a
patient
reverent
subjection
is
due
from
their
inferiours
,
even
when
they
abuse
their
power
.
]
Ans.
This
is
the
question
,
if
the
parity
hold
even
here
in
all
poynts
;
for
seing
these
Relations
are
different
one
from
another
,
even
in
their
nature
and
ground
,
it
is
but
rational
to
think
,
that
there
must
also
be
some
difference
betwixt
them
,
as
to
the
consequent
or
result
that
floweth
from
that
relation
,
else
it
would
follow
that
as
Children
are
so
Subject
,
as
that
they
can
never
but
be
subject
,
to
their
Parents
;
so
Subjects
could
never
be
free
of
their
Superiours
;
and
yet
himself
tells
us
,
that
they
may
,
by
going
under
another
government
,
or
removing
to
other
dominions
.
2.
Who
shall
be
judge
,
whether
the
Superior
keepeth
within
his
spaere
,
yea
or
not
?
If
the
Superiour
,
then
there
is
no
remedy
at
all
;
for
when
he
doth
most
exceed
his
bounds
,
he
may
judge
that
he
keepeth
within
bounds
,
and
so
whether
he
keep
within
his
sphaere
or
not
,
there
must
no
resistence
be
used
,
but
a
stupide
subjection
.
3.
Whether
may
the
Superiour
be
resisted
by
the
inferiour
,
when
he
doth
what
is
not
incumbent
to
him
to
do
within
his
sphaere
,
or
not
?
If
he
may
not
,
then
why
is
this
parenthesis
added
,
As
a
restriction
or
limitation
of
the
Subjection
required
?
If
he
may
be
resisted
when
he
really
goeth
without
his
sphaere
,
then
this
makes
for
us
;
for
he
must
grant
that
the
Magistrate
doth
nor
prescribe
the
limites
of
his
owne
povver
,
but
God
and
nature
,
and
the
constitution
of
the
Realme
.
Novv
God
hath
never
put
it
in
the
povver
of
Princes
to
presse
their
subjects
to
perjury
,
or
to
a
complyance
with
a
sinful
abhominable
and
abjured
course
;
so
that
vvhn
he
doth
thus
,
he
goeth
beyond
his
sphaere
:
His
sphaere
is
to
rule
for
God
and
the
good
of
the
land
,
and
not
to
destroy
the
interest
of
Christ
,
and
the
Commongood
:
and
if
he
may
be
resisted
,
vvhen
he
goeth
beyond
this
sphaere
,
then
vve
have
all
vve
aske
.
It
vvas
never
vvithin
his
sphaere
,
to
break
his
compact
vvith
his
People
:
and
vvhen
he
doth
so
,
he
is
vvithout
his
sphaere
and
may
be
resisted
,
and
this
is
also
for
us
.
Againe
he
tells
us
in
the
2
place
.
That
though
Kings
are
not
fathers
by
generation
;
yet
as
Kings
and
Magistrats
should
have
fatherly
hearts
to
their
subjects
,
(
they
being
a
sort
of
official
fathers
to
them
,
to
procure
their
good
,
and
defend
them
from
evil
)
so
subjects
ought
to
have
such
hearts
to
their
King
,
as
Children
have
to
their
fathers
,
giving
them
speical
reverence
,
subjection
and
obedience
,
from
their
very
soul
and
inward
affection
.
]
Answ.
All
this
sayes
that
as
Kings
are
metaphorical
Fathers
,
so
Subjects
,
are
metaphorical
Children
.
But
as
it
doth
not
say
,
that
Kings
should
become
Tyrants
,
&
not
carry
fatherly
affection
tovvards
their
Subjects
;
so
it
doth
not
say
,
that
Subejcts
may
not
resist
their
tyrannical
rage
and
fury
,
vvherein
they
acte
not
as
fathers
,
but
as
Tygers
.
2.
It
is
true
,
special
reverence
subjection
&
obedience
is
due
to
Magistrats
,
but
alvvayes
in
the
Lord
;
The
relation
is
mutual
,
if
they
carry
not
as
official
fathers
seeking
the
good
of
the
subjects
and
defending
them
,
but
as
devouring
Lyons
seeking
the
destruction
of
their
Subjects
both
in
soul
and
body
,
they
cannot
expect
,
according
to
vvhat
he
sayeth
,
that
hearty
subjection
and
obedience
,
vvhich
othervvise
they
might
have
.
3.
Being
but
official
fathers
appoynted
by
the
subjects
,
and
set
over
them
by
their
vvill
and
consent
,
they
must
have
lesse
povver
to
vvronge
the
Subjects
,
then
Parents
have
to
vvronge
their
Children
,
vvho
have
not
that
relation
by
vertue
of
any
formal
compact
with
,
or
consent
of
their
Children
.
So
that
when
they
do
injuries
,
Subjects
are
in
a
greater
capacity
to
help
themselves
,
then
Children
are
;
vvhen
their
Parents
to
injure
them
.
He
addeth
[
Although
some
times
they
are
not
such
as
they
ought
to
be
,
yet
they
ought
to
account
their
persons
(
sealed
with
Gods
ordinance
,
and
the
image
of
of
his
Soveraignity
)
sacred
and
inviolable
,
resolving
to
suffer
any
thing
of
them
rather
then
be
guilty
of
parricide
(
although
under
the
colour
of
self
defence
)
Gods
law
in
the
fift
command
hath
injoyned
reverence
&
subjection
to
Princes
under
the
title
of
Parents
Calv.
Iustit
.
Lib.
4.
Cap.
8.
&c.
[
Answ.
We
are
not
speaking
of
doing
violence
unto
the
persons
of
Soveraignes
,
or
of
committing
parricide
,
but
only
of
the
matter
of
resistance
,
and
of
natural
sinlesse
selfe
defence
,
vvhich
is
far
different
from
Killing
of
Kings
:
If
he
think
the
one
of
the
same
nature
vvith
the
other
,
he
vvrongeth
the
King's
life
,
more
then
he
is
avvare
of
.
Though
Children
as
Children
may
not
Kill
their
parents
,
yet
they
may
defend
themselves
from
their
unjust
violence
.
2.
We
grant
Kings
are
comprehended
in
the
fift
commandement
under
the
title
of
parents
,
as
Calvin
doth
;
and
not
only
Kings
,
but
all
Superiours
:
&
yet
he
will
not
say
,
I
suppose
,
that
we
are
not
to
resist
the
unjust
violence
of
any
superiour
,
but
that
they
are
all
so
sacred
and
inviolable
,
as
that
in
all
things
,
they
must
be
subjected
unto
,
without
the
least
resistence
:
and
therefore
what
he
addeth
is
not
to
the
poynt
.
4.
We
have
shewed
above
,
that
there
is
a
vaste
disparity
betvvixt
Masters
and
Kings
,
in
reference
to
their
slaves
and
subjects
;
He
himself
acknovvledgeth
this
,
Pag.
31.
[
Yet
(
sayes
he
)
though
there
be
these
differences
betwixt
the
dominative
or
masterly
,
and
the
Royal
or
Magistratical
power
,
the
inferiours
subjection
in
suffering
(
even
wrongfully
,
if
God
permit
in
his
providence
the
power
to
be
abused
)
is
no
lesse
under
the
one
power
,
then
under
the
other
,
by
vertue
of
Divine
Law
.
Subjects
serve
the
Soveraigne
,
(
though
they
be
not
slaves
:
)
and
not
only
conquered
people
are
called
Servants
,
2
Sam.
8
:
v.
14.
but
also
ordinary
subjects
,
2
Sam.
11
:
V.
24.
1
King
.
12
:
V.
4.
—
Though
he
also
be
in
a
sense
their
servant
(
not
in
relation
of
an
inferiour
to
a
superiour
,
for
so
the
Magistrate
is
only
the
Minister
of
God
for
the
Peoples
good
,
and
never
called
their
Minister
)
but
in
relation
of
the
meanes
to
the
end
—
as
Angles
are
ministring
spirits
for
the
heires
of
salvation
,
and
Ministers
are
Servants
to
the
People
,
&c.
]
Answ.
That
the
subjection
is
alike
in
both
these
relations
,
can
with
no
colour
of
reason
be
asserted
;
for
it
is
absurd
to
say
,
that
Subjects
who
set
up
the
Magistrate
,
who
limite
his
power
,
who
binde
him
by
Covenants
,
and
designe
their
owne
good
in
setting
him
up
,
&
do
it
in
a
voluntary
way
,
are
the
same
way
subject
to
their
Princes
,
;
as
slaves
,
who
are
as
other
goods
for
the
profite
of
the
Master
,
&
are
,
both
in
bodyes
&
goods
,
otherwise
subject
unto
their
Masters
,
and
that
in
a
manner
against
their
will
,
either
being
sold
,
or
redeeming
their
life
in
war
,
by
giving
themselves
up
as
slaves
.
2.
As
there
are
various
Kindes
of
Superiours
,
so
the
relation
varyeth
,
and
is
more
or
lesse
closse
and
efficacious
,
and
the
subjection
must
accordingly
vary
:
I
am
not
alike
subjected
to
every
one
that
is
over
me
,
as
I
am
subjected
to
my
Soveraigne
;
nor
am
I
so
subjected
to
him
,
as
to
my
natural
parents
,
or
as
a
wife
is
to
her
husband
.
3.
Though
the
Subejcts
in
some
sense
call
themselves
servants
to
the
soveraigne
,
(
which
yet
is
often
a
tearme
of
civil
respect
;
for
Naaman
called
himself
Elisha's
servant
2
King
.
5
:
15.
and
Obadiah
said
the
like
to
Elijah
1
King
.
18
:
9.
)
yet
if
they
be
not
slaves
;
they
must
have
more
allowance
then
slaves
have
,
and
so
have
more
povver
to
resist
unjust
violence
then
they
had
.
4.
If
the
Magistrate
be
the
peoples
servant
in
relation
of
the
meanes
to
the
end
;
then
the
relation
betvvixt
him
and
his
Subejcts
,
is
not
such
a
relation
as
is
betvvixt
Parents
and
Children
,
or
betwixt
Masters
and
Slaves
;
for
the
end
of
these
relations
,
is
not
the
good
of
Children
and
slaves
:
And
next
,
Subejcts
must
have
more
power
allowed
them
to
see
to
the
end
,
which
is
their
owne
good
,
and
to
see
that
the
means
prove
not
destructive
of
the
end
:
and
if
the
meanes
prove
no
meanes
,
the
relation
falleth
,
and
he
is
no
more
a
servant
seeking
their
good
,
but
a
Tyrant
seeking
his
owne
.
5.
It
is
sooner
said
then
proved
,
that
the
People
who
set
up
the
King
are
not
superiour
to
the
King
:
He
should
have
aswered
Lex
Rex
as
to
this
:
but
it
is
like
,
he
thinketh
that
his
saying
thus
,
is
more
firme
and
irrefragable
,
then
Lex
Rex
reasonings
to
the
contrary
:
But
I
know
not
who
will
think
so
with
him
.
6.
There
is
a
great
difference
betwixt
Angels
serving
the
saints
,
or
rather
serving
God
that
way
;
and
the
King
serving
his
People
:
The
saints
have
no
hand
in
setting
up
angels
to
protect
them
,
as
People
have
in
setting
up
Magistrates
.
7.
If
they
be
servants
as
ministers
are
,
then
,
though
in
regard
of
their
official
power
they
should
not
be
subject
to
the
People
,
yet
they
may
be
resisted
,
as
was
shevved
above
:
and
this
is
all
vve
presse
for
.
5.
There
is
a
great
difference
betwixt
suffering
of
Buffettings
,
and
correction
,
and
such
like
petty
,
private
,
personal
injuries
,
at
the
hands
of
Parents
or
Masters
;
and
the
suffering
of
losse
of
Liberties
,
Life
,
Lands
,
Religion
,
and
such
like
,
which
tend
to
the
ruine
of
the
Commonwealth
.
To
this
our
Surveyer
replyeth
two
things
Pag.
32.
as
,
1.
[
The
grounds
that
such
men
goe
upon
for
private
persones
violent
resisting
the
Magistrate
(
viz.
the
abuse
of
his
power
)
if
they
hold
good
,
will
as
effectually
evince
a
non-subjection
&
violent
resistence
to
Parents
and
Masters
in
abusing
their
power
.
]
Answ.
We
say
not
that
the
Magistrate's
abuse
of
his
power
is
the
only
ground
of
resistance
;
this
should
have
been
shewed
,
and
not
said
barely
,
as
it
is
here
:
But
when
other
things
give
ground
of
resistence
,
yea
and
a
call
thereunto
,
it
is
enough
for
us
to
say
,
that
we
resist
not
the
power
,
but
the
abuse
of
the
power
.
2.
Though
we
walked
upon
no
other
ground
(
which
is
false
,
as
is
cleare
from
what
is
said
)
yet
his
consequence
would
be
null
,
unlesse
he
should
affirme
,
which
yet
he
dar
not
,
That
the
Magistrate
is
under
no
other
obligation
to
his
Subjects
,
then
Parents
are
to
their
Children
,
and
Masters
to
their
Slaves
.
But
what
sayes
he
?
2.
[
as
death
is
not
,
so
no
punishment
unjustly
inflicted
is
eligible
,
where
lawfully
it
can
be
warded
off
.
But
this
is
the
state
of
the
question
,
if
private
persones
may
lawfully
violente
the
Magistrate
abuseing
his
power
:
if
in
greater
evils
unjustly
inflicted
,
there
is
alwayes
a
liberty
for
inferiours
violently
to
re-offend
the
powers
above
them
?
Why
not
in
lesse
evils
too
?
These
gradual
differences
of
inflicted
evils
cannot
make
such
variation
,
in
the
poynt
of
duty
,
seing
the
grounds
hold
equally
strong
;
if
a
man
may
resist
the
Magistrate
for
abuse
of
his
power
,
he
may
do
so
also
against
his
father
,
or
Master
on
the
same
grounds
,
and
if
he
may
not
so
deal
with
them
,
he
may
not
deal
so
with
the
Magistrate
neither
]
Answ.
It
is
true
that
no
punishment
unjustly
inflicted
is
eligible
where
lawfully
it
can
be
warded
off
;
but
there
may
be
more
said
,
for
the
lawfulnesse
of
warding
off
of
death
,
then
for
warding
off
a
little
blow
.
And
2
there
may
be
more
said
for
warding
off
a
blow
,
then
for
warding
it
off
by
violenting
the
Superiour
:
We
speak
not
of
violenting
the
Superiour
,
but
of
warding
off
the
blae
and
bitter
blowes
,
and
such
other
iujuries
equivalent
to
death
,
done
by
his
bloody
emissaries
,
which
may
be
done
without
violent
re-offending
the
powers
above
us
.
3.
When
the
injuries
are
great
and
grievous
,
and
not
easily
reparable
,
God
and
nature
will
allow
,
a
warding
of
these
off
,
even
by
violence
,
when
they
can
no
otherwise
be
shuned
.
Though
a
Childe
may
willingly
Subject
himself
unto
correction
,
though
he
do
not
really
deserve
it
,
yet
if
his
father
in
stead
of
taking
a
whipe
to
chastise
him
,
shall
take
a
sword
to
hew
him
in
pieces
,
or
a
knife
to
cut
his
throate
.
I
suppose
in
that
case
,
the
Childe
may
refuse
hearty
subjection
,
and
either
flee
away
,
or
if
he
cannot
,
save
his
life
so
long
as
he
can
,
either
by
calling
for
help
,
or
with
his
owne
hands
if
he
be
able
.
And
here
he
will
grant
,
I
suppose
,
that
the
gradual
difference
of
inflicted
evills
will
make
a
variation
in
poynt
of
this
duty
of
resistence
.
So
in
smaller
injuries
subjects
may
be
patient
,
and
beare
a
little
,
for
redeeming
more
,
and
rather
suffer
the
losse
of
little
then
hazard
all
,
but
when
it
comes
to
an
extremity
;
and
Life
,
and
Religion
and
Liberty
,
and
all
that
is
dear
to
them
as
men
as
Christians
,
is
in
eminent
and
unavoydable
hazard
,
then
they
may
lawfully
stand
to
their
defence
,
and
resist
that
abused
power
,
not
meerly
,
nor
only
,
nor
formally
,
because
it
is
an
abused
power
,
but
because
it
is
so
abused
,
as
that
it
destroyeth
the
ends
for
which
it
was
appoynted
,
and
destroyeth
all
that
is
deare
unto
them
,
and
which
they
are
bound
to
defend
,
upon
any
hazard
,
if
it
be
in
their
power
;
because
the
losse
is
irreparable
.
Though
a
gradual
difference
of
evil
inflicted
do
not
vary
the
spece
of
evil
inflicted
,
the
least
evil
inflicted
being
an
evil
essentially
as
well
as
the
greatest
,
to
him
who
doth
inflict
it
;
yet
it
may
alter
the
ground
of
resistence
,
not
only
of
superiours
,
but
also
of
equals
and
inferiours
;
for
I
may
beare
with
a
smal
injury
at
the
hand
of
mine
equal
and
inferiour
,
and
not
so
much
as
seek
reparation
by
law
,
when
I
see
that
either
the
matter
is
not
tanti
,
or
that
I
shall
expend
more
in
regaining
my
owne
,
then
all
my
losse
was
:
But
will
he
think
that
upon
this
ground
it
will
follow
,
that
if
mine
equal
or
inferiour
shall
endeavour
by
fraud
or
falsehood
,
to
take
from
me
my
whole
estate
,
I
may
not
then
sue
him
at
the
law
,
and
vindicate
my
owne
?
Sure
it
were
irrational
to
say
so
.
6.
This
will
speak
as
much
against
resisting
of
the
inferiour
powers
,
as
resisting
of
the
Supreame
:
For
they
are
metaphorical
Fathers
too
,
and
superiours
over
us
,
as
well
as
the
Soveraigne
,
and
the
comparison
will
hold
in
the
one
,
as
well
as
in
the
other
.
Now
if
he
think
that
the
concurrence
or
command
of
the
Inferiour
Magistrate
,
will
not
warrand
Subjects
to
resist
the
Supreame
;
He
must
also
say
that
the
concurrence
or
command
of
the
Superiour
,
will
not
warrand
a
resisting
of
the
inferour
;
and
so
it
shall
be
alike
unlawful
to
resist
any
,
if
this
comparison
hold
,
according
to
his
urging
of
it
:
For
it
was
not
lawful
for
the
Childe
to
resist
the
Mother
,
but
to
suffer
patiently
her
chastisment
,
though
the
Father
should
have
been
indulgent
,
and
would
have
pardoned
the
Childe
,
or
extenuated
and
excused
the
Childe
as
not
guilty
of
the
fault
alledged
.
So
was
the
childe
also
obliged
to
be
Subject
unto
his
Father's
corrections
,
though
the
indulgent
Mother
would
have
taken
the
Childe's
part
against
the
Father
.
7.
The
Servant
was
to
bear
buffets
patiently
1
Pet.
2.
&
after
Christ's
example
was
not
to
buffet
againe
;
for
Christ
being
reviled
did
not
revile
againe
,
and
so
the
place
speaketh
not
against
resistence
for
self
defence
;
but
against
buffeting
againe
,
which
is
no
formal
warding
off
of
blowes
,
&
floweth
not
from
sinlesse
nature
seeking
to
defend
it self
;
but
rather
from
a
spirit
of
revenge
:
So
that
,
for
all
this
,
the
Servant
might
have
warded
off
blowes
,
and
saved
his
head
with
his
armes
,
when
his
cruel
Master
was
seeking
to
break
his
head
.
8.
It
is
one
thing
to
speak
of
what
a
Childe
may
do
,
who
hath
no
power
to
resist
his
father
,
or
what
a
slave
is
called
to
,
who
hath
no
power
or
probable
way
to
resist
his
Master
;
&
another
thing
to
speak
of
what
a
Nation
,
or
a
Considerable
part
of
a
Nation
may
do
against
a
few
,
whose
unjust
violence
they
are
able
to
resist
.
9.
The
maine
ground
of
this
argument
is
a
mistake
;
for
he
thinketh
that
patient
suffering
is
inconsistent
with
resisting
.
But
Lex
Rex
quaest
30.
Pag.
281.
hath
shewed
a
consistencie
,
(
but
it
is
his
best
,
according
to
his
usual
custome
,
to
passe
over
such
things
as
he
cannot
answere
.
)
So
that
the
consequence
is
a
meer
nullity
:
for
because
servants
are
to
suffer
unjust
buffetings
,
at
the
hands
of
their
wicked
Masters
,
It
will
not
follow
,
That
therefore
they
are
obliged
in
conscience
to
non-resistence
:
for
as
Lex
Rex
sheweth
,
The
Church
of
God
was
to
bear
with
all
patience
the
indignation
of
the
Lord
because
she
had
sinned
Micah
.
9
10
,
11
,
12.
and
yet
she
was
not
obliged
to
non-resistence
;
but
rather
obliged
to
fight
against
here
Enemies
.
David
beare
patiently
the
wrong
that
this
Sone
absolome
did
to
him
,
as
is
clear
by
2
Sam.
25
:
ver.
25
,
26.
and
Cap.
16
:
v.
10
,
11
,
12.
Psal.
3
:
v
1
,
2
,
3.
Yet
did
he
lawfully
resist
him
and
his
forces
.
So
we
are
to
beare
sicknesse
,
paines
,
and
torments
,
which
the
Lord
sendeth
on
us
;
and
yet
very
lawfully
may
we
labour
and
use
all
lawful
meanes
to
be
freed
from
them
.
10.
Christ's
Rule
to
us
;
Math.
5
:
v.
39.
is
,
that
whosoever
shall
smile
us
on
the
right
cheek
,
we
should
turne
the
other
to
him
also
,
and
what
more
patient
subjection
can
be
required
by
a
Magistrate
of
his
subjects
?
and
yet
this
will
not
make
it
altogether
unlawful
for
private
persones
to
defend
themselves
from
unjust
violence
offered
them
,
by
their
equalls
or
inferiours
.
No
more
will
it
follow
from
that
patient
subjection
that
we
owe
to
Rulers
,
that
in
no
case
we
may
resist
their
unjust
violence
,
and
defend
ourselves
there
from
.
11.
I
hope
notwithstanding
of
any
thing
,
that
is
spoken
in
these
passages
,
he
will
allow
children
when
wronged
by
their
Parents
,
and
Servants
when
iniured
by
their
Masters
,
liberty
to
complaine
to
Magistrates
who
are
over
both
,
and
yet
this
is
the
useing
of
a
legal
resistence
,
and
as
much
opposite
(
if
at
all
opposite
)
to
the
patience
and
subjection
injoyned
,
as
is
violent
resistence
,
when
that
legal
resistence
cannot
be
had
;
as
suppose
,
when
Father
and
Son
,
and
Master
and
Servant
are
living
in
no
Community
,
where
there
are
Rulers
and
Judges
over
them
:
and
if
this
be
lawful
in
this
case
(
as
it
cannot
be
denyed
)
then
must
it
also
be
lawfull
for
subjects
to
repel
the
unjust
violence
of
Princes
with
violence
:
Because
there
is
no
political
Rulers
over
both
King
&
People
.
But
People
must
make
use
of
that
Court
and
tribunal
of
necessity
,
which
nature
hath
allowed
,
and
by
innocent
violence
,
repel
the
unjust
violence
of
Princes
,
seing
there
is
no
other
remedy
.
His
second
ground
out
of
Scripture
is
taken
from
Mat.
5
:
ver.
10.
1
Pet.
4
:
ver.
14
,
17.
and
the
like
places
;
[
Where
there
is
a
commended
suffering
for
Christ
and
Righteousnesse
sake
,
and
consequently
a
sort
of
commanded
suffering
:
a
suffering
contradistinct
from
suffering
for
evil
doing
,
even
a
cleanly
submission
to
suffer
in
and
for
well
doing
(
when
God
in
his
providence
permits
Rulers
so
to
abuse
their
power
)
which
passive
subjection
or
submission
is
not
grounded
on
the
Rulers
abuse
of
his
power
through
his
corrupt
will
,
but
upon
the
peculiar
command
of
God
enjoyning
submission
in
such
cases
.
]
Answ.
1.
These
&
the
like
speak
nothing
at
all
to
the
poynt
:
For
,
as
we
may
be
persecuted
for
righteousnesse
sake
by
equalls
,
Yea
and
by
inferiours
;
so
we
are
to
suffer
that
persecution
,
when
God
in
his
providence
calleth
us
thereunto
,
with
patience
and
humble
submission
of
Spirit
.
But
is
this
a
good
argument
,
to
prove
that
it
is
unlawful
for
us
to
resist
and
repel
injuries
offered
to
us
by
equals
or
inferiours
?
And
if
it
will
not
prove
it
unlawful
for
us
to
resist
our
equals
or
inferiours
,
neither
can
it
hence
be
inferred
that
it
is
unlawful
for
us
to
resist
Superiours
.
2.
By
this
same
reason
the
King
if
a
Christian
,
is
bound
to
submit
as
well
to
his
subjects
,
as
they
to
him
;
at
least
,
he
is
not
bound
to
resist
a
foraigne
King
invading
him
for
Religion
,
which
I
know
not
who
will
grant
.
3.
That
God
alwayes
calleth
us
to
submissio
nor
passive
subjection
,
when
in
his
providence
he
permits
Rulers
to
abuse
their
power
,
is
the
thing
in
question
,
and
this
argument
doth
no
way
prove
it
.
4.
We
grant
,
that
God
calleth
us
to
suffer
for
righteousnesse
sake
,
patiently
and
Christianly
,
whether
at
the
hands
of
Superiours
,
or
at
the
hands
of
equals
or
inferiours
,
when
in
his
providence
we
are
so
stated
,
as
that
we
must
either
suffer
,
or
sin
by
denying
a
testimony
for
his
truth
and
cause
:
But
that
,
when
a
door
is
opened
for
eshewing
suffering
,
and
God
in
his
providence
seemeth
not
to
call
us
thereunto
(
as
he
never
doth
,
when
he
giveth
a
faire
way
of
preventing
it
)
we
are
called
to
suffer
,
and
bound
to
choose
suffering
at
the
hands
of
any
,
is
denyed
and
not
proved
by
him
.
But
furder
he
tells
us
.
That
[
Lex
Rexquaest
.
30.
Leers
at
passive
obedience
,
as
a
chymaera
,
as
a
dreame
,
and
as
involving
a
contradiction
:
And
he
thinks
(
sayes
he
)
he
speaketh
acutely
,
in
saying
,
God
never
gave
to
any
a
command
to
suffer
for
well
doing
,
nor
at
all
to
suffer
(
suffering
depending
on
the
free
will
of
another
without
us
,
and
not
on
our
owne
free
will
;
and
so
not
falling
under
any
command
of
God
to
us
,
)
but
he
reasones
(
sayes
he
)
very
sophistically
,
inferring
that
because
meer
suffering
,
which
necessarily
depends
on
the
action
of
another
,
is
not
commanded
to
us
,
therefore
subjection
to
suffering
,
or
passive
obedience
is
not
commanded
,
when
the
Magistrate
inflicts
suffering
.
]
Ans.
The
worthy
Author
of
Lex
Rex
was
there
answering
the
objection
of
Royalists
,
who
alledged
such
places
,
where
,
they
supposed
,
we
were
commanded
to
suffer
,
and
among
several
assertions
,
which
he
laid
down
to
solve
this
,
he
had
this
assertions
,
That
suffering
formally
as
suffering
,
nor
non-resisting
passive
,
could
fall
under
no
formal
law
of
God
,
except
in
two
cases
,
1.
in
the
poynt
of
Christ's
passive
obedience
,
and
2.
indirectly
and
comparatively
,
when
it
cometh
to
the
election
of
the
witnesse
of
Iesus
,
whether
he
will
suffer
or
deny
the
truth
of
Christ
,
so
that
this
alternative
must
be
unavoydable
,
otherwayes
(
sayd
he
)
no
man
is
to
expect
the
reward
of
a
witnesse
of
Iesus
,
who
having
a
lavvful
possible
meane
of
eshevving
suffering
,
doth
yet
cast
himself
into
suffering
needlesly
.
Novv
vvhat
a
meer
vvrangler
must
this
be
,
vvho
sayeth
,
that
that
vvorthy
Author
did
reason
sophistically
in
so
inferring
,
vvhileas
he
is
only
ansvvering
the
objection
:
and
hereby
he
doth
it
sufficiently
;
for
if
it
be
evinced
(
as
he
hath
unansvverably
evinced
it
)
that
passive
obedience
or
passive
subjection
is
not
formally
commanded
;
then
their
arguments
proving
this
passive
subjection
to
be
our
duty
,
are
null
;
and
so
they
cannot
hence
inferre
,
that
non-subjection
passive
is
forbidden
.
And
vvhat
have
they
gained
then
out
of
these
places
?
Can
this
Surveyer
affirme
that
passion
as
passion
,
or
suffering
formally
as
such
,
cometh
under
a
command
of
God
?
no
,
he
dar
not
,
but
must
vvith
Lex
Rex
say
,
that
it
is
impossible
that
meer
passion
,
(
as
to
be
whipped
,
to
be
hanged
,
to
be
beheaded
should
be
the
object
of
an
affirmative
or
perceptive
command
of
God
.
Why
then
is
he
offended
vvith
Lex
Rex
?
Why
jeers
he
at
that
worthy
Author
,
saying
he
thinks
he
speaks
acutely
?
is
this
to
answere
Lex
Rex
to
jeer
at
what
is
there
sayd
,
aud
then
be
forced
(
or
speak
non-sense
)
to
affirme
the
same
thing
that
is
there
asserted
?
But
sayes
he
,
Pag.
34.
[
Subjection
to
the
passion
may
fall
under
a
command
,
and
this
is
called
passive
obedience
,
which
implyes
more
then
meer
passion
or
suffering
;
even
a
disposition
and
motion
of
the
heart
to
lye
under
that
lot
with
an
eye
to
God
,
whose
ordinance
is
used
upon
the
sufferer
;
only
it
is
called
passive
obedience
,
because
as
to
the
precise
suffering
the
punishment
,
there
is
no
external
action
done
,
enjoyned
by
the
law
or
command
of
the
Magistrate
,
as
there
is
in
active
obedience
,
although
there
be
some
dispositive
or
preparatory
actions
in
order
to
suffering
(
not
inferring
a
direct
preparation
to
a
mans
owne
suffering
)
which
he
may
and
ought
to
do
,
as
going
to
a
gallowes
on
his
owne
feet
,
or
up
a
ladder
,
or
laying
down
his
head
on
a
block
,
that
it
may
be
strucken
off
.
]
Answ.
That
subjection
to
the
passion
might
fall
under
a
command
was
granted
in
some
cases
by
Lex
Rex
,
as
was
said
;
but
that
it
falleth
under
a
command
when
God
openeth
a
faire
door
to
eshew
it
,
he
is
not
able
to
prove
.
2.
Hovv
proper
it
is
to
call
that
submission
passive
obedience
,
is
not
worth
the
while
to
enquire
,
Lex
Rex
tolde
us
(
and
he
cannot
confute
it
)
that
it
was
repugnantia
in
adjecto
to
call
it
obedience
,
since
obedience
properly
so
called
,
is
relative
essentially
to
a
law
:
Now
there
is
no
moral
law
enjoyning
this
,
for
no
man
is
formally
a
sinner
against
a
moral
law
,
because
he
suffereth
not
the
evil
of
punishment
,
nor
are
these
in
hell
formally
obedient
to
a
law
,
because
they
suffer
against
their
will
.
3.
As
for
that
disposition
and
motion
of
heart
,
which
he
speaketh
of
,
that
is
nothing
but
what
Lex
Rex
said
viz.
That
modus
rei
the
manner
of
suffering
,
was
under
a
command
,
and
indeed
obedience
to
that
was
and
is
obedience
to
a
moral
law
.
But
the
Surveyer
called
it
an
errour
to
say
that
only
the
modus
rei
is
commanded
or
forbidden
,
and
why
?
because
(
sayes
he
,
)
That
same
command
that
forbids
resisting
the
Magistrate
in
doing
his
duty
,
enjoyneth
submission
and
passive
obedience
to
him
,
although
we
were
able
by
force
to
deliver
ourselves
,
out
of
his
hand
.
]
Answ.
Then
by
him
,
there
is
no
medium
betwixt
this
submission
to
passive
obedience
,
and
positive
resistence
:
And
so
,
either
he
must
say
that
flying
is
resisting
,
(
which
yet
Pag.
41.
he
calleth
a
monster
of
a
Stoical
paradox
)
or
he
must
say
,
that
flying
and
refuseing
to
submit
to
this
passive
obedience
,
is
a
submitting
to
this
passive
obedience
:
And
whether
this
will
not
rather
look
like
a
monster
of
a
Stöical
paradox
,
let
all
men
of
common
sense
judge
.
2.
Is
the
guilty
person
bound
by
any
moral
law
,
to
suffer
death
or
whipping
,
if
the
Magistrate
will
not
execute
the
sentence
upon
him
?
Or
is
every
one
in
that
case
bound
to
deliver
up
himself
to
the
Magistrate
,
&
accuse
himself
,
and
pursue
the
accusation
until
the
sentence
be
executed
?
If
not
,
how
doth
this
passive
submission
fall
under
a
moral
law
?
If
he
say
,
when
he
is
apprehended
or
in
hands
,
he
is
not
to
resist
,
but
submit
to
the
stroke
.
Answer
.
1.
Will
not
any
see
,
that
then
the
res
ipsa
is
not
commanded
,
but
the
modus
rei
,
and
so
Lex
Rex
said
true
,
Pag.
318.
That
passive
obedience
to
wicked
Rulers
was
enjoyed
Rom.
13.
only
in
the
manner
,
and
upon
supposition
that
we
must
be
subject
to
them
,
and
must
suffer
against
our
wills
all
the
evil
of
punishment
that
they
can
inflict
,
Then
we
must
suffer
patiently
.
But
2.
Though
we
be
bound
to
submit
to
the
Magistrate
doing
his
duty
,
and
inflicting
just
punishment
,
will
it
follow
that
therefore
we
are
bound
to
submit
to
the
Magistrate
doing
not
his
duty
,
but
inflicting
unjust
punishment
?
Or
doth
the
same
passive
obedience
to
powers
punishing
unjustly
fall
under
the
moral
law
?
How
doth
he
prove
either
the
consequence
or
the
consequent
?
[
We
assert
(
sayes
he
Pag.
53.
)
That
a
private
person
though
wrongfully
afflicted
by
the
lawful
Magistrate
proceeding
according
to
law
,
(
let
it
be
so
that
it
is
lex
malè
posita
or
an
evil
law
)
is
hound
not
only
to
Christian
patience
in
suffering
—
but
unto
a
submission
without
repelling
of
violence
by
violence
;
and
that
in
conscientious
respect
to
the
ordinance
of
God
,
wherewith
the
lawful
Magistrate
is
invested
(
although
abuseing
it
in
this
particular
)
and
with
a
tender
regard
to
the
prevention
of
seditions
and
confusions
in
humane
societies
.
]
Ans.
1.
This
is
dictator-like
to
prove
the
conclusion
,
by
asserting
it
;
what
a
ridiculous
fool
is
he
to
come
with
his
assertions
,
and
yet
give
us
nothing
but
the
very
thing
controverted
?
Is
not
this
a
very
hungry
empty
man
,
to
beg
(
when
he
cannot
better
do
)
the
very
thing
in
quaestion
?
2.
Then
it
seemeth
,
he
will
grant
that
a
privat
person
may
resist
the
lawful
Magistrate
,
when
proceeding
contrary
to
law
;
where
is
then
the
conscientious
respect
to
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
wherewith
the
lawful
Magistrate
is
invested
;
and
that
tender
regaird
to
prevent
sedition
,
&c.
which
he
talketh
of
?
Sure
in
the
one
case
,
the
Ordinance
is
but
abused
,
as
it
is
in
the
other
.
3.
Let
me
ask
,
if
there
were
a
just
judge
sitting
,
who
would
execute
justice
and
judgement
for
God
,
and
were
summoning
him
to
answere
for
his
perjury
,
apostasy
,
and
other
villannies
which
he
is
conscious
to
himself
of
,
and
some
others
are
privie
to
,
and
could
witnesse
against
him
;
would
he
compeare
,
or
rather
would
he
not
run
from
under
the
reach
of
justice
,
and
secure
himself
?
or
if
apprehended
,
would
he
not
labour
an
escape
to
save
his
neck
from
the
rope
?
If
so
(
as
all
who
know
him
will
veryly
belveeve
he
would
)
where
would
then
this
submission
be
which
is
due
unto
the
Magistrate
?
And
where
would
his
conscientious
respect
to
the
Ordinance
of
God
not
abused
,
but
very
rightly
used
in
that
particular
,
be
?
4.
If
a
Magistrate
abuseing
his
power
to
the
destruction
of
the
Subjects
,
should
be
resisted
,
what
inconvenience
would
follow
thereupon
?
[
Seditions
(
sayes
he
)
and
confusions
would
be
unavoydable
,
if
every
one
,
as
he
thinks
himself
wronged
,
shall
be
allowed
to
use
force
upon
the
lawful
Magistrate
proceeding
by
law
;
the
greatest
Malefactors
being
ready
to
justify
themselves
,
and
to
violate
the
justest
Megistrates
in
their
just
proceedings
.
]
Ausw
.
This
is
but
the
old
song
chanted
over
and
over
againe
to
us
,
and
may
therefore
be
dismissed
with
a
word
:
viz.
That
as
the
Magistrat's
abuse
of
his
power
in
a
particular
,
will
not
make
the
power
it self
unlawful
(
as
he
will
grant
,
)
so
nor
will
the
abuse
of
this
resistence
in
a
particular
,
make
resistence
it self
unlawful
.
2.
We
plead
not
for
resistence
by
every
one
who
thinketh
himself
wronged
,
but
for
resistence
when
the
wrongs
are
manifest
,
notour
,
undenyable
,
●
grievous
and
intolerable
,
and
done
to
a
whole
land
,
to
God's
glory
,
to
Christ's
interest
,
to
a
Covenant
sworne
and
subscribed
by
all
,
to
the
Fundamental
lawes
of
the
land
,
to
the
compact
betwixt
King
and
Subject
,
to
Religion
,
Lawes
,
Libertyes
,
Lives
,
and
all
which
is
dear
to
People
.
These
wrongs
as
they
are
no
petty
injuries
,
so
nor
are
they
quaestionable
or
uncertane
,
but
as
manifest
as
the
sun
at
the
nonetide
of
the
day
.
3.
What
if
the
Magistrate
or
his
Emissaryes
proceed
not
according
to
law
?
And
what
if
the
law
,
which
they
pretend
,
be
no
law
de
jure
,
or
a
law
made
a
non
habente
potestatem
(
as
shall
be
manifest
to
be
our
case
)
should
there
no
resistence
then
be
used
but
a
stupid
submission
,
out
of
a
pretended
and
supposed
regaird
to
the
prevention
of
seditions
and
confusions
?
4.
Since
he
thinks
that
so
much
regaird
is
to
be
had
to
the
prevention
of
seditions
and
confusions
in
societies
,
sure
he
should
think
that
as
much
regaird
is
to
be
had
unto
the
prevention
of
the
utter
ruine
&
destruction
of
societies
.
Now
,
if
magistrates
abuseing
their
power
to
the
destruction
of
Societyes
,
might
not
be
resisted
;
hovv
shall
they
be
preserved
from
utter
ruine
,
vvhich
is
much
more
carefully
to
be
prevented
,
then
seditions
and
confusions
in
societies
:
And
since
he
thinks
,
vvithout
ground
,
that
our
doctrine
is
so
evil
and
scandalous
,
and
openeth
a
vvide
gap
for
all
vvicked
seditious
persones
to
vvork
confusion
in
the
Commonvvealth
,
and
to
overthrovv
the
best
and
justest
Magistrates
;
vve
have
just
ground
to
think
that
his
doctrine
is
not
only
evil
and
scandalous
,
but
most
perverse
,
vvicked
and
adhominable
,
opening
a
vvide
door
to
all
tyranny
,
oppression
,
cruelty
;
and
an
encouraging
of
all
vvicked
Tyrants
to
deal
vvith
their
Subjects
as
so
many
Brutes
or
vvorse
,
vvithout
all
fear
of
opposition
;
and
to
destroy
utterly
all
Commonvvealths
,
or
make
them
meer
prison-houses
for
slaves
,
&c.
And
,
if
this
doctrine
of
his
tend
not
more
to
libertinisme
,
then
ours
,
let
all
judge
.
His
last
ground
out
of
scripture
is
that
knovvn
passage
Rom.
13
:
ver.
1
,
2.
vvith
1
Per.
2
:
Ver.
11.
(
I
think
it
should
have
been
ver.
13.
)
Concerning
vvhich
,
he
sayes
,
[
Such
subjection
is
there
commanded
to
the
Powers
then
existing
or
in
being
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
(
such
as
were
Caligulae
.
Nero
,
Domitian
,
monstrou
Tyrants
.
enemies
aud
persecuters
of
God's
People
)
as
is
opposed
to
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
stand
in
order
against
them
(
the
word
is
from
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
a
military
tearme
)
every
soul
is
commanded
to
be
subject
or
to
stand
in
order
under
them
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
for
bidden
to
be
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
stand
in
military
order
against
them
either
defensive
or
offensive
:
By
powers
which
are
not
to
be
resisted
are
clearly
meant
the
persons
in
power
,
as
the
Apostle
afterward
extones
himself
v.
3
,
4.
calling
them
Rulers
,
and
Ministers
of
God
,
he
meanes
undoubtedly
certane
supposita
and
her
sons
invested
with
power
,
and
cannot
meane
the
abstract
ordinance
of
God
,
&c.
]
Answ.
1.
That
subjection
here
required
is
a
standing
in
order
under
them
,
and
is
opposite
to
the
resisting
or
contra-ordinatnesse
here
meaned
,
is
granted
;
For
1.
vve
do
not
say
,
that
Christianity
destroyeth
Magistracy
,
or
exempteth
Christians
from
subjection
unto
Magistracy
and
Magistrates
:
As
some
Hereticks
then
did
,
abuseing
their
Christian
liberty
,
to
destroy
Magistracy
;
&
as
Heathens
objected
unto
Christians
'
as
Gerhard
de
Magist
.
Polit.
n.
34.
thinketh
,
vvhich
(
as
some
think
)
vvas
the
occasion
of
Paul's
asserting
the
ordinance
of
Magistracy
.
Nor
2.
do
vve
say
,
That
it
is
unlavvful
for
Christians
to
be
subjects
unto
Heathen
Magistrates
,
vvhich
,
because
Christian
Gentiles
might
have
drunk
in
from
some
jevves
,
particularly
the
Gaulonites
,
vvho
held
it
unlavvful
to
yeeld
any
subjection
unto
Roman
Emperours
,
or
to
strangers
,
might
have
been
the
occasion
of
Paul's
discourse
of
this
Ordinance
.
And
therefore
to
confute
these
mistakes
,
The
Apostle
sayes
Let
every
soul
be
subject
unto
higher
powers
,
&c.
that
is
,
acknowledge
even
such
lavvful
Magistrates
,
though
they
be
heathens
,
and
yee
christians
,
vvhether
jevves
or
gentiles
,
and
think
nor
yourself
exeemed
from
the
duty
of
subjects
tovvards
such
.
So
that
this
makes
nothing
against
us
,
and
the
subjection
here
required
,
upon
this
account
,
is
not
the
subjection
novv
in
quaestion
;
for
a
resisting
of
open
and
notour
tyranny
,
othervvise
unavoidable
,
doth
vvell
consist
vvith
this
subjection
,
viz.
an
acknovvledgment
of
Magistrats
as
lavvful
powers
ordained
of
God
,
for
the
good
of
the
Subjects
.
2.
The
vvord
subjection
being
thus
taken
in
a
general
comprehensive
sense
,
as
containing
in
it
all
that
duty
which
is
required
of
Subjects
tovvard
their
Superiours
,
The
opposite
tearme
resistence
,
or
counter-orderednesse
must
also
be
taken
in
a
general
comprehensive
sense
,
as
including
all
the
contrary
evils
.
Now
,
as
obedience
is
a
special
poynt
of
subjection
unto
Superiours
,
So
disobedience
is
a
special
poynt
of
contra
ordinatnesse
.
But
,
as
an
universal
and
unlimited
obedience
,
in
all
poynts
,
is
not
here
required
,
so
neither
can
an
universal
and
unlimited
subjection
to
suffering
be
here
required
:
for
as
it
can
not
be
proved
,
that
every
act
of
disobedience
is
a
resistence
here
condemned
;
&
that
every
act
of
obedience
,
is
a
part
of
the
subjection
here
required
;
So
nor
can
it
be
proved
,
that
every
act
of
resisting
or
refuseing
passive
obedience
is
here
condemned
,
and
that
every
act
of
submitting
to
passive
obedience
is
here
commanded
.
But
only
that
that
obedience
is
commanded
,
which
is
due
to
Magistrates
;
and
that
resistence
vvhich
is
unlawful
,
&
is
opposite
unto
that
subjection
required
,
is
prohibited
.
So
that
this
place
cannot
prove
that
all
resistence
is
unlawful
;
because
non-obedience
is
resistence
,
or
a
contraordinatnesse
;
and
yet
all
non-obedience
is
not
here
prohibited
.
Againe
,
the
subjection
comprehends
that
honour
and
respect
,
which
is
due
unto
Superiours
,
and
which
is
both
inward
in
the
heart
,
minde
and
thought
,
and
outwardly
expressed
in
words
,
gestures
,
carriage
,
&c.
So
must
the
word
resistence
comprehend
within
it self
,
all
that
is
opposite
there
unto
.
Now
,
as
by
this
place
,
it
cannot
be
evinced
that
it
is
unlawful
to
resist
abused
power
,
or
persons
abuseing
their
power
to
tyranny
and
oppression
,
in
our
thoughts
,
and
by
our
words
:
for
then
it
should
be
unlawful
to
abhore
,
&
detest
the
oppression
and
tyranny
of
cruel
tyrants
;
or
for
the
Messengers
of
the
Lord
to
rebuke
them
for
the
same
;
or
for
People
to
pray
&
supplicat
to
God
against
them
,
which
is
utterly
absurd
and
false
:
So
nor
can
it
be
evinced
by
this
place
,
that
it
is
unlavvful
to
resist
such
abuseing
their
povver
,
by
bodyly
force
;
for
the
text
speaketh
no
more
against
this
,
then
against
the
other
;
and
yet
the
other
is
lavvful
;
and
therefore
so
may
this
be
,
for
any
thing
that
is
here
said
:
The
one
is
resistence
as
vvel
as
the
other
,
though
not
so
great
,
but
majus
&
minus
non
variant
speciem
.
And
therefore
,
if
this
text
to
not
condemne
all
resistence
,
it
cannot
be
evinced
that
it
condemneth
the
resistence
vvespeak
of
.
3.
Not
withstanding
of
the
Resistence
that
here
seemeth
to
be
prohibited
;
yet
we
know
that
the
Senate
not
only
resisted
Nero
,
but
proceeded
against
him
by
way
of
open
justice
,
deposed
him
,
and
condemned
him
for
tyranny
,
adjudging
him
to
have
his
head
fastned
to
a
forke
&
so
to
be
publickely
whipped
to
death
,
and
then
precipitated
from
a
rock
,
but
he
escaped
&
killed
himself
(
as
historians
say
:
)
and
in
this
fact
they
are
approved
by
learned
politicians
,
and
lawyers
.
See
Bod
in
de
Repub.
lib.
2
:
c.
5.
So
that
either
he
must
say
that
Nero
was
not
the
higher
power
,
who
might
not
be
resisted
,
but
that
the
Senate
was
above
him
;
or
that
such
as
justify
the
Senate
are
in
an
errour
,
and
so
he
must
condemne
them
for
what
they
did
,
without
any
colour
of
reason
.
4
,
This
text
will
no
more
plead
against
resisting
of
Superious
powers
,
then
against
resisting
of
inferiour
Magistrates
:
For
the
text
speaks
of
all
in
any
supereminency
:
It
speaketh
of
powers
in
the
plural
number
:
see
the
dutch
annot
on
the
place
:
&
Peter
mentioneth
inferiours
as
well
as
the
Supreame
.
Now
will
the
Surveyer
say
,
that
in
no
case
,
it
is
lawful
to
resist
even
by
force
,
the
inferiour
Magistrates
?
will
he
say
that
we
may
not
oppose
them
when
abuseing
their
power
:
And
if
he
grant
that
in
some
cases
,
inferiour
Magistrates
may
be
resisted
,
he
must
also
grant
that
this
text
doth
not
forbid
or
condemne
all
resistence
to
he
higher
power
;
but
only
a
resisting
of
legal
and
lavvful
commands
,
whether
by
disobedience
or
by
armes
.
5.
Though
we
cannot
say
,
that
the
Apostle
is
speaking
here
always
of
the
ordinance
of
Magistracy
in
the
abstract
,
so
as
altogether
to
exclude
the
persons
invested
there
with
;
yet
we
think
it
hardly
saife
to
say
,
that
there
is
nothing
here
to
be
understood
of
the
abstract
office
;
as
when
he
speaketh
of
the
original
and
rise
of
the
office
,
and
of
the
end
and
proper
native
effect
thereof
,
it
is
more
proper
to
understand
that
of
the
office
in
abstracto
,
then
of
the
Supposita
so
invested
.
Next
whatever
is
required
here
as
due
to
the
Supposita
,
it
is
upon
the
account
of
the
office
,
with
which
they
are
invested
,
and
in
so
far
,
aud
no
furder
:
And
therefore
though
the
office
and
ordinance
cannot
be
resisted
,
yet
the
person
who
is
there
vvith
invested
,
may
be
resisted
,
not
as
he
is
invested
,
but
as
he
abuseth
the
povver
,
and
so
devesteth
himself
:
for
as
he
abuseth
the
power
he
cannot
be
looked
on
as
invested
there
vvith
,
in
so
far
;
especially
if
he
abuse
it
in
the
maine
and
principal
ends
for
vvhich
it
vvas
appoynted
:
for
then
he
is
de
jure
and
upon
the
matter
utterly
devested
thereof
.
Furder
whatever
subjection
is
due
to
the
person
,
it
is
upon
the
account
of
the
office
,
which
he
beareth
;
and
no
more
subjection
is
due
to
him
upon
that
account
,
then
is
due
unto
the
office
it self
,
or
to
the
civil
legal
authority
which
is
imported
by
the
abstract
word
(
if
so
much
,
seing
,
a
quo
quidquam
est
tale
,
id
ipsum
est
magis
tale
.
)
Therefore
the
subjection
vvhich
is
not
due
to
the
office
,
cannot
be
due
to
him
:
Novv
subjection
is
due
to
the
office
as
it
is
the
office
:
And
an
abused
office
is
not
the
office
,
Ergo
that
subjection
is
not
required
to
the
abused
office
which
is
due
to
the
office
.
Ergo
nor
is
it
due
to
him
vvho
abuseth
the
office
.
The
office
vvill
not
vvarrand
a
subjection
to
that
vvhich
is
not
the
office
;
and
an
abused
office
is
not
the
office
.
6.
The
submission
or
subjection
here
required
,
is
not
unto
Tyranny
,
or
Tyrants
vvho
abuse
their
povver
unto
the
destruction
of
the
Commonvvealth
,
and
to
the
ruine
of
the
Subjects
as
such
:
For
,
such
are
not
the
ordinance
of
God
(
nor
ordained
under
God
,
but
opposite
to
God
)
unto
which
alone
,
the
subjection
here
spoken
of
,
is
due
.
Gerhard
de
magist
.
polit.
n.
54.
Tels
us
that
the
apostle
doth
acurately
distinguish
betvvixt
the
povver
,
and
the
abuse
of
the
povver
;
and
sayes
the
povver
itself
,
and
not
the
abuse
of
the
povver
is
of
God
;
and
also
,
that
he
distinguisheth
betvvixt
the
office
it self
,
&
the
person
in
office
:
the
person
oft
by
fraud
,
violence
&
falshood
and
other
evil
meanes
,
by
cruelty
&
tyranny
,
both
assumeth
the
place
,
&
exerceth
the
office
,
&
in
this
respect
is
not
of
God
Hos.
8
:
4.
2.
The
resisting
of
Tyrants
cannot
procure
damnation
unto
the
resisters
,
because
they
have
violated
no
command
.
3.
Such
are
not
a
terrour
to
evil
works
,
therefore
submission
is
not
due
unto
them
as
such
.
4.
Such
will
not
give
praise
to
such
as
do
vvell
;
but
that
is
the
power
vvhich
is
not
to
be
resisted
,
of
vvhich
vve
are
to
be
afrayed
,
and
of
which
vve
shall
have
praise
vvhile
vve
do
that
vvhich
is
good
.
5.
He
is
not
to
be
resisted
vvho
is
the
Minister
of
God
for
good
.
But
Tyrants
,
Neroes
who
vvished
that
all
the
Romans
had
but
one
Neck
,
that
he
might
cut
them
all
off
at
one
blow
,
are
not
ministers
of
God
,
in
so
far
,
but
ministers
of
Satan
.
6.
Such
are
not
the
revenger
vvho
beareth
the
sword
to
execute
wrath
upon
him
that
doth
evil
,
but
rather
imployeth
the
svvord
to
destroy
such
as
do
vvell
,
to
subvert
Lawes
,
Religion
and
all
that
is
good
:
Therefore
it
is
not
of
such
as
such
,
that
the
text
speaketh
,
when
it
sayes
we
must
yeeld
Submission
.
7.
As
it
is
not
upon
the
account
of
their
playing
the
tyrant
,
aud
overturning
Religion
,
Liberties
&
Subjects
,
that
tribute
is
to
be
payed
to
them
,
so
nor
is
subjection
to
be
yeelded
unto
them
,
in
all
poynts
,
but
as
they
are
God's
Ministers
attending
continually
upon
this
very
thing
,
to
suppresse
wickednesse
,
&
promove
godlinesse
.
8.
Nor
is
it
upon
any
other
account
,
that
fear
,
honour
,
and
custome
is
to
be
given
unto
them
.
And
so
the
text
considers
these
povvers
,
to
vvhom
subjeciton
is
due
,
not
as
Tyrants
,
or
as
abuseing
their
power
to
the
ruine
and
destruction
of
all
;
but
as
carrying
themselves
as
the
Ministers
of
God
,
for
the
ends
appoynted
,
aud
not
as
the
Ministers
and
ordinance
of
Satan
.
Therefore
not
vvithstanding
of
any
thing
in
this
Text
,
such
may
be
resisted
,
or
rather
their
Tyranny
may
be
resisted
,
which
is
not
,
nor
never
vvas
ordained
of
God
,
and
vvhich
is
diretly
opposite
unto
,
and
no
part
of
that
povver
ordained
of
God
.
And
though
Nero
and
some
others
vvere
real
Tyrants
,
yet
neither
doth
the
text
name
him
,
nor
doth
it
presse
subjection
to
tyranny
in
any
,
for
lesse
to
his
Tyranny
;
but
only
subjection
to
the
powers
that
are
of
God
,
&
ordained
of
him
,
of
which
there
might
have
been
some
vvho
were
not
Tyrants
,
even
when
Nero
was
playing
the
Tyrant
;
And
it
is
as
rational
to
understand
the
text
of
those
,
as
of
Nero
or
such
like
.
However
vve
finde
subjection
is
pressed
to
the
povver
vvhich
is
ordained
of
God
,
and
that
is
not
the
power
as
it
is
abused
.
From
all
which
it
is
cleare
,
that
it
is
not
the
supposita
,
but
supposita
as
such
,
which
are
not
to
be
resisted
,
or
such
as
carry
in
a
due
subordination
unto
God
,
seing
all
the
Apostles
arguments
presse
only
subjection
unto
such
,
and
not
unto
Tyrants
,
who
are
a
terrour
to
good
works
,
and
a
praise
to
such
as
do
evil
and
not
the
ministers
of
God
,
nor
revengers
to
execute
wrath
upon
such
as
do
evil
,
but
rather
on
such
as
do
good
neither
do
they
attend
upon
this
thing
whereof
the
Apostle
speaketh
,
and
are
so
far
from
being
the
ordinance
of
God
,
that
they
are
resisters
Themselves
of
Gods
ordinance
,
by
making
lawes
contrary
to
God's
lavv
,
and
punishing
such
as
observe
God's
lavv
.
It
cannot
therefore
be
more
sinful
to
resist
such
,
then
to
resist
a
deputy
persecuting
such
as
keep
the
King's
lavves
,
and
making
lavves
of
his
owne
directly
contrarie
to
the
King's
lavves
;
for
he
is
the
Rebel
and
the
resister
of
God's
ordinance
,
and
not
they
vvho
are
faithful
to
their
Soveraigne
.
To
this
he
maketh
some
reply
Pag.
37.
and
[
(
sayes
)
It
hath
been
often
granted
,
and
still
is
,
that
no
man
or
Magistrate
on
earth
,
hath
a
moral
power
,
commission
or
command
from
God
to
do
evil
,
or
to
afflict
any
unjustly
,
2.
The
question
is
not
concerning
the
Magistrat's
duty
,
but
anent
the
Subject's
duty
,
in
case
through
the
permission
of
divine
providence
,
the
Magistrate
abuse
his
place
and
power
,
in
unjust
afflicting
the
innocent
;
whether
the
private
Subject
may
use
violence
against
,
or
upon
the
Magistrate
,
or
should
rather
submit
to
suffering
,
(
though
unjustly
)
not
for
reverence
to
the
abuse
of
the
power
,
but
in
reverence
to
God
,
whose
ordinance
the
power
(
which
he
abuseth
)
is
]
Answ
.
1.
If
Magistrates
have
no
moral
power
,
commission
,
or
command
to
do
evil
,
The
resisting
of
that
evil
is
no
resisting
of
any
moral
power
from
,
or
commission
given
by
God
;
as
,
if
they
have
no
power
to
command
evil
or
sin
,
resisting
of
that
command
by
non-obedience
,
is
no
resisting
of
their
power
or
commission
.
2.
Though
the
question
should
not
be
concerning
the
Magistrate's
duty
,
yet
we
are
to
enquire
,
what
that
power
is
,
against
which
,
Subjects
may
use
no
violence
.
3.
If
Subjects
be
bound
not
to
use
violence
,
but
rather
submit
to
suffering
when
the
power
is
abused
,
not
for
reverence
to
the
abuse
of
the
power
,
but
in
reverence
to
God
,
whose
power
it
is
:
Why
shall
they
not
also
be
bound
,
rather
to
yeeld
obedience
to
,
then
to
resist
by
non-obedience
,
unlavvful
commands
,
though
not
for
reverence
to
the
abuse
of
the
power
,
yet
in
reverence
to
God
,
whose
ordinance
the
power
which
is
abused
,
is
;
as
he
sayes
?
Sure
the
text
here
maketh
no
difference
,
and
if
there
be
any
difference
he
must
prove
it
from
some
other
text
,
which
we
have
not
yet
seen
,
nor
expect
to
see
in
haste
.
4.
We
have
shewed
already
,
that
,
he
sayes
without
ground
,
that
the
abused
power
is
of
God
,
or
his
ordinance
.
But
there
after
,
sayes
he
,
[
And
although
the
spirit
of
God
in
describing
the
Magistrate
sayes
,
he
is
the
minister
of
God
&c.
It
is
not
meant
that
that
is
the
formal
reason
of
subjection
to
him
,
(
in
the
full
latitude
of
subjection
)
nor
that
the
Magistrates
then
existing
and
in
being
,
to
whom
the
people
are
commanded
to
be
subject
,
and
forbidden
to
resist
,
were
such
de
facto
in
all
their
actings
—
but
what
the
Magistrate
is
ex
officio
,
and
what
he
should
be
de
jure
.
]
Answ.
1.
He
seemeth
to
distinguish
here
betwixt
a
subjection
in
it's
full
latitude
,
and
a
subjection
not
in
it's
full
latitude
;
but
how
doth
he
explaine
this
distinction
,
that
we
may
know
what
to
make
of
it
?
He
seemeth
also
to
grant
that
some
subjection
,
though
not
subjection
in
its
full
latitude
,
hath
that
description
of
the
power
,
for
it
's
formalis
ratio
,
formal
reason
:
But
what
can
his
meaning
be
,
seing
the
text
maketh
no
difference
?
Is
this
his
meaning
,
that
subjection
active
,
or
active
obedience
hath
that
for
it
's
formal
reason
,
so
that
the
subject
is
to
obey
no
power
,
but
that
which
is
for
a
praise
of
the
good
,
and
a
terrour
to
the
evil
&c.
But
subjection
passive
or
passive
obedience
goeth
upon
another
ground
,
and
must
be
yeelded
to
a
Magistrate
even
when
he
is
not
a
minister
of
God
for
good
?
If
this
be
his
meaning
;
it
is
but
a
shameful
begging
of
the
question
:
and
if
he
grant
,
that
any
subjection
is
due
to
the
Magistrate
,
only
as
he
is
a
minister
of
God
,
we
are
gainers
;
for
he
can
never
prove
the
other
from
this
text
;
and
subjection
here
is
considered
&
pressed
in
its
full
latitude
;
and
these
are
laid
dovvne
as
the
grounds
thereof
.
This
vve
may
saifly
averre
,
until
he
demonstrate
the
contrare
,
which
we
despaire
to
see
done
;
especially
seing
the
text
fully
cleareth
the
same
:
For
as
subjection
in
its
full
latitude
is
pressed
,
so
all
the
Apostle's
arguments
,
&
motives
,
speak
to
it
in
its
full
latitude
:
There
is
no
power
but
from
God
,
presseth
whole
subjection
;
because
the
whole
power
is
from
God
,
&
not
a
part
of
it
alone
:
&
therefore
it
must
speak
to
all
the
relative
parts
of
subjection
.
So
the
other
argument
.
v.
3
;
taken
from
the
end
of
Magistracy
,
speaketh
to
the
whole
of
submission
in
its
full
latitude
:
&
also
the
other
argument
take
from
the
nature
of
his
office
:
and
so
the
rest
.
So
that
all
the
motives
or
grounds
of
subjection
,
which
are
here
made
use
of
,
speak
to
all
the
parts
of
subjection
:
And
therefore
if
they
be
the
formal
reason
of
one
part
thereof
,
they
must
be
the
formal
reason
of
the
whole
.
2.
We
do
not
say
,
that
all
the
Magistrates
then
existing
were
de
facto
such
as
they
were
bound
to
be
de
jure
(
nor
can
we
say
that
they
were
all
like
Nero
or
Caligula
)
nor
dar
he
say
that
subjection
in
its
full
latitude
,
as
comprehending
as
well
active
as
passive
obedience
,
commonly
so
called
,
was
to
be
given
to
Nero
and
his
like
,
or
was
here
commanded
to
be
given
:
and
what
hath
he
then
gained
?
But
it
is
like
all
alongs
he
taketh
subjection
for
passive
obedience
.
But
1.
can
that
be
subjection
in
its
full
latitude
?
2.
Was
that
the
maine
thing
controverted
then
?
3.
Doth
the
motives
speak
to
that
alone
?
4.
How
will
he
prove
that
passive
obedience
is
here
spoken
to
at
all
;
since
all
the
particulars
mentioned
are
actions
,
and
dutyes
of
action
?
What
sayes
he
further
?
Pag.
32.
[
The
Apostle
speaking
of
the
person
invested
with
power
,
calling
him
the
Minister
of
God
for
good
,
no
terrour
to
good
works
,
but
to
evil
,
a
praiser
of
good
,
&c.
shews
only
what
a
Magistrate
should
be
ex
officio
and
is
de
jure
;
but
layes
not
this
as
the
ground
of
subjection
and
non-resistence
to
him
but
this
,
that
he
is
a
superiour
power
ordained
of
God
:
if
he
abuse
his
place
,
he
is
to
answere
to
God
for
it
,
but
the
abuse
of
the
power
in
a
particular
,
doth
not
nullify
the
power
,
or
make
it
no
power
—
he
abides
invested
with
authority
—
subjection
of
one
sort
or
another
is
due
to
him
,
because
he
is
in
officio
,
not
because
he
abuseth
his
office
.
]
Answ.
The
Surveyer
giveth
us
here
a
new
Analysis
of
the
text
,
that
no
commentator
hath
hither
to
thought
upon
:
no
motive
,
according
to
him
,
is
here
made
use
of
,
except
one
,
and
yet
none
can
reade
the
place
,
but
they
will
finde
it
otherwayes
:
Sure
the
causal
for
,
ver.
3
,
and
4.
is
as
clear
a
ground
of
a
motive
as
the
for
v.
1
,
2.
By
his
way
all
the
rest
of
the
arguments
used
ver.
3
,
4.
have
no
influence
on
the
subjection
and
non-resistence
pressed
;
and
yet
the
text
giveth
this
reason
why
such
as
resist
the
power
receive
to
themselves
damnation
viz.
for
Rulers
are
not
a
terrour
to
good
works
but
to
the
evil
,
&c.
and
this
,
with
what
followeth
hath
no
small
force
to
presse
submission
,
and
non-resistence
.
3.
It
is
true
if
he
abuse
his
place
,
he
must
answere
to
God
for
it
,
but
that
will
no
more
prove
that
passive
subjection
,
or
obedience
(
as
he
calleth
it
)
is
alwayes
due
to
him
,
then
it
will
prove
that
active
obedience
is
alwayes
due
unto
him
.
4.
We
grant
that
the
abuse
of
the
power
in
a
particular
doth
not
nullifie
the
power
;
Yet
,
when
the
abuse
is
such
,
as
destroyes
the
maine
ends
of
the
power
,
sure
if
it
be
not
wholly
,
it
is
in
a
great
part
,
nullified
de
lure
.
But
whether
the
power
be
nullified
or
not
wholly
,
it
may
be
resisted
in
case
of
necessity
,
when
it
is
palpably
abused
:
For
then
the
power
which
is
of
God
,
is
not
resisted
:
But
only
the
abuse
of
the
power
,
or
that
which
is
not
the
power
ordained
of
God
.
5.
Subjection
,
it
is
true
,
of
one
sort
or
another
is
due
to
him
because
he
is
in
officio
,
and
therefore
so
long
as
he
is
in
officio
,
he
is
to
be
acknowledge
to
be
in
officio
,
and
to
be
obeyed
in
things
lawful
:
Honour
,
reverence
,
tribute
,
and
custome
is
due
to
him
,
and
,
in
matters
of
smaller
moment
,
his
penaltyes
are
to
be
endured
,
when
there
is
no
faire
way
to
shun
them
:
But
hence
it
will
not
follovv
,
that
he
must
never
be
resisted
,
even
when
he
intends
nothing
but
the
destruction
of
Libertyes
and
Religion
;
and
overturneth
the
ends
of
government
,
and
crosseth
the
maine
and
principal
ends
of
his
office
and
power
.
Then
he
tells
us
ibid.
[
That
among
many
things
wrong
Lex
Rex
hath
that
true
word
Pag.
325.
We
are
to
suffer
evil
of
punishment
of
Tyrants
,
some
other
way
,
and
in
some
other
notion
,
then
we
are
to
suffer
evil
of
equals
;
for
we
are
to
suffer
evil
of
equals
,
not
for
any
paternal
authority
they
have
over
us
,
as
certanely
we
are
to
suffer
evil
of
Superiours
Thus
he
.
And
this
is
all
we
require
to
suffer
evil
of
the
Magistrate
or
superiour
,
without
violating
his
person
,
upon
the
account
of
his
paternal
authority
,
which
(
though
in
a
particular
abused
hic
&
nunc
)
remaines
the
ordinance
of
God
:
and
in
a
respective
reverence
to
that
ordinance
wherewith
they
are
invested
,
we
are
humbly
to
suffer
wrong
from
them
(
if
we
cannot
by
petitions
move
their
for
bearance
)
neither
justifying
in
our
consciences
the
wrong
which
they
do
to
us
,
nor
judging
them
to
have
a
commission
from
God
,
as
to
this
wrong
doing
,
but
regarding
both
God's
providence
,
and
God's
ordinance
in
their
persones
which
ceaseth
not
to
be
his
,
although
abused
in
a
particular
act
towards
us
.
]
Answ.
1.
It
is
strange
hovv
this
corrupt
fountaine
,
as
he
calleth
it
else
vvhere
,
Lex
Rex
can
send
out
good
and
svveet
vvaters
?
2.
Lex
Rex
is
there
ansvvering
this
quaestion
:
whether
any
passive
subjection
at
all
be
commanded
as
due
to
superiours
,
Rom.
13.
And
ansvvereth
.
[
1.
None
properly
so
called
,
that
is
purely
passive
,
only
we
are
for
fear
of
the
sword
,
to
do
our
duty
.
2.
We
are
to
suffer
ill
of
punishment
of
Tyrants
,
ex
Hypothesi
that
they
inflict
that
ill
on
us
,
some
other
way
,
&c.
]
Novv
vvhat
it
there
here
that
makes
for
him
?
Sayeth
Lex
Rex
that
vve
are
to
suffer
absolutely
all
the
evil
of
punishment
,
vvhich
they
vvould
inflict
upon
us
?
No
such
thing
sayeth
he
.
3.
If
he
seek
no
more
then
vvhat
Lex
Rex
sayeth
here
,
vve
are
agreed
;
but
sure
he
must
then
recal
vvhat
he
hath
formerly
said
.
4.
Ay
,
but
sayeth
he
,
this
is
all
we
require
,
to
suffer
evil
of
the
Magistrate
,
without
violating
his
person
,
upon
the
account
of
his
paternal
authority
:
But
1.
there
is
a
difference
betwixt
suffering
evil
indefinitly
and
absolutely
,
and
suffering
evil
ex
Hypothesi
that
it
be
inflicted
:
Lex
Rex
said
this
last
,
and
not
the
former
.
2.
We
may
refuse
to
suffer
evil
of
the
Magistrate
without
violating
his
person
:
every
resistance
of
unjust
violence
offered
by
Magistrates
,
is
not
a
violating
of
his
person
,
nor
necessarily
accompanyed
therewith
;
for
the
violence
resisted
,
may
be
,
and
oft
is
,
committed
by
his
Emissaries
.
3.
Though
we
are
bound
to
suffer
(
ex
Hypothesi
that
we
do
suffer
)
of
Tytants
upon
the
account
of
a
paternal
authority
;
yet
it
will
not
follow
that
such
may
not
be
resisted
;
for
though
the
Son
is
to
suffer
evils
at
the
hands
of
his
father
,
when
he
inflicts
these
,
upon
a
paternal
account
;
yet
in
some
cases
,
the
parent
may
be
resisted
,
even
by
the
Children
,
as
is
said
.
4.
No
respective
reverence
to
the
ordinance
doth
absolutely
bind
us
to
suffer
;
for
he
will
grant
we
may
flee
;
and
here
he
sayeth
,
we
may
by
petitions
move
a
forbearance
.
5.
What
if
the
evil
be
great
and
imminent
,
and
flying
is
not
practicable
,
and
not
only
there
is
no
moving
of
forbearance
by
petitions
,
but
very
supplicating
is
discharged
under
highest
paine
?
Are
we
then
humbly
to
suffer
that
wrong
,
and
so
give
up
all
our
Necks
,
our
Liberties
,
and
our
Religion
to
the
lust
of
a
Tyrant
,
without
any
resistance
?
This
is
the
quaestion
,
and
we
are
waiting
for
proof
of
it
.
6.
It
is
true
when
providence
so
ordereth
matters
,
that
we
cannot
shun
suffering
,
then
we
are
to
regaird
both
God's
providence
,
and
respect
that
ordinance
which
is
abused
,
and
so
suffer
such
evils
of
these
,
under
another
notion
,
then
of
equals
;
and
yet
it
will
not
hence
follow
that
we
are
absolutely
bound
to
suffer
,
and
never
allowed
to
resist
.
Thus
we
see
in
end
,
(
which
I
would
have
the
reader
specially
to
notice
)
that
he
cannot
urge
this
place
against
us
;
but
he
must
the
same
way
hence
enforce
an
absolute
and
universal
obedience
in
all
things
whatsomever
;
and
also
condemne
other
Royalists
,
and
it
may
be
himself
also
;
Who
,
as
we
heard
above
,
did
grant
it
lawful
,
in
several
cases
,
to
resist
Tyrants
.
Yea
and
condemne
that
which
formerly
he
durst
not
positively
condemne
,
viz.
resistence
by
the
Parliaments
and
primores
Regni
,
and
thus
also
condemne
Calvin
,
and
other
divines
,
granting
,
and
positively
affirming
this
:
all
which
,
though
we
had
said
no
more
,
is
enough
to
cut
the
sinew
of
any
argument
which
he
hath
adduced
,
or
yet
can
adduce
from
this
passage
;
and
so
we
passe
to
examine
his
other
grounds
for
absolute
submission
.
CAP.
XIV
.
The
Surveyers
grounds
for
absolute
Submission
to
suffering
,
taken
from
the
primitive
Christians
,
and
reason
,
examined
.
Our
Surveyer
,
cometh
next
to
speak
of
the
example
of
the
primitive
Christians
Pag.
38.
&c.
and
this
he
must
usher
in
with
his
ordinaire
jeers
,
and
ground
lesse
reflections
,
telling
us
that
His
opinion
hath
been
the
common
sense
of
the
generation
of
God's
children
before
this
fiery
yron
age
;
and
that
their
sober
examples
,
are
of
more
weight
and
imitation
,
then
the
furious
practices
of
any
of
late
,
whereunto
they
have
been
inflamed
by
the
doctrines
of
popular
parasites
and
fierce
demagoges
,
such
as
this
libeller
and
his
complices
.
But
we
have
found
,
&
possibly
may
yet
finde
further
,
how
far
he
is
mistaken
in
this
.
And
in
deed
in
some
respect
,
this
may
be
well
called
a
fiery
iron
age
;
for
I
beleeve
since
Christianity
was
heard
of
,
there
was
never
so
much
obduration
of
consciences
,
so
seared
with
hote
irons
,
and
inflammed
with
rage
against
piety
,
fidelity
,
truth
and
uprightnesse
of
heart
,
as
is
this
day
:
It
were
well
to
be
wished
hat
this
Surveyer
and
his
complices
would
take
either
the
example
of
the
Prophets
,
or
Apostles
,
or
of
these
sober
Christians
,
who
lived
nearest
to
the
light
of
the
Apostles
times
,
and
learne
after
their
example
to
be
more
sober
,
and
constant
to
his
principles
;
sure
he
will
not
finde
in
their
practices
,
so
much
perfidy
,
treachery
,
debauchednesse
,
hatred
of
piety
,
persecution
of
truth
,
and
of
the
godly
,
as
both
he
and
his
complices
are
notoriously
guilty
of
.
Will
he
find
among
them
such
court
parasites
,
such
patrons
of
Apostafy
,
such
authors
of
rebellion
against
God
,
such
Tyrannogogues
,
and
base
flatterers
,
as
he
and
his
fraternity
are
?
Will
he
finde
in
all
their
writings
such
bitter
invectives
and
reproaches
against
the
vvay
of
God
,
and
his
People
,
as
may
be
seen
in
these
fevv
sheets
?
Will
he
find
such
commendations
of
tyranny
,
oppression
,
bondage
and
siavery
,
as
if
it
vvere
nothing
but
the
compound
of
justice
and
equity
?
But
vve
come
to
the
purpose
.
The
summe
of
his
argument
is
this
,
That
though
by
the
testimony
of
Tertul.
Apolog.
cap
,
1.
33.
and
37
,
and
Cyprian
.
ad
Demetrianum
.
It
is
apparent
,
the
Christians
wanted
not
might
to
raise
armes
,
against
the
Emperours
;
yet
they
never
used
any
resistence
either
for
the
defence
of
themselves
,
or
for
therescueing
of
their
oppressed
brethren
:
Yea
even
after
that
in
Constantin's
dayes
,
Religion
had
been
legally
established
,
and
the
Christians
able
enough
to
defend
themselves
,
yet
they
used
no
violence
agaist
the
Arrian
and
Apostat
Emperours
who
succeeded
:
Vnder
the
persecuter
Maximinian
there
was
the
Theban
Legion
consisting
of
6666.
who
yet
did
not
resist
him
:
and
that
the
greatest
part
of
the
army
,
under
Julian
the
Apostate
,
was
Christian
,
appears
by
their
general
outcry
at
the
reception
of
Jovinian
,
nos
sumus
Christiani
,
yet
did
they
never
oppose
him
width
force
.
]
To
which
we
answere
.
1.
Though
this
Surveyer
would
appear
tobe
a
man
of
a
very
meek
and
Christian
disposition
,
and
cryeth
out
of
such
as
are
not
of
his
opinion
,
as
men
of
the
fiery
iron
age
;
yet
,
though
we
will
not
take
upon
us
to
judge
his
heart
,
any
may
see
part
of
his
scope
and
intention
,
in
mentioning
this
argument
,
to
be
this
,
That
we
may
be
reasoned
into
a
perfect
stupidity
and
insensibility
,
and
the
King
encouraged
to
contrive
and
prosecute
an
Eleventh
persecutoion
,
on
all
who
professe
the
Name
of
Jesus
,
in
his
three
dominions
:
For
what
end
else
doth
he
adduce
the
example
of
the
primitive
Christians
,
who
would
not
resist
the
Emperours
their
bloody
Emissaries
,
sent
out
to
put
into
execution
their
cruel
,
inhumane
and
barbarous
Edicts
,
and
to
fulfil
their
lust
and
desire
,
to
extinguish
the
very
Name
of
Christians
;
but
to
sing
us
a
sleep
,
so
that
if
the
King
will
,
the
may
command
his
bloody
and
cruel
Emissaries
,
to
make
amassacre
on
all
that
will
no
abjure
Christ
and
his
interest
,
and
cut
all
their
throats
in
a
few
dayes
,
without
the
least
fear
of
opposition
?
If
this
be
not
his
designe
,
let
him
tell
me
,
what
he
would
have
Christians
doing
,
in
case
such
a
thing
as
this
should
be
?
Would
he
have
them
resisting
,
or
only
holding
up
their
throats
to
the
bloody
executioners
?
If
he
would
not
have
any
resistence
made
,
even
in
this
case
,
then
we
see
what
his
principles
drive
at
,
and
many
may
judge
what
a
cruel
bloody
heart
he
must
have
.
If
in
this
case
he
would
allow
a
resistence
,
where
is
the
force
of
his
argument
then
?
To
what
purpose
is
their
example
adduced
?
and
what
becometh
of
his
insolent
exclamations
.
O
silly
,
foolish
,
and
feminine
Christians
then
!
and
o
illuminated
,
masculous
and
martial
Spirits
of
Christians
now
!
2.
He
may
remember
what
he
tels
us
,
when
he
is
speaking
to
the
instances
of
resistence
adduced
out
of
Scripture
,
Pag.
67.
That
every
example
recorded
in
Scripture
is
not
imitable
:
And
may
not
we
say
here
,
That
every
example
recorded
in
Church
History
(
far
more
fallible
then
Scripture
,
and
far
lesse
to
be
regairded
,
seing
what
things
are
recorded
in
Scripture
,
are
writen
for
our
instruction
)
is
not
imitable
.
So
that
reduce
this
argument
into
forme
,
it
will
quickly
evanish
;
for
it
must
stand
upon
this
medium
.
That
what
ever
the
primitive
Christians
did
,
layeth
a
binding
obligation
upon
us
;
But
this
is
false
,
as
we
shall
undenyably
evince
;
and
where
is
then
the
force
of
the
argument
?
Though
it
appear
plausible
and
taking
,
yet
when
pressed
it
doth
evaporat
.
3.
If
their
practice
be
a
binding
precedent
in
this
matter
;
so
must
it
be
in
all
other
things
:
and
particularly
it
must
be
unlawful
for
us
now
to
resist
,
in
our
owne
defence
,
a
raseal
multitude
,
assaulting
us
with
stones
in
the
open
streets
,
against
all
law
and
equity
;
for
Tertullian
in
the
same
place
tells
us
,
that
they
would
not
resist
the
Inimicum
vulgus
the
common
people
,
who
was
malitiously
set
against
them
,
and
did
invade
them
with
stones
and
fire
,
suo
jure
with
out
any
kinde
of
law
or
judicial
procedoure
:
Yea
Tertullian
puts
no
difference
betwixt
the
Emperours
and
meane
persons
,
in
poynt
of
resistence
;
Saying
,
Idem
sumus
Imperatoribus
,
qui
&
vicinis
nostris
,
malè
enim
velle
,
malè
facere
,
malè
dicere
,
malè
cogitare
de
quoquam
ex
aequo
vetamur
.
Quodcunque
non
licèt
in
Imperatorem
,
id
nec
in
quenquam
,
we
may
do
no
more
,
whether
in
word
,
thought
,
or
deed
against
any
whatsomever
,
then
against
the
Emperour
.
But
who
will
say
that
in
this
,
their
practice
or
judgment
is
to
us
a
binding
precedent
?
2.
Several
of
these
Fathers
thought
it
unlawful
to
kill
in
their
owne
defence
.
See
A
〈◊〉
bros
.
de
Offic.
Lib.
3.
cap.
4.
and
Augustin
also
Epistola
ad
publicolam
,
154.
and
Lib.
1.
de
Libero
Arbitr
.
cap.
5.
And
yet
this
cannot
now
be
maintained
as
a
truth
;
See
the
contrare
proved
by
Rivet
.
in
6.
Praec
.
oper.
Tom.
1.
Pag.
1391.
3.
Private
Christians
,
not
only
refused
to
resist
violence
with
violence
,
but
they
refused
also
to
flee
from
the
fury
of
persecuters
,
when
they
might
saifly
have
done
it
,
Potuimus
(
sayes
Tertull
.
in
Apolog.
)
&
inermes
nec
rebelles
,
sed
tantummodo
discordes
soltus
divortii
invidia
adversus
vos
dimicasse
,
&c.
That
is
,
naked
as
they
were
,
they
might
have
removed
themselves
to
some
other
part
of
the
world
,
and
they
would
not
.
Yea
Tertullian
did
condemne
flight
in
time
of
persecution
,
in
his
Book
De
fugâ
in
persecutione
.
But
will
any
condemne
this
practice
now
,
or
think
it
unlawful
,
or
unbeseeming
Christians
to
flee
from
the
fury
of
enraged
persecuters
?
Sure
this
Surveyer
doth
often
grant
it
to
be
lawful
.
It
seemeth
then
that
either
he
hath
catched
some
errour
in
his
head
,
that
is
not
Christian
(
as
he
speaks
of
us
,
Pag.
39.
)
or
all
which
the
primitive
Christians
maintained
in
opinion
and
practice
,
was
not
so
Christian
as
to
be
perpetually
obligeing
.
4.
The
primitive
Christians
ran
to
martydome
,
when
neither
cited
,
nor
accused
,
as
is
seen
in
Fox
his
Acts
and
Monum
.
Vol.
1.
Will
any
say
that
Every
Christian
is
bound
and
obliged
to
do
so
now
?
How
then
shall
their
meer
example
be
obligeing
in
the
other
practice
?
5.
The
primitive
Christians
would
not
bow
their
knees
upon
the
Sabbath
Dayes
nor
eat
blood
.
Must
that
example
of
theirs
perpetually
oblige
us
now
?
6.
Yea
it
was
the
opinion
of
Ambrose
,
Libr.
5.
Orat.
in
Auxenti●●
,
that
no
armes
should
be
used
by
him
against
the
Goths
who
then
invaded
Italy
,
to
waste
and
destroy
the
same
,
but
teares
:
will
it
hence
follow
,
That
a
Church-man
may
defend
himself
against
open
invading
enemies
,
no
other
way
now
,
but
by
teares
;
because
he
said
,
Aliter
nec
debeo
,
nec
possum
resis●ere
?
4.
The
Anabaptists
make
use
of
this
example
of
the
primitive
Christians
to
disprove
the
lawfulnesse
of
warr
,
as
may
〈◊〉
seen
in
Gerhard
upon
that
head
:
and
would
this
Surveyer
have
us
yet
more
Anabaptists
,
then
he
(
wickedly
and
falsly
)
alledgeth
we
are
,
in
his
bitter
preface
?
It
seemes
he
would
joyne
hands
vvith
the
Anabaptists
as
to
this
,
and
upon
that
accountvve
have
as
good
ground
to
call
him
an
Anabaptist
,
as
he
hath
to
call
us
,
Iam
sumus
ergo
pares
.
5.
He
cannot
shevv
us
,
that
these
Fathers
did
account
it
unlavvful
,
simply
in
poynt
of
conscience
,
to
resist
Emperours
vvickedly
persecuting
:
They
hold
forth
no
scriptural
ground
condemning
the
same
,
but
rather
seeme
to
say
that
it
was
out
of
a
desire
of
Martyrdome
,
which
(
as
Sulpitius
Sever
us
sayeth
)
they
sought
for
more
earnestly
,
then
in
his
dayes
men
gaped
for
Bishopricks
;
&
therefore
they
willingly
yeelded
up
their
lives
and
all
,
to
the
cruel
rage
of
persecuters
,
that
they
might
obtaine
the
crowne
of
Martyrdome
,
It
is
true
,
Tertullian
sayes
,
Apud
istam
disciplinam
magis
occidi
licet
quam
occidere
.
But
this
sayes
not
that
it
is
simply
sinful
t
kill
in
self-defence
:
but
that
they
choosed
rather
to
be
killed
or
martyred
.
6
,
Though
we
shall
not
goe
about
to
call
in
question
the
truth
of
Tercullian's
narration
concerning
the
number
&
power
of
Christians
in
his
time
(
and
yet
Mr
Goodwin
in
his
Antica●valierisme
makeyth
it
very
probable
that
he
vvas
mistaken
in
his
computation
,
if
he
did
meane
it
through
the
vvhole
Empirre
.
Or
that
if
it
vvas
so
,
it
vvas
not
knovvn
to
the
Christians
,
and
so
it
vvas
all
one
,
as
to
resisting
upon
that
ground
.
)
Yet
vve
may
say
,
That
there
might
have
been
many
things
,
vvhich
in
prudence
might
have
made
them
to
forbeare
to
goe
to
an
open
vvar
,
or
rise
in
armes
against
the
Emperours
,
even
this
,
that
the
Emperours
alvvayes
had
a
greart
militia
,
many
and
strong
armies
on
foot
,
against
vvhich
,
for
naked
persons
(
though
many
)
scattered
up
and
dovvne
the
Empire
,
having
fevv
or
none
to
command
or
lead
them
forth
to
battel
in
their
defence
,
to
rise
in
this
case
,
had
been
no
probable
meane
of
saifty
to
themselves
,
or
of
defence
;
but
rather
a
meane
to
provoke
the
Tyrant
more
,
and
procure
unto
themselves
more
suddaine
deathe
and
destruction
.
So
that
not
withstanding
of
their
number
,
their
capacity
to
effectuat
such
an
interprise
,
vvas
but
small
and
very
improbable
.
7.
The
ancient
Christians
vvere
not
so
utterly
ignorant
,
nor
so
void
of
humanity
and
Christian
love
and
Zeal
,
that
being
able
to
help
,
they
vvould
suffer
their
brethren
to
be
dravvne
to
death
;
what
ever
this
Surveyer
sayeth
:
but
some
times
they
rescued
the
oppressed
out
of
the
hands
of
the
oppressours
:
For
vve
read
that
about
the
yeer
235.
certane
men
inhabiteing
Ma●ëota
vvith
force
resued
Dion●sius
of
Alexandria
out
of
the
hands
of
such
as
were
carrying
him
away
.
So
about
the
year
342.
the
good
People
of
Alexandria
did
vvith
force
,
defend
Athanasius
.
About
the
yeer
387.
the
People
of
Caesaria
did
defend
Basil
:
See
Nazianz
Orat.
20.
And
also
the
People
of
Samosata
purposed
to
retaine
their
Bishop
Eusebius
Pius
banished
at
the
command
of
Valens
the
Emperour
,
had
not
Eusebius
himself
restrained
them
.
And
about
the
year
356.
the
People
of
Constantinople
did
in
like
manner
stand
to
the
defence
of
Paulus
:
see
for
this
Blondel's
Scholia
in
Grot.
de
Imp
Sum.
Pot.
Pag.
65.
8.
Before
Constantin's
dayes
,
none
of
the
Emperours
owned
or
professed
the
Christian
faith
,
so
that
religion
was
not
then
established
by
lawes
,
as
our
Religion
is
:
and
therefore
all
that
Tertullian
or
Cyprian
say
,
cometh
not
home
to
our
case
:
Yea
Tertullian
sayeth
they
were
but
a
number
of
strangers
,
exteri
sumus
,
sayes
he
,
&
vestra
omn●o
implevimus
.
9.
Though
it
is
true
that
when
Conflantine
obtained
the
Empire
,
Christian
Religion
was
more
secured
and
established
then
formerly
,
yet
did
not
the
succeeding
Emperours
when
they
came
to
the
throne
,
sweare
to
maintaine
the
same
,
and
all
who
owned
it
;
they
did
not
receive
the
imperial
crowne
on
these
tearmes
;
nor
were
the
subjects
bound
unto
them
on
these
conditions
;
and
so
the
instances
adduced
after
Constantin's
dayes
,
sute
not
our
case
,
wherein
Religion
is
become
not
only
a
legal
right
of
the
People
,
but
a
fundamental
right
,
and
the
maine
clause
and
condition
of
the
compact
betwixt
Magistrate
and
Subject
,
as
hath
been
said
.
10.
As
for
the
Christians
not
resisting
the
Arrian
Emperours
,
it
speaks
nothing
:
For
,
that
controversy
was
long
under
debate
,
even
in
Constantin's
dayes
,
and
decreased
nothing
,
for
all
the
sentence
of
the
Nicene
Councel
,
which
passed
against
it
;
and
hereby
Bishop
was
against
Bishop
,
Province
against
Province
,
Council
against
Council
,
and
at
length
all
the
world
almost
was
turned
Arrian
.
What
wonder
then
that
there
was
no
general
opposition
made
against
these
Arrian
Emperours
,
when
their
Subjects
imbraced
the
same
delusion
?
And
as
for
particular
oppositions
,
we
shall
see
some
instances
afterward
.
11.
As
for
the
Theban
Legion
,
their
non-resistence
speaks
nothing
to
our
case
,
for
then
Religion
was
not
setled
by
law
.
2.
For
six
thousand
,
six
hundered
,
sixty
six
men
to
interpise
a
warre
against
the
Emperour
and
al
his
army
,
had
neither
been
an
act
of
prudence
nor
policy
.
3.
When
he
tells
us
that
they
offered
themselves
willingly
to
be
butchered
,
holding
up
their
naked
bodyes
to
the
Emperour
's
bloody
emissaryes
,
we
see
what
he
would
have
all
the
honest
People
of
Scotland
doing
this
day
,
even
going
with
ropes
about
their
necks
,
and
with
open
brests
,
to
the
Kings
bloody
Emissaryes
,
that
they
may
murther
them
all
.
O
But
this
man
must
have
a
blood-thirsty
heart
.
!
12.
That
all
or
●he
most
part
of
Iulian's
army
was
Christian
is
but
supposed
not
proved
;
It
was
but
a
small
part
that
being
deceived
by
him
under
colour
of
a
largesse
,
threw
some
frankincense
into
a
fire
secretly
kindled
in
honour
of
an
idol
,
and
finding
the
deceit
arose
from
the
feast
prepared
for
them
,
and
ran
thorow
the
market
place
,
and
cryed
we
are
Christians
,
&c.
and
called
upon
the
Emperour
to
kil
and
behead
them
,
till
he
was
enraged
and
banished
them
.
And
as
for
that
proof
of
it
,
that
he
adduceth
,
it
is
a
non-sequitur
:
for
it
was
the
souldeours
affection
to
Iovinian
,
and
earnest
desire
to
have
him
Emperour
,
after
Iulian's
death
,
that
made
them
cry
our
we
are
Christians
,
when
he
was
refuseing
to
accept
of
the
imperial
dignity
(
for
they
compelled
him
,
seyeth
Socrates
Lib.
2.
Cap.
19.
)
and
for
this
cause
to
dissuade
them
from
putting
that
honour
on
him
,
Or
because
of
his
owne
unwillingnesse
to
command
over
Iulian's
army
,
which
was
Prophaned
with
sacrileges
,
as
Ruffinus
sayeth
in
his
history
Lib.
11
:
Cap.
1.
He
told
them
he
was
a
Christian
,
and
that
he
would
not
take
on
him
the
command
of
Heathens
.
See
Historia
tripartitae
Lib.
7.
Cap.
1.
and
so
supposed
them
to
be
all
heathens
:
And
therefore
the
sense
of
their
speach
was
only
this
:
Since
yee
are
a
Christian
we
will
be
all
Christians
also
,
take
you
the
imperial
throne
notwithstanding
of
that
.
Moreover
,
though
the
souldiers
in
Iulian's
army
should
have
scrupled
at
making
resistence
against
their
Emperour
and
General
,
unto
whom
they
were
sworne
as
souldiers
,
it
speaketh
little
to
the
poynt
;
for
subjects
are
not
so
under
their
Soveraignes
,
as
Souldiers
are
under
their
Commanders
and
Generalls
,
they
are
under
the
General
's
pay
,
and
so
his
servants
,
and
are
hired
for
his
behoove
,
but
the
King
doth
not
hire
Subjects
,
nor
are
they
his
servants
and
under
his
pay
,
and
he
stands
otherwise
obliged
unto
them
,
then
the
Emperour
did
to
his
souldiers
:
finally
Nazianzen
in
his
Orat.
2.
in
Iulianum
seemeth
to
say
that
the
reason
why
Iulian
the
Apostate
was
not
opposed
,
was
,
because
they
were
not
able
For
,
sayes
he
,
Nos
autem
quibus
nulla
alia
arma
,
nec
Praesidia
,
praeter
spem
in
Deum
reliqua
erant
,
ut
pote
omni
humano
subsidio
prorsus
destitutis
&
spoliatis
,
quem
tandem
alium
aut
precum
auditorem
,
aut
inimicorum
depulsorem
habituri
eramus
quàm
Deum
Iacob
,
&c.
i.
e.
what
could
we
do
,
but
betake
ourselves
to
the
God
of
Jacab
,
since
we
had
no
other
armes
,
nor
walls
,
nor
strengthes
,
being
destitute
and
spoiled
of
all
humane
help
:
Sure
this
will
not
say
much
against
us
,
nor
for
our
Surveyer
▪
Yea
he
hinteth
in
his
first
oration
in
Iulianum
,
That
for
fear
of
resistence
&
of
crossing
his
end
,
the
Apostate
Iulian
would
not
make
open
war
at
first
upon
the
Christians
,
[
Nos
enim
(
sayes
he
)
si
vis
inferatur
,
acriores
obstinatioresque
futuros
,
ac
Tyrannidi
obnixum
pietatis
Tuendae
studium
objecturos
cogitavit
:
solent
enim
fortes
&
generosi
animi
et
qui
vim
afferre
parat
contumaciter
obsistere
,
non
secus
ac
flamma
,
quae
a
vento
excitatur
quo
vehementius
perflatur
,
eò
vehementius
accenditur
.
i.e.
[
If
he
had
used
violence
,
he
knew
he
had
found
us
more
peremptory
and
refractary
,
and
ready
to
have
opposed
to
his
tyranny
a
fixed
purpose
and
endeavour
to
preserve
our
Religion
;
for
stout
and
generous
spirits
use
to
resist
with
greater
violence
such
as
violently
assault
them
,
as
a
fire
blown
at
by
winde
,
the
more
the
winde
beat●
upon
it
,
the
more
it
burneth
.
]
Which
shewes
clearly
that
if
that
Apostate
had
used
force
at
first
,
he
had
met
with
opposition
;
and
therefore
he
thought
it
fittest
by
policy
to
weaken
them
,
disarme
them
,
and
subdue
them
,
and
then
fall
on
them
with
force
,
and
persecute
them
.
13
If
we
shall
adduce
some
instances
of
the
primitive
Christians
defending
themselves
and
their
Religion
by
force
,
against
the
Emperours
Emissaries
,
whither
will
our
Surveyer
then
send
his
soul
?
while
he
looked
upon
them
as
altogether
free
of
any
such
charge
,
he
cryed
out
Balaam-like
anima
mea
sit
cum
animabus
veterum
Christianorum
but
ere
it
come
there
,
he
must
repent
of
what
he
hath
done
and
said
:
But
if
their
practice
was
suteable
to
ours
,
what
will
he
then
do
with
his
soul
?
for
he
vvill
not
have
it
with
the
late
Christians
,
nor
can
he
now
have
it
with
the
old
Christians
,
and
so
it
must
goe
to
a
distinct
place
;
and
so
it
will
,
if
he
repent
not
.
But
to
our
purpose
.
1.
Blondel
,
in
the
forcited
place
,
tels
us
,
that
about
the
year
310.
The
Armenians
waged
warre
against
Maximius
,
who
was
come
against
them
with
an
army
,
because
of
their
Religion
,
and
defate
him
.
2.
S●crates
in
his
Ecclesiastick
history
lib.
2.
c.
30
,
(
after
the
English
translation
)
tels
us
[
That
by
the
command
of
the
Emperour
,
and
cruelty
of
Macedonius
,
it
was
proclamed
that
the
Churches
of
such
as
imbraced
the
creed
,
containing
the
clause
of
one
substance
,
should
be
thrown
down
even
to
the
fundations
,
—
as
soon
as
the
commissioners
for
suppressing
the
churches
had
given
the
onset
,
immediatly
a
great
number
of
Novatians
,
and
diverse
others
,
which
maintained
the
doctrine
of
one
substance
pulled
downe
that
Church
,
removed
it
to
another
place
,
and
there
erected
it
againe
—
againe
Macedonius
(
like
the
prelate
of
Galloway
)
understanding
that
there
were
many
both
at
Pophlagonia
,
and
at
Mantinium
of
the
Novation
opinion
which
could
by
no
meanes
be
commodiously
removed
by
Ecclesiastical
authority
,
procured
that
foure
bands
of
souldiers
at
the
Emperours
commandement
should
be
sent
to
Paphlagonia
,
to
the
end
the
inhabitants
might
be
terrified
and
thereby
brought
to
imbrace
the
Arian
haeresie
.
But
such
as
inhabited
Mantinium
being
kindled
with
an
earnest
Zeal
towards
Christian
Religion
,
went
against
the
souldiers
vvith
chearful
mindes
,
and
valient
courage
,
after
they
had
mustered
together
a
great
hoast
,
they
all
marched
forward
to
battel
,
some
had
taken
in
their
hand
long
hedging
bils
,
some
had
axes
,
some
other
met
by
chance
with
rusty
armour
;
when
they
joyned
together
and
came
to
handigriping
,
many
of
the
Paphlagonians
were
beaten
downe
,
the
souldiers
(
few
only
excepted
)
vvere
slaine
every
one
.
]
Moreover
he
tels
us
in
the
same
place
,
when
this
Macedonius
was
about
to
destroy
the
temple
in
which
Constantine
lay
buryed
,
and
had
a
purpose
to
translate
the
Emperours
bones
,
the
people
vvithstood
his
interprize
,
and
vvhen
he
gote
the
bones
carryed
into
the
Church
vvhere
Acacius
the
Martyr
was
buryed
,
the
multitude
of
the
contrary
side
ran
thither
in
haste
;
and
this
occasioned
a
very
great
slaughter
,
so
that
the
Church
,
&
the
porch
,
unto
the
street
,
was
runing
with
blood
,
&
full
of
dead
bodyes
:
&
for
this
Macedonius
gote
little
thanks
of
the
Emperour
.
3.
in
Hisioria
tripartita
Lib.
11.
c.
15.
It
is
told
us
,
How
the
Christians
oppressed
by
Barabanes
or
Baratanes
King
of
Persia
,
did
flee
to
the
Romans
to
seek
their
help
;
upon
which
and
some
other
causes
a
war
arose
betwixt
the
Romans
and
the
said
King
.
It
is
true
they
made
not
head
against
the
King
while
they
remained
in
his
countrey
,
because
they
were
not
able
;
otherwise
they
had
not
run
to
the
Romans
for
help
.
Our
Surveyer
cannot
deny
that
they
sought
the
Emperour's
help
,
but
he
saves
,
This
will
not
necessarily
Import
that
they
stirred
them
up
to
invade
their
King
in
their
behalf
,
but
that
having
come
to
them
,
they
might
have
the
help
and
benefite
of
their
protection
.
But
vvhether
they
stirred
up
the
Emp●rour
or
not
,
is
not
much
to
the
matter
,
seing
they
came
as
suppliants
and
(
as
Socrat.
sayes
Lib.
7.
Cap.
18.
)
craved
that
they
vvould
pity
their
case
,
and
not
suffer
them
to
be
so
oppressed
;
and
the
Emperour
made
this
one
cause
of
the
vvar
,
vvhich
he
undertook
against
him
;
and
vvas
one
of
the
causes
(
as
the
historie
tells
us
)
that
made
the
Romans
angry
with
them
:
and
vvhen
the
Persian
King
demanded
back
his
fugitives
,
it
vvas
ansvvered
,
they
vvould
not
do
that
,
yea
and
that
not
only
they
vvould
endeavour
to
set
the
suppliants
at
freedome
,
and
deliver
them
from
their
oppressours
;
but
also
that
they
vvould
undergoe
any
thing
for
the
good
of
the
Christian
Religion
and
(
as
socrat
sayeth
lib.
7.
c.
18.
)
they
purposed
not
only
to
aide
them
,
but
also
with
all
might
possible
,
generally
to
maintaine
the
quarrel
in
the
behalf
of
Christian
Religion
.
Againe
our
Surveyer
tels
us
,
that
the
Persian
Kings
had
once
submitted
to
the
Romans
.
Which
whether
true
or
false
,
is
not
mentioned
in
all
this
history
,
either
as
the
ground
moving
the
oppressed
Christians
to
flee
to
the
Emperour
Theodosius
for
help
,
or
moving
Theodosius
to
wage
vvarre
against
them
.
And
so
by
this
example
of
theirs
,
we
see
that
oppressed
subjects
may
run
and
seek
releef
from
strangers
,
when
they
cannot
help
themselves
.
Thus
we
see
this
Surveyer's
argument
is
many
wayes
weak
,
and
against
himself
.
Moreover
,
4.
When
Athanasius
was
forced
to
flee
out
of
Alexandria
,
and
Gregorius
was
brought
thither
with
armed
souldiers
,
and
put
in
possession
of
the
Church
,
the
Citizens
of
Alexandria
,
not
withstanding
of
Syrianus
the
captane
under
the
Emperour
his
being
there
with
five
thousand
armed
men
,
were
so
displeased
with
what
was
done
,
that
they
set
St.
Denis
Church
on
fire
See
Socrat.
Hist.
Eccles
,
Lib.
2.
Cap.
8.
Or
,
cap.
11.
after
the
greek
copy
.
5.
When
the
honest
People
at
Constantinople
had
chosen
Paulus
to
be
their
Bishop
after
the
death
of
Eusebius
,
the
Emperour
Constantius
sent
Hermogenes
the
captaine
to
thrust
Paulus
out
of
the
Church
,
and
when
he
came
to
execute
his
commission
with
force
,
the
People
prepared
themselves
to
aide
their
Bishop
,
forced
the
house
where
Hermogenes
was
,
and
pulled
him
out
by
the
eares
and
killed
him
:
See
Socrat.
Lib.
2.
Cap.
10.
6.
When
Paulus
was
againe
placed
in
Constantinople
the
Emperour
sends
Philip
the
president
to
remove
him
,
and
to
appoynt
Macedonius
the
Arian
,
in
his
stead
.
But
Philip
was
so
affrayed
of
the
People
that
he
went
straight
unto
the
publick
bath
called
Zenxippus
,
and
sends
for
Paulus
,
and
being
in
fear
of
the
multitude
,
who
being
suspicious
flocked
thither
,
conveyes
him
secretly
out
a
back
window
:
Then
he
and
Macedonius
went
unto
the
Church
,
and
were
guarded
all
alongs
by
souldiers
with
naked
swords
,
and
when
they
came
to
the
door
,
the
throng
was
such
that
they
could
not
enter
,
till
there
were
some
thousands
Killed
.
If
Philp
the
Emperours
Lievtenant
had
not
been
afraid
of
the
People
;
he
had
not
done
as
he
did
.
So
for
fear
of
the
People
the
Lieutenant
of
Valens
the
Emperour
durst
not
execute
these
fowrscore
priests
,
who
had
come
〈◊〉
supplicate
the
Emperour
in
name
of
all
the
rest
in
Nicomedia
,
and
were
commanded
to
be
killed
by
the
Emperour
;
See
Socrat.
Lib
,
4.
Cap.
13.
all
which
sayes
it
was
no
rare
thing
for
People
to
resist
even
with
force
the
Emperours
Emissaries
sent
to
execute
his
unjust
decrees
.
7.
Socrates
tells
us
Hist.
Eccles.
Lib.
7.
Cap.
14.
hovv
divers
Monks
inhabiting
mont
Nitria
,
espoused
Cyril's
quarrel
,
and
coming
to
Alexandria
assaulted
the
Lieutenant
in
his
Chariot
with
stones
,
so
that
his
guaird
was
forced
to
flee
away
.
8.
About
the
year
404.
when
the
Emperour
had
banished
Chrisostome
,
the
People
flocked
together
about
the
palace
,
so
that
the
Emperour
was
necessitated
to
call
him
back
againe
from
his
exile
,
See
Hist
,
Tripare
,
Lib.
10.
Cap.
13.
9.
When
Ambrose
was
banished
by
Valentinian
the
Emperour
,
at
the
instigation
of
his
Mother
Iustina
,
the
People
did
resist
such
as
came
to
carry
him
away
,
such
was
their
Zeal
for
the
truth
,
and
love
to
their
injured
Bishop
:
see
Hist.
Tripart
.
Lib.
9.
Cap.
20.
and
they
would
rather
lose
their
lives
,
as
suffer
their
pastor
to
be
taken
away
by
the
souldiers
,
that
were
sent
to
pull
him
out
of
the
Church
,
and
thurst
him
away
by
force
.
See
Ruffini
Histor.
Lib.
11.
c.
15.
Now
let
the
Surveyer
tels
us
what
he
thinks
of
their
practice
?
And
if
he
think
their
practice
any
other
commentary
to
Rom.
13.
then
our
glosses
;
and
if
it
be
any
thing
different
from
our
practice
,
in
these
dregs
of
time
,
as
he
loveth
to
speak
?
We
proceed
now
unto
his
Reasons
,
which
are
but
the
same
things
we
have
heard
formerly
.
The
summe
of
the
first
is
this
.
[
That
doctrine
cannot
be
of
God
,
which
to
the
eye
of
sound
reason
,
doth
unavoidably
(
if
practised
)
overthrow
God's
order
for
setling
Societyes
,
and
open
a
gap
to
perpetual
seditions
against
Magistrates
,
—
and
will
please
wicked
malefactors
well
,
being
a
proclamatoin
to
them
,
when
condemned
,
to
violent
the
Magistrate
—
for
the
matter
is
referred
to
each
particular
person
to
judge
of
his
owne
suffering
,
and
his
discretive
judgement
must
determine
him
to
resist
.
]
Answ.
Here
is
a
heap
of
words
,
but
no
sinewes
of
an
argument
,
This
man
is
good
at
catching
poor
simple
ones
that
cannot
discerne
his
tallacies
:
But
such
as
are
wise
will
smile
at
his
confidence
in
reasoning
after
this
manner
:
For.
1.
His
doctrine
,
not
ours
,
overthroweth
God's
order
:
It
is
God's
order
that
Commonwealths
be
preserved
from
ruine
and
destruction
;
that
Magistrates
should
lay
out
themselves
,
and
all
their
power
for
the
good
of
the
Realme
over
which
they
are
;
for
as
Ciecro
sayeth
eo
referenda
sunt
omnia
its
qui
praesunt
ali●s
,
ut
●i
qui
erunt
eorum
in
imperio
sint
quam
beatissimi
,
and
elsewhere
ut
gubernatori
cursus
secundus
,
medico
salus
,
imperatori
victoria
,
sic
moderatori
,
Reipublica
beata
Civium
vita
proposita
est
.
But
by
his
doctrine
,
if
the
Soveraigne
will
(
and
how
mutable
and
inclineable
to
tyranny
the
will
of
Princes
is
,
all
ages
hath
witnessed
)
The
Commonwealth
is
remedylesty
gone
;
if
he
will
destroy
the
same
,
there
is
no
help
;
if
he
turne
Tyrant
(
and
one
wreatched
Counseller
may
in
a
short
time
by
asse
a
Prince
,
that
is
not
otherwise
wel
balasted
,
to
this
)
ruine
is
unavoydable
.
But
by
our
doctrine
,
there
is
a
remedy
to
preserve
the
commonwealth
from
ruine
;
&
more
regaird
is
to
be
had
to
this
,
which
is
the
end
,
then
to
the
Prince
who
as
such
,
is
but
a
medium
to
this
end
▪
2.
Such
as
plead
for
the
good
of
humane
Societyes
,
should
as
much
labour
to
prevent
the
utter
overturning
of
the
same
,
as
to
prevent
seditions
:
Good
phisitians
will
labour
more
carefully
to
prevent
death
,
then
to
prevent
a
little
distemper
or
sicknesse
;
yea
and
will
cause
a
distemper
to
prevent
destruction
:
but
this
montebank
,
if
he
procure
with
his
prescriptions
present
ease
,
careth
not
though
the
patient
die
the
next
day
.
But
3.
How
doth
our
doctrine
open
a
perpetual
gap
to
seditions
?
Because
(
sayes
he
)
by
our
way
every
private
person
is
made
judge
not
only
his
owne
actions
,
but
of
his
sufferings
,
and
he
must
suffer
no
more
then
he
thinks
meet
.
But
1.
would
he
have
all
the
Subjects
becomeing
more
senselesse
and
stupide
then
beasts
?
Would
he
have
them
casting
away
their
soul
&
judgment
,
that
they
should
have
no
more
use
of
their
reason
,
to
judge
what
either
is
commanded
or
imposed
by
penalty
?
If
he
grant
a
judgement
of
discretion
in
actings
,
how
will
he
salve
the
Magistrat's
credite
and
honour
,
and
prevent
rebellion
and
sedition
,
if
there
be
such
a
necessary
connexion
betwixt
the
exercise
of
this
judgement
and
the
consequent
he
dreameth
of
?
For
disobedience
is
a
resistence
,
as
well
as
non-submission
to
the
punishment
.
2.
Though
we
allow
to
every
one
a
judgement
of
discretion
,
yet
we
allow
no
man's
judgement
to
be
the
rule
of
his
walking
:
We
say
not
that
an
erring
judgment
is
a
rule
to
walk
by
,
and
therefore
we
say
that
a
subject
is
bound
to
obey
the
Magistrates
lawful
commands
,
though
he
in
his
private
judgement
should
account
them
sinful
;
so
we
say
he
is
bound
to
submit
to
punishment
,
which
is
just
and
justly
inflicted
,
though
he
judge
otherwayes
:
Yea
we
grant
furder
,
he
is
bound
to
submit
to
unjust
sentences
patiently
,
when
he
cannot
by
faire
and
possible
meanes
shun
them
.
Yea
moreover
we
grant
that
in
matters
of
smaller
moment
,
he
may
lawfully
beare
with
the
losse
of
a
little
to
redeeme
more
,
or
save
more
from
hazard
.
But
our
question
is
,
if
the
Body
of
a
land
or
a
considerable
part
thereof
,
ought
stupidly
to
submit
to
the
losse
of
Life
,
Lands
,
Libertyes
and
Religion
,
when
not
only
they
judge
these
to
be
in
hazard
;
but
when
all
who
have
eyes
in
their
head
see
it
&
it
is
undenyable
,
being
written
on
all
the
Acts
&
actings
of
these
in
power
,
&
palpably
&
too
too
sensibly
felt
by
al
such
as
desire
to
keep
a
good
conscience
,
&
to
be
keeped
free
from
the
rageing
wickednesse
&
aposrasy
of
this
generation
.
4.
Though
I
know
few
malefactors
,
who
,
when
attached
,
arraigned
&
condemned
,
would
not
do
what
they
could
to
deliver
themselvs
from
death
,
though
this
question
had
never
been
started
;
yet
our
doctrine
will
not
warrand
such
to
do
violence
to
the
Magistrate
:
For
we
judge
it
not
enough
that
they
say
they
are
innocent
and
deserve
on
punishment
.
Our
case
is
a
case
that
is
manifest
and
not
our
,
and
a
publick
injury
avowed
and
maintained
:
And
will
he
think
that
because
a
Malefactor
justly
condemned
to
die
,
may
not
resist
the
Magistrate
executing
his
office
,
Therefore
a
Land
may
not
defend
themselves
,
against
the
Kings
Emissaries
sent
out
to
execute
unjust
sentences
,
tending
to
the
ruine
and
destruction
of
Religion
and
Liberties
?
His
2.
Reason
Pag.
44.
is
in
summe
this
[
That
by
this
way
Magisirates
in
doing
their
duty
cannot
be
secured
:
for
it
is
not
enough
to
say
,
let
Magistrates
rule
rightly
,
and
not
oppresse
,
because
that
in
the
holy
permissive
providence
of
God
,
oft
the
best
princes
are
not
best
used
—
some
crossing
of
the
will
of
a
forward
,
and
furi●●s
party
,
may
move
them
to
fancy
ther
Prince
a
Tyrant
,
and
thereupon
account
themselves
free
to
offer
violence
:
And
from
resistence
they
will
goe
to
revenge
(
the
fury
of
evil
consciences
instigating
them
)
—
in
histories
it
will
be
found
,
that
hardly
did
ever
people
resist
a
prince
,
but
in
end
it
came
to
revenge
;
and
of
times
the
best
princes
have
been
worst
used
,
at
least
as
evil
as
the
naughtiest
,
as
may
be
seen
a
mong
the
Roman
Emperours
,
and
Christian
Emperours
and
Kings
:
and
amongst
our
own
Kings
&c.
]
Answ.
Lend
us
this
argument
,
and
we
shall
see
what
to
make
of
it
.
By
his
doctrine
people
can
never
be
secured
from
unjust
violence
,
or
from
continual
oppression
and
slavery
;
for
it
is
in
vaine
to
say
,
let
them
do
that
which
is
right
,
and
Magistrates
will
do
their
duty
,
for
albeit
it
be
true
that
faithful
and
honest
subjects
,
may
in
the
way
of
their
duty
,
expect
from
God
that
he
will
incline
the
hearts
of
Magistrates
to
respect
and
encourage
them
;
yet
in
the
holy
permissive
providence
of
God
,
it
comes
often
to
passe
that
the
best
people
are
not
best
used
by
their
princes
:
And
this
all
histories
both
ancient
and
moderne
abundantly
demonstrate
.
This
court
divine
is
all
for
the
secureing
of
the
Prince
in
all
his
tyrannies
&
oppressions
;
and
speaks
nothing
for
guarding
the
saifty
of
the
people
,
which
is
the
end
,
for
which
Magistrates
were
appoynted
:
And
this
is
to
pervert
the
order
of
nature
,
so
to
secure
the
meane
as
to
destroy
the
end
:
For
that
is
to
make
the
meane
the
end
,
and
no
more
the
meane
.
2.
We
justify
not
Subjects
as
are
unruly
&
seditious
against
good
Magistrates
doing
their
duty
;
nor
do
we
plead
for
Subjects
riseing
up
in
armes
against
their
Magistrates
,
for
every
small
injury
,
or
when
they
deviate
in
a
little
from
the
right
way
:
Let
him
grant
to
us
,
That
subjects
may
oppose
their
Magistrates
,
and
resist
unjust
violence
with
violence
,
when
,
in
stead
of
being
Magistrates
they
become
wolves
and
Tygers
;
and
in
stead
of
being
pastors
of
the
people
,
they
become
lyons
seeking
to
destroy
and
devoure
them
;
and
when
they
overturne
the
ends
,
for
which
they
were
appoynted
,
and
destroy
the
liberties
of
the
Subject
,
&
overturne
the
Religion
,
which
they
were
obliged
&
sworne
to
defend
,
in
their
place
and
according
to
their
power
,
and
we
desire
no
more
.
3.
If
any
under
pretext
of
repelling
of
violence
,
shall
unjustly
injure
the
Magistrate
,
we
approve
not
such
,
we
justify
them
not
,
let
them
answere
for
that
themselves
.
This
is
nothing
to
our
question
:
if
he
say
that
our
doctrine
openeth
a
gap
to
this
,
He
is
mistaken
,
for
such
as
say
that
the
sinful
and
unjust
commands
of
Magistrates
should
not
b
e
obeyed
,
do
not
open
a
gap
to
all
disobedience
,
even
in
the
most
just
commands
.
And
since
he
will
grant
that
unjust
commands
ought
not
to
be
obeyed
,
let
him
close
the
door
here
,
so
that
from
this
there
shall
be
no
hazard
of
mocking
the
Magistrate
,
when
commanding
just
and
necessary
dutyes
;
And
with
the
same
engyne
shall
we
close
the
door
,
so
that
when
we
say
that
Magistrates
destroying
Religion
,
Libertyes
and
what
is
dear
to
Subjects
,
may
be
resisted
,
we
shall
secure
the
Magistrate
from
violence
and
opposition
,
when
he
keepeth
within
his
sphaere
,
and
doth
his
duty
.
4.
If
the
matter
passe
from
resistence
to
revenge
,
we
approve
it
not
;
if
the
pride
and
haughtinesse
of
the
spirit
of
Princes
be
the
cause
of
this
,
let
them
see
to
it
,
and
labour
to
prevent
it
,
by
condescending
to
the
just
&
equitable
demands
of
their
oppressed
and
grieved
subjects
.
5.
We
do
not
deny
but
God
may
stir
up
an
Absolome
and
other
conspirators
against
a
Gracious
David
,
for
his
owne
holy
ends
.
But
,
in
ordinary
providence
it
is
to
be
seen
,
that
good
Princes
,
while
alive
and
when
dead
,
have
had
more
respect
of
their
Subjects
;
then
others
,
who
have
been
most
flagitious
and
wicked
:
The
books
of
the
Kings
&
Chronicles
demonstrate
this
.
That
good
Kings
have
been
much
honoured
and
reverenced
while
living
,
and
much
lamented
when
dead
;
and
upon
the
contrare
,
vvicked
King
's
have
either
been
cut
off
,
or
when
dead
have
not
been
desired
,
nor
burned
with
the
burnings
of
their
fathers
,
nor
buryed
in
the
sepulchre
of
their
fathers
,
whatever
forced
submission
&
outward
respect
they
might
have
had
while
living
.
6.
As
for
the
difference
that
God
in
his
providence
hath
put
betwixt
Heathenish
and
Christian
Kinges
see
what
Evagrius
sayeth
Eccles.
histor.
cap.
41.
speaking
against
Zosimus
,
he
hath
these
words
worth
the
marking
.
[
Let
us
see
if
thow
will
,
how
the
Emperours
which
were
Hethnickes
and
Panimes
maintainers
of
Idolatry
and
paganisme
,
and
how
on
the
contrary
,
such
as
cleaved
unto
the
Christian
faith
,
ended
their
reigne
:
was
not
Cajus
Julius
Caesar
the
first
Emperous
,
slaine
by
a
conspiracy
?
did
not
certane
souldiers
with
naked
swords
dispatch
Cajus
the
nephew
of
Tiberius
?
was
not
Nero
murdered
by
one
of
his
familiar
and
dear
friends
?
Had
not
Galba
the
like
end
,
Otho
&
Vitellus
,
who
all
three
reigned
only
Sixteen
moneths
?
what
shall
I
speak
of
Titus
whom
Domitianus
poisoned
,
although
he
was
his
owne
brother
?
what
sayest
thow
of
Commodus
?
—
what
shall
I
say
of
Marcinus
?
did
not
the
souldiers
use
him
like
a
captive
,
about
Byzantium
,
and
cruelly
put
him
to
death
?
—
what
shall
I
say
of
Maximinus
whom
his
owne
army
dispatched
—
were
not
Gallus
,
and
Volusianus
murdered
by
their
owne
army
?
had
not
Aemilianus
the
like
miserable
end
—
But
since
Constantine
began
to
reigne-was
there
any
one
Emperour
in
that
city
(
Julian
a
man
of
thine
own
Religion-only
excepted
)
that
was
murthered
by
his
owne
subjects
?
]
It
were
an
endlesse
work
to
run
thorow
histories
,
and
show
,
how
for
the
most
part
,
(
contrare
to
what
he
sayes
)
these
Kings
who
have
been
resisted
by
their
Subjects
,
whether
in
the
time
of
Heathenisme
,
or
since
Christianity
was
professed
,
have
been
most
flagitious
and
wicked
?
Sure
,
if
we
should
goe
no
further
but
to
our
owne
history
,
we
shall
finde
this
put
beyond
all
question
,
the
Surveyer
himself
being
witnesse
,
who
sayes
Pag.
78.
that
the
instances
of
opposition
made
unto
the
Scotish
Kings
adduced
by
the
Apolog.
were
but
[
the
insurrection
of
Nobles
against
the
Kings
,
and
violent
oppressions
of
such
of
them
,
as
have
been
flagitious
and
tyrannous
.
]
And
thus
he
contradicteth
,
what
he
just
now
said
.
But
to
what
purpose
is
all
this
stir
?
He
sayes
,
but
can
he
prove
,
that
we
assert
,
That
any
party
of
the
people
,
when
strong
enough
,
may
get
up
against
the
King
and
all
Magistrates
,
when
they
judge
that
they
deal
wrongously
and
injuriously
with
them
?
Sure
the
thing
which
we
affirme
is
far
contrary
to
this
,
as
hath
been
often
times
shewed
.
We
know
that
[
the
evil
wit
of
a
seditious
party
can
soon
paint
the
Best
King
as
a
black
and
ugly
Tyrant
]
and
vve
know
also
,
that
the
evil
wit
of
a
hired
court-parasite
,
and
bese
flatterer
can
paint
out
the
blackest
Nero
,
or
Caligula
,
or
a
Heliogabalus
,
as
a
brave
and
virtuous
prince
.
And
this
is
nothing
to
our
case
,
when
the
acts
of
Tyranny
and
oppression
,
are
as
legible
,
as
if
written
with
the
sun-beames
:
It
behoved
to
be
strange
virmilion
that
would
serve
to
make
the
apostasy
,
perjury
,
oppression
and
tyranny
of
the
novv
Prince
and
Rulers
,
appear
vvhit
and
comely
;
and
he
needs
no
great
vvit
vvho
vvould
painte
out
these
grosse
acts
under
the
forme
of
ugly
Tyranny
:
Yet
vvith
all
vve
shall
vvillingly
grant
to
him
,
that
,
[
All
the
fearers
of
God
should
rather
indure
some
acts
of
real
tyranny
,
then
by
doctrine
or
practices
of
resistence
,
open
a
door
to
the
destruction
of
good
Kings
(
by
a
party
not
of
their
spirit
,
but
lurking
under
their
pretences
)
and
to
the
continual
dissolution
,
concussion
,
and
desolation
of
humane
societies
]
for
this
is
not
the
thing
vve
are
against
:
Some
acts
of
Tyranny
vve
are
vvilling
to
endure
,
provideing
he
vvill
grant
us
liberty
both
to
teach
&
practise
resistence
,
vvhen
the
acts
of
tyranny
are
not
one
or
two
,
but
many
;
nor
acts
of
Tyranny
in
smaller
and
lesse
considerable
matters
;
but
such
as
tend
to
the
destruction
of
the
true
Libertyes
of
the
Subject
,
to
the
overturning
of
a
Covenanted
vvork
of
Reformation
,
svvorne-to
by
all
rankes
and
degrees
of
people
;
hovvbeit
men
of
corrupt
principles
,
and
of
another
spirit
,
should
lurk
under
these
pretences
.
Is
it
not
reasonable
,
that
vve
also
demand
of
this
Surveyer
vvhile
he
is
in
a
good
mood
,
That
he
vvould
evidence
so
much
fear
of
God
,
as
not
to
condemne
resistence
unto
real
tyranny
,
so
as
to
open
a
gap
to
all
the
ingrained
&
bloody
Ner●es
and
such
prodigious
Canibales
,
to
vvaste
&
destroy
at
pleasure
the
best
of
Subjects
.
What
follovveth
concerning
obedience
active
and
Subjection
passive
,
hath
been
spoken
to
formerly
,
and
it
is
needlesse
fill
up
pages
vvith
repetitions
,
as
he
doth
:
only
vvhereas
he
citeth
Apolog.
Pag.
376
,
&
377.
granting
that
subjection
is
necessary
,
and
supposeth
that
this
is
repugnant
to
vvhat
Naphtali
sayeth
,
He
vvould
knovv
that
he
is
in
a
great
mistake
,
for
the
question
there
is
concerning
obedience
in
things
indifferent
,
or
of
submitting
to
the
penalty
,
and
that
by
a
few
privat
persones
;
and
though
in
this
case
a
single
person
,
who
will
not
obey
the
Magistrate
in
these
matters
must
yeeld
the
penalty
,
and
so
acknowledge
his
subjection
,
it
will
not
follow
that
a
multitude
or
a
Community
,
forced
under
intolerable
penaltyes
to
acts
of
impiety
and
hainous
transgression
,
and
who
can
defend
their
rights
and
just
privileges
palpably
and
iniquously
violated
,
may
not
repel
such
unjust
force
with
force
;
&
resist
intolerable
tyranny
,
abusing
the
ordinance
of
God
to
all
acts
of
wickednesse
,
and
to
the
overturning
&
destroying
the
very
ends
of
government
?
And
to
this
Naphtaly
speaketh
Pag.
28.
So
that
he
but
gives
vent
to
his
profane
Spirit
,
to
cry
out
,
as
he
doth
Pag.
46.
and
say
[
Good
God!
to
what
times
are
we
reserved
?
to
see
so
certane
truths
,
that
may
be
reckoned
among
the
immoveables
of
Religion
,
and
the
ancient
land
marks
removed
,
by
an
upstart
furious
Crue
,
who
by
their
new
principles
(
as
false
as
new
)
seek
to
confound
both
Church
and
State
?
The
lawfulnesse
of
privat
men's
counter
acting
,
and
violent
resistence
to
a
whole
Church
&
a
whole
State
,
is
a
maine
article
of
their
new
faith
,
&
to
do
so
is
one
of
their
new
commands
added
to
God's
.
]
For
1.
It
never
was
a
certane
truth
,
nor
ever
was
reckoned
among
the
immovables
of
Religion
(
except
by
Court
divines
,
&
base
flattering
Sycophants
,
whose
maine
and
only
Religion
was
and
is
,
to
please
the
King
,
that
he
might
full
their
bellies
)
that
absolute
and
illimited
subjection
was
due
to
Princes
by
the
whole
body
of
the
People
,
so
that
if
he
should
send
our
Emissaries
,
like
so
many
wild
Beares
,
to
kill
Man
,
Wife
,
and
Children
,
Without
colour
and
pretence
of
Law
or
reason
,
People
should
do
nothing
but
cast
open
their
brests
,
and
hold
up
their
throats
,
that
they
may
be
devoured
at
once
:
what
sound
Divine
sayeth
so
?
What
sound
Divine
putteth
this
brutish
subjection
among
the
ancient
land
marks
?
Yea
what
sober
Royalist
(
that
is
not
with
this
surveyer
intoxicate
with
Royal
gifts
,
till
his
braines
be
crack't
,
and
his
rationality
brutified
)
dar
positively
averre
that
this
is
to
be
put
among
the
immoveables
of
Religion
?
2.
This
principle
which
he
calleth
new
,
and
as
false
as
new
,
is
an
old
truth
verified
by
the
practices
of
all
ages
,
and
is
as
true
as
old
;
which
he
might
easily
see
,
if
his
new
dignities
and
gifts
had
not
blinded
his
eyes
,
and
made
him
as
false
and
perfidious
,
as
he
is
notour
.
3.
He
tells
that
our
principle
tends
to
confound
both
Church
and
State
;
because
we
plead
against
Tyranny
either
in
Church
or
State
;
a
pretty
reason
:
Because
we
plead
for
that
,
which
tendeth
to
the
preservation
of
Church
and
State
,
in
being
and
purity
;
therefore
we
plead
for
confounding
Church
and
State
?
whereas
his
principle
of
Tyranny
,
in
Church
and
State
,
is
the
readyest
way
imaginable
to
destroy
both
,
as
hath
been
seen
by
many
sad
and
dreadful
examples
,
before
our
dayes
.
4.
This
man
who
hath
perfidiously
renunced
his
Covenant
with
God
,
and
avowed
his
perjury
to
all
the
World
,
and
his
palpable
breach
of
,
and
casting
behind
his
heels
the
third
command
,
talks
of
our
adding
new
articles
to
our
faith
,
and
a
new
command
to
God's
;
because
we
will
not
deny
the
principles
of
nature
,
nor
grant
that
free-born
subjects
are
slaves
or
brutes
:
And
with
him
,
Tyranny
is
the
ancient
Land-mark
,
and
the
chief
poynt
of
his
Religion
,
and
a
maine
article
of
his
faith
,
and
one
of
the
grand
commands
of
the
time
.
But
many
know
at
whose
girdle
his
faith
and
his
Religion
hangs
:
But
we
will
choose
none
of
his
Religion
,
principles
,
articles
of
faith
,
or
commands
;
For
they
change
with
the
Court
:
and
we
know
Court
Divinity
is
a
coat
of
many
colours
,
faire
and
fashionable
,
but
such
as
will
neither
keep
from
cold
,
nor
cover
our
nakednesse
,
far
lesse
save
from
God's
wrath
in
the
day
of
accounts
.
CAP.
XV.
Some
other
Particulars
,
alledged
by
the
Surveyer
,
against
us
,
examined
.
HAving
in
the
two
preceeding
Chapters
answered
his
maine
&
Cardinal
Arguments
,
our
labour
will
not
be
great
in
confuteing
what
followeth
.
He
says
Pag.
22.
We
shake
hands
with
any
Papists
,
asserting
that
any
person
,
unjustly
pursued
by
Magistrates
,
may
defend
himself
by
armes
,
and
slay
them
if
he
cannot
otherwise
escape
,
no
lesse
then
Robbers
or
cut-throats
.
Thus
Becan
.
Tom.
2.
contr.
Tract.
3.
quaest.
8.
&
Swarez
.
contra
Reg.
Angl.
Lib.
6.
cap.
4.
§
.
6.
So
Aquin.
2.
2.
qu.
70.
Art.
4.
c.
]
To
which
we
answere
1.
That
the
question
,
which
these
Papists
speak
to
,
is
different
from
ours
:
We
speak
not
concerning
vvhat
a
privat
single
person
may
do
vvhen
arraigned
and
unjustly
condemned
,
but
concerning
what
a
community
may
do
,
when
unjustly
oppressed
&
persecuted
by
Magistrats
,
contrare
to
their
trust
and
oath
;
2.
We
speake
not
of
private
persons
killing
Magistrates
at
their
own
hand
;
but
of
privat
persons
or
a
community
their
defending
themselves
against
unjust
violence
:
and
this
truth
which
we
maintain
,
was
owned
and
practised
before
ever
any
Papist
put
pen
to
Paper
.
Next
he
tells
us
,
That
Mr
Calvsn
is
of
another
judgment
,
Inst.
Lib.
4.
cap.
20.
§
26
,
31.
To
which
we
answere
1
Mr
Calvin
is
asserting
that
wicked
men
may
be
Magistrates
,
and
that
such
,
though
wicked
,
while
they
are
in
office
,
should
be
acknowledged
as
God's
deputyes
;
for
,
(
so
sayes
he
§.
25.
)
[
In
homine
deterrimo
honoreque
omni
indignissimo
penes
quem
modò
sit
publica
potestas
,
praeclaram
illam
&
Divinam
potestatem
residere
,
quam
Dominus
justitiae
ac
judicit
sui
Ministris
verbo
suo
detulit
:
proinde
à
subditis
eâdem
in
reverent
:
â
&
dignatione
habendum
,
quantum
ad
publicam
obedientiam
attinet
,
qua
optimum
Regem
,
si
daretur
,
habituri
essent
.
]
And
in
the
following
Sections
sheweth
that
such
ought
to
be
so
accounted
who
are
in
the
possession
of
the
Throne
,
whatever
way
they
have
attained
to
it
,
as
Nebuchadnezzar
(
who
yet
was
but
the
hammer
of
the
earth
,
Ierem.
50
:
ver.
23.
)
Belsazer
,
and
the
rest
,
of
that
Kinde
,
and
therefore
§.
29.
he
sayeth
[
Hunc
reverentiae
atque
adeo
pietatis
affectum
debemus
ad
extremum
prafectis
nostris
omnibus
qualescunque
tandem
sint
.
]
And
would
have
us
§.
31.
carefull
not
to
rub
contempt
upon
,
or
to
violent
the
office
,
or
ordinance
of
God
,
even
in
such
;
which
we
easily
assent
unto
:
Because
that
this
is
not
repugnant
to
a
sinlesse
self-defence
,
and
resistence
made
to
their
open
Tyranny
,
when
seeking
to
destroy
Religion
,
Libertyes
,
and
every
thing
that
is
previous
and
deare
unto
the
Subjects
.
It
is
true
,
some-where
his
expressions
seem
to
condemne
resistence
,
but
that
which
we
have
mentioned
is
the
maine
thing
he
presseth
:
and
he
doth
not
speak
to
the
case
of
resistence
particularly
.
2.
Though
we
should
grant
that
in
this
particular
Calvin
is
not
ours
;
yet
the
Surveyer
must
know
that
§.
31.
he
is
against
him
also
,
for
the
Surveyer
putteth
Parliaments
&
all
inferiour
Magistrates
in
the
same
condition
with
private
Subjects
;
and
yet
Calvin
sayeth
that
such
as
are
as
the
Ephori
among
the
Lacedemonians
;
the
Tribuns
of
the
people
among
the
Romans
;
and
the
Demarchi
among
the
Atheniens
;
and
the
Estates
of
Parliament
,
may
and
ought
to
suppresse
the
Tyranny
of
Princes
:
And
so
in
this
matter
Calvin
shall
be
more
for
us
then
for
him
.
3.
It
would
be
noted
,
both
in
reference
to
the
testimony
cited
out
of
Calvin
,
and
to
the
testimonies
of
other
following
,
That
the
case
which
they
speak
to
,
is
different
far
from
ours
:
For
with
us
,
both
King
and
Subject
are
bound
in
a
solemne
Covenant
to
God
,
to
maintaine
and
promote
a
work
of
Reformation
,
and
upon
these
tearmes
did
out
King
imbrace
the
Scepter
,
and
became
obliged
by
conditions
unto
his
People
:
And
sure
more
may
be
said
for
our
defending
our selves
,
our
Covenant
,
and
our
Religion
,
when
unjustly
persecuted
by
the
King
,
then
for
other
privat
Subjects
,
who
are
(
by
Gods
Providence
)
under
Heathen
Princes
,
or
conquerours
,
or
under
Princes
of
a
different
Religion
,
and
who
have
no
security
or
immunity
covenanted
unto
them
by
these
Princes
.
Then
the
citeth
some
passages
out
of
Peter
Martyr's
Loc.
Com.
Class
.
4.
Cap.
20.
Pag.
680.
&c.
To
which
we
answere
,
1.
The
question
which
he
moveth
Pag.
680.
doth
not
concerne
us
:
For
there
he
sayes
that
meer
privat
persones
may
not
depose
Kings
or
Princes
,
or
rise
against
them
for
this
end
,
Vt
eos
à
dignitate
,
seu
gradu
suo
deturbent
.
Now
this
is
not
our
question
,
which
is
concerning
necessary
self-defence
in
cases
of
extreame
necessity
.
2.
He
grants
it
lawfull
to
inferiour
Magistrates
,
who
set
limites
to
the
Prince
,
if
the
Prince
violat
his
compacts
,
and
break
his
Covenant
,
to
force
him
to
stand
to
his
conditions
,
eum
in
ordinem
cogere
,
ac
vi
redigere
,
ut
conditiones
&
pacta
quae
fuerat
pollicitus
,
compleat
,
idque
vel
armis
cum
aliter
fieri
non
possit
.
Our
Surveyer
will
not
assent
to
this
which
Martyr
sayeth
,
notwithstanding
he
account
him
one
of
the
most
learned
of
our
Protestants
.
3.
It
is
true
Pag.
682.
he
would
have
private
persones
enduring
a
Tyrant
,
who
commands
contrary
to
equity
,
and
good
lawes
,
and
suffer
him
patiently
,
as
we
are
to
suffer
patiently
sicknesse
.
But
who
seeth
not
,
that
notwithstanding
of
this
patient
submission
,
we
may
use
resistence
,
as
we
may
use
resistence
,
by
all
lawful
meanes
,
to
sicknesse
and
diseases
.
4.
Though
we
should
yeeld
that
such
a
Tyrant
as
he
described
should
not
be
resisted
,
viz.
such
an
one
as
commandeth
contra
aequum
bonum
ac
leges
,
yet
our
case
is
different
:
For
not
only
are
there
such
acts
of
iniquity
commanded
;
but
also
Subjects
are
compelled
by
meer
force
and
cruelty
,
to
consent
to
,
and
approve
iniquous
courses
;
and
our
Magistrates
are
in
a
singular
manner
obliged
to
prosecute
the
Ends
of
a
sworne
Covenant
,
which
the
Subjects
desire
to
adhere
unto
,
and
for
adherence
thereunto
,
are
persecuted
in
a
most
inhumane
and
cruel
manner
.
So
that
this
is
tyranny
of
a
higher
nature
,
then
what
Peter
Martyr
speaketh
of
.
In
the
next
place
he
citeth
Rivet
.
in
Decal
.
Pag.
233.
and
235.
But
we
answere
.
1.
Rivet
granteth
it
lawful
unto
all
,
vim
vi
repellere
to
repel
force
with
force
,
a
proveth
it
.
2.
In
the
place
by
him
cited
,
he
is
speaking
of
a
private
man's
resisting
the
violence
of
another
,
who
,
if
(
under
pretext
of
exponeing
the
law
of
Nature
)
should
avenge
himself
,
privato
appetitu
vel
contumaciâ
,
or
raise
seditions
against
the
Magistrates
,
he
should
but
abuse
his
power
and
liberty
,
and
this
we
grant
.
But
our
case
is
of
a
Community
,
to
which
Rivet
speaketh
nothing
.
Yea
3.
in
the
other
place
,
though
he
will
not
have
a
private
person
kill
his
Father
or
a
Magistrate
,
in
his
owne
defence
;
yet
he
granteth
it
lawful
to
resist
,
so
far
as
can
be
,
to
hinder
our
owne
destruction
[
Id
(
sayes
he
)
nos
absolute
sontimus
de
Parente
&
Principe
;
quibus
licet
quidem
resistere
,
quantum
id
fieri
potest
,
cum
invadunt
injuste
;
eo
fine
ut
impediamus
perniciem
nostram
.
]
Whence
it
appeareth
that
Rivet
is
much
for
us
;
for
he
acknowledgeth
it
lawful
for
a
private
single
person
to
defend
himself
,
as
much
as
is
possible
,
from
the
unjust
assaults
of
Princes
,
Much
more
then
shall
it
be
lawfull
for
a
community
to
defend
themselves
against
the
King's
Emissaries
.
After
Rivet
he
citeth
D.
Ames
cons
,
cas.
Lib.
5.
cap.
20.
But
Doct.
Ames
speaketh
nothing
against
us
,
for
he
is
summarily
holding
forth
what
is
the
duty
of
Superiours
towards
their
inferiours
,
and
of
inferiours
towards
their
Superiours
;
and
among
the
dutyes
of
inferiours
,
he
reckoneth
subjection
and
obedience
,
but
what
calleth
he
this
subjection
?
Doth
he
meane
thereby
a
stupide
and
absolute
submission
to
all
acts
of
Tyranny
and
opression
?
No
,
but
such
an
acknowledgement
of
their
power
&
authority
as
hath
with
it
a
care
to
preserve
the
same
unhurt
.
Now
this
is
consistent
with
resistence
in
cases
of
necessity
:
A
community
may
defend
themselves
from
unjust
violence
of
Magistratees
,
and
yet
attempt
nothing
against
their
just
power
and
authority
,
but
labour
tenderly
to
preserve
the
same
.
2.
It
is
true
,
that
he
sayeth
all
violent
insurrection
is
opposite
hereunto
,
and
also
contempt
:
But
that
is
violent
insurrection
against
the
power
and
authority
,
and
not
against
the
person
who
is
abuseing
his
povver
to
the
ruine
and
destruction
of
the
Commonvvealth
;
for
no
body
will
deny
but
tyranny
,
and
the
Tyrant
as
such
,
may
be
despised
and
undervalued
,
vvithout
vvrong
to
the
povver
and
authority
if
self
.
So
may
that
be
resisted
vvithout
violation
of
the
power
.
3.
It
is
true
he
sayeth
that
subjection
may
be
,
vvhere
there
is
not
obedience
,
but
wherein
sayeth
he
doth
this
subjection
consist
?
In
submissâ
recusatione
obedientiae
,
quando
illicitum
esse
constat
quod
a
superiore
mandatur
;
in
a
submissive
refuseing
to
give
obedience
.
And
this
is
some
other
thing
,
then
a
stupide
submission
to
all
acts
of
Tyranny
.
4.
This
same
Ames
Cap.
25.
where
he
is
speaking
of
Maagistrates
and
Subjects
,
and
shewing
the
duty
of
subjcets
unto
them
,
puts
subjection
and
obedience
together
§
.
16.
Wherefore
,
as
hence
it
cannot
follow
,
because
obedience
is
due
unto
them
,
when
they
command
things
just
and
agreable
to
God's
Law
;
that
therefore
obedience
is
due
unto
them
,
when
they
command
things
unjust
and
repugnant
to
the
Law
of
God
:
So
nor
will
it
follow
,
that
because
subjection
is
due
unto
them
,
when
their
power
is
not
abused
to
the
destruction
of
the
Commonwealth
;
therefore
subjection
is
due
unto
them
or
non-resistence
,
when
they
tyrannize
over
the
consciences
,
states
and
bodyes
of
their
subjects
,
and
laboure
to
overturne
all
.
5.
It
is
true
he
sayeth
Cap.
31.
§.
10.
that
the
person
invading
may
be
such
,
and
there
may
be
such
other
circumstances
,
as
that
the
person
invaded
may
rather
choose
to
die
,
as
to
Kill
:
But
that
speakes
nothing
to
our
case
,
which
is
a
resisting
to
the
King
's
bloody
emissaries
,
not
by
one
private
person
,
but
by
a
Community
:
And
since
D.
Ames
in
the
same
Chapt.
§.
4.
5.
&c.
thinks
it
lawful
for
a
private
person
to
defend
himself
even
by
killing
the
aggressor
,
when
there
is
no
other
remedy
,
he
will
abundantly
justify
our
practice
.
And
likewise
he
alloweth
this
defence
even
in
the
behalf
of
others
.
§
.
9.
Rectè
etiam
extenditur
ad
defensionem
non
tantum
nost●um
,
sed
&
aliorum
innocentium
:
Hoc
enim
postula
lex
,
ut
proximum
diligamus
sicut
nosipsos
!
And
therefore
Amesius
is
much
for
us
.
As
for
the
two
Papists
Estius
and
Tollet
whom
he
citeth
▪
they
speak
not
against
us
,
who
plead
for
the
Liberty
of
self
defence
unto
a
Community
against
the
Magistrate
,
and
not
to
every
private
single
person
;
neither
plead
we
for
a
power
of
Killing
Kings
.
And
if
they
were
against
us
he
could
not
have
much
reason
to
say
,
that
we
joyned
hands
with
Papists
.
Thus
are
all
his
authorities
from
divines
answered
,
let
us
see
what
he
sayeth
further
.
He
tells
us
Pag.
25.
26.
[
That
when
Lex
Rex
had
in
severral
places
(
such
as
Pag.
313.
314.
322.
463.
)
vented
that
principle
in
reference
to
the
civil
governement
,
That
no
man
is
bound
in
conscience
to
subjection
passive
under
unjust
punishments
inflicted
by
the
Magistràte
,
more
then
to
active
obedience
unto
unlawful
commands
;
and
that
passive
obedience
under
unjust
sentences
comes
under
no
command
of
God
?
Yea
that
it
is
a
sin
against
God's
command
to
be
passively
subject
to
unjust
sentences
,
and
that
it
it
an
act
of
grace
and
vertue
,
for
a
man
to
resist
the
Magistrate
violently
,
when
he
does
him
wrong
:
and
a
self
murther
against
the
sixt
command
,
not
to
resist
when
he
offers
to
take
away
the
life
without
cause
,
though
not
without
law
:
They
were
quickly
applyed
to
the
Church
by
this
man
and
his
party
,
who
pleaded
for
non-submission
unto
,
and
counteracting
of
all
the
judicatories
,
Whensoever
the
persones
injured
thought
the
sentence
wrong
—
and
how
well
their
practices
in
the
Church
do
homologate
with
their
practices
as
to
the
State
,
we
may
now
see
;
for
it
is
the
way
which
they
clearly
owne
,
that
every
person
(
when
and
so
long
as
they
are
able
,
or
are
in
probable
capacity
,
to
act
violently
against
the
Magistrate
)
ought
to
counter-act
him
violently
,
when
he
thinks
the
Magistrate
wrongs
him
(
for
this
must
be
referred
to
every
man's
private
descretive
judgment
,
as
Naphtaly
tells
us
Pag.
141.
—
How
contrary
such
principles
and
practices
of
privat
mens
non-submission
to
,
and
counteracting
of
Church
Judicatories
(
supposed
to
do
wrong
)
are
unto
the
Word
of
God
;
how
subversive
of
Church
government
;
how
introductory
of
schisme
,
heresies
and
all
mischiefs
into
the
Church
,
is
well
discovered
by
the
learned
Reviewer
of
the
pamphet
intituled
presbytery
no
papacy
,
&c.
And
with
equal
reason
,
may
the
same
grounds
be
made
use
of
against
this
man's
inciteing
all
private
persons
,
to
counteract
the
Magistrate
violently
,
when
they
think
he
doth
them
vvrong
,
or
when
they
account
their
sentences
unjust
.
]
Answ
,
1.
It
is
a
poor
defence
of
a
weak
and
tottering
cause
,
to
follow
such
courses
as
this
Surveyer
doth
.
To
wrest
and
wire-draw
the
sayings
of
his
adversaries
,
is
neither
a
faire
way
of
confirming
his
owne
opinion
,
nor
a
solid
way
of
confuteing
his
adversaries
.
He
sets
dovvne
some
sentences
here
,
as
assertions
of
Lex
Rex
:
And
if
any
vvill
consult
the
places
cited
,
they
vvill
discover
unhandsome
dealing
.
I
shall
only
set
downe
what
Lex
Rex
sayeth
,
and
the
Reader
,
vvhen
he
compareth
,
may
judge
.
Lex
Rex
sayeth
Pag.
313.
[
That
patient
bearing
of
evil
and
resistence
,
are
not
incompatible
in
one
&
the
same
person
]
Pag.
314.
He
sayeth
[
one
act
of
grace
and
vertue
is
not
contrary
to
another
,
Resistence
is
in
the
Children
of
God
,
an
innocent
act
of
self
preservation
,
as
in
a
patient
suffering
,
and
therefore
they
may
well
subsist
in
one
.
]
And
ibid
[
Neither
suffering
formally
as
suffering
,
and
so
neither
can
non-resisting
passive
fall
under
any
moral
law
of
God
,
except
in
two
cases
]
Pag.
322.
[
when
a
man
may
preserve
his
owne
life
,
and
doth
not
that
which
Natures
law
alloweth
him
to
do
,
rather
to
Kill
as
be
Killed
,
he
is
guilty
of
self
murther
;
because
he
is
deficient
in
the
duty
of
lawful
self
defence
.
]
And
Pag.
463
[
It
is
not
dishononrable
to
the
Majesty
of
the
Ruler
,
that
we
deny
Passive
subjection
to
him
,
when
he
punisheth
beside
his
warrant
,
more
then
it
is
against
his
Majesty
and
Honour
,
that
we
deny
active
obedience
,
when
the
Commandeth
illegally
.
]
I
shall
not
trouble
the
Reader
with
words
,
to
discover
the
difference
betwixt
what
Lex
Rex
sayeth
,
and
what
this
Surveyer
alledgeth
he
did
say
;
seing
the
judicious
and
observant
Reader
will
Sine
monitore
easily
perceive
it
.
2.
What
the
Surveyer
driveth
at
in
making
this
parallel
now
,
may
be
obvious
to
any
,
even
to
imbarque
with
himself
and
his
party
,
the
few
of
those
who
were
for
the
Publick
Resolutions
,
that
have
hitherto
gotten
grace
of
the
Lord
to
abide
faithful
,
and
not
to
say
a
confederacy
with
all
,
with
whom
this
Apostate
generation
hath
now
basely
conspired
,
against
Chirst
and
his
interests
.
But
we
hope
that
those
few
will
be
so
far
from
intertaining
their
former
prejudices
against
their
faithful
and
affectionat
Brethren
,
who
withstood
these
Resolutions
,
and
owned
the
Protestations
;
that
on
the
contrare
,
perceiving
themselves
mistaken
as
to
what
they
feared
,
concerning
the
Protesters
,
as
if
they
had
intended
to
overturn
all
discipline
and
Church
government
,
and
to
side
with
Sectaryes
;
since
themselves
have
novv
seen
some
of
them
owneing
the
same
unto
death
,
and
becomeing
a
martyr
upon
the
account
of
Church
privileges
,
&
all
the
rest
(
scarce
three
of
foure
excepted
)
abideing
faithful
,
and
suffering
upon
that
account
unto
this
day
;
and
since
with
all
they
see
the
feares
of
the
Protesters
,
concerning
the
inclination
to
Malignancy
and
Prelacy
,
of
the
far
greater
part
of
these
,
who
stifly
maintained
these
Resolutions
,
now
verified
beyond
all
contradiction
;
and
that
their
objecting
,
that
the
major
part
of
the
Ministery
was
then
corrupted
,
was
too
too
true
,
and
too
well
grounded
,
which
things
,
if
these
faithful
men
who
now
stand
,
had
but
suspected
then
,
as
now
they
see
with
their
eyes
,
they
would
,
(
we
are
confident
)
have
forborne
to
have
sided
with
them
in
these
debates
,
and
much
more
heartily
have
concurred
with
the
honest
proposals
of
the
Protesters
,
for
a
through
way
of
purging
the
church
of
such
corrupt
naughty
persones
,
as
have
now
most
basely
betrayed
the
interest
of
Christ
,
and
departed
from
their
profession
and
Covenant
,
and
made
that
Church
a
hissing
and
a
by-word
to
all
nations
,
by
returning
with
the
Sow
to
the
puddle
and
with
the
dog
to
their
vomite
.
These
worthy
men
,
I
say
,
perceiving
now
how
far
they
have
been
mistaken
not
to
their
grief
but
to
their
joy
(
as
famous
and
zealous
Mr
Wood
one
of
their
number
,
did
before
his
sicknesse
,
after
some
heavy
groans
,
plainely
professe
and
declare
to
a
credible
person
,
yet
on
life
to
verify
the
same
,
if
any
should
question
it
)
will
be
so
far
from
owning
this
man
and
his
principles
,
that
they
will
rather
,
(
we
hope
)
condemne
their
former
practices
,
if
not
altogether
yet
in
so
far
at
least
,
as
it
is
now
visible
they
did
tend
,
to
the
setting
up
of
a
arbitrary
government
and
tyranny
in
the
Church
,
and
are
now
improved
by
this
Surveyer
to
confirme
a
Tyranny
in
the
state
.
Sure
they
now
see
,
what
some
at
least
of
these
,
who
were
very
active
and
forward
to
screw
up
that
debate
to
the
hieght
,
and
to
presse
and
absolute
subjection
,
might
have
been
driveing
at
under
hand
,
though
they
made
such
faire
professions
of
their
firme
purpose
to
adhere
to
presbyterian
government
,
as
moved
others
to
entrust
them
with
the
management
of
their
affairs
at
Court
,
and
while
entrusted
therewith
,
destroyed
and
overturned
the
whole
government
,
so
that
now
they
will
be
loath
to
say
as
the
Reviewer
did
Pag.
5
,
6.
[
That
the
innocency
of
his
agency
,
to
prevent
the
evils
the
protesters
were
endeavouring
to
bring
upon
this
Church
,
and
his
carriage
and
integrity
in
managing
that
Trust
,
are
so
wel
:
known
at
home
and
abroad
,
that
we
beleeve
he
needs
not
write
Apolog●ticks
against
the
slanders
of
their
tongue
or
pen.
]
And
rather
blush
when
they
read
or
remember
this
:
&
we
are
hopeful
that
such
and
the
like
perfidious
practices
well
pondered
,
will
not
only
contribute
much
to
re-unite
them
in
hearty
affection
,
unto
their
faithful
Brethren
now
in
the
same
furnace
with
themselves
,
for
the
same
cause
and
interest
;
but
also
cause
them
reflect
upon
their
former
proceedings
,
&
consider
what
a
native
tendency
,
that
which
gave
the
rise
to
all
that
debate
,
had
unto
this
,
which
is
to
day
our
sin
,
our
shame
,
and
our
Sorrow
,
that
they
may
joyne
with
the
Rest
of
the
faithful
of
the
land
,
in
mourning
for
such
national
sinnes
,
Whereby
the
wrath
of
God
may
be
turned
away
from
us
,
and
the
Church
restored
to
her
former
beauty
and
integrity
,
in
the
Lord
's
good
time
.
3.
It
is
Manifest
,
that
this
Surveyer
,
who
ever
he
be
,
&
some
others
with
him
,
had
some
other
thoughts
in
their
heads
at
that
time
,
then
they
durst
expresse
;
&
finding
the
far
greater
part
of
the
Ministerie
corrupted
,
would
have
had
the
rest
resolving
upon
an
absolute
submission
to
all
their
determinations
,
though
they
had
been
openly
&
avowedly
to
introduce
prelacy
,
yea
&
popery
,
&
to
have
submitted
to
their
summar
censures
of
deposition
,
&
what
else
they
thought
good
to
inflict
,
without
the
least
resistence
or
counteracting
,
&
thus
to
have
patiently
submitted
,
to
see
Christ
&
his
royall
truthes
banished
out
of
the
land
by
ecclesiastical
acts
,
&
Popery
&
Prelacy
re-established
by
horrible
iniquity
:
Though
we
were
ever
confident
,
such
as
now
through
grace
abide
stedfast
,
had
no
such
thoughts
or
intentions
.
4.
This
Surveyer
dealeth
with
all
alike
:
as
he
misrepresented
Lex
Rex
in
the
civil
debate
,
so
doth
he
now
misrepresent
the
protesters
in
the
Church-debate
;
for
when
or
where
did
they
say
,
That
persones
were
not
bound
to
submit
,
but
to
counter-act
the
judicatories
of
the
presbyteriall
government
,
whensoever
they
thought
the
sentence
wrong
&
unlawfull
?
Did
they
ever
assert
that
a
mans
owne
conscience
,
was
the
only
vvarrand
and
ground
of
his
submission
or
non-submission
,
or
of
his
obedience
or
disobedience
?
5.
So
doth
he
abuse
&
misrepresent
Naphtaly
,
as
any
vvill
see
who
considereth
his
words
in
the
place
cited
,
which
are
these
.
Now
how
a
discretive
judgment
in
these
cases
,
both
of
unrighteous
commands
,
&
wicked
violence
,
&
specially
in
the
later
,
which
is
(
by
far
)
the
more
sensible
,
doth
necessarily
remaine
with
the
people
,
&
in
what
manner
the
same
is
to
be
determined
&
cautioned
,
so
as
neither
to
license
disobedience
against
authority
,
nor
create
seditions
in
the
Commonwealth
,
is
already
fully
cleared
.
]
This
is
some
other
thing
then
to
say
,
that
al
is
to
be
referred
to
every
man's
privat
discretive
judgement
,
vvithout
any
caution
or
limitation
added
or
supponed
.
6.
Because
it
is
not
our
purpose
to
revive
that
debate
vvhich
vvas
betvvixt
the
Protesters
&
the
Publick
Resolutioners
;
but
as
vve
vvish
it
had
never
been
heard
of
,
so
vve
desire
it
may
buryed
in
perpetual
oblivion
;
&
that
hence
forth
there
may
be
hearty
joyning
in
the
cause
&
covenant
of
God
,
for
prosecution
of
all
the
ends
thereof
,
according
to
our
severall
capacities
,
That
so
we
may
become
one
stick
in
the
hand
of
the
Lord
,
&
renunce
this
apostacy
,
&
all
courses
tending
thereunto
,
&
so
goe
on
as
before
that
un
happy
difference
broke
out
,
with
zeal
,
&
unanimity
.
Therefore
we
shall
forbeare
to
examine
what
that
Reviewer
,
of
presbytery
no
papacy
,
said
:
And
though
we
finde
that
much
of
what
the
Surveyer
sayeth
here
,
is
borrowed
from
that
Reviewer
,
&
is
answered
already
as
to
our
purpose
;
yet
we
finde
the
Reviewer
grant
severall
things
,
which
will
quite
destroy
the
parallel
,
as
to
our
case
,
&
shew
the
Surveyer
to
have
been
but
a
fool
in
mentioning
that
pamphlet
now
.
For
1.
He
Pag.
104.
sayeth
[
We
do
not
urge
submission
,
in
this
matter
betwixt
us
,
in
matters
of
doctrine
,
or
articles
of
faith
,
in
morshipe
,
government
,
nay
nor
rules
of
discipline
.
]
And
so
insinuats
as
much
,
as
that
if
the
Dogmatick
and
Diatactick
power
of
Christ's
courts
be
abused
,
and
corrupt
doctrine
and
practices
pressed
,
he
would
not
be
for
submission
:
And
therefore
upon
this
ground
,
waves
the
arguments
of
the
protesters
,
taken
from
the
instance
of
Athanasius
not
submitting
to
the
Arians
,
deposeing
him
for
asserting
the
divinity
of
the
Sone
of
God
;
and
the
11.
Arg.
making
a
supposition
of
enacting
the
Masse
,
and
all
the
heresies
of
Rome
,
saying
[
For
when
Church
judicatories
deny
homage
to
the
Sone
of
God
and
returne
to
Rome
,
We
shall
not
debate
the
poynt
of
non-submission
only
with
them
,
but
shall
run
from
them
as
from
synagogues
of
Satan
.
]
Upon
this
same
ground
he
waves
the
argument
13.
which
did
shew
that
this
submission
was
prelatical
:
And
the
passage
of
our
confession
of
faith
ratified
An.
1567.
which
is
thus
,
art.
12.
[
So
far
as
the
Council
proveth
the
determination
and
commandement
that
it
giveth
,
by
the
plaine
word
of
God
,
so
soon
do
we
reverence
and
imbrace
the
same
;
but
if
men
under
the
name
of
a
Council
,
pretend
to
forge
unto
us
new
articles
of
our
faith
,
or
to
make
constitutions
repugning
to
the
word
of
God
,
then
utterly
we
must
refuse
the
same
,
as
the
doctrine
of
devils
,
which
draweth
our
souls
from
the
voyce
of
our
only
God
,
to
follow
the
doctrines
&
constitutions
of
Men.
]
So
doth
he
upon
this
ground
lay
by
what
they
said
Pag.
49.
[
That
by
this
submission
there
was
no
remedy
,
but
that
,
at
one
stroke
,
the
precious
interests
of
Christ
and
truthes
of
God
must
be
borne
downe
,
and
buryed
in
oblivion
,
and
the
Saints
and
Ministers
of
the
gospel
be
buryed
under
the
rubbish
thereof
.
]
As
also
their
Arg.
15.
which
did
shew
,
that
this
unlimited
submission
did
[
Leave
the
Church
destitute
of
all
Ecclesiastical
remedies
,
in
the
case
of
a
general
defection
,
and
open
a
wide
door
for
making
the
government
of
the
house
of
God
degenerate
into
Tyranny
,
&c.
]
And
their
2
Argum
shewing
how
contrary
it
was
to
Scripture
,
and
how
hard
it
was
to
say
that
a
man
duely
qualified
,
being
suspended
from
the
Sacrament
,
or
from
the
exercise
of
his
Ministery
,
or
excommunicated
,
because
of
his
pressing
and
holding
forth
some
precious
Truth
of
God
,
which
a
Church
judicatory
condemneth
for
a
lie
,
should
submit
:
And
also
their
8.
Arg.
Pag.
108.
which
was
this
[
What
is
denyed
jure
to
Oecumenick
Councils
,
and
so
lawfully
called
Prophets
and
Ministers
of
the
gospel
,
to
Nathan
,
to
David
,
to
Paul
,
to
an
Angel
from
heaven
Gal.
1
:
ver.
18.
cannot
warrantably
be
given
to
General
Assemblies
.
If
—
they
teach
or
decree
not
according
to
the
word
of
the
Lord
,
we
are
to
counteract
,
and
to
contradict
Gal.
1
:
ver.
8.
Therefore
,
&c.
]
Now
in
all
these
cases
the
Reviewer
would
not
plead
for
submission
to
Church
judicatories
:
Why
then
doth
this
Surveyer
plead
for
absolute
submission
and
unlimited
to
civil
powers
,
since
he
is
pleased
to
draw
a
parallel
betwixt
them
?
But
we
see
that
evil
men
and
seducers
waxe
worse
and
worse
.
So
that
by
the
Reviewer's
concessions
,
we
are
not
bound
to
submit
vvhen
the
higher
povvers
persecute
us
for
truthes
sake
,
deny
homage
to
the
Sone
of
God
,
presse
the
approving
of
corruptions
in
the
poynt
of
government
,
destroy
the
precious
truthes
of
God
,
and
interests
of
Christ
,
make
a
general
defection
and
Apostasy
:
And
in
a
vvord
,
turne
Enemies
to
the
liberties
of
the
People
,
destroy
the
Covenanted
vvork
of
God
,
oppresse
the
Subjects
in
bodyes
,
States
,
and
Consciences
;
and
so
crosse
the
very
ends
for
vvhich
they
vvere
appoynted
.
2.
The
Reviewer
Pag.
109
,
110.
though
he
vvould
have
submission
,
in
the
matter
of
discipline
,
vvhere
the
hazard
is
only
personal
,
and
a
mans
suffering
is
not
tanti
as
to
disturb
a
vvell
setled
national
Church
,
vvhere
doctrine
and
vvorshipe
are
in
their
integrity
;
yet
he
thinks
the
case
is
of
greater
moment
,
vvhen
a
National
Church
in
her
judicatoryes
introduceth
falfe
doctrine
,
and
corrupt
vvorshipe
,
to
be
imposed
upon
a
Church
:
And
so
dar
not
affirme
that
submission
is
in
this
case
due
.
Why
vvill
not
the
Surveyer
take
notice
of
this
&
grant
so
much
in
our
case
?
We
should
readyly
grant
to
him
,
that
submission
might
be
yeelded
in
smaller
matters
,
when
the
hazard
was
only
personal
,
and
the
suffering
of
one
,
or
of
a
few
,
was
not
tanti
as
therefore
to
disturb
the
setled
State
,
wherein
the
maine
matters
were
keeped
in
their
integrity
.
But
he
cannot
in
reason
demand
more
of
us
,
(
if
the
parallel
hold
)
or
seek
submission
,
when
Higher
powers
are
overturning
the
precious
Truthes
of
God
,
and
interests
of
Christ
,
are
destoying
a
glorious
work
of
reformation
,
are
pressing
all
to
open
and
avowed
perjury
,
are
destroying
the
fundamental
rights
,
libertyes
and
privileges
of
the
Christian
Subjects
,
and
tyrannizing
over
their
Estates
,
their
Bodyes
and
their
consciences
.
3.
So
tender
was
the
Reviewer
that
Pag.
115.
he
would
not
urge
submission
to
sentences
of
inferiour
courts
,
when
appeales
from
one
judicatory
to
another
could
not
be
had
;
yet
so
untender
is
our
Surveyer
that
he
will
have
absolute
and
unlimited
submission
yeelded
,
when
he
knowes
that
not
only
is
there
no
liberty
of
appeal
granted
,
but
not
so
much
as
liberty
to
petition
and
supplicate
,
to
get
any
thing
that
is
amisse
righted
.
Thus
he
would
have
the
whole
land
submitting
to
meer
and
cruel
tyranny
.
4.
Pag.
129.
the
Reviewer
said
[
We
never
asserted
a
judicatory
might
be
contra-acted
in
no
case
,
as
we
cleared
before
]
far
lesse
will
be
affirme
,
that
a
judicatory
may
not
be
contradicted
in
any
case
,
ibid.
Hovv
cometh
it
then
,
that
our
Surveyer
doth
not
follow
the
Reviewer's
footsteps
;
but
pleadeth
for
absolute
and
illimited
submission
,
in
all
cases
vvhatsomever
.
5.
Pag.
131.
vvhen
he
comes
to
that
argument
taken
from
the
Tyranny
which
would
hereby
be
introduced
in
the
Church
,
which
would
consequently
condemne
defensive
armes
used
against
Tyranny
in
the
State
:
He
only
sayes
[
That
no
learned
man
would
ever
allow
people
to
rise
(
far
lesse
a
party
only
)
against
a
prince
upon
the
account
only
of
the
unjust
sufferings
of
particular
persones
,
whole
yet
the
affaires
of
Church
and
State
were
well
ordered-while
yet
they
adhered
unto
&
overturned
none
of
the
righteous
things
in
a
nation
.
]
Sure
then
it
will
be
allowed
by
him
,
that
people
,
though
the
lesser
part
,
defend
themselves
against
Tyranny
;
when
not
only
particular
persones
are
unjustly
suffering
,
but
the
righteous
things
once
concluded
and
confirmed
by
lawes
,
Oathes
Vowes
,
Covenants
,
Acknowledgments
,
Declarations
,
&
Protestations
,
are
overturned
;
the
work
of
God
razed
to
the
fundation
;
perjury
and
breach
of
Covenant
established
;
Conrses
laid
downe
for
a
constant
exercise
of
tyranny
and
oppression
&c.
againe
.
6.
pag.
134.
[
let
once
(
sayes
he
)
a
judicatory
grow
so
corrupt
as
to
condemne
the
dutyes
of
preaching
Christ
,
and
participation
of
publick
ordinances
,
in
the
very
nature
and
kinde
,
and
as
to
all
sorts
of
persons
universally
—
and
in
that
case
we
shall
without
scruple
conclude
them
no
true
courts
of
Christ
,
&
consequently
not
to
be
submitted
unto
;
yea
in
case
such
decrees
were
published
,
we
should
hold
it
a
case
of
confession
for
ministers
to
preach
▪
and
people
to
frequent
ordinances
so
long
as
they
had
liberty
or
oportunity
.
]
How
then
can
submission
be
given
to
these
in
povver
,
vvho
novv
have
destroyed
the
interests
of
Christ
,
and
vvill
suffer
none
to
plead
or
contend
for
Christ
and
his
oppressed
truth
,
or
speak
against
perjury
and
dreadful
defection
,
vvhere
of
the
land
is
novv
guilty
?
But
enough
of
this
,
vve
proceed
.
Another
particular
which
we
shall
here
examine
is
that
discourse
he
hath
concerning
I
Sam.
8
:
ver.
10.
Pag.
63
:
64.
The
summe
of
what
he
sayeth
is
this
.
[
It
is
true
(
sayes
he
)
the
place
,
I
Sam.
8
:
ver.
10.
neither
contradicts
nor
repeales
that
law
Deut.
17
:
ver.
14.
—
But
it
is
false
that
only
the
tyranny
of
a
King
is
there
spoken
of
by
way
of
meer
dissuasive
:
Moses
and
Samuel
agree
:
The
one
shewes
what
a
King
should
do
ex
officio
and
de
Jure
,
The
other
what
a
King
may
do
,
by
the
power
he
hath
,
and
yet
not
be
●b●oxious
to
punishment
,
from
Subjects
,
—
or
what
a
people
should
suffer
of
an
evil
King
,
without
attempt
of
violence
upon
him
.
The
one
sets
out
Gods
approbative
law
,
The
other
his
permissive
law
—
as
albeit
the
Lord
approve
not
divorce
,
yet
by
a
permissive
law
,
Deut
24
:
ver.
I.
Husbands
had
liberty
to
put
away
their
Wives
,
without
being
obnoxious
to
humane
punishment
—
The
fact
it
the
manner
of
Tyranny
,
but
the
permissive
power
without
punishment
from
subjects
,
is
the
just
right
of
all
lawfull
Kings
—
Though
Samuel
might
have
here
intended
to
disswade
the
people
;
yet
his
maine
intention
was
to
shew
the
people
their
duty
under
a
Kings
oppress●on
,
what
they
were
to
suffer
without
resistence
;
for
to
what
purpose
should
he
have
written
the
Manner
of
the
King
in
a
book
,
and
laid
it
up
before
the
Lord
,
1
Sam.
10
:
ver.
25.
But
to
teach
the
people
their
beheaviour
to
the
King
?
So
that
this
was
not
the
law
of
the
King
,
Deut.
17.
which
was
already
keeped
in
the
Ark.
]
Answ.
1.
It
is
well
that
he
granteth
that
this
●us
Regis
Or
the
manner
of
the
King
is
de
facto
the
manner
of
tyranny
;
and
so
that
it
was
no
wayes
lawful
for
the
King
to
do
these
things
there
mentioned
,
which
yet
other
Royalists
do
peremptorily
,
deny
and
averre
hence
,
that
Kings
have
full
,
absolute
and
illimited
power
over
the
Subjects
persons
and
goods
.
And
thus
as
to
the
King's
part
,
he
must
grant
that
what
is
here
spoken
,
is
contrary
to
what
is
said
,
Deut.
17.
2.
All
the
circumstances
of
the
text
shew
,
that
this
tyranny
of
the
King
is
spoken
of
meerly
in
way
of
disswasive
;
for
it
was
a
King
to
judge
them
like
unto
the
Kings
of
other
Nations
,
which
they
were
seeking
,
and
this
displeased
Samuel
ver.
6.
and
the
Lord
said
to
Samuel
,
that
hereby
they
had
rejected
not
Samuel
,
but
himself
,
that
he
should
not
reigne
over
him
,
ver.
7.
and
the
Lord
commanded
him
solemnely
to
protest
against
them
,
and
then
shew
them
the
manner
of
the
King
:
and
what
else
was
this
for
,
but
to
bring
them
off
their
purpose
,
and
disswade
them
from
prosecuteing
it
any
furder
?
But
it
is
said
,
ver.
19.
Neverthelesse
the
people
refused
to
obey
the
voice
of
Samuel
.
now
what
else
was
the
voyce
of
Samuel
then
a
disswasion
?
Let
him
look
the
English
and
Dutch
Annot.
upon
the
place
,
and
other
Commentators
,
and
he
will
finde
it
so
3.
That
which
he
takes
the
meaning
of
this
manner
of
the
King
to
be
,
is
the
old
saying
of
Barclaius
long
since
exploded
by
Althusius
in
his
Politic.
cap.
19.
num.
58.
thus
[
Impunity
(
sayes
he
)
in
committing
wickednese
can
make
no
right
:
Princes
have
no
power
to
do
evil
,
but
only
to
help
,
comforte
,
and
to
promove
the
good
and
profite
of
the
people
,
Vasq
.
Lib.
1.
cap.
1.
and
2.
c.
26.
num.
2
,
3.
contr.
Illustr.
—
To
do
evil
is
no
act
of
power
,
but
of
infirmity
that
cannot
abstean
from
doing
evil
,
Vasq
.
D.
L.
C.
27.
for
so
a
company
of
Thieves
,
and
Incendiaries
,
which
can
do
many
things
,
which
they
ought
not
,
should
be
said
to
do
these
things
by
a
kingly
right
,
and
if
this
Jus
Regium
be
understood
of
permission
,
which
de
facto
cannot
be
hindered
,
That
is
common
to
others
,
as
well
as
to
Kings
;
for
both
a
King
and
a
private
person
may
be
free
of
punishment
,
either
because
the
fact
cannot
be
proved
,
or
because
they
cannot
be
gotten
punished
,
or
because
these
evils
are
permitted
by
law
L.
non
omne
144.
de
Reg.
Jur.
Tyranny
is
not
to
be
reckoned
among
these
things
which
are
to
be
permitted
;
for
Tyrants
are
Adulterers
,
Ravishers
,
Murtherers
,
and
such
as
are
guilty
of
other
capital
crimes
;
whom
Scripture
stiles
,
Lyons
,
Beares
,
Dragons
,
Wolves
,
Prov.
28
:
ver.
14.
Ezech.
22
:
27.
Dan.
2
,
&c.
and
the
like
,
Pfal
.
58.
Esa.
13
:
ver.
11.
and
Cap.
33.
v.
1.
]
Let
him
consider
also
what
famous
and
learned
Voetius
sayeth
to
this
,
Disp.
select
.
part.
4.
pag.
222.
Where
he
tells
us
that
to
do
evil
with
impunity
,
is
not
Ius
,
doth
found
no
Ius
Or
right
,
neither
is
founded
on
the
law
of
God
,
of
Nature
,
of
Nations
,
nor
on
the
civil
law
.
And
as
to
that
which
the
Surveyer
sayeth
,
that
it
is
a
Ius
,
because
it
shewes
what
people
were
to
endure
willingly
,
and
might
not
resist
.
He
answereth
,
Pag.
223.
That
then
the
people
should
be
the
subject
of
this
right
or
Ius
,
and
not
the
King
;
and
so
it
could
not
be
called
the
manner
of
the
King
,
but
the
manner
of
the
People
.
Againe
he
sayes
,
evil
,
losse
,
vexation
,
passion
,
and
not
to
hinder
evil
,
in
Scripture
phrase
,
is
rather
called
somewhat
opposit
to
Ius
,
then
Ius
or
right
,
viz.
a
privation
of
it
.
4.
As
for
his
simile
of
a
permission
granted
to
men
to
put
away
their
Wives
,
it
is
not
of
the
same
nature
with
the
former
evils
(
sayeth
Althusius
in
the
place
above
cited
.
)
And
the
Author
of
Lex
Rex
,
pag.
137.
said
well
,
[
If
so
,
a
power
to
sinne
,
and
a
power
to
commit
acts
of
Tyranny
,
yea
and
a
power
in
the
Kings
Sergeants
,
and
bloody
Emissaries
,
to
waste
and
destroy
the
People
of
God
,
must
●e
a
lawful
power
given
of
God
;
for
a
lawful
power
it
must
be
,
if
it
cometh
from
God
,
whether
it
be
from
the
King
in
his
owne
person
or
from
his
Servants
at
his
command
,
and
be
either
put
forth
in
acts
,
as
the
power
of
a
bill
of
divorce
,
was
a
power
from
God
,
exempting
either
the
husband
from
punishment
before
men
,
or
freeing
the
Servant
who
at
the
husbands
command
should
write
it
,
and
put
it
into
the
hands
of
the
Woman
.
I
cannot
beleeve
that
God
hath
given
a
power
and
that
by
law
,
to
one
man
,
to
command
Twenty
Thousand
cut
throats
to
destroy
and
kill
all
the
children
of
God
,
&
that
he
hath
commanded
his
children
to
give
their
necks
and
heads
to
Babel's
sones
without
resistence
.
This
I
am
sure
is
another
matter
then
a
law
for
a
bill
of
divorce
to
one
woman
,
married
by
free
Election
,
of
a
humorous
and
inconstant
Man
.
But
sure
I
am
God
gave
no
permissive
law
from
Heaven
,
like
the
law
of
divorce
;
for
the
hardnesse
of
heart
,
not
of
the
jewes
only
,
but
also
of
the
whole
Christian
and
heathen
Kingdomes
under
a
Monarch
,
That
one
Emperour
may
,
be
such
a
Law
of
God
as
the
law
of
divorce
,
kill
by
bloody
cut
throats
all
the
nations
that
call
on
God's
name
,
men
,
women
,
and
sucking
infants
.
]
5.
The
reason
which
he
giveth
Pag.
64.
is
the
same
that
Barclaius
gave
viz.
[
To
what
purpose
should
he
have
written
the
manner
of
the
King
in
a
book
,
and
laid
it
up
before
the
Lord
after
the
King
is
set
over
them
1
Sam.
10
:
ver.
25.
When
there
was
no
pleace
for
repentance
,
no
remedy
,
no
use
of
terrifying
or
disswading
them
,
the
only
use
of
recording
it
,
was
to
teach
the
people
their
beheaviour
towards
their
King
,
and
patience
under
him
,
and
that
it
should
not
be
free
for
them
to
shake
off
the
yoke
of
his
government
,
or
to
offer
violence
to
him
albeit
he
should
overstretch
his
power
too
far
.
This
recorded
was
not
the
law
of
the
King
,
Deut.
17.
which
was
already
keeped
in
the
ark
with
therest
of
the
law
.
]
Answ.
1.
Though
the
King
was
set
over
them
,
he
had
need
to
have
had
his
duty
writen
before
him
in
a
book
,
and
keeped
to
posterity
,
no
lesse
then
the
People
should
have
stood
in
need
to
have
had
their
duty
so
recorded
.
2.
To
say
that
it
vvas
to
teach
the
People
their
duty
,
is
but
a
begging
of
vvhat
is
in
question
:
And
it
is
not
probable
that
Samuel
vvould
vvrite
the
rules
of
Tyranny
in
a
book
,
and
lay
it
up
before
the
Lord
in
the
Ark
of
the
Covenant
,
seing
he
vvas
to
teach
both
King
and
People
,
The
good
and
right
way
,
1
Sam.
12
:
ver.
23
,
24
,
25.
3.
The
English
Annotators
tell
us
on
the
place
,
that
this
manner
of
the
Kingdome
which
Samuel
vvrote
,
vvas
[
Not
as
it
is
commonly
practised
,
Chap.
8.
ver.
9
,
—
18.
but
as
it-ought
to
be
in
a
lawful
and
free
Monarchy
appoynted
by
God
himself
,
according
to
the
fundamental
lawes
of
the
Kingdome
,
teaching
what
dutyes
the
King
ought
to
performe
in
the
government
of
his
people
,
and
the
people
in
their
subjection
and
obedience
to
their
King
,
according
to
that
description
of
a
King
set
downe
by
Moses
,
Deut.
17
:
ver.
14
,
&c.
Ezech.
45
:
ver.
9
,
10.
&
Cap.
46
:
ver.
16.
Rom.
13.
v.
1.
1.
Tim.
2
:
v.
2.
]
The
Dutch
Annot.
say
,
[
This
is
not
of
the
way
,
manner
and
custome
of
actings
which
Kings
sometimes
take
up
contrary
to
law
,
but
of
the
lawes
which
Samuel
by
God's
instinct
made
or
inacted
,
concerning
the
goverment
of
Kings
;
see
Deut.
17
:
ver
.
18.
Or
of
the
ordinances
for
to
instruct
as
well
the
King
as
the
Subject
.
And
Iackson
in
his
notes
on
the
place
sayeth
,
[
That
it
vvas
both
the
duty
of
the
King
tovvards
his
Subjects
,
and
of
the
Subjects
tovvard
their
King
;
and
these
vvere
the
fundamental
lavves
of
the
Kingdome
:
and
this
book
vvas
carefully
laid
up
before
the
Lord
,
sayeth
he
,
1.
for
the
sure
preservation
of
it
,
2.
to
signify
that
even
these
civil
lavves
vvere
the
ordinance
of
God
,
vvhich
men
vvere
bound
to
obey
,
not
only
for
wrath
,
but
also
for
conscience
sake
,
Rom.
13.
ver.
2
,
5.
3.
To
intimate
that
God
vvould
take
care
of
these
lavves
,
to
uphold
and
maintaine
them
,
and
to
punish
these
that
should
vilify
and
break
them
]
Cornel.
à
Lap.
and
Lyra
say
the
same
upon
the
matter
,
Deodat
tells
us
that
▪
(
it
was
the
fundamental
lawes
of
the
Kingdome
,
inspired
by
God
to
temper
Monarchy
,
with
a
liberty
befitting
God's
People
&
equity
toward
a
nation
—
to
withstand
the
abuse
of
an
absolute
power
.
]
But
this
Surv.
sayeth
that
all
this
is
but
a
guesse
without
ground
.
But
what
are
his
reasons
?
[
Had
there
(
sayes
he
)
been
any
such
special
fundamental
lawes
,
the
Ten
Tribes
had
a
faire
ground
of
pleading
upon
the
same
,
before
their
revolt
,
but
no
such
thing
is
heard
of
,
and
it
is
as
easy
to
deny
it
,
as
it
is
to
affirme
,
that
there
was
any
such
fundamental
law
]
Answ.
Whether
the
Ten
Tribes
did
plead
this
in
terminis
or
not
,
is
not
,
it
is
true
,
asserted
or
heard
of
,
but
it
is
undenyable
that
they
did
plead
it
upon
the
matter
,
when
they
required
nothing
but
what
was
consonant
unto
the
law
Deut.
17.
and
because
it
was
refused
,
they
thought
themselves
free
to
make
choise
of
another
King
.
2.
What
more
force
hath
his
denyall
then
ours
?
we
bring
approved
authors
for
what
we
say
,
and
he
satisfyeth
himself
with
his
owne
word
,
and
thinks
that
that
is
sufficient
to
confute
all
commentators
,
even
such
as
himself
a
little
thereafter
citeth
and
approveth
in
other
things
viz
Deodat
.
What
sayes
he
more
?
[
The
People
claimed
no
vote
in
such
fundamental
lawes
—
and
it
was
their
interest
to
be
consulted
with
in
the
matter
.
]
Answ.
The
People
were
so
bent
to
have
a
King
upon
any
tearmes
,
that
they
consulted
little
their
owne
welfare
and
faifty
.
But
Samuel
was
more
tender
of
them
,
and
they
might
have
concredited
that
matter
unto
him
,
being
a
Man
of
approven
integrity
,
and
known
to
be
one
that
sought
their
good
,
and
had
no
good
will
to
set
a
King
over
them
.
But
sayes
he
,
[
had
they
thought
of
any
such
Covenants
or
lawes
fundamental
,
wherein
liberty
might
be
left
them
to
resist
their
Kings
,
or
take
order
with
them
,
how
easily
could
they
have
shewed
the
weaknesse
of
Samuel's
disswasion
,
and
said
,
if
the
King
be
evil
,
we
will
resist
him
]
Answ.
This
was
done
after
the
matter
was
past
remedy
,
and
a
King
they
vvould
have
,
and
a
King
God
would
give
them
in
his
wrath
.
2.
We
finde
chap.
14.
that
they
did
resist
him
,
when
he
was
going
to
shed
innocent
blood
,
whether
according
to
these
fundamental
lavves
or
not
,
is
not
much
matter
.
6.
Though
all
which
he
desireth
here
,
should
be
granted
to
him
,
he
would
not
gaine
his
poynt
,
unlesse
he
should
prove
that
this
was
a
standing
precedent
to
all
nations
in
all
time
coming
.
Which
ere
he
do
,
he
must
consider
and
confute
what
worthy
and
renowned
D.
Voetius
hath
said
to
the
contrary
,
in
his
book
before
cited
,
disp.
de
Iure
Regio
Hebraeorum
§.
1.
What
he
sayeth
;
Pag.
68.
shall
be
considered
in
the
next
chapter
,
and
what
he
sayeth
Pag.
69.
70.
71.
is
already
answered
:
for
this
windy
man
would
seem
to
be
voluminous
,
by
filling
many
pages
with
the
same
things
repeated
over
and
over
againe
,
that
if
he
cannot
say
much
for
his
hire
,
he
may
seem
to
be
at
some
paines
to
say
many
words
,
and
waste
much
paper
.
And
therefore
we
proceed
to
take
notice
of
some
other
objections
.
CAP.
XVI
.
Three
Principall
Objections
Answered
.
THere
are
three
grand
objections
which
the
Surveyer
,
here
and
there
throw
his
pamphlet
,
maketh
use
of
,
and
which
seem
to
militate
against
some
of
our
forementioned
arguments
;
as
.
1.
That
there
were
not
(
in
the
case
now
under
debate
)
inferiour
Magistrates
,
a
Parliament
,
or
the
primores
Regni
,
or
the
Epiori
,
and
States
of
the
Realme
,
concurring
in
that
defence
:
and
whatever
may
be
said
in
the
defence
of
a
warre
carryed
on
by
these
,
against
the
illegal
violences
and
extreame
oppressions
of
a
prince
,
will
not
warrand
the
insurrection
of
meer
privat
persons
.
2.
That
in
the
case
now
controvetted
,
it
was
not
the
Body
of
the
land
or
the
whole
Community
that
made
this
opposition
to
Magistrates
Superiour
and
inferiour
;
But
only
a
small
inconsiderable
company
,
in
respect
of
the
whole
land
:
and
so
though
it
should
be
lawful
for
the
whole
body
of
a
land
to
joyne
together
,
to
defend
themselves
against
the
tyranny
and
oppression
of
a
Prince
,
without
the
conduct
and
concurrence
of
inferiour
Magistrates
;
yet
it
will
not
hence
follow
,
That
it
is
lawful
for
any
part
thereof
,
to
use
such
resistence
.
3.
That
the
party
,
which
lately
made
opposition
,
had
no
sufficient
ground
to
take
armes
,
suppose
it
had
been
lawful
in
its
owne
nature
,
there
being
no
such
provocking
cause
or
occasion
given
by
the
Prince
.
And
though
it
should
not
be
thought
very
necessary
to
insist
on
these
now
,
seing
this
last
was
spoken
to
in
the
clearing
of
the
question
,
and
the
first
was
touched
also
formerly
cap.
2.
And
all
our
arguments
conclude
for
a
People
without
their
primores
or
Parliaments
;
and
So
do
many
both
of
our
arguments
and
instances
adduced
,
speake
clearly
&
undenyably
,
unto
the
case
of
a
considerable
part
,
though
not
the
whole
of
the
community
,
defending
themselves
against
manifest
and
unjust
violence
;
yet
that
the
matter
in
hand
may
be
fully
cleared
,
we
shall
speak
alittle
further
to
these
three
objections
here
.
As
to
the
first
(
though
the
surveyer
be
in
malâ
fide
to
make
use
of
it
,
unlesse
relinquishing
all
his
brethren
the
Royalists
,
he
grant
it
lawful
for
people
with
a
Parliament
to
resist
,
which
neither
will
he
nor
dar
he
do
;
And
therefore
we
shall
speak
to
this
objection
,
rather
for
the
satisfaction
of
others
.
)
We
desire
these
things
may
be
considered
.
1.
That
as
necessity
did
put
people
at
first
,
upon
the
constitution
&
election
of
a
Parliament
,
to
manage
their
affaires
,
which
they
could
not
so
conveniently
do
themselves
,
without
confusion
,
discords
,
and
other
inconveniences
,
which
would
neccessarily
attend
a
communities
meeting
together
,
for
carrying
of
these
matters
:
So
it
was
the
certane
expectation
of
their
profite
and
advantage
,
that
did
prompt
them
unto
the
setling
of
this
frame
and
constitution
.
2.
Whatsoever
power
these
Commissionated
,
according
to
that
frame
and
model
condescended
upon
,
had
or
have
,
is
not
in
and
from
themselves
,
but
from
the
People
,
no
lesse
then
the
Prince
hath
his
power
from
the
People
;
as
was
shewed
above
:
For
no
man
can
imagine
any
difference
,
as
to
the
subordinate
and
instrumental
rise
of
the
power
,
of
the
Prince
and
of
the
Ephors
:
So
that
as
his
power
is
from
the
People
under
God
,
so
is
the
power
which
they
have
.
[
These
publick
Ministers
of
the
Kingdome
(
sayeth
Althus
.
Pol.
c.
18.
n.
3.
)
are
chosen
by
the
united
and
consoc●ated
body
of
the
People
preserve
the
whole
associated
body
,
and
her
rights
;
and
are
instructed
with
necessary
power
and
authority
,
which
to
performe
they
are
obliged
by
oath
.
]
3.
Hence
,
really
the
power
of
the
People
is
greater
then
the
power
of
any
delegated
or
constituted
by
them
;
for
the
cause
is
more
then
the
effect
:
and
the
Parliament
doth
represent
the
People
,
but
the
People
do
not
represente
the
Parliament
.
Therefore
the
power
of
the
People
must
be
more
.
His
povver
who
doth
constitute
another
,
or
depute
him
as
a
guardian
to
some
businesse
,
or
to
oversee
some
of
his
matters
,
is
greater
then
any
povver
,
vvhich
that
other
deputed
or
constituted
Curator
hath
.
Parliaments
then
being
but
as
Tutors
and
Curators
unto
the
People
,
must
have
lesse
povver
then
the
People
have
[
mandans
vero
)
sayeth
Althusius
pol:
c.
18.
n.
92.
)
vel
injungens
alii
rerum
suarum
procurationem
,
est
instar
imperantis
,
rogantisve
,
suscipiens
vero
talem
administraetionem
,
instar
obtemperantis
,
inservientis
,
&
officium
suum
alteri
praestantis
.
]
So
that
the
Parliament
is
but
a
servant
to
the
People
:
and
the
povver
of
a
Master
is
alvvayes
superiour
to
the
povver
of
a
Servant
as
such
.
4.
It
is
irrational
to
think
,
that
the
People
in
chooseing
the
Ephori
or
Parliament-members
,
and
committing
the
administration
of
their
weighty
affaires
unto
them
,
did
denude
themselves
of
all
that
innate
and
radical
power
,
which
they
had
to
manage
their
owne
matters
;
seing
no
urgent
necessity
could
compel
them
to
it
,
nor
any
foreseen
advantage
or
profite
,
which
thereby
could
redound
unto
them
,
move
them
and
perswade
them
thereunto
:
but
on
the
contrary
,
much
hazard
and
disadvantage
might
at
the
very
first
appeare
upon
such
a
surrender
as
this
.
Much
lesse
could
they
denude
themselves
of
that
power
of
self
defence
,
which
by
no
law
of
God
or
man
they
might
law
fully
give
away
.
5.
Whatever
power
Parliaments
have
,
it
is
to
be
exerced
and
put
in
practice
for
the
good
and
advantage
of
the
People
.
Their
power
is
for
the
profite
,
and
not
for
the
hurt
of
the
People
,
and
to
this
scope
and
end
should
they
level
all
their
labours
,
travails
,
paines
,
endeavours
,
cares
,
thoughts
,
consultations
,
conferences
,
votes
,
deliberations
and
conclusions
,
L.
Imperial
.
C.
de
nuptijs
L.
bene
a
Zenone
C.
de
quadr
.
L.
8.
C.
de
legibus
.
L.
praecipimus
34.
C.
de
appell.
(
See
Althus
.
pol.
c.
18.
n.
7
:
17.
6.
Hence
Their
power
is
not
absolute
,
infinite
,
or
unlimited
;
but
hath
its
owne
bounds
and
limites
over
which
it
cannot
lawfully
passe
.
They
are
to
rule
and
do
all
,
for
God
and
the
good
of
the
Realme
,
whose
servants
they
are
.
They
are
the
Ministers
of
God
for
the
Peoples
good
Rom.
13.
4.
7.
When
they
transgresse
)
their
true
limites
(
which
no
man
will
say
is
impossible
)
by
commanding
what
God
hath
forbidden
,
or
forbidding
what
God
hath
commanded
in
his
holy
law
:
or
when
they
seek
not
the
publick
good
of
the
Land
,
but
their
ovvne
private
advantage
,
They
are
not
,
but
cease
to
be
,
the
Ministers
of
God
and
of
the
People
,
and
become
private
persons
,
who
ought
not
,
in
these
particulars
wherein
they
goe
beyond
their
bounds
,
to
be
obeyed
:
As
sayeth
Althusius
ubr
supra
n.
41.
and
proveth
by
many
authors
:
And
the
reason
is
cleare
,
for
no
inferiour
can
disannul
God's
Law
,
or
free
us
from
subjection
thereunto
.
They
have
no
power
to
command
sin
,
God
never
gave
them
such
a
power
:
And
the
People
could
not
give
it
,
for
they
had
it
not
themselves
,
neither
had
they
a
power
to
wronge
and
destroy
themselves
,
and
so
they
could
not
give
this
unto
them
.
8.
If
these
Ephori
or
Trustees
betray
their
trust
,
and
feel
or
basely
give
away
the
libertyes
and
privileges
of
the
people
,
which
they
were
intrusted
with
,
the
people
cannot
thereby
be
brought
into
a
remedilesse
condition
,
or
lose
their
privileges
vvithout
all
hope
of
recovery
.
If
a
Tutor
waste
and
destroy
the
Pupil's
Estate
,
the
law
provideth
a
remedy
for
the
Pupil
:
If
a
commissioner
or
deputy
betray
his
trust
,
the
master's
losse
thereby
is
not
irremediable
:
If
an
advocat
betray
a
client's
cause
,
The
client
will
finde
some
relief
.
[
The
peoples
right
(
sayeth
althusius
ubi
supra
.
n
,
124
)
suffereth
no
prejudice
,
nor
doth
the
Prince
—
obtaine
any
more
tyrannical
power
,
by
the
negligence
,
perfidy
,
deceit
,
collusion
,
treachery
,
prevarication
,
and
conspiracy
of
the
Ephori
or
primores
regni
,
with
the
prince
—
for
it
is
unjust
&
absurd
to
affirme
that
the
Ephori
(
or
parliament-men
)
can
transferre
unto
the
Tyrant
,
what
they
never
had
themselves
,
or
can
destroy
or
alienate
the
rights
of
the
Community
,
in
prejudice
of
the
whole
Realme
,
and
that
contrare
to
the
fundamental
lawes
of
the
land
,
or
such
,
as
the
prince
swore
to
maintaine
,
and
which
containe
the
spirits
and
life
of
the
Commonwealth
.
]
From
these
irrefragable
truthes
,
so
consonant
to
right
reason
and
attested
by
learned
politicians
,
it
will
clearly
follow
.
1.
That
the
Peoples
case
is
not
vvorse
by
Parliaments
,
then
it
would
have
been
without
them
.
2.
That
Parliaments
,
cannot
tyrannize
by
any
law
or
right
over
People
.
3.
That
no
treachery
or
perfidy
of
Parliaments
,
neglecting
their
duty
or
betraying
their
trust
,
can
prejudge
the
people
of
their
due
rights
and
privileges
.
4.
Parliaments
not
concurring
with
the
People
in
their
necessary
defence
,
cannot
loose
them
from
the
obligation
of
nature
,
to
defend
themselves
from
tyranny
and
intolerable
oppression
.
5.
If
Parliaments
in
stead
of
acting
the
part
of
Trustees
,
Tutors
,
Curators
,
Delegats
and
Servants
,
shall
turne
Tyrants
,
wolves
,
Tygers
,
and
Enemies
to
the
Commonwealth
themselves
,
of
conspire
,
joyne
,
or
enter
into
a
confederacy
with
a
Tyrant
,
and
so
seek
the
destruction
of
the
community
;
The
community
is
allowed
to
see
to
the
preservation
of
their
owne
rights
and
privileges
,
the
best
way
they
can
.
6.
And
so
in
some
cases
,
when
the
hazard
is
great
,
the
losse
irreparable
,
private
persones
may
defend
themselves
against
manifest
Tyranny
and
oppression
,
without
Parliaments
.
All
this
seemeth
to
be
cleare
and
undenyable
In
thest
.
Let
us
next
see
what
way
this
shall
sute
,
or
what
more
can
be
said
for
,
our
case
,
In
hypothest
.
And.
1.
It
is
beyond
contradiction
,
that
the
late
Parliament
did
basely
betray
its
trust
:
for
politicians
tell
us
,
That
it
belongeth
to
these
Ephori
.
To
vindicate
and
maintaine
the
compact
and
Covenant
which
is
betwixt
the
Prince
and
the
People
.
To
keep
the
prince
or
the
supreame
administrator
of
justice
,
within
his
bounds
and
limites
,
that
he
turne
not
a
tyrant
,
or
an
oppressour
of
the
People
.
To
hinder
him
from
violating
the
law
of
God
.
To
restraine
and
coërce
him
from
violating
the
lawes
of
the
land
,
and
the
rights
of
the
kingdome
.
To
hinder
the
execution
of
the
unjust
and
illegal
decrees
and
mandats
of
the
Prince
.
To
defend
the
proper
and
incommunicable
rights
and
privileges
of
the
People
.
To
cognosce
whether
the
Supreame
Magistrate
hath
done
his
duty
or
not
,
and
to
hinder
him
from
committing
Tyranny
.
See
for
these
particulars
Althusius
,
Pol.
c.
18.
n.
48
,
55
,
63
,
65
,
68
,
83
,
84.
Where
all
these
are
abundantly
confirmed
.
Now
,
it
is
not
our
to
all
who
consider
either
what
they
did
,
or
what
was
enacted
by
them
,
and
stands
registrated
to
all
generations
,
how
the
late
Convention
(
which
hardly
can
be
accounted
a
lawful
Parliament
)
not
only
came
short
of
their
duty
in
these
particulars
,
but
stired
a
direct
contrary
course
,
as
we
shall
shew
in
a
few
words
.
For
1.
So
far
were
they
from
maintaining
that
compact
and
Covenant
,
which
was
betwixt
the
King
and
the
People
.
That
they
declared
these
Covenants
and
engagements
null:
declared
the
very
Parliament
and
committees
,
that
called
him
home
and
crowned
him
,
null
:
condemned
the
very
transactions
that
were
had
with
the
King
before
he
came
home
.
2.
So
far
were
they
from
keeping
the
Prince
within
his
bounds
and
limites
;
That
they
screwed
up
his
prerogatives
to
the
highest
peg
imaginable
,
and
did
investe
him
with
such
an
absolute
unlimited
and
infinite
power
,
that
he
might
do
what
he
pleased
without
controle
.
3.
So
far
were
they
from
hindering
him
from
transgressing
the
lawes
of
God
,
That
they
concurred
with
him
,
to
enact
lawes
diametrically
opposite
to
the
Law
of
God
,
to
condemne
and
overturne
the
work
of
God
,
To
set
up
an
abjured
prealcy
,
and
force
conformity
thereunto
,
beside
other
acts
which
they
made
to
hinder
the
course
of
justice
.
4.
So
far
were
they
from
hindering
him
from
violating
the
wholesome
well
setled
and
established
lawes
of
the
land
,
that
they
concurred
with
him
to
overturne
these
,
to
the
great
losse
and
detriment
of
the
Nation
.
5.
So
far
were
they
from
preserving
the
rights
of
the
Kingdome
,
That
they
made
a
voluntary
and
base
surrender
of
these
unto
the
pleasure
and
arbitrement
of
the
Prince
,
in
annexing
to
the
crowne
The
sole
choise
and
appoyntment
of
the
officers
of
State
and
privy
Councellers
,
and
the
nomination
of
the
Lords
of
Session
;
in
dischargeing
all
meetings
,
Councels
,
conventions
,
or
assemblies
of
the
People
,
without
the
King's
command
or
expresse
license
:
In
giving
away
to
him
as
his
right
,
the
sole
power
of
raiseing
the
Subjects
in
armes
;
of
commanding
,
ordering
,
disbanding
and
otherwise
disposeing
of
them
;
And
of
all
strengths
,
forts
,
or
garrisons
within
the
Kingdome
:
all
which
politicians
will
grant
to
be
the
proper
native
rights
of
the
Kingdome
:
6.
So
far
were
they
from
hindering
the
execution
of
his
unjust
decrees
and
mandates
,
that
whatsoever
he
pleased
to
command
,
was
by
them
imbraced
yea
and
fortified
,
strengthened
and
corroborated
,
and
put
into
a
standing
law
,
how
dishonourable
so
ever
it
was
to
God
,
how
repugnant
to
equity
and
reason
,
and
how
noxious
soever
it
might
prove
to
the
Nation
.
7.
So
far
were
they
from
desending
the
Libertyes
and
Privileges
of
the
People
,
that
they
basely
gave
them
away
,
by
denying
them
to
have
any
power
to
defend
themselves
against
manifest
oppression
,
or
power
to
call
Parliaments
or
other
meetings
for
their
advantage
,
in
cases
of
necessity
;
by
giving
away
to
the
King
yeerly
fourty
Thousand
pound
Sterline
,
to
the
impoverishing
of
the
Nation
and
redacting
it
to
slavery
:
And
by
Tendering
unto
him
all
the
lives
and
fortunes
of
the
subjects
,
to
maintaine
his
interest
;
and
offering
Twenty
Thousand
foot
men
,
and
two
Thousand
horsemen
sufficiently
armed
and
furnished
with
fourty
dayes
provision
,
to
be
in
readinesse
as
they
shall
be
called
for
by
his
Majesty
,
to
march
to
any
part
of
his
three
dominions
,
for
any
service
wherein
his
Majesties
honour
,
authority
or
greatnesse
might
be
concerned
:
Which
how
ever
it
may
be
coloured
with
specious
pretexts
;
yet
,
al
circumstances
considered
,
was
nothing
but
a
real
mancipation
of
the
liberties
of
the
People
unto
the
will
and
pleasure
of
a
Prince
.
8.
And
so
far
were
they
from
calling
the
King
to
any
account
,
and
from
impedeing
Tyranny
,
that
in
effect
they
declared
the
King
exempted
from
all
such
tryal
or
examination
,
and
that
he
might
exerce
what
tyranny
and
oppression
he
pleased
without
controle
:
For
they
gave
unto
him
absolute
and
unlimited
power
over
all
persones
and
in
all
causes
;
They
declared
him
to
have
absolute
power
to
call
,
hold
,
prorogue
,
and
dissolve
Parliaments
and
Conventions
and
Meetings
of
the
Estates
:
And
That
no
acts
,
sentences
,
or
statutes
to
be
past
in
any
of
these
meetings
,
can
be
binding
or
have
the
authority
and
force
of
lawes
,
without
his
authority
and
approbation
interponed
,
at
the
very
making
thereof
.
2.
It
is
notour
to
all
who
read
their
acts
,
How
they
have
enacted
and
concluded
things
most
unlawful
and
unjust
,
repugnant
to
the
Law
of
God
and
right
reason
:
Condemning
Solemne
Covenants
sworne
by
all
rankes
of
People
in
the
land
,
in
the
most
solemne
manner
;
introduceing
abjured
Prelates
;
Establishing
tyranny
in
the
Church
;
condemning
and
razeing
to
the
fundation
the
Covenanted
work
of
God
;
enjoyning
a
conformity
unto
corrupt
courses
;
pressing
perjury
and
Apostasy
,
by
forceing
all
in
publick
places
,
and
others
,
to
subscribe
declarations
and
oathes
,
contrary
to
their
former
sacred
and
inviolable
Covenants
and
oathes
made
to
God
.
3.
By
confirming
,
ratifying
and
approveing
these
courses
of
Apostasy
and
defection
,
and
establishing
these
into
lawes
,
and
binding
and
forceing
the
People
unto
obedience
,
by
their
irrational
and
insupportable
penalties
annexed
,
They
have
laid
downe
a
constant
course
for
tyranny
and
oppression
of
the
People
in
Estates
,
bodyes
,
and
consciences
,
without
all
hope
of
remedy
or
redresse
.
4.
As
Parliaments
with
us
are
not
constant
and
fixed
courts
,
but
ambulatory
and
occasional
,
so
they
have
laid
downe
a
course
,
that
we
shall
never
have
a
Parliament
that
shall
redresse
the
wrongs
,
injuries
,
oppressions
and
tyranny
of
Princes
;
or
heare
the
just
grievances
of
the
Subjects
:
For
when
the
Prince
oppresseth
the
People
,
and
turneth
a
Nero
and
a
Caligula
;
there
shall
be
no
remedy
,
because
they
have
given
him
absolute
power
to
call
Parliaments
,
and
who
can
expect
he
will
call
a
Parliament
in
that
case
?
or
if
he
do
call
,
he
hath
absolute
power
to
raise
them
and
dismisse
them
when
he
will
;
and
is
it
probable
that
he
will
suffer
them
to
sit
when
they
are
doing
any
thing
against
him
?
Or
if
he
should
suffer
them
to
sit
,
what
can
they
do
?
None
of
their
sentences
or
acts
have
power
,
unlesse
he
will
add
his
authority
,
and
will
he
ratify
or
approve
any
thing
that
is
against
himself
,
and
his
tyrannous
will
?
Beside
,
that
they
have
denuded
themselves
of
all
power
of
suppressing
tyranny
,
by
declareing
his
power
so
absolute
and
infinite
,
as
that
no
bounds
can
be
set
unto
it
,
no
power
can
suppresse
his
tyranny
,
or
call
him
to
an
account
.
5.
Not
only
have
they
laid
downe
a
course
that
we
shall
have
no
Parliament
to
interpose
for
the
relief
of
the
People
,
&
to
suppresse
Tyranny
;
But
also
they
have
laid
downe
a
course
that
there
should
be
no
Magistrats
in
shires
or
brughs
,
that
should
help
,
according
to
their
power
and
place
,
the
oppressed
and
grieved
Subject
,
and
concurre
for
their
relief
:
Because
all
such
,
ere
they
be
admitted
to
their
places
,
must
conforme
unto
this
abhominable
course
of
defection
,
and
by
subscribeing
declarations
,
Binding
themselves
by
oaths
impious
and
opposite
to
the
solemne
Covenants
,
under
which
the
Land
standeth
bound
and
obliged
before
the
Lord
,
conspire
with
them
in
this
Apostasy
,
against
the
interest
of
God
in
the
Land
.
From
all
which
we
think
these
things
will
clearly
follow
.
1.
That
it
may
be
much
doubted
if
this
last
convention
can
be
accounted
,
by
any
law
either
of
God
or
Man
,
a
lawful
Parliament
,
having
so
palpably
betrayed
their
trust
,
in
ruleing
not
for
God
and
his
interest
,
but
against
him
,
end
enacting
things
to
his
dishonour
;
in
selling
and
giving
away
the
old
and
undoubted
Privileges
of
Parliament
;
and
in
betraying
,
dilapidating
,
disponeing
,
and
giving
away
the
native
and
unquestionable
Rights
and
Privileges
of
the
People
;
and
in
overturning
the
fundamental
lawes
of
the
Land
;
and
annulling
the
fundamental
article
of
the
compact
betwixt
King
and
People
.
Seing
Politicians
will
grant
,
that
such
are
to
be
accounted
but
private
persones
:
though
we
should
make
no
mention
of
other
informalities
which
usually
weaken
or
annul
the
constitution
of
a
judicature
of
that
nature
,
in
poynt
of
formality
;
as
liberty
denyed
to
some
shires
to
choose
such
members
as
they
thought
good
;
prelimitation
used
to
all
;
the
admission
of
some
as
members
not
capable
of
an
election
,
according
to
our
ancient
and
received
custome
;
the
denying
of
free
liberty
of
debateing
,
reasoning
,
dissenting
and
protesting
,
which
is
allowed
in
all
free
Judicatories
,
and
the
carrying
on
of
matters
in
a
head-strong
,
violent
,
and
tyrannical
manner
,
without
such
previous
deliberation
,
or
serious
consideration
,
and
pondering
the
weight
and
moment
of
matters
,
as
would
have
become
a
judicature
by
its
constitution
and
nature
so
sage
and
honorable
.
2.
The
native
,
ancient
and
undoubted
Privileges
of
the
People
are
de
Iure
intire
and
inviolated
,
notwithstanding
of
any
thing
done
by
this
late
meeting
,
which
had
no
power
to
do
what
they
did
:
And
therefore
could
not
wronge
the
rights
and
Privileges
of
the
People
.
3.
That
there
is
no
hope
,
or
humaine
probability
now
left
,
that
ever
the
People
of
Scotland
shall
have
a
Parliament
by
the
course
laid
downe
or
inferiour
Judges
to
resent
the
injuries
,
oppression
and
Tyranny
done
to
and
exercised
upon
them
;
but
that
still
their
bands
shall
be
made
stronger
,
and
the
yoke
of
oppression
and
Tyranny
wreathed
closser
about
their
neckes
.
So
that
there
was
not
,
neither
is
there
any
hope
(
so
long
as
this
course
of
defection
standeth
and
is
not
overturned
)
that
Parliaments
now
,
or
the
Primores
Regni
,
or
inferiour
Judges
,
shall
concurre
for
the
suppressing
of
Tyranny
,
bearing
downe
of
oppression
,
defection
and
apostasy
,
according
as
they
ought
.
4.
That
while
matters
are
so
,
the
People
of
Scotland
are
as
if
they
had
no
Parliaments
,
nor
inferiour
Judges
,
for
that
end
;
and
cannot
be
supposed
or
imagined
to
be
in
a
worse
condition
,
then
if
they
never
had
had
my
such
,
to
protect
them
from
the
tyrannical
and
arbitrary
lust
and
domination
of
Princes
.
And
therefore
must
be
allowed
to
use
the
privilege
and
liberty
which
nature
hath
granted
unto
them
,
to
defend
themselves
from
unjust
tyranny
and
oppression
of
Princes
,
Parliaments
,
and
inferiour
Judicatories
,
when
their
Representatives
palpably
betray
them
into
the
hands
of
their
adversaries
,
yea
and
conspire
with
their
adversaries
against
them
,
and
their
Privileges
;
and
instead
of
Patrons
and
defenders
of
their
rights
and
privileges
,
turne
enemies
thereunto
,
and
take
courses
utterly
to
destroy
all
.
By
this
,
I
suppose
,
the
first
Objection
is
sufficiently
answered
,
yet
I
shall
adde
this
word
more
,
and
would
desire
that
all
who
are
of
a
contrary
judgement
would
answere
this
quaeree
.
Whether
or
not
vvould
they
think
it
unlavvful
,
for
private
persons
vvithout
a
Parliament
,
privy
Council
,
or
other
inferiour
Magistrates
,
to
resist
a
Prince
,
or
his
Emissaries
,
if
he
vvith
the
consent
of
these
should
transferre
unto
him self
the
proper
and
immediat
right
unto
all
the
Lands
,
Rentes
,
Tenements
,
possessions
,
Heretages
,
and
goods
within
the
vvhole
Land
,
vvith
full
povver
to
sell
,
dispone
,
and
give
avvay
the
same
unto
whom
he
pleased
;
and
presently
upon
the
passing
of
that
act
,
cause
eject
,
dispossesse
and
remove
all
the
present
heretours
and
possessours
,
or
put
them
to
buy
it
of
nevv
of
him
,
or
take
tackes
thereof
as
taksmen
,
fermers
or
tennents
?
If
they
think
that
in
this
case
they
might
lawfully
resist
such
horrid
tyranny
,
Then
why
not
in
our
case
,
when
the
People
,
contrary
to
all
law
,
oathes
and
vowes
,
are
put
out
of
the
possession
of
their
Covenanted
Religion
,
reformed
in
doctrine
,
worshipe
,
discipline
&
government
,
&
that
by
meer
violence
and
tyranny
?
Sure
such
matters
as
touch
Soul
and
consciences
,
ought
to
be
as
deare
to
People
,
as
what
concerneth
their
bodyes
and
estates
.
Or
if
we
should
put
the
case
,
That
the
King
were
about
to
sell
the
whole
Land
unto
the
Turk
,
or
unto
Irish
bloody
Papists
,
&
by
bribes
or
promises
,
should
procure
the
consent
of
a
Parliament
,
&
the
concurrence
of
Council
and
other
judicatories
(
as
really
upon
the
matter
,
walking
according
to
the
acts
they
have
made
,
he
may
)
Might
it
be
unlawfull
for
People
in
this
case
,
without
the
concurrence
of
inferiour
Magistrates
,
who
had
now
sold
them
,
and
basely
betrayed
their
trust
,
to
stand
to
their
owne
defence
,
and
to
the
defence
of
their
posterity
,
and
their
lives
,
rights
,
liberties
and
privileges
?
And
if
this
cannot
be
asserted
by
any
man
,
who
hath
not
made
a
perfect
surrender
of
his
owne
reason
,
unto
the
will
and
lust
of
another
,
why
can
resistence
in
our
case
be
condemned
:
Seing
soul
matters
are
of
infinite
more
worth
,
then
these
outward
things
;
And
it
were
lesse
bitter
to
know
and
see
our
posterity
redacted
into
a
state
of
perfect
slavery
unto
forraigners
,
as
to
their
outward
privileges
,
them
to
see
them
shut
up
into
a
closse
prison
of
soul
slavery
and
bondage
,
destitute
of
the
pure
and
lively
ordinances
of
salvation
,
and
frustrated
of
the
glorious
and
excellent
liberties
and
effects
of
a
purely
preached
gospell
,
and
so
shut
up
in
a
dungeon
of
ignorance
,
superstition
,
and
all
Prophanity
,
that
they
should
never
know
what
true
liberty
meaneth
?
As
for
the
next
objection
taken
from
this
,
that
they
were
not
the
Whole
Body
of
the
land
,
but
only
a
part
thereof
,
which
cannot
be
so
well
justified
.
It
may
easily
be
answered
.
That
it
being
lawful
for
a
single
persone
,
in
some
cases
,
to
defend
himself
from
unjust
violence
:
It
will
be
much
more
lawful
for
a
considerable
part
of
a
Kingdome
to
defend
themselves
,
though
they
get
not
help
of
others
.
Though
all
be
bound
to
help
a
ravished
maide
,
yet
though
none
should
help
,
she
may
resist
and
defend
herself
.
But
to
leave
this
,
because
we
have
adduced
many
arguments
that
concludes
the
case
lawful
even
for
a
part
of
the
Kingdome
,
we
shall
speak
to
the
complex
case
,
not
only
as
it
was
a
defence
but
also
a
probable
meane
to
put
a
stop
unto
the
course
of
defection
.
Which
was
and
is
carryed
on
;
and
to
redeem
the
land
from
spiritual
bondage
and
slavery
,
as
well
as
bodily
.
And
to
this
we
say
.
That
when
the
case
is
a
publick
case
concerning
all
the
land
,
no
lesse
then
these
who
jeoparded
their
lives
for
the
same
,
no
man
in
reason
can
condemne
these
few
that
undertooke
the
interprise
,
the
profitable
effects
of
which
would
have
redounded
to
the
whole
:
When
a
city
is
on
fire
,
no
man
will
think
the
few
that
hazard
their
lives
,
to
quench
the
same
,
are
to
be
blamed
,
though
the
rest
doe
lye
by
,
and
will
not
concurre
.
The
men
of
Ephraim
,
Benjamin
and
Issacher
,
who
followed
Deborah
and
jeoparded
their
lives
upon
the
high
places
of
the
field
,
that
they
might
deliver
the
whole
land
from
under
the
Tyrranny
of
Iabes
King
of
Canaan
,
though
Reuben
God
and
Zebulon
did
not
concurre
,
according
to
their
duty
,
were
not
the
more
to
be
blamed
,
but
are
the
more
praised
and
commended
;
and
such
as
came
not
put
to
the
help
of
the
Lord
against
the
mighty
were
under
a
bitter
curse
.
The
common
tye
of
Christianity
and
brotherhood
and
other
supervenient
obligations
did
oblige
all
the
Land
(
as
was
shewed
above
)
to
concurre
as
one
man
,
to
endeavour
the
deliverance
of
he
Land
from
dreadful
oppression
and
tyranny
,
and
because
the
greatest
part
,
like
Issacher
in
an
other
case
,
loved
to
couch
under
the
burden
,
and
refused
to
contribut
their
help
for
their
owne
delivery
,
and
proved
enemies
,
shall
these
few
who
ventured
their
lives
and
Estates
,
and
all
which
they
had
,
for
the
liberation
of
the
land
,
be
the
more
,
upon
that
account
,
condemned
?
What
hight
of
absurdity
were
this
?
Had
the
Men
of
Ephraim
good
reason
to
challenge
Iephthah
Iudg.
12
:
ver.
1
,
2.
&c.
because
he
fought
with
the
Midianites
without
them
,
when
he
sayes
,
that
he
had
called
them
and
they
would
not
come
out
?
If
an
Enemy
invade
the
land
,
and
such
provinces
as
are
furthest
from
danger
shall
neglect
or
refuse
to
concure
with
the
rest
to
expell
them
,
yea
shall
strengthen
the
invadeing
enemy
,
shall
these
be
blamed
who
are
next
to
the
danger
,
to
take
the
alarme
at
the
first
,
and
do
what
in
them
lyeth
,
for
their
owne
saifty
and
the
saifty
of
the
whole
land
?
Therefore
,
seing
the
cause
which
these
few
owned
was
of
common
concernment
,
and
equally
respecting
the
whole
land
,
since
the
rest
would
not
concurre
,
as
they
were
bound
to
do
,
they
are
more
praise-worthy
then
blame-worthy
that
ventured
all
for
the
good
of
the
whole
land
,
and
did
what
in
them
lay
,
to
redeem
the
whole
land
from
that
oppression
and
bondage
,
under
which
it
was
lying
.
If
it
had
been
some
small
petty
particulare
of
their
owne
,
it
had
been
more
lyable
to
the
censures
of
men
;
but
the
cause
being
Common
,
which
they
did
owne
,
(
a
Covenant
sworne
by
all
ranks
of
People
,
and
a
Covenanted
work
of
reformation
,
and
liberty
from
tyranny
both
in
Church
and
State
,
was
a
cause
not
peculiar
unto
them
,
but
common
to
all
the
land
,
)
it
is
the
hight
of
absurdity
,
illegality
,
yea
and
inhumanity
,
to
accuse
them
of
Treason
of
sedition
,
or
to
condemne
their
interprise
upon
that
account
.
So
that
though
the
major
part
of
the
land
turne
so
corrupt
,
as
to
imbrace
a
corrupt
abjured
course
,
see
their
privileges
taken
from
them
,
the
vvork
of
God
overthrovvne
,
lavves
ratifying
and
approving
Religion
reformed
in
doctrine
vvorshipe
discipline
and
government
,
and
secureing
people
in
their
peacable
and
Christian
possession
of
these
,
novv
abolished
rescinded
and
annulled
;
their
libertyes
,
as
civil
scotish
men
,
and
as
Christians
,
sold
avvay
;
their
fundamental
compact
,
and
the
cardinall
clause
of
that
contract
betvvixt
King
and
Subject
,
cancelled
and
shamefully
brocken
;
Tyranny
and
oppression
of
consciences
,
bodyes
and
Estates
established
;
and
no
legal
remedy
or
redresse
apparent
or
probable
;
and
shall
notwithstanding
of
all
this
,
love
to
sit
still
&
not
to
be
stirr
themselves
,
according
to
their
places
&
power
,
for
secureing
Religion
,
lawes
,
&
libertyes
;
For
extirpating
abjured
prelacy
,
and
malignancy
;
and
restoreing
the
Ordinances
of
Christ
to
their
wonted
purity
,
&
delivering
the
land
from
slavery
&
bondage
,
&
from
stupenduous
apostasy
&
defection
,
at
which
the
Heavens
may
stand
astonished
,
and
all
men
and
angels
may
wonder
:
Shall
their
negligence
and
deficiency
in
duty
,
binde
up
the
hands
of
the
wel
affected
,
and
render
them
utterly
incapable
in
law
,
to
minde
themselves
and
the
good
of
the
whole
land
,
the
good
whereof
they
are
obliged
by
many
bonds
and
obligations
to
seek
by
all
farie
meanes
possible
?
Neither
doth
the
lawes
of
Nature
,
the
lawes
of
God
,
nor
particularly
the
bond
of
Christian
love
to
their
Native
land
,
to
their
Mother
Church
,
and
to
their
Christian
oppressed
brethren
,
nor
the
bond
of
their
Covenants
,
solemne
vowes
and
engadgments
,
so
limite
this
duty
,
and
loose
them
from
all
endeavour
after
a
performance
.
But
by
the
contrare
,
if
God
give
any
probable
capacity
,
upon
all
these
considerations
,
they
are
the
more
obliged
to
lay
out
themselves
to
the
utmost
,
and
to
account
themselves
the
more
indispnesably
obliged
thereunto
,
that
as
the
hazard
is
greater
,
the
losse
is
the
more
certane
and
irrecoverable
.
Wherefore
,
seing
the
ground
and
ends
of
the
riseing
of
these
few
,
was
not
particular
,
but
general
and
national
,
the
good
and
benefite
of
the
interprise
redounding
unto
all
,
no
lesse
then
to
themselves
,
and
being
that
whereunto
all
,
no
lesse
then
they
,
were
obliged
by
solemne
vowes
and
moral
bonds
,
their
case
must
be
otherwise
considered
,
then
the
case
of
a
few
malcontented
persons
,
who
because
of
some
particular
injuries
done
to
themselves
and
for
some
particular
ends
proper
and
peculiar
to
themselves
alone
,
arise
in
rebellion
against
the
lawful
Magistrate
.
The
Royalists
themselves
allow
it
lawful
for
any
privat
person
to
kill
an
usurper
or
a
Tyrant
sine
titulo
,
and
why
?
But
because
the
good
of
this
action
doth
redound
not
to
himself
alone
.
But
to
the
whole
Land
;
So
in
some
places
a
reward
is
promised
to
all
such
as
shall
kill
a
Bear
,
or
any
such
noysome
beast
,
because
the
good
and
frute
of
this
action
concerneth
moe
then
themselves
,
and
therefore
though
all
were
bound
to
do
what
they
did
▪
yet
they
are
not
blamed
but
rewarded
for
what
they
have
done
.
So
should
these
rather
have
been
revvarded
then
blamed
or
condemned
,
for
vvhat
they
did
interprise
,
for
the
universal
and
national
good
of
the
vvhole
Land
.
As
for
the
third
Objection
,
so
much
hath
been
spoken
of
that
already
;
whether
we
mean
the
particular
sufferings
and
oppressions
of
the
People
of
Galloway
,
(
The
Naphtaly
is
full
to
this
purpose
,
)
or
the
general
calamity
,
by
reason
of
apostasy
,
defection
,
perjury
&
oppression
in
Religion
and
libertyes
,
which
is
so
noture
that
none
who
hath
not
renunced
common
sense
together
with
Religion
&
honesty
,
can
deny
it
,
or
pretend
ignorance
thereof
,
that
we
need
do
no
more
here
,
but
give
a
short
reply
to
what
the
Surv.
hath
said
to
this
matter
:
only
we
would
adde
this
.
That
if
That
learned
lawyer
Althusius
in
his
politikes
Cap.
38.
n.
5.
&c.
give
the
right
characters
of
a
Tyrant
,
and
of
Tyranny
,
we
may
have
good
ground
to
say
that
our
land
beareth
many
blae
marks
of
that
tyranny
:
for
,
sayeth
he
[
there
is
one
kinde
of
Tyranny
,
which
consisteth
in
violating
,
changeing
or
removing
of
fundamental
lawes
,
specially
such
as
concerne
Religion
:
&
such
,
sayes
he
,
was
Athalia
,
Philip
the
King
of
Spaine
,
who
contrare
to
the
fundamental
Belgick
lawes
,
did
erect
an
administration
of
justice
by
force
of
armes
;
and
such
was
Charles
the
IX
.
of
France
that
thought
to
overturne
the
Salicque
law
]
and
whether
our
King
be
not
in
this
guilty
in
overturning
the
fundamental
lawes
,
concerning
our
reformed
Religion
,
let
the
world
judge
.
Next
sayes
he
[
when
he
keepeth
not
his
faith
and
promise
,
but
despiseth
his
very
oath
made
unto
the
people
.
]
and
who
is
more
guilty
of
this
then
King
Charles
the
2
●
n.
9.
He
giveth
us
this
mark
[
when
the
supreme
Magistrate
marketh
use
of
an
absolute
power
,
and
so
breaketh
all
bands
for
the
good
of
humane
society
]
and
are
not
the
bonds
both
of
piety
and
justice
novv
violated
?
n.
11.
He
tels
us
a
Tyrant
doth
take
away
from
one
or
moe
member
of
the
Commonwealth
,
free
exercise
of
the
orthodox
Religion
:
and
n.
12.
that
for
corrupting
of
youth
he
erecteth
stage-playes
,
whore
houses
,
and
other
play-houses
,
and
suffers
the
colleges
,
and
other
seminaries
of
learning
to
be
corrupted
,
and
n.
15.
that
living
in
luxury
,
whoredome
,
greed
and
idlenesse
,
he
neglecteth
,
or
is
unfit
for
his
office
.
]
How
these
sute
our
times
we
need
not
expresse
,
Then
n.
16.
He
sayes
[
he
is
a
Tyrant
who
doth
not
desend
his
Subjects
from
injuries
when
he
may
;
but
suffereth
them
to
be
oppressed
]
and
what
if
he
oppresse
them
himself
?
n.
19.
[
who
(
sayes
he
)
by
immoder
at
exactions
,
and
the
like
,
exhausts
the
subjects
Jer.
22
:
ver.
13.
14.
Ezech.
34.
1
King
.
12
:
19.
Psal.
14
:
4.
]
and
n.
10
[
who
hindereth
the
free
suffrages
of
Members
of
Parliament
,
so
that
they
dare
not
speak
what
they
would
.
]
&
how
much
of
this
we
finde
to
be
true
,
in
needlesse
here
to
expresse
.
Then
n.
23
,
24
,
&c.
he
tels
us
[
he
is
a
Tyrant
who
takes
away
from
the
people
all
power
,
to
resist
his
tyranny
,
as
armes
,
strengthes
,
and
chief
men
,
whom
therefore
though
innocent
,
he
hateth
,
afflicteth
and
persecuteth
,
exhausts
their
gods
,
and
lively-hoods
without
right
or
reason
]
all
which
he
confirmeth
by
several
Scriptures
:
And
how
apposite
these
are
to
our
present
case
,
all
know
who
is
not
an
utter
stranger
to
our
matters
,
So
that
when
we
have
so
many
things
to
alledge
,
none
can
justly
blame
us
for
saying
,
that
vve
are
oppressed
and
borne
dovvne
vvith
insupportable
tyranny
;
and
now
we
goe
on
to
consider
what
he
sayes
.
And
as
to
the
first
he
tells
us
,
Pag.
68.
[
That
their
life
and
blood
was
not
sought
upon
any
tearmes
,
there
was
no
forceing
them
to
idolatry
,
nor
false
worshipe
,
nor
frighting
them
to
any
thing
of
that
kinde
,
upon
paine
of
their
lives
;
only
for
contempt
of
the
outward
ordinances
of
God
,
purely
administred
in
an
orthodox
Church
,
they
were
put
to
pay
such
moderate
fines
,
as
the
publick
lawes
had
appoynted
:
Without
any
actual
invasion
of
them
or
their
persones
.
They
were
the
first
aggressors
,
murthering
the
Kings
Servants
,
and
seiseing
on
his
chief
officer
.
They
had
never
before
that
assayed
supplicating
,
(
which
was
not
forbidden
them
to
do
,
if
so
be
they
would
have
done
it
without
tumults
and
combinations
)
but
flew
to
the
sword
and
marched
on
to
mock
authority
with
armed
petitions
,
as
they
mocked
God
by
sinful
prayers
,
to
prosper
their
evil
course
.
]
Answ.
1.
What
intention
there
was
to
seek
the
life
and
blood
of
these
People
,
God
koweth
:
But
sure
all
who
knew
their
case
,
saw
that
their
life
was
only
left
them
,
that
they
might
feel
their
misery
.
So
were
they
oppressed
and
harassed
,
that
death
would
have
been
chosen
rather
then
life
.
Were
they
not
beaten
,
wounded
,
and
bound
as
beasts
,
their
goods
and
substance
devoured
before
their
eyes
?
were
not
their
lands
and
tenements
laid
waste
,
and
many
redacted
to
beggary
?
Besides
other
inhumane
barbarityes
,
which
they
were
made
to
suffer
.
2.
We
see
he
would
allow
it
lawful
to
resist
,
if
the
King
should
force
to
idolatry
and
false
worship
,
and
what
will
he
do
then
with
his
arguments
,
which
will
not
allow
that
exception
,
as
they
are
urged
by
him
?
He
must
necessarily
grant
that
they
are
inconcludent
,
&
that
it
holdeth
here
Argumentum
nih●l
probat
quod
nimium
probat
.
3.
How
beit
they
were
not
forced
to
idolatry
;
yet
by
the
same
law
,
reason
and
equity
(
or
rather
Tyranny
and
inquity
)
they
might
have
been
forced
to
that
,
as
to
what
they
were
forced
.
That
is
by
the
law
of
Tyranny
and
violent
oppression
.
They
were
pressed
to
owne
and
countenance
perjured
prophane
wicked
and
debauched
Curates
,
thrust
in
upon
them
contrare
to
their
Privileges
,
as
lawful
and
duely
called
Ministers
,
and
thereby
to
owne
and
approve
of
Prelacy
which
was
abjured
,
and
cast
out
of
the
Church
with
detestation
,
and
so
to
concurre
in
their
places
and
stations
with
,
and
give
their
testimony
unto
,
a
most
wicked
and
unparallelable
course
of
defection
and
Apostacy
from
God
,
and
his
holy
wayes
and
works
;
and
thereby
to
condemne
the
Reformation
of
Religion
in
doctrine
,
Worshipe
,
Discipline
and
Government
,
which
God
had
vvonderfully
vvrought
amongst
us
,
and
vvhich
all
ranks
of
People
vvere
solemnely
svvorne
to
maintaine
and
defend
.
4.
He
talketh
of
the
outvvard
ordinances
of
God
purely
administred
;
vvhen
all
knovv
how
these
profane
vvretches
,
made
all
vvho
,
ever
knevv
vvhat
the
service
of
the
true
and
living
God
vvas
,
to
abhore
the
offering
of
the
Lord
:
For
they
despised
the
Name
of
the
Lord
,
and
offered
polluted
bread
upon
his
altar
,
and
made
the
table
of
the
Lord
contemptible
,
they
offered
the
blinde
,
the
lame
,
and
the
sick
,
and
torne
,
and
thus
they
vovved
&
sacrificed
unto
the
Lord
a
corrupt
thing
:
Yea
their
administration
of
ordinances
vvas
,
and
is
to
this
day
,
rather
like
histrionick
acts
,
and
scenes
,
then
the
service
of
the
true
and
living
God
:
And
vvhat
sober
serious
Christian
,
yea
vvhat
soul
that
hath
any
beleeving
apprehensions
of
the
Majesty
of
God
,
can
be
vvitnesse
,
let
be
a
concurring
actor
in
,
and
consenter
unto
,
such
abhomination
and
idol-like
Worshipe
?
5.
He
talkes
of
an
orthodox
Church
,
vvherein
perjury
and
such
like
abhominations
are
approved
and
countenanced
,
maintained
and
avovved
;
and
vvherein
the
vvork
of
Reformation
of
Religion
,
in
Doctrine
,
Worshipe
,
Discipline
and
Government
is
condemned
;
a
Covenant
abjureing
Popery
,
Prelacy
,
Prophanesse
,
Schisme
and
Heresy
,
and
whatsoever
is
contrary
to
sound
doctrine
,
and
the
power
of
godlinesse
,
condemned
and
annulled
;
and
wherein
Atheisme
,
wickednesse
,
ignorance
,
licentiousnesse
,
and
all
sort
of
prophanity
,
yea
and
blasphemy
aboundeth
,
and
wherein
there
is
so
much
Popery
and
idolatry
countenanced
and
connived
at
,
and
such
abhominations
reigneing
.
Our
first
confession
of
faith
recorded
in
Parliament
Cap.
18.
giveth
this
as
one
note
of
a
true
Church
viz.
That
in
it
Ecclesiasticall
Discipline
be
uprightly
ministred
,
as
God's
Word
prescribeth
,
whereby
vice
is
repressed
&
vertue
nourished
!
But
now
there
is
a
discipline
repugnant
to
Gods
Word
administred
,
whereby
vice
is
nourished
&
virtue
suppressed
.
6.
He
sayes
that
the
fines
were
moderate
?
But
more
immoderate
fines
,
and
exorbitant
penaltyes
,
vvere
never
imposed
by
Rulers
,
except
such
whose
designe
was
to
Tyrannize
over
the
soules
and
consciences
of
poor
people
:
and
to
the
payment
of
these
transcendently
exorbitant
penaltyes
,
they
were
constrained
,
not
in
a
legal
manner
,
as
it
ought
to
be
in
a
civil
and
free
republick
,
but
in
a
military
,
compulsive
constraineing
way
,
whereby
their
persones
and
goods
were
tyrannically
and
inhumanely
invaded
,
plundered
,
destroyed
,
and
ruined
.
7.
It
is
true
,
providence
so
ordered
it
,
that
the
first
that
was
vvounded
was
one
of
the
souldiers
:
But
Naphtali
tels
him
that
the
countrey
men
were
necessitated
thereto
in
their
ovvne
defence
;
for
vvhen
they
but
desired
the
souldiers
to
loose
the
poor
man
,
vvhom
they
had
bound
hand
and
foot
like
a
beast
,
they
vvere
assaulted
vvith
drawne
swords
;
and
so
first
and
last
they
vvere
invaded
,
and
provocked
,
&
were
not
the
first
aggressours
:
&
beside
,
that
was
but
a
meer
accidental
emergent
:
&
though
they
had
formally
,
without
that
occurrent
provocation
,
joyned
together
to
have
repelled
unjust
violence
,
none
in
reason
could
have
called
them
the
first
aggressours
,
being
so
long
before
that
time
,
at
two
inrodes
,
beside
this
last
,
so
barbarously
and
inhumanely
used
by
Sr
Iames
Turner
that
bloody
executioner
of
illegal
tyranny
,
and
brutish
beastly
Doeëg
,
who
having
renunced
all
humanity
&
compassion
,
raged
like
a
wilde
beare
to
the
laying
waste
of
that
countrey
side
.
So
that
here
was
no
violent
re-offending
used
without
a
previous
actual
invasion
,
made
by
companyes
of
armed
men
,
sent
to
eat
up
,
root
out
and
destroy
a
worthy
and
precious
countrey-side
An
imminent
danger
sayes
the
law
,
is
a
sufficient
ground
to
take
up
armes
,
and
that
is
not
previous
strokes
but
the
terrour
of
armour
or
threatning
L.
sed
&
si
.
ff.
ad
Leg.
Aquil.
l.
3.
quod
qui
armati
ff.
de
vi
&
vi
armâta
.
Sure
here
was
enough
to
warrand
a
Community
to
stand
to
their
defence
,
and
to
prevente
their
utter
ruine
and
destruction
,
which
was
certanely
expected
,
and
this
was
to
them
the
last
and
most
inexorable
case
of
necessity
:
And
so
the
places
which
he
citeth
out
of
Lex
Rex
do
partly
confirme
this
,
and
partly
are
not
to
the
purpose
,
being
spoken
of
a
single
person
buffeting
his
master
after
he
hath
been
buffeted
,
or
having
received
deaths
wounds
,
seeketh
to
revenge
himself
on
his
aggressor
.
8.
He
tels
us
they
should
have
first
supplicated
these
in
power
:
But
they
had
supplicated
already
Sr
Iames
Turner
,
and
their
case
was
made
worse
and
not
the
better
thereby
,
and
all
joynt
petitioning
was
condemned
as
treasonable
,
and
what
could
they
then
have
done
?
The
most
peacable
manner
of
supplicating
,
if
it
had
been
in
a
joynt
manner
,
that
could
have
been
devised
,
had
been
interpreted
tumultuous
.
And
Since
it
was
so
,
what
could
they
do
,
but
after
the
example
of
our
progenitors
,
advance
with
armes
in
the
one
hand
and
a
petition
in
the
other
?
9.
The
Prophane
man
talks
of
their
mocking
God
by
their
prayers
,
and
of
their
spoyling
loyal
persons
:
but
as
they
have
the
testimony
of
all
among
whom
they
were
,
that
they
were
not
to
be
charged
with
plundering
,
taking
nothing
unlesse
it
were
a
few
horses
,
and
such
things
as
were
necessary
for
the
defence
of
their
lives
,
and
for
the
welfare
of
the
Countrey
,
wherein
many
do
suppose
they
were
but
too
too
spareing
,
seing
the
benefite
was
common
to
all
,
and
they
were
to
venture
their
lives
,
not
for
themselves
alone
,
but
for
the
whole
Countrey
:
So
the
Lord
gave
proof
that
he
hath
accepted
their
endeavours
,
though
it
was
not
his
appoynted
time
to
restore
our
Kingdome
,
in
that
he
did
so
signally
ovvne
and
countenance
such
as
vvere
honoured
vvith
martyrdome
,
for
the
Testimony
of
Iesus
,
and
for
his
interest
and
cause
.
But
this
man
speakes
like
himself
vvhen
he
addeth
that
both
they
and
others
have
cause
to
blesse
God
that
they
had
no
successe
,
which
might
have
been
a
snare
and
stumbling
block
to
them
and
others
also
.
For
vve
knovv
indeed
that
it
is
no
small
mercy
,
not
to
thrive
in
an
evil
vvay
,
and
therefore
vve
think
that
He
and
his
vvicked
fraternity
,
on
whom
the
Lord
is
raineing
snares
,
by
suffereing
them
to
thrive
,
have
great
cause
to
lament
the
blak
day
that
is
coming
,
and
to
tremble
both
for
the
imminent
judgments
,
and
for
the
dreadful
plague
and
judgement
of
hardnesse
of
heart
,
vvith
vvhich
they
are
already
visited
of
the
righteous
God
;
Yet
vve
knovv
That
a
vvay
may
be
his
vvay
,
vvhich
he
vvill
not
prosper
for
a
time
,
till
the
cup
of
the
Amorites
be
full
,
and
he
hath
attained
his
other
holy
ends
,
vvhich
he
designeth
in
casting
his
Church
into
a
furnance
:
And
if
he
judge
of
causes
alvvayes
by
the
event
,
he
shevveth
himself
a
stranger
to
the
Soveraigne
vvay
of
the
Lord
,
in
all
ages
.
As
to
other
thing
,
he
speaketh
Pag.
10.
and
sayeth
(
doth
not
the
true
protestant
Religion
as
it
is
held
forth
inscripture
,
and
was
publickly
confessed
by
our
first
reformers
(
which
confession
is
Registred
Parl.
1.
K.
James
6.
)
through
God's
mercy
continue
with
us
,
without
variation
from
it
in
the
least
?
Doth
not
the
Kings
majesty
protect
and
advance
this
blessed
Truth
of
the
Saving
Gospel
,
and
encourage
and
invite
all
,
according
to
his
power
,
to
imbrace
it
?
Is
he
not
willing
and
desirous
that
the
lawes
be
vigorously
executed
against
papists
,
and
all
perverters
of
this
sound
doctrine
?
are
any
spoiled
of
their
lawful
civil
libertyes
?
What
one
thing
hath
he
done
without
consent
of
the
Peoples
Representatives
in
Parliament
,
at
which
any
may
except
as
a
grievance
?
what
burden
hath
he
laid
upon
their
Estates
,
but
by
law
or
by
their
owne
consent
,
in
a
necessary
exigence
?
Answ.
1.
If
the
protestant
Religion
continue
without
variation
,
in
the
least
,
vvhat
meaneth
then
the
bleating
of
the
sheep
and
lowing
of
the
oxen
;
in
every
ones
eares
?
what
meaneth
the
many
Jesuites
,
and
Seminary
Priests
that
goe
up
and
downe
the
land
?
what
meaneth
the
many
masses
that
are
used
in
several
parts
of
that
land
,
and
in
the
very
heart
thereof
,
in
and
about
Edinbrough
?
What
church
discipline
is
used
against
these
?
belike
the
Prelates
have
no
will
to
trouble
their
old
brethren
,
the
native
and
faithful
children
of
their
catholick
Mother
,
the
whore
of
Rome
,
because
they
minde
,
yet
once
againe
,
to
take
a
drink
of
the
cup
of
her
fornications
,
and
to
returne
as
prodigal
Children
unto
their
former
dear
Mother
,
the
bloody
harlote
,
the
mother
of
fornications
.
And
hovv
cometh
it
that
one
Mr.
Tyry
,
formerly
a
knovvn
papist
,
is
admitted
to
a
prefessorshipe
in
St.
Andrewes
,
vvho
not
only
cannot
be
reconciled
to
that
minister
who
motioned
the
giving
to
him
,
that
Head
to
handle
de
anticbristo
Romano
,
but
even
in
his
theses
did
assert
that
the
Pope
was
not
Antichrist
.
But
what
is
become
of
the
Religion
of
the
Church
of
Scotland
,
as
it
was
reformed
in
doctorine
,
worshipe
,
discipline
and
government
?
What
is
become
of
these
Covenants
vvhich
were
our
strong
bulvvarks
against
propery
?
and
vvhat
is
become
of
the
many
acts
of
Parliament
ratifying
and
approving
these
Covenants
?
Are
not
all
these
cast
avvay
?
are
not
vve
cast
open
unto
the
assaults
of
that
bloody
Beast
?
what
meaneth
the
great
increase
of
the
number
of
papists
,
so
that
the
very
Parliament
it self
,
in
their
statute
8.
sess.
I.
(
a
mok-act
never
put
into
execution
)
sayd
that
the
number
of
Iesuites
,
Priests
,
and
Papists
did
now
abound
more
,
then
ever
they
did
under
the
Government
of
his
father
and
grand
father
?
What
meaneth
the
rescinding
and
anulling
the
first
act
of
the
12.
parl
of
K.
Iames
6.
holden
Anno
1592.
in
all
the
heads
clauses
and
articles
thereof
,
in
their
act.
1
sess.
2.
whereas
that
act
did
not
also
ratify
and
approve
presbyterial
government
;
but
did
also
ratify
and
approve
all
privileges
,
libertyes
,
immunityes
,
and
freedoms
,
granted
by
his
hieghnesse
his
Regents
,
in
his
name
,
or
any
of
his
predecessours
,
to
the
true
and
holy
Kirk
established
within
the
Realme
,
and
declared
in
the
first
act
of
Parliament
Anno
1597.
and
all
and
whatsomeever
acts
of
Parliament
and
statutes
,
made
before
by
his
Highnesse
and
his
Regents
,
anent
the
liberty
,
and
freedome
of
the
said
Kirk
;
and
particularly
the
first
act
of
parl
Anno
1581.
and
all
other
particular
acts
there
mentioned
:
and
this
act
Anno
1581.
ratifieth
all
preceeding
acts
,
particularly
that
made
in
the
reigne
of
Queen
Mary
,
Anno
1567.
anent
abrogating
all
lawes
,
acts
and
constitutiones
,
canons
civil
and
municipal
,
with
other
constitutions
contrare
to
the
Religion
then
professed
,
and
all
posteriour
acts
namely
such
as
abolished
the
Pope
and
his
uspurped
authority
;
that
anulled
the
acts
made
against
God's
word
and
for
maintainance
of
Idolatry
,
the
act
ratifying
the
confession
of
faith
of
the
protestants
of
Scotland
;
the
act
abolishing
the
Masse
,
and
for
punishing
hearers
and
sayers
of
the
same
:
acts
made
,
anent
the
admission
of
them
that
shall
be
presented
to
benefices
having
cure
of
ministry
;
anent
the
King's
oath
to
be
given
at
his
coronation
;
anent
such
as
should
beare
publick
office
hereafter
;
anent
teachers
of
schools
;
anent
the
jurisdiction
of
the
Kirk
;
anent
the
true
and
holy
kirk
;
anent
the
ratification
of
the
liberty
of
the
true
Kirk
of
God
and
Religion
;
anent
such
as
are
declared
not
to
be
of
the
true
Church
:
And
also
the
said
act
Anno
1592.
ratifieth
all
other
acts
made
in
favours
of
the
Kirk
,
since
the
yeer
1581.
So
that
by
this
late
Act
made
Anno
1662.
all
the
acts
made
in
favours
of
the
Church
and
of
the
protestant
Religion
,
are
annulled
and
rescinded
;
for
there
is
no
exception
added
,
but
the
said
act
in
all
its
heads
,
clauses
and
articles
,
is
declared
null
and
voide
.
Where
is
then
our
legall
security
for
our
protestant
Religion
,
and
Libertyes
of
the
Church
?
Sure
these
things
presage
no
good
to
the
protestant
Religion
.
But
2.
What
way
the
King
doth
advance
this
blessed
truth
of
the
saving
gospel
(
if
he
meane
hereby
the
protestant
Religion
)
we
are
to
learne
:
For
his
publishing
in
print
that
the
Papists
have
been
faithful
subjects
to
him
and
his
father
,
whilest
others
,
under
pretence
of
Religion
,
had
involved
the
Kingdomes
in
blood
;
and
by
these
Papists
meaning
with
others
the
irish
rebells
,
who
,
for
promoving
the
Romish
bloody
designe
,
executed
that
bloody
Massacre
in
Irland
:
the
report
whereof
made
all
protestants
to
tremble
and
to
stand
astonished
,
giveth
us
but
small
hopes
,
that
so
long
as
he
is
of
that
minde
,
he
shall
ever
do
any
thing
effectually
for
promoving
or
maintaineing
the
Protestant
interest
:
His
advanceing
of
Papists
to
greatest
places
of
publick
power
and
trust
England
,
in
Parliament
,
Council
,
Court
,
Counteyes
,
and
the
Army
,
speakes
rather
an
encourageing
and
inviteing
of
persons
to
turn
Roman
Catholicks
:
His
provideing
a
house
for
Fathers
and
friers
speaks
out
no
good
intention
and
designe
.
Let
the
Surveyer
read
what
is
said
to
this
purpose
in
the
Preface
to
Naphtaly
.
3.
He
tells
us
that
the
King
is
willing
and
desirous
,
that
the
lawes
be
put
in
execution
against
Papists
and
perverters
of
sound
doctrine
;
But
how
cometh
it
then
,
that
there
are
no
sayers
of
Messe
and
seminary
Priests
sentenced
,
according
to
the
law
?
Did
ever
the
King
write
to
the
Council
for
suppressing
of
Popery
.
as
effectually
as
he
hath
done
for
suppressing
of
conventicles
?
Or
did
he
ever
chide
the
Council
,
or
depose
any
member
thereof
,
or
any
other
inferiour
Magistrate
,
upon
the
account
of
their
negligence
in
this
?
But
be
it
whose
fault
it
will
,
sure
we
are
there
is
more
care
taken
to
search
out
conventicles
,
then
the
meetings
of
Papists
or
Quakers
:
Is
the
Towne
of
Edinburgh
under
such
a
bond
to
suppresse
meetings
for
Masse
,
and
others
of
the
like
nature
;
as
they
are
for
suppressing
of
honest
Protestants
,
meeting
for
the
Worshipe
of
God
according
to
the
purely
reformed
Religion
?
Did
ever
any
Arch-Prelate
procure
an
order
from
his
Majesty
to
stirr
up
the
leazye
council
to
diligence
in
this
matter
?
Wherein
I
pray
doth
either
the
Kings
willingnesse
,
or
the
vvillingnesse
of
the
Council
,
or
of
other
Inferiour
Magistrates
to
have
the
lawes
against
Priests
vigorously
put
into
execution
,
appear
?
And
where
are
we
then
,
when
all
Magistrates
from
the
highest
to
the
lowest
connive
at
,
if
not
encourage
countenance
and
approve
of
Papists
,
and
Popish
idolatry
;
and
the
true
Worshipers
of
God
are
hunted
out
,
cast
into
prisones
,
banished
into
America
and
Tangyr
,
and
made
to
suffer
such
inhumane
Barbarities
,
and
all
to
pleasure
the
perjured
Prelates
,
who
are
more
afrayed
of
a
few
honest
seekers
of
God
,
then
if
legions
of
Papists
were
swarming
in
the
Land
,
knowing
how
soon
,
they
would
be
willing
to
imbrace
these
serpents
in
their
bosome
,
and
joyne
with
them
to
root
out
the
Protestant
interest
;
whileas
they
hate
the
truly
godly
with
a
perfect
hatred
,
as
being
of
principles
irreconcileable
with
theirs
,
and
having
ends
before
their
eyes
diametrically
opposite
to
what
these
intend
?
Yea
,
where
are
we
,
when
almost
all
the
Rules
proposed
by
Adam
Contzens
the
Jesuite
,
for
introduceing
of
Popery
,
in
his
Polit.
Lib.
2.
Cap.
18.
are
so
exactly
followed
:
as
when
he
adviseth
that
.
1.
They
proceed
as
musitians
do
in
tuneing
their
instruments
,
gradually
,
and
piece
by
piece
.
2.
That
they
presse
the
Examples
of
some
eminent
Men
as
a
meane
to
draw
the
rest
.
3.
That
Arch-heretikes
(
that
is
most
Zealous
Protestants
)
be
banished
all
at
once
,
or
if
that
cannot
be
done
saifly
,
by
degrees
.
4.
That
such
be
put
from
their
dignities
,
and
all
place
&
power
of
trust
.
5.
That
Protestant
Religion
be
made
odious
,
by
loading
such
of
their
opinions
,
as
are
most
obvious
to
a
harsh
construction
.
5.
That
they
foment
the
quarrels
that
are
among
Protestant
,
and
strengthen
that
party
that
is
most
ready
to
comply
with
Rome
.
7.
That
they
discharge
and
hinder
all
private
conventicles
of
Protestants
.
8.
That
severe
Lawes
be
made
,
and
rigorously
executed
(
though
not
against
all
,
yet
)
against
the
most
dangerous
.
Who
seeth
not
,
what
a
conformity
there
hath
been
and
yet
is
,
betwixt
the
practices
of
this
Apostate
,
Popish
,
Prelatical
and
Malignant
faction
,
which
hath
now
destroyed
the
work
of
God
,
and
those
Rules
mentioned
?
And
what
lyeth
latent
under
board
the
Lord
knoweth
.
4.
He
asketh
the
question
if
any
of
the
People
of
the
Land
be
spoiled
of
their
lawful
civil
libertyes
?
As
if
a
man
should
enquire
if
the
Sun
were
risen
at
twelve
houres
of
the
day
.
Our
Religion
reformed
in
doctrine
,
Worshipe
,
Discipline
and
Government
,
which
was
one
of
our
maine
civil
&
most
lawful
libertyes
,
is
taken
from
us
.
The
liberty
of
supplicating
,
which
the
Law
of
God
,
the
Law
of
Nature
,
and
the
Law
of
Nations
allow
,
it
taken
from
us
.
The
liberty
of
free
election
of
Members
of
Parliament
,
was
taken
away
.
Liberty
of
protesting
in
Parliament
was
taken
away
.
The
Kings
prerogative
is
screwed
up
to
such
a
hieght
,
that
it
overturnes
the
true
native
libertyes
of
the
Subjects
Many
honest
Subjects
are
cast
into
prisone
,
no
transgression
being
once
alledged
far
lesse
proved
against
them
.
The
due
exercise
of
their
Religion
as
was
covenanted
,
is
taken
away
,
Lawes
are
not
executed
in
a
civil
manner
,
as
they
ought
to
be
among
free
Subjects
.
Iudicatories
are
set
up
and
erected
without
the
consent
of
the
People
,
or
their
Representatives
.
Libertyes
and
Privileges
of
brughes
and
such
incorporations
are
taken
away
,
unlesse
they
will
renounce
and
abjure
a
lawful
,
religious
,
and
necessary
Covenant
.
The
free
exercise
of
justice
especially
against
Nobles
,
is
stopped
.
The
Lieges
are
not
ruled
by
the
Lawes
of
the
Land
,
but
by
the
arbitrary
will
and
lust
of
few
Prelates
and
the
privy
Council
.
Will
he
ask
now
if
our
libertyes
be
taken
from
us
?
or
will
he
call
these
unlawful
?
5.
He
asketh
in
the
next
place
,
what
one
thing
the
King
hath
done
,
without
consent
of
the
Peoples
Representatives
in
Parliament
,
at
vvhich
any
may
except
as
a
grievance
.
It
seemeth
he
is
either
of
a
very
short
Memory
,
or
he
thinks
the
High
commission-court
a
very
small
inconsiderable
businesse
;
for
the
consent
of
Parliament
vvas
never
had
unto
this
inquisition-court
,
neither
of
old
,
nor
of
late
:
And
yet
this
was
such
an
heavy
yoke
of
bondage
,
that
made
all
the
land
to
groan
,
and
against
which
,
as
a
most
intolerable
grievance
,
all
the
corners
of
the
countrey
could
give
in
their
exceptions
.
And
as
for
this
late
Representative
(
so
called
,
)
they
have
enacted
many
things
contrare
to
their
power
and
turst
,
as
vve
have
shewed
:
No
power
under
heaven
could
enact
what
they
have
enacted
:
No
power
under
heaven
could
anul
,
condemne
,
and
rescinde
lawful
Covenants
made
with
the
most
high
God
:
They
were
not
in
tuto
to
rescinde
and
anull
unalterable
lawes
,
more
firme
and
fixed
,
then
any
Lawes
of
the
Medes
and
Persians
;
For
lawes
confirmed
with
oathes
,
and
solemne
vowes
to
God
,
are
not
ambulatory
,
as
other
politick
lawes
.
And
therefore
all
the
lawes
being
good
and
necessary
in
their
owne
nature
,
by
the
supervenient
addition
of
an
oath
confirming
and
ratifying
the
same
,
became
absolutely
unalterable
by
any
Man
or
company
of
Men
whatsoever
.
So
that
all
the
lawes
made
by
King
and
Parliament
to
the
prejudice
of
the
Covenanted
work
of
reformation
,
are
intolerable
grievances
,
dishonourable
to
God
,
and
prejudicial
to
the
welfare
of
the
Subject
;
and
to
which
,
neither
People
,
nor
their
Representatives
real
of
supposed
,
could
ever
lawfully
consent
.
6.
He
asketh
what
burden
he
hath
laid
upon
their
Estates
,
but
by
Law
?
But
this
is
a
vaine
florish
,
seing
all
that
know
what
that
Parliament
was
,
know
how
prone
and
ready
it
was
,
to
devote
(
if
it
could
)
unto
the
lust
of
the
King
,
the
Souls
,
Consciences
,
Estates
,
and
all
which
the
Subjects
had
,
little
regairding
either
the
true
liberty
or
reall
advantage
of
the
People
.
CAP.
XVII
.
The
Objections
of
others
examined
.
WE
have
now
examined
all
which
this
Surveyer
hath
said
against
us
,
in
the
poynt
of
resistence
;
yet
that
we
may
satisfy
(
if
possible
)
all
persons
and
partyes
touching
the
lawfulnesse
of
this
act
,
of
private
persons
defending
themselves
and
their
Religion
from
manifest
Tyranny
and
oppression
,
we
shall
remove
likewise
such
other
objections
,
as
some
others
are
pleased
to
make
use
of
;
and
which
our
Surveyer
hath
possibly
forgotten
to
adduce
.
1.
Obj.
Subjects
are
obliged
to
performe
all
dutyes
of
obedience
and
fidelity
unto
their
Magistrates
,
and
albeit
the
Magistrates
turne
a
manifest
Tyrant
,
every
one
cannot
loose
that
obligation
at
his
owne
hand
.
Hoen
.
Disp.
Pol.
9.
Thes.
55.
Ans.
1.
Subjects
,
as
we
have
seen
,
are
but
conditionally
obliged
to
performe
these
dutyes
unto
the
Magistrate
,
and
not
absolutely
,
whether
he
play
the
Tyrant
or
not
,
by
Hoenonius
his
owne
confession
.
2.
Though
each
particular
person
can
not
loose
the
obligation
when
he
will
;
yet
when
a
Tyrant
hath
,
by
his
acts
of
tyranny
,
loosed
the
obligation
,
upon
his
part
,
a
body
of
a
People
or
a
considerable
part
thereof
,
may
defend
themselves
against
his
tyranny
,
as
if
there
were
no
obligation
betwixt
him
and
them
.
3.
Though
the
obligation
stand
uncancelled
,
and
not
abrogated
,
resistence
may
be
granted
;
for
a
Sone
may
resist
his
Father
,
and
a
Wife
her
Husband
,
though
the
obligation
continue
firme
and
not
dissolved
.
Obj.
2.
By
this
meanes
a
window
should
be
opened
to
all
seditions
,
conspiracyes
and
rebellions
,
Hoen
.
ubi
supra
Ans.
Incommodum
non
tollit
argumentum
.
The
abuse
of
a
liberty
doth
not
destroy
the
liberty
.
2.
By
this
argument
absolute
and
unlimited
obedience
might
be
pressed
,
lest
if
private
persones
might
refuse
obedience
,
a
door
for
all
sedition
and
disobedience
should
be
opened
.
3.
By
the
contrare
assertion
,
a
door
shal
be
opened
to
all
Tyranny
and
oppression
,
which
should
tend
not
only
to
disquyeting
of
the
peace
,
but
to
the
ruine
and
destruction
of
the
Common-wealth
.
Obj.
3.
Subjects
are
to
pray
for
their
Magistrates
,
Hoen
.
ibid.
Answ
.
True
,
but
the
consequence
is
naught
.
Therefore
I
may
not
resist
them
,
when
they
tyrannize
and
oppresse
unjustly
,
it
doth
not
follow
.
I
must
pray
for
my
equalls
and
inferiours
,
and
open
enemies
,
whose
unjust
violence
,
I
may
notwithstanding
resist
.
Obj.
4.
A
son
may
not
do
violence
to
his
Father
though
never
so
unworthy
;
for
no
impiety
can
be
punished
by
paricide
:
Far
lesse
may
violence
be
done
to
the
Prince
,
who
is
the
Father
of
the
Countrey
,
Hoen
.
ib.
Answ.
1.
This
simile
helteth
as
we
have
shewed
.
2.
If
the
Father
abuse
his
power
,
the
law
will
deprive
him
of
it
,
L.
6.
Lenones
,
L.
7.
C.
de
Inf.
expos.
L.
2.
C.
de
Parent
.
qui
Fil.
distrax
.
L.
2.
de
his
qui
sunt
sui
vel
alieni
Iuris
§
.
sed
Domin
.
Iust.
D.
Titul
.
L.
ult.
si
quis
a
Parente
manumissus
.
3.
The
simile
is
for
us
who
plead
only
for
resistence
,
as
we
shewed
,
not
for
killing
and
destroying
Tyrants
.
4.
If
the
Sone
be
a
Judge
and
the
Father
a
malefactor
,
the
Son
must
execute
judgement
on
the
Father
.
Obj.
5.
Destroying
of
the
head
,
though
it
be
sickly
and
tender
,
tends
to
the
destruction
of
the
whole
body
,
Hoenon
.
ibid.
Answ
.
There
is
no
such
connexion
betwixt
King
and
Subjects
,
as
betwixt
Head
and
Members
of
our
natural
bodyes
.
A
Tyrant
may
be
,
and
often
hath
been
,
destroyed
,
and
the
body
of
the
Republick
hath
remained
intire
and
in
better
condition
then
formerly
.
2.
Opposition
may
be
so
made
to
the
Head
,
that
it
destroyed
not
the
noble
parts
,
with
defluxions
sent
downe
thence
;
and
it
must
,
to
prevent
the
destruction
of
the
body
,
be
purged
:
so
may
a
Tyrant
be
resisted
for
the
saifty
of
the
Commonwealth
.
Obj.
6.
It
is
better
to
have
a
sick
head
,
then
no
head
.
id
.
ibid.
Ans.
Datur
tertium
,
there
is
a
third
,
a
sound
wholesome
head
.
2.
A
commonwealth
needs
not
want
a
head
long
.
Obj.
7.
There
is
greater
hazard
in
casting
out
a
Tyrant
,
then
in
suffering
tyranny
,
idem
ibid.
Ans.
1.
resistence
may
be
without
destroying
or
casting
out
of
a
Tyrant
.
2.
That
hazard
speaks
not
to
the
lawfulnesse
or
unlawfulnesse
of
the
thing
,
but
only
to
the
expediency
or
inexpediency
of
it
;
which
is
a
different
question
:
An
interprize
may
be
hazardous
and
yet
lawful
.
3.
It
will
not
alwayes
be
found
to
be
such
a
hazardous
thing
,
even
to
cast
away
Tyrants
;
as
to
suffer
them
to
tyrannize
.
Obj.
8.
A
Tyrant
can
never
be
destroyed
,
without
the
ruine
of
these
who
have
destroyed
him
,
for
some
of
his
posterity
will
avenge
the
quarrel
,
id
.
ibid.
Ans
.
1.
We
have
many
instances
to
the
contrary
in
the
Book
of
God
:
See
the
Books
of
the
Judges
and
Kings
:
who
of
Joram's
posterity
avenged
his
death
,
on
Jehu
or
his
posterity
?
2.
A
Tyrant
may
be
resisted
lawfully
notwithstanding
of
such
difficultyes
.
Obj.
9.
God
punished
the
wicked
Kings
of
the
Jewes
not
by
the
Jewes
,
but
by
strangers
,
id
.
ibid.
Answ
.
This
is
contrare
to
many
examples
in
Scripture
.
Jehu
was
not
stranger
.
2.
We
speak
not
of
punishing
wicked
Kings
,
but
of
resisting
their
unjust
violence
.
Obj.
10.
David
spared
Saul
,
1
Sam.
24
,
and
26.
Whom
he
might
lawfully
have
killed
,
as
some
think
,
because
he
had
given
David's
Wife
to
another
,
had
banished
him
and
his
Parents
out
of
the
countrey
,
and
had
killed
the
Priests
,
id
,
ibid.
Answ
.
If
David
was
a
publick
Judge
,
and
might
lawfully
have
killed
Soul
for
his
injustice
,
murther
,
and
oppression
,
and
did
it
not
.
I
see
not
how
he
can
be
justified
:
But
to
me
it
is
a
question
if
David
was
any
other
then
a
private
person
,
so
long
as
Saul
lived
:
and
his
resisting
of
Saul
,
and
defending
himself
with
armed
men
against
his
fury
,
doth
abundantly
confirme
what
we
say
.
Object
.
11.
Ieremiah
doth
not
arme
the
jewes
against
Nebuchadnezar
with
a
sword
,
but
with
prayers
for
him
Id.
Ibid.
Answer
.
1.
We
have
not
Ieremiahs
now
to
reveal
God's
minde
to
us
extraordinarily
.
2.
If
this
were
a
standing
precedent
,
The
Supreame
Magistrate
might
not
defend
himself
and
his
subjects
,
against
a
forraigne
Enemy
,
comeing
to
destroy
and
conquere
the
land
:
for
Ieremiah
commanded
the
King
to
submit
to
Nebuchadnezar
Object
.
12.
Christ
commandeth
tribute
and
not
poyson
to
be
given
to
Princes
.
Id.
Ibid.
Answ
.
We
plead
not
for
Poysoning
of
Princes
,
but
for
resisting
their
unjust
violence
,
against
which
Christ
doth
not
speak
:
but
rather
he
ought
to
have
remembered
these
words
Let
him
that
hath
no
sword
sell
his
coat
and
buy
one
.
Obj.
13.
Paul
Act.
23
:
ver.
5.
Will
not
have
an
evil
Prince
so
much
as
cursed
Id.
Ibid.
Answ
.
Then
no
Magistrate
,
no
not
an
inferiour
should
be
resisted
:
for
such
may
not
be
cursed
,
doing
their
duty
.
2.
We
may
not
curse
nor
revile
any
of
out
equalls
or
inferiours
Mat.
5
:
v.
44.
Rom.
12
:
v.
14.
Livit.
19
:
ver.
14.
and
20
:
v.
9.
1
Cor.
6
:
ver.
10.
and
yet
such
useing
violence
against
us
may
be
resisted
;
we
may
not
curse
the
rich
Eccles.
10
:
20.
and
yet
they
may
be
resisted
,
when
violently
and
injuriously
they
assault
us
.
Obj.
14.
War
is
not
lawfully
undertaken
without
the
warrand
of
the
Superiour
:
But
Subjects
have
no
superiority
of
authority
over
the
Magistrate
.
Gerhard
de
Magist
.
Pol.
§.
483.
Answ.
1.
A
war
defensive
may
be
undertaken
without
the
expresse
warrand
of
the
Superiour
.
2.
Defence
may
be
used
by
such
as
are
inferiour
to
the
aggressors
,
as
by
a
Wife
,
a
son
,
a
Servant
,
as
is
shewed
;
yea
the
injurer
is
ever
eatenus
inferiour
to
the
injured
,
in
Law
.
Obj.
5.
Christ
sayd
Mat.
26
:
ver.
52.
that
such
as
took
the
sword
should
perish
by
the
sword
.
Id.
Ibid.
Answ.
That
is
true
of
such
as
useth
the
sword
,
further
then
God
hath
allowed
,
or
contrare
to
his
expresse
revealed
will
,
but
not
of
such
as
have
a
lawful
call
thereto
by
the
Law
of
Nature
,
and
use
it
in
their
sinlesse
defence
,
when
there
is
no
countermand
of
God
.
Which
place
we
have
abundantly
vindicat
already
,
where
we
shewed
that
his
commanding
them
to
sell
their
coat
to
buy
swords
sufficiently
warrandeth
this
self
defence
:
And
though
some
do
take
that
speach
to
be
allegorick
,
yet
the
whole
context
cleareth
that
it
is
meaned
of
swords
of
steel
;
for
they
said
,
Here
are
two
swords
,
and
he
said
it
is
enough
.
Sure
these
were
swords
of
outward
mettal
,
as
the
event
proved
:
And
to
answere
Mat.
26
:
ver.
52.
with
Luk.
22
:
ver.
39.
is
not
to
set
Scriptures
by
the
eares
,
but
a
solid
way
of
answering
an
argument
brought
from
abused
Scripture
,
as
Christ's
practice
teacheth
us
,
answering
the
devil's
argument
taken
from
Psal
,
91.
11.
by
produceing
another
passage
Deut.
6.
16.
see
Mat.
4
:
6
,
7.
Obj.
16.
The
example
of
the
saints
in
the
Old
and
New
Testament
is
against
it
;
neither
the
Prophets
nor
Apostles
gave
this
Command
,
but
rather
prescribed
unto
them
patience
,
and
prayers
.
That
Citizen
of
Nieomedia
,
was
condemned
of
all
,
who
tore
in
pieces
the
Emperour's
edict
against
the
Christians
,
Id.
Ibid.
Answ
.
1.
We
have
seen
instances
both
in
the
time
of
the
Old
Testament
,
and
in
the
dayes
of
the
New
Testament
,
making
for
us
.
2.
We
finde
not
the
Prophets
nor
Apostles
forbidding
this
.
3.
Their
pressing
to
patience
and
prayers
is
not
repugnant
to
this
innocent
res
istence
:
we
may
pray
against
forraigne
invaders
,
yet
may
we
resist
them
.
4.
Tearing
of
the
Emperour's
edict
is
no
act
of
self
defence
.
Obj.
17.
This
would
close
up
the
way
of
persones
acquireing
the
crowne
of
Martyrdome
,
Id.
Ibid.
Answ
.
If
upon
this
account
private
persons
might
not
resist
Magistrates
,
neither
might
inferiour
Magistrates
resist
the
supreame
,
which
yet
he
will
not
condemne
.
Yea.
2.
If
this
ground
hold
,
the
Supream
Magistrate
might
not
resist
an
army
comeing
to
destroy
him
and
all
his
Kingdome
,
for
Religion
,
but
He
and
all
were
bound
to
hold
up
their
throats
that
they
might
receive
the
Crowne
of
Martyrdome
.
3.
It
is
good
to
waite
for
this
Crowne
in
God's
way
,
and
not
to
run
to
the
stake
without
a
cleare
call
:
and
if
People
may
fairly
and
with
a
cleare
conscience
,
deliver
themselves
,
it
is
a
question
if
they
be
called
to
suffer
.
Obj.
18.
Some
adduce
that
place
Eccles.
8.
ver.
2
,
3
,
4.
I
counsel
thee
to
keep
the
Kings
command
and
that
in
regaird
of
the
oath
of
God
—
he
doth
whatsoever
pleaseth
him
,
where
the
word
of
●
King
is
there
is
power
,
and
who
may
say
unto
him
what
dost
thou
?
Ans.
I.
Will
it
hence
follow
that
we
must
obey
all
the
Kings
unjust
,
unlawful
and
iniquous
commands
?
No
true
Christian
can
say
so
.
Neither
will
it
hence
follow
,
that
in
no
case
he
may
be
resisted
.
2.
Kings
way
not
de
jure
do
what
they
please
,
but
they
have
power
to
execute
the
Law
in
way
of
justice
,
which
is
the
thing
that
they
as
Kings
should
and
do
please
:
And
therefore
,
we
should
not
stand
in
an
evil
matter
.
3.
Notwithstanding
of
this
,
Princes
have
been
rebuked
,
2
Sam.
12
:
ver.
7.
and
resisted
2
Chron.
27
:
ver.
17
,
18
,
19
,
20.
and
so
the
meaning
is
,
no
man
must
question
his
just
actions
warranted
by
his
lawfull
authority
.
Or
,
it
is
but
folly
for
a
man
to
strive
with
such
an
one
,
as
is
able
to
execute
his
cruelty
and
to
do
what
he
will
:
see
the
English
notes
on
the
place
,
and
Mr.
Iackson's
:
but
as
this
doth
not
justify
Kings
in
their
oppressing
;
so
neither
doth
it
condemne
a
resisting
of
their
tyranny
,
more
then
the
resisting
of
the
oppressing
violence
of
some
mighty
robber
,
who
hath
power
to
do
what
mischief
he
will
,
whom
yet
lawfully
we
may
resist
if
we
be
able
.
Obj.
19.
The
author
of
an
appeal
to
conscience
adduceth
that
place
Psal.
105
:
ver.
15.
Touch
not
mine
anoyneted
.
Answ.
Hence
it
clearly
followeth
that
Kings
and
Princes
should
not
enjure
the
Saints
and
Servants
of
God
;
for
this
was
meaned
of
Abraham
,
Isaac
,
and
Iacob
,
and
of
their
Wives
and
Families
,
who
were
sojourning
as
strangers
from
Nation
to
Nation
,
as
the
context
cleareth
,
and
the
words
following
and
do
my
Prophets
no
harme
.
And
so
relateth
to
vvhat
vve
heare
Gen.
12
:
v.
10
,
to
20.
&
20
:
1.
&c.
&
26
:
1.
&c.
&
is
not
meaned
of
Kings
and
Princes
as
such
.
So
that
this
anoynting
is
such
as
is
common
to
Priests
and
Prophets
,
&
to
all
the
saints
vvho
are
spiritually
anoynted
,
and
so
become
Kings
&
Priests
unto
God
1.
Pet.
2
:
5.
Rev.
1
:
6.
and
5
:
10.
Obj.
20.
D.
Ferne
,
Resolvig
of
conscience
vvould
prove
from
1
Sam.
8
:
ver.
18.
that
subjects
may
do
nothing
against
Tyrants
,
but
cry
to
the
Lord
.
So
Grotius
.
Answ.
Subordinata
non
pugnant
.
We
may
both
cry
to
the
Lord
and
resist
,
as
Iudg.
10.
Exod.
14.
2
Chron.
32
:
v.
20.
2
King
.
19.
2
Chron
14
:
v.
9.
&c.
and
13
:
14
,
15
,
*
16.
2.
The
text
saith
not
,
they
should
have
no
other
remedy
left
them
but
crying
;
or
that
it
should
be
lavvsul
for
them
to
do
no
other
thing
.
We
finde
that
they
resisted
this
King
,
vvhen
he
vvas
about
to
kill
innocent
Ionathan
.
3.
The
vvords
at
most
but
import
a
prohibition
of
attempting
to
have
the
government
changed
from
King
to
judges
4
Suppose
it
vvere
so
;
yet
,
it
importing
only
a
punishment
unto
them
for
their
importunat
and
headstrong
affecting
of
a
King
,
vvill
not
in
reason
reach
other
Nations
not
guilty
of
this
crime
.
Yea
5.
This
praediction
could
not
bind
up
their
owne
hands
from
a
defence
;
but
at
most
import
,
That
all
their
resistence
or
defence
should
be
in
vaine
,
through
God's
not
hearing
or
helping
them
in
resisting
.
Obj.
21.
The
author
of
an
appeal
to
thy
conscience
proposeth
this
argument
.
That
evil
Kings
and
Tyrants
are
afflictions
and
punishments
inflicted
on
us
by
God
.
Therefore
we
should
submit
patiently
,
and
not
resist
.
Answ.
The
consequence
is
nought
,
for
so
are
forraigne
enemies
,
the
riseing
up
of
inferiours
against
us
,
sicknesse
and
paines
on
our
bodyes
,
and
the
like
,
and
yet
these
may
very
lawfully
be
resisted
.
Obj.
22.
Equals
have
no
power
over
equals
,
much
lesse
have
inferiours
over
Magistrates
Alber.
Gentil
.
in
.
dispp
.
regalib
.
Answ.
Superiority
,
is
not
requisite
to
lawful
defence
,
as
is
said
:
2.
A
Tyrant
as
such
is
no
Magistrate
,
but
a
privat
person
.
Obj.
23.
No
punishment
for
Tyrants
but
vexation
of
conscience
id
.
ib.
Answ
.
All
evil
doers
may
expect
that
punishment
as
well
as
Tyrants
,
and
yet
they
may
be
resisted
,
yea
and
punished
with
civil
punishments
.
Obj.
24.
The
removing
of
a
Tyrant
occasioneth
civil
warres
,
which
makes
the
remedy
worse
then
the
disease
id
.
ib.
Answ
.
1.
We
speak
not
of
removing
Tyrants
;
but
of
resisting
them
.
2.
This
is
the
way
to
prevent
ruine
and
destruction
to
the
Commonwealth
,
even
to
resist
Tyranny
.
3.
A
civil
war
may
be
more
advantagious
,
for
Religion
and
the
libertyes
of
the
subjects
,
and
so
preferable
to
a
brutish
submission
to
illegal
tyranny
:
And
every
kinde
of
evil
is
not
to
be
endured
for
avoyding
a
worse
in
probability
?
4.
Desperat
diseases
must
have
desperat
cures
;
and
it
is
better
to
hazard
some
thing
in
a
warr
,
then
lose
all
:
We
know
not
what
the
event
may
be
,
we
are
bound
to
defend
Religion
,
and
the
libertyes
of
the
countrey
,
and
commit
the
event
to
God
.
5.
It
hath
been
found
that
the
putting
away
of
a
Tyrant
,
hath
proved
very
advantagious
to
the
Countrey
,
and
to
Religion
:
and
hereby
all
their
losse
by
warr
was
more
than
abundantly
repayed
:
yea
and
sometimes
this
hath
been
obtained
without
much
shedding
of
blood
.
CAP.
XVIII
.
How
weakly
&
foolishly
The
Surveyer
maintaineth
the
Union
of
his
Majestie
's
Dominions
,
is
cleared
.
HAving
thus
discussed
all
which
the
Surveyer
hath
in
his
railing
pamphlet
said
,
against
this
truth
which
we
have
maintained
;
and
having
(
sufficiently
as
we
suppose
)
vindicated
the
Peoples
right
to
defend
themselves
,
and
their
Covenanted
Religion
,
from
manifest
and
intolerable
violence
and
oppression
,
we
might
without
the
least
injury
imaginable
to
our
cause
,
wave
the
examination
of
what
he
Principally
aimeth
at
Cap.
1.
&
3.
&
4.
as
being
extrinsick
to
the
present
question
,
and
because
we
are
not
necessitated
to
maintaine
these
opinions
which
he
setteth
himself
against
in
those
chapters
,
our
question
being
distinct
from
those
,
and
easily
maintained
without
touching
upon
those
rockes
.
But
yet
because
this
windy
man
would
faine
make
his
Majesty
beleeve
that
he
had
not
gotten
his
reward
for
nothing
,
but
that
he
had
done
some
notable
piece
of
service
vvorthy
of
it
;
And
had
discovered
some
rare
secret
,
the
discovery
of
which
,
is
of
no
small
advantage
,
but
of
great
use
both
for
the
preservation
of
the
union
of
his
Majestie
's
dominions
,
and
for
the
saveing
of
his
life
from
the
stroke
of
adversaryes
;
vve
shall
manifest
hovv
little
ground
he
hath
to
father
any
of
these
assertions
on
Naphtali
,
and
then
discover
hovv
vveakly
and
foolishly
he
maintaineth
his
Majestie
's
cause
,
in
both
these
;
that
al
the
world
may
see
,
that
he
hath
come
short
of
performing
that
service
to
his
Maj.
which
he
here
undertaketh
;
&
that
he
hath
been
so
far
from
laying
the
devil
after
he
had
raised
him
,
that
he
hath
done
his
Maj.
no
small
piece
of
disservice
in
starting
questions
so
dangerous
to
his
Majesty's
Kingdomes
and
life
,
when
he
had
no
ground
given
him
;
and
after
he
had
moved
the
question
,
left
it
worse
then
he
found
it
;
and
so
did
little
lesse
then
invite
such
as
pleased
,
to
doe
what
he
alledgeth
Naphtaly
and
his
complices
had
a
minde
to
do
.
The
first
question
which
he
speakes
to
Chap.
1.
Is
touching
the
dissolving
of
humane
societies
,
which
in
some
cases
politicians
will
yeeld
to
see
Althus
.
pol.
c.
38.
n.
76.
And
the
thing
he
driveth
at
,
is
to
fasten
on
the
honest
party
a
resolution
and
designe
,
to
dissipate
and
dissolve
the
immemorially
setled
frame
(
as
he
loveth
to
speak
Pag.
9.
)
of
that
Nation
and
Kingdome
,
which
through
divine
providence
hath
in
many
generations
subsisted
under
our
lawful
Soveraignes
,
for
the
common
benefite
of
subjects
at
home
,
and
to
the
honour
and
renown
of
the
Nation
abroad
;
yea
and
to
the
glory
of
divine
providence
,
which
hath
through
many
stormes
in
several
ages
;
preserved
us
in
this
comfortable
constitution
.
And
this
he
deviseth
of
his
owne
wicked
heart
,
of
purpose
to
make
these
cordiall
lovers
of
Religion
and
of
their
Countrey
,
hateful
to
all
the
world
,
if
he
could
;
and
therefore
he
would
represente
them
as
men
of
strange
principles
,
&
purposes
.
But
wo
to
such
as
make
lyes
their
refuge
!
This
man
thinketh
to
make
the
King
glade
with
his
lyes
,
but
we
know
that
the
mouth
of
such
as
speak
lyes
shall
be
stopped
.
But
sure
one
would
think
that
he
behoved
to
have
some
clear
ground
to
walk
upon
in
asserting
this
of
us
,
and
especially
when
he
is
at
the
paines
to
spend
a
whole
chapter
,
to
confute
it
.
And
yet
vvhen
he
hath
rambled
up
and
downe
that
book
of
Naphtali
,
to
seek
out
a
ground
for
this
assertion
,
he
can
not
adduce
any
one
sentence
,
that
even
with
half
an
eye
doth
look
there
away
,
except
one
,
which
yet
hath
no
such
designe
or
import
.
The
sentence
is
this
Pag.
150.
[
That
through
the
Manifest
and
notorious
perversion
of
the
great
ends
of
Society
,
and
government
,
the
bond
thereof
being
dissolved
,
the
persons
one
or
moe
thus
liberated
therefrom
,
do
relapse
into
their
primeve
liberty
and
privilege
,
and
accordingly
as
the
similitude
of
their
case
,
and
exigence
of
their
cause
doth
require
,
may
upon
the
very
same
principles
againe
joyne
and
associate
for
their
better
defence
and
preservation
,
as
they
did
at
first
enter
into
Societyes
.
]
For
clearing
of
which
these
things
would
be
observed
.
1.
That
the
author
there
is
only
adding
a
few
observations
,
to
cleare
the
innocency
of
these
noble
witnesses
,
who
died
owneing
the
interest
and
cause
of
Christ
,
and
to
shevv
hovv
free
they
were
of
the
crime
of
rebellion
,
with
which
they
were
charged
.
Now
all
know
that
as
these
worthies
,
had
no
designe
,
of
erecting
themselves
into
a
distinct
common-wealth
,
nor
to
make
such
a
civil
politick
separation
from
the
rest
of
the
land
;
so
the
way
which
they
took
,
did
directly
tend
to
have
the
whole
land
united
unto
God
,
and
among
themselves
,
as
one
for
God
and
to
God
,
in
the
bond
of
the
solemne
league
and
covenant
.
Had
they
designed
such
a
separation
,
they
behoved
also
to
have
chosen
more
apposite
&
fit
meanes
,
then
these
were
which
they
did
use
,
as
any
of
halfe
a
judgment
may
perceive
.
2.
That
as
the
maine
and
only
designe
of
these
worthies
,
was
to
defend
themselves
and
their
Covenanted
Religion
,
from
manifest
oppression
and
tyranny
,
and
to
have
the
land
recovered
from
that
wofull
course
of
backsliding
and
departing
from
the
Lord
,
whereof
it
was
guilty
,
and
wherein
it
had
lyen
for
many
dayes
:
So
,
This
author
is
only
clearing
their
innocency
,
as
to
that
:
and
therefore
in
the
first
observation
Pag.
147.
He
cleareth
the
native
ground
of
self
preservation
:
and
in
the
2.
How
the
perverting
of
the
ends
of
government
doth
not
destroy
this
native
right
,
but
that
then
people
are
as
free
to
defend
themselves
as
ever
,
even
against
the
oppressing
Powers
,
who
in
that
case
,
according
to
King
Iames
his
testimony
and
practice
,
become
Tyrants
,
and
are
to
be
resisted
:
and
in
the
3.
How
all
powers
are
obliged
,
if
not
expresly
,
yet
tacitely
,
to
walk
in
a
due
subordination
to
God
,
and
to
prosecute
these
great
ends
of
government
:
and
particularly
in
the
4.
How
our
king
is
bound
by
the
lawes
of
the
land
,
and
by
his
coronation
covenant
oath
,
to
Rule
for
God
and
the
good
of
the
People
:
And
in
the
5.
How
all
even
the
most
Malignantly
affected
,
would
assent
to
this
,
as
an
undoubted
truth
,
in
their
owne
particular
cases
:
And
cometh
in
the
6.
Place
to
the
words
cited
,
which
must
have
the
same
import
and
tendency
,
to
wit
,
to
clear
the
innocency
of
private
persons
self-defence
,
and
defence
of
Religion
,
when
the
powers
which
should
minde
and
study
according
to
their
place
&
power
,
to
promove
the
great
ends
of
society
and
government
viz.
the
glory
of
God
,
and
the
good
of
the
Subjects
in
soul
and
body
,
do
manifestly
and
notoriously
pervert
these
ends
,
and
preferre
themselves
,
and
their
owne
lusts
,
unto
the
will
and
glory
of
God
;
and
to
the
good
of
the
People
.
The
same
is
also
cleare
from
the
following
observations
,
which
do
manifestly
poynt
at
the
clearing
of
people
being
bound
in
duty
to
defend
themselves
and
their
Religion
,
conforme
to
their
engagements
vowes
and
Covenants
,
which
still
stand
in
force
,
notwithstanding
of
any
thing
done
to
the
contrary
of
late
,
in
their
acts
rescissory
and
condemnatory
.
3.
The
very
words
themselves
,
to
any
who
is
not
utterly
blinded
with
prejudice
,
can
import
no
more
then
that
,
when
through
the
notorious
and
mainfest
perversion
of
the
great
ends
of
society
and
government
,
the
bond
thereof
is
dissolved
,
and
the
persons
now
relapseing
into
their
Primeve
liberty
and
privilege
,
may
no
lesse
now
joyne
and
associate
together
,
to
defend
Themselves
and
their
Religion
,
then
at
first
they
entered
into
societes
:
For
,
as
their
entering
into
societies
was
for
this
end
,
and
their
setting
up
of
Magistrates
over
themselves
was
for
this
end
;
so
when
the
Magistrates
crosse
their
end
and
rule
,
and
thereby
annul
the
relation
,
or
make
it
invalide
for
the
ends
,
they
may
joyne
together
now
for
these
ends
,
as
they
might
have
done
before
the
formal
institution
of
Government
.
And
who
can
deny
this
to
be
a
truth
?
Or
who
can
hence
inferre
(
but
he
who
is
of
a
perverse
spirit
,
and
for
his
perverse
ends
seeketh
to
pervert
all
things
)
that
he
pleadeth
for
the
lawfulnesse
of
Peoples
crumbling
together
in
lesser
fractions
and
petty
commonwealthes
.
4.
Suppose
the
words
should
be
capable
of
that
glosse
'
which
the
Surveyer
putteth
upon
them
;
yet
as
they
lye
connected
with
what
preceedeth
and
with
what
followeth
they
can
,
at
most
,
be
but
a
Medium
for
proving
the
intended
conclusion
;
and
so
must
be
considered
as
founding
an
argument
a
Majori
ad
minus
,
from
the
more
to
the
lesse
;
to
this
purpose
:
if
when
through
the
manifest
and
notorious
perversion
of
the
great
Ends
of
society
and
government
,
the
bond
thereof
is
dissolved
,
and
persons
relapse
into
their
primeve
liberty
,
so
that
according
as
the
similitude
of
their
case
,
and
exigence
of
their
cause
requireth
,
upon
the
same
principles
,
they
may
againe
associate
and
combine
into
new
and
distinct
Societies
and
Commonwealthes
,
for
their
defence
and
preservation
:
Then
much
more
may
they
lavvfully
novv
joyne
and
associate
together
for
their
defence
and
preservation
,
without
making
any
such
rupture
,
or
new
erections
:
but
endeavouring
to
keep
the
old
Society
firme
and
intire
,
undissolved
,
and
unweakened
.
So
that
though
his
glosse
should
be
admitted
,
he
doth
but
bewray
the
ignorence
of
his
capricious
braine
,
to
take
the
Medium
for
the
conclusion
.
And
the
antecedent
will
be
granted
by
politians
,
and
is
expresly
asserted
by
Althusius
,
Polit
,
Cap.
20.
Num.
20.
in
case
the
Prince
keep
not
his
promise
,
but
violate
his
faith
and
Covenant
.
5.
Suppose
also
that
this
which
he
alledgeth
had
been
the
authors
positive
assertion
,
can
he
hence
inferred
with
any
colour
of
reason
,
that
it
was
or
is
the
designe
of
the
author
and
his
party
,
to
dissipate
and
dissolve
the
old
setled
frame
of
this
Kingdome
,
and
erect
new
Commonvvealthes
vvith
nevv
distinct
Soveraignes
?
Seing
every
one
knovveth
,
that
many
things
are
lavvful
,
vvhich
are
not
expedient
,
convenient
nor
necessary
;
&
that
it
vvere
the
result
of
no
mature
deliberation
,
but
of
madnesse
and
folly
,
to
intend
and
designe
such
a
thing
.
vvhich
(
though
lavvful
in
it self
,
yet
)
all
things
considered
vvere
,
very
inexpendient
and
unnecessary
,
yea
not
only
not
advantageous
to
their
ends
and
purposes
,
but
quite
destructive
thereof
.
Novv
since
the
Surveyer
hath
dravvne
in
this
controversy
by
the
eares
,
and
set
it
in
the
front
of
his
learned
and
elaborat
pamphlet
,
vve
must
suppose
him
one
vvho
is
vvell
versed
in
this
topick
,
and
can
give
a
good
account
of
his
politick
notions
touching
this
quaestion
.
But
alas
if
he
had
a
real
adversary
to
deal
vvith
(
as
novv
he
doth
but
faigne
one
to
himself
:
&
it
is
easy
fighting
against
a
man
of
stravv
,
or
one
of
our
ovvne
making
)
his
ridiculous
and
yet
audacious
folly
,
vvould
easily
be
made
to
appear
:
his
adversary
vvould
laugh
(
as
indeed
he
vvould
have
cause
)
at
the
shakeing
of
his
spear
.
He
maketh
this
the
thesis
which
he
undertaketh
to
confirme
.
That
[
when
politick
bodyes
are
setled
in
voluntary
associations
,
or
whatever
way
in
the
course
of
divine
providence
,
they
have
been
reduced
to
live
under
the
same
lawes
and
authorities
,
and
have
continued
long
in
the
union
of
a
common
interest
,
under
the
protection
of
magistracy
,
to
break
off
from
the
body
in
seditious
secessions
,
cannot
but
be
displeasing
to
God
;
and
they
are
no
other
then
firebrands
,
confounders
of
humane
society
,
fighters
against
God
and
his
ordinance
,
who
instigate
People
to
cut
off
themselves
from
the
body
of
the
Common
wealth
whereof
they
are
members
.
]
But
would
not
his
adversary
tell
him
that
he
had
granted
as
much
in
the
words
immediatly
preceeding
,
as
would
make
him
and
his
position
both
ridiculous
:
For
he
hath
granted
That
the
Lord
hath
not
by
any
precept
particularly
determined
the
bounds
of
every
embodied
Political
society
,
There
being
some
greater
,
and
some
lesser
,
acting
under
their
several
heads
and
souveraigne
Magistrates
.
And
seing
neither
God
nor
Nature
hath
determined
the
quantity
and
extent
of
each
Republicki
or
embodyed
Politick
Society
,
what
more
affinity
hath
it
with
sinful
sedition
,
to
say
,
that
greater
bodyes
may
be
divided
and
subdivided
into
lesser
Republicks
,
then
to
say
that
moe
lesser
bodyes
may
associate
together
to
make
one
greater
,
especially
seing
Politicians
tell
us
that
the
ends
of
government
are
more
easily
attained
in
a
lesser
Republick
,
then
in
a
greater
;
and
that
a
mid
way
commonwealth
neither
too
larg●
,
nor
too
little
,
is
the
best
,
as
being
lesse
subject
to
vices
and
greater
calamities
,
as
was
to
be
seen
in
the
Roman
Republick
before
it
was
enlarged
in
the
dayes
of
Marius
,
Sylla
,
Pompey
,
and
Caesar
,
and
is
to
be
seen
this
day
in
the
Commonwealth
of
Venice
,
and
the
like
,
as
Althusius
shewes
us
,
Polit.
Cap.
9.
num.
11.
The
time
was
when
all
the
World
was
under
one
head
,
and
after
they
were
multiplied
,
they
became
distinct
Republicks
without
any
sinful
or
seditious
secession
.
The
time
was
when
all
thess
westerne
parts
were
under
one
Emperour
,
and
was
nothing
but
a
seditious
secession
,
caused
by
firebrands
,
the
ground
of
their
becoming
many
and
distinct
Republicks
?
The
time
was
when
Scotland
,
England
,
and
Irland
,
were
distinct
Kingdomes
,
and
under
distinct
Soveraigne
Magistrates
,
and
what
repugnancy
were
it
either
to
the
Law
of
God
or
nature
,
to
say
they
might
be
so
againe
?
So
were
there
once
Seven
Kings
in
England
at
once
:
and
moe
then
one
King
in
Scotland
at
once
:
and
by
no
reason
can
he
prove
that
it
should
always
be
,
as
it
is
at
present
,
but
by
the
same
reason
his
adversaries
could
prove
him
guilty
of
treason
;
for
he
behoved
to
say
,
that
because
we
were
once
all
under
one
Emperour
,
we
ought
to
be
so
still
,
and
that
the
King
must
either
hold
his
crowne
of
the
Emperour
,
or
be
an
usurper
and
a
seditious
rebel
;
for
in
the
course
of
providence
we
were
then
reduced
under
the
same
Lawes
and
Authorities
,
and
continued
in
the
union
of
a
common
interest
for
some
good
space
of
time
,
Yea
and
observe
many
of
these
civil
Lawes
yet
.
Thus
we
see
whither
this
advocate
will
drive
the
matter
,
and
how
little
service
he
doth
his
Majesty
for
all
his
rich
recompence
.
But
it
may
be
his
arguments
are
cogent
and
binding
:
He
hath
many
words
,
Pag.
4
,
&
5.
to
prove
that
this
is
contrary
to
Religion
,
The
sum
is
this
.
[
Never
greater
perversion
of
government
then
in
the
times
of
many
of
the
Prophets
,
and
in
the
dayes
of
Christ
,
and
his
holy
Apostles
,
and
primitive
Christians
,
and
yet
this
was
never
their
doctrine
or
sense
.
]
Answ.
Is
this
all
that
he
can
say
,
to
prove
that
this
is
contrary
to
Religion
?
Sure
his
adversary
will
think
that
he
hath
little
Religion
who
sayth
so
,
and
that
he
hath
farlesse
loyalty
to
his
Master
the
King
of
Great
Britane
;
for
why
?
Because
contrare
to
the
doctrine
of
Christ
and
the
Apostles
,
and
the
sense
of
all
the
primitive
Christians
,
he
acknowledgeth
the
King
of
Britane
to
be
a
distinct
King
from
the
Roman
Emperour
,
and
not
to
depend
upon
him
.
They
never
taught
that
Britane
and
Irland
should
be
ruled
by
a
King
distinct
from
him
,
and
that
these
Islands
should
be
separate
from
the
Roman
Empire
,
and
so
the
King
holds
his
Crowne
by
usurpation
,
and
by
an
irreligious
secession
from
the
Empire
,
which
neither
Christ
nor
his
Apostles
ever
taught
,
and
must
not
this
man
and
not
we
,
acknovvledge
Iudas
of
Galilee
,
and
Theudas
to
be
his
Masters
:
For
they
taught
(
especially
the
first
,
as
Iosephus
,
and
Ruffinus
out
of
him
shevv
us
)
that
no
tribute
should
be
given
to
the
Roman
Emperour
;
and
he
vvil
do
the
same
,
and
say
that
it
should
be
payed
to
king
Charles
the
II.
Next
his
adversary
vvould
tell
him
,
that
if
this
were
held
and
maintained
as
a
poynt
absolutely
necessary
to
salvation
,
then
his
argument
vvould
say
something
;
But
seing
it
is
only
held
as
lavvful
,
and
according
as
providence
determineth
it
to
be
convenient
or
inconvenient
,
to
be
practicable
,
it
is
sufficient
if
the
doctrine
of
the
Prophets
and
of
Christ
and
his
Apostles
,
do
not
condemne
it
,
as
simply
sinful
:
And
that
by
this
argument
of
his
,
it
should
be
utterly
unlawful
now
for
Frame
and
Holland
,
and
other
adjacent
Countreyes
,
to
joyne
together
in
one
:
and
proclame
King
Charles
their
Soveraigne
Lord
and
King
:
because
neither
Prophets
nor
Apostles
taught
any
such
doctrine
,
that
many
several
societies
should
joyne
together
under
one
head
:
And
who
is
a
friend
to
the
Kings
greatnesse
now
?
If
this
man
be
worthy
of
his
wages
,
let
all
the
World
judge
.
Moreover
they
would
tell
him
,
that
in
the
dayes
of
some
of
the
Prophets
,
there
was
a
greater
dissipation
and
secession
,
then
any
that
is
now
desired
,
when
the
Ten
tribes
separated
themselves
from
the
other
two
,
in
the
dayes
of
Rehoboam
and
erected
themselves
in
a
distinct
Republick
,
under
a
distinct
Supreame
Magistrate
;
and
we
finde
not
this
reproved
by
any
of
the
prophets
,
yea
we
finde
a
Prophet
sent
to
tell
Ieroboam
that
God
would
give
him
Ten
Tribes
,
1.
King
.
11
:
ver.
21.
&c.
and
when
Rehoboam
would
goe
and
reduce
them
under
his
subjection
by
the
power
of
the
sword
,
we
finde
another
Prophet
sent
to
disswade
him
,
in
the
Name
of
the
Lord
,
1
King
.
12
:
ver.
22
,
&c.
and
saying
that
that
was
from
the
Lord
.
And
sure
this
positive
is
as
forcible
,
as
his
negative
.
And
furder
,
even
in
the
dayes
of
the
primitive
Christians
,
the
Roman
Empire
was
divided
,
and
how
it
is
now
subdivided
and
re-subdivided
into
many
fractions
,
we
all
know
:
and
can
he
shew
us
where
any
of
the
godly
zealous
Christians
and
servants
of
God
spoke
against
this
as
a
seditious
practice
?
But
is
may
be
that
he
vvill
prove
this
assertion
,
though
not
dissonant
to
Religion
;
yet
dissonant
to
sound
reason
.
Let
us
hear
hovv
he
doth
it
?
[
For
(
sayes
he
Pag.
5.
)
it
hath
a
clear
tendency
to
break
in
pieces
all
humane
societyes
—
which
no
wit
of
man
can
preserve
from
dissolution
,
if
this
principle
be
drunk
in
:
For
by
this
Man's
opinion
,
the
judgement
of
the
pervesion
of
the
ends
of
government
is
put
over
to
the
discretion
of
the
sufferers
of
prejudice
,
and
they
are
accordingly
to
determine
their
actions
,
and
nothing
should
hinder
them
but
want
of
probable
capacity
to
through
their
work
.
]
But
poor
Man
,
as
he
hath
made
shipevvrack
of
faith
and
of
a
good
conscience
,
so
hath
he
made
shipvvrack
of
his
reason
also
;
for
his
adversary
vvould
novv
think
the
cause
vvon
:
For
grant
once
that
a
secession
and
separation
may
be
made
,
vvhen
the
ends
of
government
are
manifestly
perverted
,
and
they
vvill
seek
no
more
,
for
they
vvill
readily
grant
it
ought
not
to
be
,
vvhen
there
is
no
just
cause
,
suppose
that
a
great
part
should
in
their
discretion
judge
there
were
real
cause
;
And
where
is
he
now
?
Where
is
the
position
that
is
so
dissonent
to
Religion
and
Reason
?
Will
he
also
owne
it
?
Did
Naphtaly
say
that
when
ever
a
few
of
a
society
thought
in
their
judgement
of
discretion
,
that
the
ends
of
government
were
perverted
,
they
were
replased
into
their
primaeve
state
of
liberty
,
and
free
to
make
separations
from
the
old
society
and
associate
into
new
combinations
?
And
since
he
did
not
say
so
,
how
can
this
advocate
make
his
position
appeare
dissonant
either
to
Religion
or
Reason
?
But
the
man
,
let
him
be
never
so
well
hired
,
is
obliged
to
reason
no
better
then
he
can
.
Let
him
grant
(
and
he
cannot
well
deny
it
)
that
it
is
lawful
for
a
great
society
to
divide
into
two
or
moe
lesser
,
when
the
ends
of
government
are
really
and
manifestly
perverted
,
in
that
greater
society
so
united
,
and
his
adversaries
will
soon
satisfy
him
(
if
he
be
rational
,
or
a
man
fit
for
society
who
will
be
ruled
with
reason
)
concerning
the
judgement
of
that
perversion
.
He
but
exposeth
himself
to
pity
,
when
he
cryeth
out
(
taking
also
God's
name
in
vaine
)
[
To
what
times
are
we
reserved
,
wherein
the
unmeasureable
and
aciousnesse
of
Men
dar
present
such
poyson
to
a
Christian
People
,
and
to
attempt
the
breaking
them
in
pieces
by
such
doctrines
which
both
Religion
and
sound
Reason
abhorres
.
]
For
no
body
hath
either
seen
Religion
nor
found
Reason
alleged
against
that
position
(
which
he
sayeth
Naphtaly
setteth
down
.
)
But
we
will
see
more
of
this
vaine
Man's
ridiculous
ranting
in
the
following
words
[
Dar
this
libeller
(
so
speaketh
this
non-sensical
railer
)
say
that
this
is
a
fundamental
constitution
of
political
societies
,
that
at
the
arbitrement
and
lust
of
any
minor
part
of
private
persons
,
pretending
a
perversion
of
the
ends
of
government
(
a
pretence
that
will
never
be
wanting
to
Malecontents
and
Malapert
wicked
ones
,
Even
Katherines
and
highlandish
theevs
,
and
it
is
real
to
them
if
they
themselves
be
admitted
judges
)
they
may
make
secession
from
the
society
in
which
they
are
imbodied
,
and
renunce
their
obligation
to
the
government
thereof
.
]
Now
he
soares
high
in
his
scurril
rhetorik
,
and
as
ornaments
of
his
discourse
,
he
must
bring
in
his
Katherines
and
Highlandish
theeves
,
but
to
what
purpose
is
all
this
superfluity
of
vaine
empty
words
?
Where
or
when
said
Naphtaly
,
That
that
was
the
fundamental
Constitution
of
politick
societies
?
What
rational
Man
ever
said
so
?
Is
this
the
only
thing
which
he
denyeth
?
Sure
he
is
an
ill
maintainer
of
the
union
of
his
Majesties
dominion
;
for
his
adversaries
will
grant
all
this
,
and
yet
say
and
be
able
to
maintaine
(
for
any
thing
that
he
hath
said
)
that
when
the
Ends
of
government
are
mani●estly
and
notoriously
perverted
,
people
relapseing
into
their
primaeve
liberty
and
privilege
,
may
,
according
as
the
exigent
of
their
case
requireth
,
associate
into
new
societies
for
their
defence
and
preservation
.
But
he
addeth
pag.
6.
[
Suppose
there
be
a
breaking
off
,
upon
that
pretension
(
which
will
never
be
wanting
to
cover
sedition
and
confusion
)
of
perversion
of
the
ends
of
government
,
the
party
making
secession
may
haply
meet
with
the
same
measure
they
gave
,
for
if
a
minor
party
arise
among
them
with
the
same
accusations
,
must
they
not
have
the
same
privilege
?
And
where
shall
there
be
a
stand
?
]
His
adversaries
would
soon
reply
,
that
whatever
be
in
that
absurdity
,
it
doth
not
concerne
them
,
for
they
plead
not
for
a
dissolution
upon
a
meer
pretension
of
this
perversion
:
And
beside
,
they
plead
not
for
it
,
even
where
there
is
a
real
and
not
our
perversion
,
as
a
thing
necessary
,
which
they
must
goe
about
,
never
once
consulting
whether
it
be
expedient
or
inexpedient
,
and
whether
they
see
a
more
feazable
way
of
attaineing
the
ends
of
government
,
without
such
perversion
,
after
the
separation
is
made
,
them
before
,
or
not
:
But
only
as
a
thing
lawful
,
which
may
be
done
when
they
see
it
most
convenient
for
the
ends
of
government
:
And
when
they
walk
by
this
rule
and
principle
,
they
will
soon
see
where
to
make
a
stand
.
For
they
will
finde
that
the
crumbling
of
Societies
into
too
many
and
too
small
bodyes
,
would
put
them
as
far
from
attaineing
the
ends
of
governments
,
as
they
were
while
associated
in
a
greater
body
.
And
this
is
all
which
he
hath
to
this
purpose
.
For
as
touching
his
application
of
this
pag.
9.
and
10.
all
alleging
that
there
is
no
perversion
of
the
Ends
of
government
now
,
it
hath
been
spoken
to
already
,
and
his
adversaries
in
this
position
(
if
there
be
any
such
,
which
I
am
ignorant
of
)
will
think
and
make
out
,
that
the
ends
of
government
are
so
far
perverted
,
that
if
there
were
no
other
thing
lying
in
the
way
of
a
secession
,
then
vvhat
he
hath
said
,
they
vvould
think
it
of
concernment
to
minde
this
outgate
,
vvhich
they
had
no
thoughts
of
before
.
And
the
King
should
then
think
himself
little
obliged
to
this
man
and
his
defences
,
and
wish
that
he
had
been
sleeping
when
he
wakened
such
a
debate
,
and
himself
had
bestowed
his
gold
another
way
:
For
sure
,
if
such
a
thing
were
upon
the
heart
of
people
now
(
as
I
hope
&
am
confident
it
is
not
)
they
will
professe
themselves
obliged
to
this
Surveyer
,
for
putting
it
into
their
head
first
,
and
that
all
which
he
hath
said
against
it
,
would
rather
invite
and
encourage
them
to
it
,
then
discourage
them
from
it
.
May
not
then
this
Man
be
ashamed
to
take
his
Majesties
Money
,
and
do
so
bad
service
for
it
,
as
he
hath
done
?
But
Some
will
possibly
say
what
could
any
persons
have
said
more
;
Well
,
though
some
should
think
me
officious
to
take
his
Majesties
part
and
defend
his
cause
,
un-hired
,
yea
and
undesired
,
yet
I
will
propose
one
thing
,
which
I
am
confident
,
shall
be
more
effectual
,
for
preserving
the
immemorially
setled
frame
of
this
Nation
,
and
the
union
of
all
his
Majesties
Dominions
,
to
all
generations
,
without
dissipation
or
dissolution
,
or
any
hazard
or
feare
thereof
;
Then
what
this
Pamphleting
Prelate
hath
said
,
Or
will
say
,
though
he
should
write
volumes
,
at
this
rate
:
What
is
that
,
you
will
say
?
It
is
no
great
secret
,
yet
if
heartily
followed
,
it
shall
prove
infallibly
effectual
.
Let
his
Majesty
Turne
to
the
Lord
with
all
his
heart
,
and
repent
of
his
fearful
perjury
and
defection
,
and
minde
his
oath
made
unto
the
great
God
,
and
performe
his
vowes
,
and
fulfil
his
Covenant
which
he
swore
with
hands
lifted
up
to
the
most
high
God
,
and
solemnely
promised
to
owne
and
prosecute
,
as
he
should
answere
to
God
,
in
that
day
,
when
the
secrets
of
all
hearts
shall
be
disclosed
;
and
execute
judgment
on
the
Apostate
Prelates
,
by
hanging
them
up
before
the
Sun
,
that
the
fierce
anger
of
the
Lord
,
evidenced
by
moe
as
twice
three
Yeers
famine
of
the
word
,
may
be
removed
,
and
on
all
others
who
have
been
authors
and
abettors
of
this
norrible
course
of
defection
,
and
unparallelable
apostasy
,
which
makes
these
lands
an
hissing
and
a
by-word
to
all
nations
;
and
let
him
honestly
and
with
an
upright
heart
prosecute
the
ends
of
these
holy
Covenants
,
and
with
that
Godly
King
Asa
.
2.
Chron.
15.
Enter
into
a
Covenant
,
that
whosoever
will
not
seek
the
Lord
God
of
Israel
,
shall
be
put
to
death
,
whether
small
or
great
,
whether
Man
or
woman
:
And
let
his
successours
follow
his
footsteps
in
this
,
and
he
and
they
shall
finde
,
no
imaginable
bond
so
sure
to
tye
his
Kingdomes
together
perpetually
,
as
an
indissoluble
Society
,
then
these
holy
Covenants
,
particularly
that
solemne
league
and
Covenant
.
In
which
all
his
subjects
in
Scotland
,
England
,
and
Ireland
,
did
sweare
in
a
most
solemne
manner
,
to
maintaine
and
promove
reformation
of
Religion
in
Worshipe
,
Doctrine
,
Discipline
,
and
Government
,
and
endeavour
to
bring
the
Churches
of
God
in
the
Three
Kingdomes
,
to
the
nearest
conjunction
,
and
uniformity
,
in
Religion
,
Confession
of
faith
,
Forme
of
Church
government
,
Directory
for
worshipe
and
Catechiseing
,
&c.
that
they
and
their
posterity
after
them
,
may
as
brethren
live
in
faith
and
love
,
and
the
Lord
may
delight
to
dwell
in
the
midst
of
them
—
and
that
the
Lord
may
be
one
and
his
name
one
in
the
three
Kingdomes
;
and
to
endeavour
the
discovery
of
all
such
as
have
been
,
or
shall
be
incendiaries
,
Malignants
,
or
evil
instruments
,
by
hindering
the
Reformation
of
Religion
,
divideing
the
King
from
his
People
,
or
one
of
the
Kingdomes
from
another
,
or
make
any
faction
or
partyes
among
the
People
,
contrary
to
this
League
and
Covenant
,
that
they
may
be
brought
to
publick
tryal
and
receive
condigne
punishment
:
And
that
they
should
each
one
of
them
,
according
to
their
place
and
interest
,
endeavour
that
the
Kingdomes
may
remaine
conjoyned
,
in
firme
peace
and
union
to
all
posterity
:
And
that
they
shall
not
suffer
themselves
directly
nor
indirectly
,
by
whatsoever
combination
,
perswasion
or
terror
,
to
be
divided
&
withdrawne
from
this
belssed
union
and
conjunction
.
Now
what
bonde
more
strong
to
unite
and
keep
together
his
Majestie
's
Dominions
can
the
wit
of
Man
imagine
?
And
shall
not
the
owneing
and
prosecuting
of
this
Covenant
,
Appear
to
all
rational
persons
the
most
infallible
meane
to
effectuate
this
indissoluble
union
and
lasting
Conjunction
,
that
can
be
invented
?
CAP.
XIX
.
How
weakly
and
foolishly
the
Surveyer
defendeth
his
Majestie
's
Life
,
is
shewed
.
THe
surveyer
,
finding
how
poorly
he
had
defended
the
cause
now
mainly
controverted
.
viz.
The
unlawfulnesse
of
Peoples
defending
themselves
,
and
maintaining
their
Religion
against
manifest
and
intolerable
oppression
.
Cap.
2.
That
he
might
do
something
for
his
money
,
would
start
another
question
,
wherein
he
thought
he
should
do
his
Majsome
acceptable
piece
of
servicé
,
and
secure
his
life
,
when
all
came
to
all
:
Though
he
could
not
cudgil
with
his
railing
(
for
he
can
move
none
with
his
reason
)
the
People
into
a
stupide
,
and
irrational
subjection
,
so
that
let
the
King
rage
worse
then
ever
Nero
did
,
they
should
not
lift
a
hand
to
resist
and
withstand
him
;
He
thinks
he
shall
do
the
next
best
,
viz.
he
shall
fortify
his
Majestie
's
person
,
and
set
such
a
guard
of
impregnable
reasons
about
him
,
that
no
man
,
no
company
of
men
,
yea
no
judicatoure
,
shall
ever
approach
to
touch
his
sacred
person
,
or
to
spoile
him
of
his
life
;
a
guard
of
reasons
like
lyon
rampants
,
be-like
he
thought
them
,
more
invincible
and
saife
,
then
a
legion
of
the
most
valient
Champions
that
his
Majestie
's
kingdomes
can
aford
.
But
poor
man
,
he
may
dreame
that
such
armes
are
impenetrable
and
proof
,
because
they
are
the
best
in
his
armory
,
or
that
his
dull
head
could
hammer
out
:
But
no
man
of
reason
will
think
so
;
yea
all
who
know
that
belongeth
to
this
controversy
,
and
are
not
professed
adversaries
(
yea
and
the
most
ingenuous
of
them
too
)
will
upon
second
thoughts
be
forced
to
say
,
That
never
any
put
pen
to
paper
in
the
King's
quarrel
,
who
hath
so
foolishly
and
childishly
,
managed
that
disput
;
and
how
little
he
deserveth
thanks
(
let
be
a
reward
)
for
his
paines
,
such
as
are
sober
will
judge
,
when
they
consider
how
little
ground
,
he
had
to
move
such
a
question
now
,
seeing
the
wronging
of
the
King's
Person
or
his
just
authority
,
was
not
intended
by
those
worthies
who
arose
for
the
maintenance
of
Religion
;
as
such
of
them
who
were
publickly
put
to
death
,
did
openly
upon
the
scaffold
confesse
and
avow
;
and
consider
also
how
the
Author
of
Naphtaly
hath
been
miserably
misunderstood
by
him
.
It
is
not
our
purpose
,
nor
our
present
businesse
,
to
speak
unto
this
head
,
and
shew
for
what
causes
,
or
by
whom
kings
are
to
be
questioned
,
deposed
,
or
executed
:
Far
lesse
is
it
our
purpose
to
defend
the
taking
away
of
the
late
King's
life
,
though
this
railing
Pamphleter
thinks
to
fasten
this
upon
Naphtaly
.
And
therefore
we
might
palse
what
he
sayeth
to
this
purpose
,
Chap.
3.
Yet
as
in
the
preceeding
Chapter
,
we
have
shewed
how
ill
he
hath
maintained
the
union
and
conjunction
of
his
Majesties
Dominions
;
So
in
this
,
vve
shall
shovv
hovv
vveakly
he
hath
guarded
his
life
,
against
such
as
vvould
oppose
themselves
unto
him
,
in
this
question
.
But
first
,
vve
vvould
take
notice
vvhether
Napthtali
hath
given
him
such
ground
to
fasten
upon
him
the
justification
of
the
murther
of
the
late
King
,
as
he
allegeth
.
[
The
matter
(
sayes
the
Surveyer
)
in
dealing
with
Magistrates
(
according
to
Naphtali's
minde
)
rests
not
in
a
meer
resistence
of
them
by
meer
private
persons
,
but
goes
on
to
a
retaliating
and
revenging
upon
them
wrong
supposed
to
be
done
—
for
his
man
againe
jeers
at
the
Soveraigne
Powers
Privilege
,
and
Impunity
of
Divine
exemption
.
]
Ans.
Doth
this
man
know
what
he
writeth
?
Doth
Naphtaly
say
,
That
private
persons
may
revenge
wrongs
upon
the
Supream
Magistrate
,
because
he
jeers
at
such
as
plead
for
such
a
Privilege
and
impunity
unto
Soveraigne
Powers
,
as
will
exempt
them
from
all
tryal
and
punishment
,
both
of
God
and
Man
?
What
meaneth
he
else
by
this
impunity
of
divine
exemption
?
Then
he
tells
us
,
pag.
71
,
and
77.
That
Naphtaly
Pag.
29.
reflects
not
obscurely
upon
the
horrid
murther
of
our
late
Soveraigne
.
Let
us
hear
Naptaly's
words
,
then
shall
we
better
judge
,
[
And
as
these
inferiour
Princes
(
sayes
Naphtaly
,
Pag.
29.
)
Do
often
forget
their
subordination
to
the
most
High
in
their
unjust
commands
,
and
would
usurpe
his
throne
,
by
an
uncontrollable
Soveraignity
:
So
the
Lord
by
the
warrand
of
his
Word
and
approbation
of
his
providence
,
and
also
of
the
People
(
when
by
them
oppressed
,
but
by
himself
animated
&
strengthened
)
hath
declared
&
made
void
this
their
pretended
exemption
&
impunity
,
&
removed
the
carcasses
of
such
Kings
,
and
broken
their
scepter
:
amongst
which
precedents
,
the
instance
of
these
times
,
whereof
we
now
speak
,
is
worthily
recorded
,
and
deserveth
better
to
be
remembered
]
Now
Naphtali
is
speaking
of
what
fell
out
betwixt
the
year
1494.
and
the
year
1560.
in
that
place
,
and
makes
no
mention
of
what
fell
out
an
1560.
and
afterward
till
he
come
to
Pag.
31.
&c.
Sure
then
,
the
times
he
is
speaking
of
being
before
the
year
1560.
are
far
from
the
times
wherein
King
Charles
the
first
was
executed
.
But
sayes
he
,
there
was
no
such
thing
as
murthering
of
Kings
or
dethroning
of
them
,
at
that
time
,
Answ.
Yet
the
Lord
,
at
that
time
,
declared
and
made
void
the
pretended
exemption
and
Impunity
of
Princes
and
Soveraigne
Governours
,
by
removing
in
his
providence
their
carcasses
,
and
by
the
approbation
of
the
people
,
when
by
them
oppressed
,
&
by
himself
animated
,
breaking
their
scepter
;
as
vve
finde
was
done
to
the
Q.
Kegent
anno
1559.
when
she
was
by
the
People
,
the
Nobles
,
Barons
and
Burgesses
assembled
to
deliberate
upon
the
affaires
of
the
commonwealth
,
Octob.
20.
deposed
from
her
Regency
,
and
upon
the
ninth
of
I●n
the
next
yeer
,
God
removed
her
carcasse
by
death
,
so
that
the
land
was
no
more
troubled
with
her
.
Who
may
not
now
see
what
a
poor
ground
this
Railer
had
,
to
father
such
a
tenet
on
Naphtali
,
as
he
doth
?
And
what
advantage
the
King's
cause
hath
gotten
by
this
,
we
shall
novv
see
.
He
tels
us
Pag.
72.
[
That
most
of
the
venome
this
man
(
meaning
Naphtali
▪
)
hath
against
the
powers
ordained
of
God
,
he
hath
sucked
out
of
the
breasts
of
Lex
Rex
.
It
were
not
right
to
dig
up
all
the
pestilent
untruths
of
that
piece
,
set
forth
in
most
impertinent
and
sophistical
reasonings
,
mixt
with
infinite
humane
bitternesse
,
against
the
late
King
:
Only
as
it
were
to
be
wished
that
such
errours
,
might
be
buried
in
eternal
oblivion
;
so
it
is
to
be
regrated
that
too
too
many
of
the
Ministry
and
others
in
Scotland
have
been
poysoned
with
such
principles
,
and
the
same
not
being
very
like
to
be
suddenly
extirpat
,
the
more
need
have
the
powers
above
us
to
be
watchful
]
Ans.
The
author
of
Lex
Rex
and
of
Naphtaly
also
,
ascribe
as
much
to
the
powers
ordained
of
God
,
as
God's
word
will
allow
;
and
are
no
way
opposed
unto
them
,
but
only
unto
Tyranny
,
which
is
no
Ordinance
of
God
:
and
this
Man
rather
spitteth
venome
in
the
face
of
the
power
ordained
of
God
,
vvhen
he
goeth
about
to
patronize
and
defend
their
illegal
and
iniquous
exorbitances
,
as
if
these
were
the
ordinance
of
God
,
which
are
rather
the
ordinance
of
Satan
:
Sure
this
is
not
farr
from
blasphemy
,
to
call
such
courses
the
Ordinance
of
God
.
2.
He
hath
taken
a
short
cut
.
I
confesse
,
to
answere
that
unanswerable
book
Lex
Rex
.
To
say
,
that
it
is
full
of
pestilent
untruthes
,
set
forth
in
most
impertinent
and
sophistical
reasonings
.
Had
King
Charles
the
first
,
when
he
read
that
book
,
remembered
this
,
or
thought
upon
it
,
he
would
not
have
said
he
feared
(
as
is
reported
he
did
)
that
it
should
not
have
been
answered
.
But
what
Man
,
who
hath
not
denuded
himself
of
all
wit
and
reason
,
will
take
,
upon
this
perjured
Apostat's
word
,
these
Truthes
which
Lex
Rex
hath
demonstrated
(
&
which
this
Man
was
so
unable
to
answere
,
that
I
much
question
if
he
well
understood
many
of
them
,
or
if
his
lumpish
braine
could
discerne
betwixt
a
sophistical
reason
and
a
true
and
real
reason
)
to
be
untruthes
;
and
these
truthes
so
wholesome
and
useful
to
all
Republicks
,
and
necessary
to
be
knowne
and
wel
digested
by
all
who
consult
the
welfare
of
commonwealths
,
to
be
pestilent
untruthes
,
and
his
unanswerable
reasons
,
to
be
impertinent
and
sophistical
?
3.
I
am
sure
all
the
Cavaliers
,
and
the
Malignant
squade
would
have
thought
him
well
worth
his
gold
,
if
he
had
in
a
sober
rational
manner
discovered
the
impertinencies
and
sophistical
reasonings
in
that
book
,
which
yet
is
like
to
speak
after
it
is
burned
,
and
under
a
legal
restraint
,
though
he
should
have
spent
the
most
part
of
his
dayes
upon
it
;
it
may
be
,
the
Royal
cabal
would
have
thought
it
Dignum
opus
,
and
have
canonized
him
for
it
,
and
advised
the
King
of
Remember
the
issue
of
such
a
worthy
&
singular
pillar
of
the
tottering
throne
.
But
the
man
knew
how
far
his
stock
would
reach
,
and
that
all
the
gold
in
the
Kings
treasures
could
not
make
his
head
stronger
then
it
was
,
how
ever
it
might
superabundantly
fortify
his
purse
;
and
therefore
,
seing
his
short
horns
could
reach
no
further
,
his
Majesty
must
rest
satisfied
with
this
:
And
Lex
Rex
must
be
declared
,
as
it
is
,
to
be
furder
unanswereable
.
4.
Seing
he
wisheth
that
such
errours
might
be
buryed
in
oblivion
,
why
did
not
his
vvork
follovv
his
vvish
?
Why
did
he
dig
up
the
untruths
(
if
such
)
againe
,
when
he
was
not
able
to
bury
them
dead
nor
alive
?
Prudence
(
if
he
were
not
innocent
of
it
)
might
have
taught
him
silence
,
seing
he
knew
he
could
answere
no
better
.
5.
Such
as
have
received
these
principles
finde
them
more
wholesome
food
then
his
soure
leaven
.
6.
He
needs
not
stirr
up
the
Powers
to
more
cruelty
and
tyranny
then
already
they
exerce
,
neither
vvill
that
be
a
vvay
to
extirpate
these
principles
,
but
rather
a
way
to
root
them
more
deeply
in
the
heart
.
But
now
what
sayes
he
to
the
thing
.
He
tells
us
in
the
first
place
:
That
[
The
God
of
order
hath
in
all
humane
political
Societyes
appoynted
under
himself
a
supreame
power
,
whether
subjected
in
a
single
person
,
or
in
a
complex
company
,
which
orders
the
whole
body
,
having
nothing
before
or
above
it
,
in
the
nature
and
order
of
civil
authority
,
and
governs
all
in
the
society
,
and
is
governed
by
none
therein
:
to
say
that
a
person
is
chief
,
and
yet
hath
a
Superiour
or
equal
is
to
speak
contradictions
:
wise
men
have
said
,
that
a
multitude
of
Gods
is
the
nullity
of
Gods
,
and
multitude
of
infinites
so
called
makes
none
of
them
infinite
,
so
a
multitude
of
supreame
powers
in
one
civil
society
destroyes
divine
order
.
]
Answ.
1.
It
is
true
,
God
hath
appoynted
in
all
humane
political
societies
,
a
supream
power
.
But
I
suppose
,
the
Surveyer
will
grant
,
that
this
may
as
well
be
a
Parliament
,
as
the
King
,
and
what
hath
he
then
said
for
security
of
the
King's
life
,
by
this
argument
?
2.
What
ever
supream
power
,
whether
in
one
or
moe
persons
,
God
hath
appoynted
over
politick
societies
,
he
hath
done
it
by
the
People
;
and
so
the
People
,
who
make
and
set
up
,
under
God
,
these
supreame
povvers
,
are
above
these
supreame
powers
;
If
he
will
not
take
my
word
for
this
,
let
him
read
and
consider
how
it
is
proved
in
Lex
Rex
,
in
many
places
,
specially
quaes
;
t.
XIX
.
And
if
he
will
not
rest
satisfied
therewith
,
let
him
try
his
hand
,
And
answere
what
is
there
said
,
if
he
can
.
3.
Politicians
will
tell
him
that
the
King's
supremacy
of
power
,
is
only
in
respect
of
the
administration
,
and
execution
of
the
lawes
,
according
to
the
power
committed
unto
him
,
by
the
People
:
let
him
read
and
consider
well
Althusius
his
politicks
,
as
to
this
.
4.
And
so
,
though
in
respect
of
this
executive
administration
,
he
be
chief
,
and
governeth
all
:
yet
in
respect
of
the
royal
fountaine-povver
of
Government
,
the
People
are
above
him
,
because
they
give
this
out
to
him
,
and
may
,
in
cases
of
necessity
,
recal
it
,
and
give
it
to
another
;
So
that
still
they
reserve
a
fountaine-power
over
him
,
to
be
exerced
in
cases
of
necessity
:
and
therefore
,
there
is
no
contradiction
here
,
because
non
ad
idem
:
the
father
is
above
the
sone
,
and
yet
subject
to
him
,
if
he
be
a
judge
.
The
Emperour
is
above
the
prince
palatine
,
and
yet
in
some
cases
that
Prince●
is
his
judge
;
as
the
Tutor
hath
the
supreame
executive
power
,
and
the
pupil
can
not
act
without
him
;
Yet
in
case
of
male
administration
,
the
pupil
hath
a
power
to
call
him
to
a
account
.
But
finally
what
if
his
adversaries
should
say
,
that
the
King
is
not
that
Supreame
power
in
Scotland
,
but
that
a
Parliament
,
as
the
Peoples
Representatives
are
above
him
?
He
may
see
much
said
to
prove
this
in
Lex
Rex
,
and
in
the
Apologie
.
And
how
shall
he
be
able
to
confute
that
?
And
if
Parliaments
have
povver
to
depose
Princes
in
Scotland
(
as
hath
been
often
practised
)
hovv
hath
he
saved
the
King's
Scepter
and
Person
?
But
he
addeth
,
as
a
short
ansvvere
to
cut
all
off
that
is
said
,
[
A
chimaera
of
idle
distinctions
is
whelped
by
the
late
Masters
of
confusion
of
co-ordinate
and
collateral
Soveraignes
in
one
Kingdome
,
the
fountality
of
Royalty
in
the
People
(
resumable
at
their
pleasure
)
is
talked
of
,
also
Kings
and
People
there
being
mutual
Magistrates
to
punish
one
another
,
—
and
courts
of
necessity
and
tribunals
of
nature
,
where
People
are
judges
accusers
and
all
,
are
bigly
talked
of
;
but
these
are
only
cloaks
of
fig
leaves
to
cover
horrid
rebellion
&
disorder
.
]
Ans.
Every
thing
must
goe
for
a
new
whelped
Chimaera
,
which
this
blunt
head
cannot
understand
:
Can
he
confute
such
of
these
distinctions
as
Lex
Rex
maketh
use
of
?
Why
doth
he
it
not
then
?
How
doth
this
master
of
disorder
blow
avvay
these
figleaves
,
yea
or
discover
them
to
be
such
?
Is
this
the
vvay
he
takes
to
salve
his
Master's
life
?
By
his
calling
such
distinctions
Chimaeraes
and
figleaves
;
he
vvill
not
save
a
tyrannical
Magistrate
from
deposition
or
vvorse
,
by
that
povver
vvhich
is
cleared
by
these
distinctions
.
2.
As
for
these
courts
of
necessity
,
&c.
Royalists
must
grant
them
,
vvho
grant
povver
in
some
cases
to
People
to
resist
and
depose
Kings
,
viz.
vvhen
they
turne
habitual
tyrants
,
sell
the
Commonvvealth
and
the
like
:
and
in
such
cases
,
vvhen
the
Prince
doth
such
horrid
things
,
vvhich
himself
Pag.
24.
thinks
can
hardly
befal
a
Prince
in
his
natural
and
right
vvits
:
Hovv
shall
these
things
be
judged
,
if
he
allow
no
courts
,
but
the
ordinary
courts
of
justice
,
and
no
court
of
necessity
?
Ay
,
but
he
sayes
thereafter
[
That
it
is
certaine
Supreame
power
is
indivisible
and
incommunicable
to
distinct
subjects
,
in
any
one
political
Society
.
]
Though
the
supreame
executive
power
of
administration
be
so
,
either
in
one
,
called
a
Monarch
,
or
in
the
plurality
of
best
and
chiefest
,
as
in
Aristocracy
,
&c.
yet
the
fountaine
power
of
government
(
which
Lex
Rex
tells
him
is
distinct
from
the
power
of
governing
Pag.
50.
)
abides
intire
in
the
People
,
by
which
they
may
call
the
Governours
to
account
,
depose
them
,
and
set
up
others
to
execute
the
lawes
▪
2.
Grotius
will
tell
him
that
the
King
may
have
one
half
of
the
Soveraigne
power
,
and
the
Senate
or
Parliament
the
other
,
and
if
the
King
assume
that
part
which
is
not
his
,
he
may
be
resisted
,
where
is
then
the
indivisibility
or
incommunicability
of
this
power
,
which
he
talketh
of
?
Thinks
he
that
there
is
no
mixed
Monarchy
?
And
if
part
of
the
Soveraignity
belong
to
the
Parliamet
,
as
the
Peoples
Representatives
(
as
is
certaine
in
our
constitution
)
the
King
cannot
be
so
Supreame
as
he
would
have
him
.
Therefore
he
addeth
.
[
But
why
should
we
doubt
that
where
there
is
a
King
(
one
truely
so
)
his
Soveraignity
is
matchlesse
on
earth
,
when
the
Scripture
calls
him
supreame
.
1.
Pet.
2
:
ver.
13.
is
there
any
equal
to
the
Supream
,
in
order
of
civil
government
,
by
whom
he
is
judgeable
or
punishable
?
if
any
,
he
is
not
not
Supreame
not
the
government
Royal.
]
Answ.
This
Chimaerical
Man
gives
us
a
distinction
of
Kings
,
some
truely
so
and
some
falsly
so
:
And
what
,
and
who
are
these
?
It
is
like
the
King
of
Poland
and
the
Emperour
of
Germany
are
not
Kings
truely
so
,
as
he
said
,
because
forsooth
they
are
not
absolute
above
all
Law
and
coercion
.
But
what
if
more
learned
politicians
then
ever
he
was
,
say
,
that
such
are
most
truely
Kings
?
And
what
if
his
adversaries
say
and
prove
also
,
that
the
King
of
Britane
is
not
such
a
King
,
as
he
accounts
truly
so
?
His
saying
that
the
King
of
Britane
is
absolute
,
will
note
prove
that
he
is
so
,
and
will
be
found
but
a
weak
defence
for
his
life
,
if
he
be
not
able
to
prove
him
above
all
judgement
and
punishment
,
which
we
have
not
yet
seen
,
and
dispaire
to
see
,
done
.
2.
These
words
1.
Pet.
2
:
ver.
13.
may
be
as
well
rendered
,
The
King
as
supereminent
,
and
can
import
no
more
,
but
one
who
had
a
supreme
or
supereminent
place
in
the
administration
of
government
,
notwithstanding
whereof
he
might
be
&
was
accountable
to
the
Senat
of
Rome
:
for
learned
politicians
and
lawyers
prove
that
the
supreame
power
of
government
was
in
the
Senate
,
even
at
this
time
,
which
clearly
appeared
in
their
judging
and
condemning
Nero
,
and
other
impious
and
tyrannical
Emperours
.
So
that
even
hence
we
see
that
one
may
be
supreame
in
order
of
civil
government
,
and
yet
both
judgeable
and
punishable
.
3.
His
adversaries
will
not
much
care
how
he
call
that
government
,
Royal
or
not
;
and
whether
he
call
the
government
of
Britane
Royal
or
not
.
Names
in
these
matters
and
titles
,
which
goe
much
by
fashion
or
fancy
,
are
but
weak
arguments
;
and
he
will
never
be
able
to
stop
the
mouth
of
his
adversaries
,
who
would
plead
for
calling
King
Charles
to
account
and
for
judging
him
and
punishing
him
,
by
saying
he
is
a
King
,
and
the
government
is
a
Royal
government
,
they
would
account
these
but
thinne
wals
,
and
uselesse
cloaks
of
fig
leaves
to
preserve
and
defend
intolerable
tyranny
.
Hath
this
man
no
better
arguments
then
thise
wherewith
to
defend
his
Majestie
's
Royal
life
and
person
?
Or
hath
the
King
no
better
advocate
to
defend
his
cause
?
But
it
may
be
this
profound
Statist
will
speak
more
nervously
in
the
following
observations
.
Therefore
,
Let
us
hear
what
he
sayes
in
the
2
place
,
[
It
is
certane
(
sayes
he
)
no
man
can
be
judged
or
punished
but
by
his
owne
judge
,
who
is
above
him
,
and
hath
authority
over
him
,
by
lawful
commission
from
God
;
or
from
men
authorized
by
God
to
give
such
commission
,
now
who
shall
be
judge
to
these
invested
with
Soveraigne
Majesty
,
seing
Every
soul
under
them
is
commanded
to
be
subject
to
them
▪
Rom.
13
:
ver.
1.
and
seing
the
Supreame
Power
of
the
sword
is
committed
unto
them
,
and
not
to
others
,
but
by
deputation
and
in
dependence
upon
them
—
in
a
true
Monarchy
there
must
be
an
exemption
and
impunity
(
as
to
subjects
)
of
the
person
invested
with
Soveraignity
and
Majesty
:
God's
Law
,
Natures
Light
,
and
sound
reason
,
are
all
for
this
,
that
such
as
are
invested
with
Soveraigne
Majesty
,
having
the
legislative
power
;
the
jurisdictional
power
,
the
coërcive
and
punitive
power
originally
in
himself
,
must
enjoy
exemption
and
impunity
(
as
to
subjects
actings
against
them
)
the
contrary
tenet
overthrowes
the
order
of
God
And
Nature
,
and
precipitates
humane
societies
in
a
gulf
of
endlesse
confusions
.
]
Answ.
1.
Here
is
enough
to
satisfy
his
adversaries
:
For
1.
They
will
tell
him
,
that
he
hath
not
yet
proved
the
government
of
Britane
a
true
Monarchy
,
in
his
sense
;
and
so
he
but
begs
the
thing
in
question
here
.
2.
They
will
tell
him
,
that
the
King
hath
not
the
sole
legislative
power
,
nor
sole
jurisdictional
power
,
nor
sole
cöercive
and
punitive
power
;
far
lesse
,
all
these
solely
and
originally
in
himself
:
And
it
is
but
to
such
Soveraignes
that
he
pleads
for
this
exemption
&
impunity
.
Doth
not
his
Advocat
deserve
a
singular
reward
;
who
pleadeth
his
Master's
cause
so
dexterously
,
by
proving
an
uncertanty
,
by
that
which
is
more
uncertane
,
&
founding
all
upon
his
bare
word
?
A
noble
champion
forsooth
,
or
rather
a
Monster
,
whose
word
must
be
a
law
,
&
an
irrefragable
reason
too
.
Thus
it
seems
,
what
ever
power
he
give
to
the
King
there
is
the
Dictators
power
that
the
thinks
is
solely
in
himself
,
and
that
originally
:
but
for
all
this
he
hath
one
disadvantage
,
that
he
is
of
little
authority
and
of
as
little
credite
,
with
sober
rational
persons
.
2.
He
will
grant
that
such
Monarchies
,
as
he
accounts
only
true
,
are
not
every
where
,
no
not
where
there
are
persons
called
Kings
and
Emperours
:
How
cometh
it
then
that
the
order
of
God
and
nature
is
not
overthrowne
in
these
Dominions
and
Republicks
,
and
that
their
Societyes
are
not
precipitated
into
a
gulf
of
endlesse
confusions
?
Shall
nothing
preserve
the
order
of
God
and
nature
,
but
that
which
is
the
most
ready
mean
to
destroy
it
,
viz.
an
uncontrollable
power
in
one
Tyrant
,
to
destroy
all
his
Kingdome
,
Man
,
Wife
and
Childe
.
3.
Politicians
will
tell
him
,
that
the
Ephori
,
the
Parliament
are
his
judges
;
and
that
the
People
who
by
a
lawful
commission
from
God
made
him
King
and
authorized
him
,
are
above
him
and
have
authority
over
him
,
in
case
he
turne
a
Tyrant
and
pervert
the
ends
of
government
.
4.
Though
it
be
requisite
there
be
an
ordinary
standing
judge
to
cognosce
of
controversies
which
fall
out
betwixt
one
private
person
and
another
;
yet
it
is
not
alwayes
necessary
there
be
one
condescended
on
,
to
judge
betvvixt
the
Soveraigne
and
the
People
,
vvhen
the
controversy
falleth
out
betvvixt
them
,
more
then
that
there
should
be
a
standing
ordinary
judge
to
decide
controversies
falling
out
betvvixt
tvvo
distinct
and
independent
Kingdomes
.
5.
What
commission
from
Man
authorized
by
God
had
the
high
Priest
,
and
such
as
joyned
vvith
him
,
vvhen
they
deposed
and
killed
Athaliah
?
if
he
say
,
she
was
an
usurper
True
,
yet
she
possessed
the
place
six
years
peacably
without
molestation
;
and
who
was
judge
,
whether
she
was
an
usurper
or
not
?
Had
the
matter
been
referred
to
her
,
she
would
have
been
as
far
from
calling
herselfe
an
usurper
,
as
a
Tyrant
now
will
be
from
judging
himself
a
Tyrant
:
And
so
as
in
this
case
,
the
Tyrant
sine
titulo
had
a
judge
above
her
,
though
she
was
invested
with
Soveraigne
Majesty
,
so
in
the
other
case
,
The
Tyrant
exercitio
,
though
invested
with
Soveraigne
Majesty
,
hath
a
judge
above
him
.
6.
The
place
Rom.
13.
is
to
be
understood
(
as
was
shewed
above
)
of
inferiour
Magistrates
as
well
as
of
the
supreame
:
And
it
sayes
of
all
in
authority
,
that
such
as
are
under
them
should
be
subject
unto
them
,
In
so
far
as
they
are
subjects
unto
them
:
so
in
poynt
of
administration
of
justice
according
to
equity
,
all
are
subject
to
the
supreame
or
supereminent
governour
;
but
when
he
becometh
a
Tyrant
,
he
becometh
subject
unto
them
,
who
gave
him
that
power
,
and
set
him
up
,
under
God
.
7.
He
insinuats
that
inferiour
Magistrates
are
not
essential
Magistrates
,
but
deputation
from
and
in
dependence
upon
the
King
.
But
Lex
Rex
,
Quest.
20.
hath
by
many
cleare
and
unanswereable
arguments
evinced
the
contrary
.
In
the
third
place
he
citeth
some
sentences
of
Tertullian
,
calling
the
Emperours
second
unto
God
,
and
above
all
men
,
and
only
subject
unto
God
:
Of
Optatus
saying
,
that
none
are
above
them
but
God
.
And
of
Ierom
speaking
of
Psal.
51.
against
thee
thee
only
have
I
sinned
,
saying
that
David
spoke
so
because
he
feared
none
;
And
of
Ambrose
,
on
the
same
words
saying
,
that
he
was
King
,
and
under
no
Law
—
and
therefore
he
did
not
sin
against
man
.
]
But
all
this
is
no
purpose
:
For
1.
himself
will
grant
that
all
Kings
are
not
thus
exempted
,
and
his
adversaries
will
prove
the
King
of
Britane
one
of
these
limited
,
and
restricked
Kings
,
that
are
obnoxious
to
examination
,
and
punishment
;
and
these
sayings
cannot
prove
that
all
Kings
are
so
,
yea
or
ought
to
be
so
.
2.
Tertullian
,
to
vindicate
the
Christians
who
would
not
acknowledge
the
Emperour
to
be
God
,
and
to
shew
how
notwitstanding
they
respected
him
according
to
his
place
,
would
give
him
as
high
titles
as
he
could
,
though
not
out
of
flattery
,
and
so
make
him
the
highest
person
in
the
Empire
,
and
above
the
heathen
Gods
;
yet
he
did
not
set
him
above
all
the
People
in
their
Representative
the
Senate
,
or
if
the
did
,
the
Senate
proved
him
to
be
in
a
mistake
,
by
taking
course
with
several
of
these
leud
and
wicked
Tyrants
.
3.
David's
single
act
of
adultery
and
murther
were
no
such
acts
of
Tyranny
,
as
are
censurable
with
deposition
,
and
so
it
speaketh
not
to
the
case
.
4.
It
might
be
that
de
facto
he
did
not
fear
another
,
as
Ierome
sayes
.
But
that
will
not
say
,
that
David
might
have
destroyed
the
inheritance
of
the
Lord
without
controlle
,
or
that
other
Princes
are
,
or
should
be
,
exempted
from
restraint
and
punishment
,
if
they
turne
ingrained
and
habituated
Tyrants
.
5.
Himself
will
not
stand
to
what
Ambrose
sayes
,
for
he
addeth
immediatly
,
[
There
is
no
doubt
but
David
was
sensible
both
of
the
horrid
injury
he
had
done
to
Uriah
(
the
occasion
of
that
Psalm
)
and
of
the
scandal
he
had
given
to
God's
People
,
in
which
sense
,
he
might
be
well
said
to
sin
against
both
.
]
6.
The
words
of
the
text
vvill
not
beare
that
vveight
.
viz.
That
he
had
no
other
judge
but
God
,
or
that
(
as
Deodate
sayeth
)
he
was
exempted
from
all
punishment
of
men
,
&
was
obnoxious
to
no
humane
tribunals
;
but
as
other
commentators
say
,
the
words
are
to
be
taken
in
a
comparative
sense
,
that
this
was
the
greatest
aggravation
of
his
guilt
,
that
it
was
such
a
hainous
trasgression
,
in
his
sight
who
was
privy
to
it
,
however
he
did
conceale
it
from
all
others
,
so
far
as
he
could
:
see
the
Dutch
Annot.
on
the
palce
:
and
therefore
to
expresse
his
spiritual
sense
of
the
sin
commited
against
God
(
against
whom
properly
sin
as
sin
is
commited
)
he
useth
this
rhetorical
ingemination
:
And
if
the
words
should
have
imported
what
the
Surveyer
would
have
them
to
import
,
they
had
not
been
apposite
to
expresse
his
spiritual
grief
&
sense
of
the
hainousnesse
of
the
crime
commited
.
Then
he
tels
us
what
excellent
Mr
Calvin
sayeth
Instit.
Lib.
4.
cap.
20.
§
27.
and
31.
and
then
sayes
[
It
is
a
wonder
how
many
who
pretend
respect
to
Calvin
should
dar
to
violate
the
sacrosanct
Majesty
of
Kings
,
if
they
will
but
read
over
that
chapter
.
]
But
is
it
not
a
wonder
,
how
this
man
who
seemeth
to
have
read
over
that
chapter
and
particularly
§.
31
,
should
passe
by
what
worthy
Calvin
sayeth
in
the
end
of
that
section
,
or
should
have
so
little
respect
unto
that
worthy
man
(
whom
he
himself
accounts
to
be
worthy
of
respect
,
and
but
deservedly
)
as
to
plead
for
an
incontrollable
power
in
Kings
,
When
yet
famous
Calvin
tels
us
there
that
if
the
Ephori
or
States
of
Parliament
,
connive
at
the
King's
tyranny
,
and
suffer
him
to
oppresse
and
insult
over
the
poor
People
,
they
are
wickedly
perfidious
,
and
palpably
betraying
their
trust
.
Then
in
the
4
place
he
tels
us
[
That
it
is
not
denyed
,
that
the
King
is
bound
before
God
to
rule
his
People
according
to
the
Law
of
God
;
and
that
it
is
grosse
to
say
,
Regi
quicquid
libet
licet
.
]
This
is
good
,
but
what
then
?
What
if
he
deviate
?
[
We
maintai●●
(
sayes
he
)
that
as
sure
truth
That
impunity
(
as
from
subjects
)
necessarily
attends
Soveraignity
by
the
Law
of
God
,
reason
,
and
nature
:
For
no
man
can
be
judged
or
punished
but
by
a
judge
above
him
;
and
the
Supreame
hath
none
such
,
&c.
Answ.
But
Mr
Prelate
,
your
adversaries
will
maintaine
the
contrare
,
as
a
sure
truth
:
We
looked
for
a
fourth
proof
and
not
for
the
thing
in
question
,
or
a
repetition
of
what
is
said
:
The
same
thing
repeated
six
times
will
not
make
six
arguments
;
Mr
Bishope
give
a
new
proof
,
if
you
can
,
of
this
firme
truth
which
you
maintaine
?
We
maintaine
,
by
the
Law
of
God
,
Nature
,
and
Reason
,
No
man
hath
an
uncontrollable
power
to
destroy
millions
,
to
cut
off
the
heretage
of
the
Lord
,
to
destroy
his
Interest
:
And
we
have
shewed
our
grounds
for
this
.
2.
How
was
Athaltah
judged
?
And
what
a
judge
was
Iehu
?
3.
It
hath
been
told
him
,
that
the
supreame
governour
hath
a
supreame
power
above
him
:
The
power
of
the
People
that
made
him
Supreame
governour
,
is
above
him
,
and
can
depose
him
,
and
put
another
in
his
place
.
He
may
be
a
Supreame
governour
&
dispensator
,
and
yet
their
servant
,
accountable
unto
them
,
and
censurable
by
them
,
when
he
deviates
and
turnes
a
Tyrant
,
and
a
Wolfe
,
and
a
Tyger
.
When
one
King
wrongeth
another
,
that
other
will
both
judge
and
punish
him
,
if
he
be
able
,
and
yet
is
not
properly
a
judge
above
him
.
Much
more
may
the
Representative
of
the
People
;
who
set
him
up
and
impowered
him
,
both
judge
him
and
punish
him
.
But
the
good
man
thereafter
would
advise
Kings
not
to
abuse
this
inviolablenesse
,
but
so
much
the
more
to
fear
sadder
punishments
from
God
;
and
for
this
cause
would
have
them
reading
the
6
chapter
of
Apocryphal
Book
of
Wisdome
.
But
was
there
no
texts
in
all
the
divine
Word
of
God
,
that
he
would
put
into
the
King's
hand
to
read
,
that
he
must
send
him
to
the
Apocrypha
?
It
is
true
Kings
would
do
well
to
remember
that
they
have
a
God
above
them
,
who
will
not
be
mocked
,
but
will
bring
them
to
an
account
of
their
doings
,
though
they
should
escape
Mens
hands
:
and
to
the
end
they
may
be
put
in
remembrance
of
this
,
they
stand
in
need
of
other
monitors
,
then
the
Men
who
have
forgote
it
,
and
send
them
to
Apocrypha
to
finde
it
:
And
this
should
keep
them
within
the
boundaries
of
God's
Law
.
But
as
the
fear
of
punishment
from
Man
,
will
restraine
some
from
stealing
,
whom
the
fear
of
God
would
little
overawe
;
So
it
may
be
the
feare
of
punishment
from
Men
,
would
have
no
small
influence
to
make
some
Kings
walk
by
a
rule
.
And
Sub●rdi●a●a
non
pugnant
▪
He
would
do
well
to
minde
them
of
both
,
and
it
is
like
he
would
finde
that
more
effectual
to
suppresse
Tyranny
,
then
to
tell
them
,
that
their
sacred
persones
are
inviolable
as
to
Men
,
but
yet
they
would
do
well
to
read
the
6
chapter
of
Wisdome
.
He
cometh
Pag.
77.
to
speak
particularly
to
what
Naphtaly
said
,
and
alledgeth
that
[
It
is
most
falsly
and
wickedly
said
,
that
God's
providence
or
God's
Word
approves
the
murdering
or
deposing
of
Princes
by
Subjects
,
who
are
not
his
judges
:
And
what
his
word
approves
not
,
his
providence
doth
not
approve
:
To
say
that
God
animates
his
People
to
such
actions
,
is
blasphemy
,
albeit
he
extraordinarly
may
stir
up
the
spirits
of
some
to
actions
not
according
to
the
ordinary
rule
(
as
in
the
times
of
the
judges
)
but
they
were
sure
of
their
warrand
from
him
,
the
like
whereof
none
have
ground
to
waite
for
now
▪
]
Answer
.
Certainely
God's
Word
declareth
that
the
persons
of
Kings
(
how
sacred
soever
he
account
them
)
are
not
inviolable
,
when
it
threateneth
destruction
unto
them
,
whether
by
their
owne
Subjects
or
by
strangers
;
and
when
these
same
judgements
are
executed
,
his
providence
declares
that
they
are
not
uncontrollable
or
inviolable
.
2.
His
adversaryes
vvill
tell
him
,
that
the
deposeing
of
Tyrants
,
or
the
executing
of
justice
on
them
,
is
no
sinful
Murther
nor
sinful
deposeing
of
Princes
.
3.
If
he
had
once
proved
that
such
actions
as
these
,
vvere
horrid
and
sinful
,
then
he
might
say
that
it
vvere
blasphemy
to
say
,
that
God
animates
People
unto
them
.
4.
How
did
God
animate
Ieh●jada
and
these
vvith
him
,
to
depose
and
kill
Athaliah
?
To
say
she
vvas
an
usurpers
,
vvill
not
help
the
cause
:
for
he
vvill
not
have
usurpers
killed
by
the
Subjects
novv
,
seing
vve
have
no
ground
to
expect
such
an
expresse
vvarrand
to
rise
against
them
,
as
the
judges
had
;
and
yet
certanely
these
against
vvhom
the
judges
vvere
animated
,
vvere
Tyrants
vvithout
title
.
And
thus
we
see
this
Surveyer
out
stripeth
all
the
Royalists
,
that
ever
wrote
before
him
,
and
not
only
will
have
the
persons
of
lawful
princes
,
though
flagitious
and
tyrannous
,
sacred
and
inviolable
;
but
also
the
persones
of
the
most
manifest
usurpers
;
for
he
sayes
,
that
it
was
not
according
to
any
ordinary
rule
,
that
God
stirred
up
the
spirits
of
some
,
to
make
head
against
these
Tyrants
that
oppressed
the
people
of
God
,
in
the
dayes
of
the
judges
,
but
extraordinare
,
which
motions
we
have
no
ground
to
waite
for
now
.
And
so
this
advocate
cometh
at
last
,
to
plead
as
much
for
the
exemption
of
Cromwel
,
as
of
the
King
:
And
if
this
be
a
faithful
advocat
let
all
the
world
judge
,
and
let
the
author
of
the
pamphlet
intituled
Killing
no
Murther
rebuke
him
,
for
his
impertinency
and
ignorance
.
He
tels
us
thereafter
how
[
The
Apologist
labours
to
produce
many
instances
of
the
Parliaments
of
Scotland
punishing
Princes
for
their
enormities
,
all
which
he
setteth
forth
as
laudable
and
imitable
presidents
and
examples
.
]
Answ.
The
author
of
that
Apologetical
relation
driveth
at
no
such
designe
there
,
but
only
cleareth
thereby
,
that
the
Kings
of
Scotland
have
not
a
supremacy
above
Parliaments
;
but
that
rather
Parliaments
are
above
them
;
for
they
have
punished
them
.
He
addeth
[
The
most
that
all
of
them
amount
to
is
nothing
,
but
the
insurrection
of
Nobles
(
Proceres
as
Buchanan
calleth
them
)
against
the
Kings
,
and
violent
oppressions
of
such
of
them
,
as
have
been
flagitious
and
tyrannous-but
neither
Buchanan
,
Nor
this
Apolog
▪
can
produce
any
one
instance
of
our
lawful
Parliaments
or
Peoples
,
taking
on
them
in
a
judicial
way
,
in
cold
blood
,
aud
under
formes
of
processe
,
to
punish
or
destroy
their
Kings
.
]
Answ.
What
if
his
adversaries
shall
be
contented
with
a
shorter
processe
,
&
shall
supercede
many
formes
of
legality
,
which
use
to
be
followed
with
other
notorious
Malefactors
?
Is
not
this
a
brave
Goliah
that
cometh
out
to
defend
the
King
's
sacred
person
,
when
all
which
he
at
length
can
do
,
is
to
defend
him
,
from
being
adjudged
in
a
formal
mode
,
to
losse
his
head
and
his
Crowne
;
that
he
shall
not
be
called
publickly
(
as
other
Malefactors
are
)
to
the
judges
barr
,
and
there
be
impannelled
as
a
Tyrant
and
Traitor
to
God
and
the
Countrey
?
If
this
man
deserve
his
wages
,
let
wise
Men
judge
;
seing
all
know
that
there
is
greater
difficulty
in
taking
away
Tyrants
,
then
in
taking
away
other
Malefactors
:
And
that
hardly
can
such
a
legal
way
with
all
its
formalities
be
followed
with
them
,
which
is
followed
with
others
:
And
that
sometimes
,
some
Malefactors
,
though
they
were
never
Princes
,
must
be
sentenced
in
a
more
brief
manner
and
privately
also
,
and
yet
it
is
all
one
upon
the
matter
,
if
the
man
be
guilty
and
really
condemned
by
his
judges
.
And
so
it
is
all
one
,
if
a
Tyrant
be
adjudged
worthy
of
death
or
deposition
,
by
a
Parliament
the
Representatives
of
the
People
,
and
accordingly
cut
off
from
government
,
or
out
of
the
land
of
the
living
,
whether
it
be
done
by
a
publick
Messenger
,
with
sound
of
Trumpet
,
and
by
the
hand
of
a
publick
lictor
and
executioner
,
on
a
publick
scaffold
;
or
by
force
of
armes
,
vvhen
the
former
meanes
cannot
be
saifly
used
,
nor
so
securely
.
And
it
vvas
not
the
insurrection
of
nobles
as
such
,
but
as
proceres
and
primores
Regni
that
were
instanced
,
and
of
lawful
Parliaments
(
such
as
were
used
in
these
dayes
)
sentenceing
and
condemning
Kings
for
tyranny
,
and
other
misdemeanours
.
Let
him
read
the
History
of
these
times
written
by
Buchannan
and
Grafton
,
and
he
will
finde
it
so
;
particularly
,
let
him
see
and
consider
how
Ferlegus
was
adjudged
worthy
of
death
,
but
for
Fergusius
his
Father's
sake
,
was
only
imprisoned
;
and
thereafter
with
the
unanimous
consent
of
all
,
being
suspected
guilty
of
the
death
of
Feritharis
,
put
from
the
Crowne
:
see
why
Therëus
,
when
he
had
filled
the
land
with
robberies
,
fled
to
the
Britones
?
Was
it
not
because
the
Governours
had
a
minde
to
punish
him
?
Was
not
Even
the
3.
put
in
prison
?
Was
not
Dardan
,
for
his
wickednesse
and
blood
,
pursued
by
nobles
and
People
,
his
head
cut
off
,
his
corps
throwne
into
a
jacks
?
Luctatus
at
length
was
apprehenped
and
executed
.
His
sone
Conarus
in
face
of
Parliment
accused
,
apprehended
,
and
shut
up
into
a
hall
,
with
some
few
attendants
,
his
ill
counsellers
executed
and
a
Viceroy
chosen
till
the
People
should
meet
to
make
a
new
King
?
Were
not
the
Prim●res
Regni
about
to
have
deposed
Constantine
the
first
,
for
his
vices
,
had
not
Douglasse
disswaded
them
,
because
of
their
warres
with
the
Britons
and
Saxons
?
Was
not
Ferquard
the
52
King
summoned
to
compear
before
the
Parliament
,
and
because
he
refused
was
he
not
brought
to
judgment
against
his
will
,
and
accused
of
many
crimes
,
and
not
being
able
to
purge
himself
was
he
not
cast
into
prison
?
This
looks
like
an
act
and
execution
of
justice
done
in
cold
blood
under
forme
of
processe
,
So
did
the
Primores
Regni
intend
to
have
punished
Ferquard
the
second
,
had
not
Bishop
Colman
disswaded
them
.
Was
not
Eugenius
the
VIII
.
for
his
filthy
lusts
and
vices
,
covetousnesse
and
cruelty
,
slaine
by
the
general
consent
of
his
Lords
assembled
?
By
whom
,
and
for
what
was
Donald
the
70.
King
cast
into
prison
?
Who
forced
Ethus
brother
to
Constantine
the
II.
(
and
for
what
)
to
renunce
the
Kingdome
,
and
shut
him
up
in
prison
?
Was
not
Culenus
summoned
to
compeare
before
a
Parliament
at
Scone
?
Now
the
Surveyer
is
in
his
strength
,
and
disdaining
to
meddle
with
the
libeller
(
as
he
calleth
him
)
he
will
goe
and
reflect
upon
the
magazine
,
(
as
he
speaketh
)
to
Lex
Rex
,
who
Quaest.
26.
proveth
by
unanswerable
arguments
,
that
the
King
is
not
above
the
Law
;
but
this
Surveyer
for
all
his
big
words
dar
not
meddle
with
that
debate
;
but
quarrelleth
with
a
word
Pag.
241.
where
that
worthy
Author
is
answering
the
objection
of
that
Apostate
Prelate
Maxwel
the
Author
of
Sacrosancta
Regum
Majestas
,
stollen
from
Arnisaeus
;
which
was
this
,
[
Why
might
not
the
People
of
Israël
,
Peers
or
Sanhedrin
,
have
conveened
before
them
,
judged
or
punished
David
,
for
his
Adultery
and
Murther
.
]
Unto
which
he
answered
thus
,
[
He
taketh
it
for
confessed
,
that
it
had
been
treason
in
the
Sanhedrin
and
States
of
Israël
to
have
taken
on
them
to
judge
and
punish
David
,
for
his
Adultery
and
Murther
;
but
he
giveth
no
reason
for
this
,
nor
any
Word
of
God
;
and
truely
though
I
will
not
presume
to
goe
before
others
in
this
,
God's
Law
,
Gen.
9
:
ver.
6.
compared
with
,
Numb.
35
:
ver.
30
,
31.
seemeth
to
say
against
them
.
Nor
can
I
think
that
God's
Law
,
or
his
Deputy
the
judges
are
to
accept
the
persons
of
the
great
,
because
they
are
great
,
Deut.
1
:
ver.
17.
2
Chron
,
19
:
ver.
6
,
7.
aud
we
say
we
cannot
distinguish
,
where
the
Law
distinguisheth
not
.
The
Lord
speaketh
to
under
judges
,
Levit.
19
:
ver.
15.
Thou
shalt
not
respect
the
person
of
the
poor
,
nor
honour
the
person
of
the
mighty
,
or
of
the
Prince
,
for
we
know
what
these
names
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
meaneth
.
I
grant
it
is
not
God's
meaning
,
that
the
King
should
draw
the
sword
against
himself
;
but
yet
,
it
followeth
not
,
that
if
we
speak
of
the
demerite
of
blood
,
that
the
Law
of
God
accepteth
any
judge
,
great
or
small
.
And
if
the
Estates
be
above
the
King
▪
as
I
conceive
they
are
,
though
it
be
a
humane
politick
constitution
that
the
King
be
free
of
all
coaction
of
Law
,
because
it
conduceth
for
the
peace
of
the
commonwealth
;
yet
if
we
make
it
a
matter
of
conscience
,
for
my
part
,
I
see
no
exception
,
that
God
maketh
;
if
men
make
,
I
crave
leave
to
say
à
facto
adjus
non
sequitur
.
]
Thus
that
worthy
Author
;
and
could
he
have
uttered
his
judgment
more
spareingly
and
soberly
,
in
a
matter
that
was
not
of
great
Moment
to
the
question
in
hand
,
so
that
though
he
had
forborne
to
have
spoken
any
thing
to
this
at
all
,
his
cause
had
not
been
,
in
the
least
,
weakened
;
and
though
we
should
grant
that
the
Sanhedrin
could
not
have
judged
David
for
these
facts
(
which
yet
we
can
cannot
do
)
what
losse
shall
we
have
?
Seing
we
may
easily
grant
and
Lex
Rex
with
us
Pag.
243.
that
Tyranny
only
must
unking
a
Prince
;
and
these
acts
were
not
acts
of
Tyranny
,
and
what
shall
this
vaine
Surveyer
gaine
then
?
Why
would
he
not
examine
other
things
which
that
worthy
Author
sayd
,
more
apposite
to
the
cause
?
Will
not
wise
men
laugh
at
this
dealing
,
and
account
him
a
fool
in
the
first
magnitude
,
in
handleing
such
a
cause
,
which
so
nearly
concerneth
his
Majesties
life
,
after
such
a
manner
,
that
a
very
school-boy
may
smile
at
?
Then
he
addeth
,
[
So
Pag.
348
,
and
428
,
and
238.
and
often
elsewhere
,
he
(
that
is
Lex
Rex
)
will
have
the
Estates
executing
the
moral
Law
(
as
he
calls
it
)
on
the
King
,
and
punishing
him
,
and
why
?
because
he
sayes
most
thrasonically
,
Pag.
460.
I
have
unanswerably
proved
that
the
Kingdome
is
superior
to
the
King
,
and
the
People
may
be
their
owne
judge
in
the
tribunal
of
necessity
.
]
Answ.
Lex
Rex
in
two
at
least
of
these
pages
cited
,
speaketh
no
such
thing
,
and
if
this
Surveyer
were
not
more
windy
and
vaine
then
ever
Thraso
was
,
he
would
not
speak
so
of
that
Author
,
till
first
he
had
discovered
the
answereablenesse
of
these
arguments
,
which
neither
he
nor
any
of
his
complices
shall
ever
be
able
to
do
.
But
this
,
Epicompothrasibombomachides
will
force
a
beliefe
upon
the
world
,
that
with
this
very
adverb
thrasonical
,
diffavit
omnes
in
Castris
Gurgustodianis
,
and
cry
to
his
enchanted
fraternity
to
sing
Jo
pan
at
his
invention
.
But
what
sayes
he
to
all
this
?
[
1
(
sayes
he
)
what
should
he
meane
to
make
it
conduceable
to
the
peace
of
the
comm●nwealth
,
that
the
King
be
free
of
the
coaction
of
Law
;
and
yet
not
so
,
if
it
be
made
a
matter
of
conscience
;
is
the
preservation
of
the
peace
of
the
commonwealth
,
no
matter
of
conscience
to
him
?
Or
is
not
the
constitution
freeing
the
King
from
coaction
of
Law
(
for
that
end
)
warrantable
?
]
Ans.
Doth
not
this
ignoramus
know
that
a
question
of
this
nature
may
be
considered
and
answered
politically
and
theologically
:
And
that
many
things
may
be
tolerated
or
forborne
in
poynt
of
policy
,
upon
politick
grounds
and
ends
,
which
,
if
considered
stricto
Iure
,
according
to
conscience
,
should
not
be
forborne
,
nor
tolerated
.
David
in
point
of
policy
,
did
forbear
to
execute
the
Law
upon
the
Murtherer
Joab
,
whom
yet
in
poynt
of
conscience
,
he
accounted
a
man
of
death
,
and
therefore
recommended
the
execution
of
the
Law
of
God
,
unto
his
Son
Solomon
:
and
this
toleration
or
forbearance
may
be
lawfull
or
unlawful
,
according
to
the
weight
of
the
matter
tolerated
,
or
forborne
,
and
the
nature
and
weight
of
the
grounds
in
policy
,
upon
which
this
forbearance
is
determined
.
So
that
though
we
should
suppone
it
lawful
for
a
Commonwealth
to
enact
and
determine
in
Law
,
that
their
King
should
not
be
questioned
for
one
single
act
of
Murther
or
Adultery
,
as
other
persones
are
:
Yet
in
poynt
of
conscience
,
if
the
question
be
stated
in
thesi
,
whether
a
King
may
be
questioned
for
one
single
act
of
Murther
and
Adultery
,
as
another
private
person
,
it
may
be
answered
affirmatively
,
because
the
Law
of
God
,
makes
no
exception
of
persones
.
2.
It
may
be
made
a
matter
of
conscience
,
to
make
the
King
free
of
the
coaction
of
Law
,
in
some
small
and
inconsiderable
particulars
,
because
of
the
probable
hazard
into
which
the
Commonwealth
may
be
brought
by
coërcing
of
him
,
which
all
the
value
of
the
particular
anent
which
the
coaction
is
exerced
,
will
not
countervaile
.
But
it
will
never
be
allowed
,
in
poynt
of
conscience
,
to
make
him
free
of
all
coaction
of
Law
,
so
as
he
may
without
control
,
murther
millions
,
destroy
and
waste
Religion
:
For
that
were
not
conduceable
to
the
peace
of
the
Common-wealth
,
but
a
ready
way
to
destroy
all
:
So
that
a
constitution
freeing
the
King
from
all
coaction
of
Law
,
how
ever
pretended
for
the
preservation
of
the
peace
of
the
Common-wealth
,
can
never
be
warrandable
.
For
that
were
to
make
him
actu
primo
,
and
in
actu
signato
a
Tyger
,
a
Lyon
,
&
a
waster
of
the
Commonvvealth
;
&
if
his
good
Nature
should
incline
him
to
good
&
peaceable
things
;
yet
no
thanks
to
the
constitution
.
Whereas
he
would
make
his
reader
beleeve
that
the
Kings
of
the
jewes
were
under
no
coërtion
let
,
him
consider
what
Zuinglius
sayeth
explan.
art
.
42.
Tom.
1.
oper.
where
he
expresly
sayeth
.
[
That
the
Kings
of
the
jewes
and
others
,
when
they
dealt
perfidiously
,
contrare
to
the
law
of
God
,
might
be
lawfully
deposed
by
the
people
.
]
Yea
he
tells
us
,
that
whiles
wicked
princes
and
Kings
were
not
removed
,
all
the
people
were
punished
of
God
,
which
he
proveth
by
Ier.
15
:
1.
to
ver.
6.
and
a
little
thereafter
,
tels
us
that
[
if
the
children
of
Israel
had
thus
deposed
Manasseh
,
they
had
not
been
so
grievously
punished
with
him
.
]
Yea
Schikcardus
in
his
jus
regium
hebraorum
.
Cap.
2.
Theor.
7.
tells
us
Pag.
56.
57.
out
of
the
Rabbines
,
that
the
Kings
of
the
jewes
might
have
been
called
to
an
account
,
&
punished
for
transgressing
of
the
law
,
by
the
Sanhedrin
,
especially
if
they
took
moe
wives
,
and
moe
horses
then
vvere
allowed
,
and
heaped
up
riches
;
for
these
causes
,
he
proveth
Pag.
60.
out
of
Hal.
melach
.
c.
3.
§
.
4.
Halach
.
Sanhedr
.
cap.
19.
Talmud
cap.
Kohen
gadol
.
Siphri
pars
:
schoph
.
That
they
were
to
be
scourged
.
And
histories
show
us
,
How
this
Sanhedrin
,
even
in
their
weak
and
declineing
times
,
were
loth
to
quite
with
this
power
,
and
therefore
did
question
Herod
,
who
was
set
over
Galilee
by
the
Romans
,
for
some
murther
committed
by
him
,
see
the
history
set
forth
by
Iosephus
Antiq.
lib.
14.
c.
17.
And
if
any
should
object
that
Casaubon
ad
.
annal
Eccles.
exerc
.
13.
n.
5.
hath
proved
the
contrary
out
of
the
Talmud
.
The
forecited
learned
Shikchardus
.
Pag.
63.
64.
sheweth
out
of
the
very
places
cited
by
Casaubon
,
how
he
was
mistaken
,
and
how
the
Kings
of
David's
line
both
did
judge
,
and
were
judged
.
2.
(
Sayes
he
)
It
is
good
that
this
Metaphisical
Statist
was
no
Chief
Priest
or
member
of
the
Sanhedrin
in
Davids
time
;
for
he
would
have
afforded
a
corrupt
exposition
of
the
Law
to
cut
off
the
King
.
What
sots
were
the
Priests
&
Prophets
at
that
time
that
did
not
instigate
the
Sanhedrin
?
This
man
could
have
told
them
that
they
were
above
him
,
and
they
were
bound
to
execute
the
Law
upon
him
.
]
Answ.
It
was
good
that
this
superlatively
irrational
parasite
.
,
and
infraphysical
fooll
was
not
breathing
in
these
dayes
;
for
he
would
have
told
Kings
,
you
may
Kill
,
murther
,
massacre
,
destroy
all
the
land
,
Man
,
Wife
and
Childe
,
without
the
least
fear
of
resistance
;
and
have
told
the
People
,
the
Sanhedrin
,
and
all
the
Elders
of
Israel
,
though
your
Kings
turn
butchers
and
destroyers
of
the
People
of
God
,
worse
then
ever
Nimrod
or
any
that
ever
breathed
since
his
dayes
,
you
have
no
more
to
do
,
but
hold
up
your
throats
,
or
flee
to
the
uncircumcised
out
of
the
inheritance
of
the
Lord
.
But
what
sayes
all
this
to
the
thing
?
Doth
this
pove
that
David
or
any
King
was
excepted
in
the
Law
of
God
?
Where
,
In
what
chapter
,
or
what
verse
shall
we
finde
this
?
Good
Master
prelate
tell
us
,
or
where
we
shall
finde
it
in
your
book
of
wisdome
?
2.
We
finde
not
that
any
of
the
Priests
or
Prophets
reproved
David
for
spareing
Ioab
that
murtherer
,
who
shed
the
blood
of
war
in
peace
,
2
King
.
2
:
ver.
5.
was
it
therefore
right
in
David
to
have
spared
him
?
Sure
they
might
well
have
told
David
,
that
though
Ioab
was
a
great
man
,
yet
he
was
above
him
,
to
punish
him
as
well
as
another
Man
,
for
his
sin
;
and
in
poynt
of
conscience
,
and
by
God's
Law
he
was
bound
to
do
it
.
These
sinful
acts
of
Ioab
were
more
notoure
then
what
David
had
done
in
secret
:
And
because
we
finde
not
that
he
vvas
reproved
upon
this
account
,
shall
vve
therefore
use
this
Man's
dialect
;
and
say
,
What
's
sots
or
coldrife
senselesse
Men
were
the
Priests
and
the
Prophets
of
that
time
,
who
did
not
instigate
David
to
execute
the
Moral
Law
on
Ioab
,
that
wrath
might
be
turned
away
from
the
Land
?
3.
He
tels
us
,
that
the
author
of
Lex
Rex
[
Vtterly
mistakes
the
meaning
of
the
Word
of
God
,
Gen.
9
:
6.
(
as
for
the
other
texts
they
clearly
concerne
Magistrats
only
toward
such
over
whom
they
have
power
,
but
does
neither
instigate
the
inferiour
Magistrates
against
the
Superiour
,
nor
the
People
against
any
of
them
)
where
it
is
said
,
he
that
sheds
mans
blood
,
by
man
shall
his
blood
be
shed
.
]
Ans.
1.
The
author
of
Lex
Rex
doth
not
say
that
these
places
do
instigate
the
inferiour
Magistrats
against
the
superiour
,
nor
the
people
against
both
;
but
that
they
poynt
forth
the
Magistrate's
duty
to
judge
righteous
judgment
,
and
to
accept
no
Mans
person
,
be
he
a
Prince
,
or
be
he
a
poor
Man
.
And
if
they
concerne
Magistrates
toward
such
over
whom
they
have
power
,
The
author
of
Lex
Rex
seeketh
no
more
;
for
he
had
proved
,
(
and
this
vaine
windy
man
hath
not
the
head
,
though
he
want
not
a
heart
and
good
will
to
it
,
to
ansvvere
his
arguments
)
that
the
Estates
and
Representative
of
the
People
,
have
power
over
the
Prince
.
2.
It
is
a
hard
censure
to
say
that
he
hath
utterly
mistaken
the
meaning
of
Gen.
9
:
ver
.
6.
Let
us
hear
how
?
[
Concluding
hence
,
(
sayes
he
)
that
there
is
here
a
precept
that
the
blood
of
every
man
(
though
he
be
in
the
supreame
power
)
should
be
shed
by
his
inferiours
,
if
he
shed
blood
innocently
and
without
cause
.
]
Answ.
But
this
is
not
the
conclusion
that
Lex
Rex
draweth
from
the
place
,
He
only
sayeth
.
That
in
this
place
there
is
no
exception
made
of
the
Prince
,
though
he
be
the
Supreme
power
:
And
can
this
Man
for
all
his
skill
demonstrate
the
exception
?
Lex
Rex
said
not
that
his
blood
should
be
shed
by
his
inferiours
,
but
by
the
Estates
of
the
land
,
who
are
his
superiours
,
what
way
then
hath
he
mistaken
the
meaning
of
this
word
?
What
furder
[
Supposeing
(
says
he
)
this
word
not
only
to
be
predictional
—
but
also
diatactick
and
perceptive
,
there
must
be
meet
limitations
of
the
sentence
,
both
in
the
subject
and
attribute
]
Grants
all
,
what
limitations
will
he
have
in
the
subject
,
that
sheds
mans
blood
?
[
It
is
to
be
understood
(
says
he
)
only
of
such
as
have
no
authority
,
and
do
it
out
of
private
revenge
;
for
we
must
not
owne
the
fancies
of
Photinians
and
Anabaptists
that
condemne
lawful
warres
,
and
capital
punishments
.
]
Answ.
This
is
good
and
granted
,
for
we
say
that
even
the
King
,
when
murthering
unjustly
,
acteth
as
a
private
person
,
and
is
prompted
by
his
revenge
:
did
he
suppose
that
Lex
Rex
was
a
Photinian
or
Anabaptist
?
If
not
,
why
did
he
trouble
himself
with
this
?
But
what
sayes
he
to
that
which
he
cals
the
attribute
?
[
Certanely
(
sayes
he
)
taking
the
word
as
a
precept
,
It
is
not
meant
that
it
is
the
duty
of
every
man
or
any
man
indifferently
,
to
shed
the
blood
of
the
person
who
sheds
innocent
blood
;
but
of
the
Magistrate
who
is
judge
above
him
.
All
interpreters
are
agreed
,
that
here
is
(
if
not
the
institution
yet
)
the
approbation
of
the
office
of
the
civil
magistrate
.
]
Answ.
Did
the
author
of
Lex
Rex
say
that
it
was
the
duty
of
any
man
indifferently
,
to
punish
capitally
shedders
of
innocent
blood
?
said
he
any
thing
against
agreement
of
interpreters
concerning
the
institution
or
approbation
of
the
office
of
the
civil
Magistrates
?
Sure
when
he
said
,
and
elswhere
proved
,
that
the
Estates
of
the
Realme
were
above
the
King
,
he
fully
agreed
with
these
authors
,
touching
the
meaning
of
that
place
;
so
that
that
Surveyer
might
have
spared
his
paines
in
reciteing
their
words
,
for
he
sayes
nothing
against
what
either
Pareus
,
Pet.
Martyr
,
Musculus
,
Bezelius
,
Diodate
,
or
the
Chaldee
Paraphrase
say
.
Let
us
hear
how
he
applyeth
this
to
the
purpose
?
[
But
(
sayes
he
)
if
the
persons
invested
with
Supreme
power
of
the
sword
,
abuseing
their
power
become
guilty
of
shedding
innocent
hlood
,
who
(
in
that
society
where
of
they
are
heads
)
shall
judge
or
punish
them
?
who
is
superiour
over
the
supreme
to
punish
him
?
—
It
is
inexplicable
how
any
in
whom
the
Soveraigne
Majesty
,
&
Magistratical
power
resides
,
should
,
according
to
order
,
be
punished
by
subjects
.
]
Answ.
This
is
the
knot
of
all
,
but
it
is
nothing
else
than
what
we
have
heard
againe
and
againe
,
and
hath
been
spoken
to
already
.
But
yet
,
because
it
is
to
him
inexplicable
,
and
a
Gordian
Knot
,
let
us
see
if
we
can
loose
it
without
Alexander's
sword
.
He
will
grant
(
or
if
he
will
not
,
but
retract
what
he
hath
elswhere
granted
,
speaking
of
a
legal
resistence
,
all
the
lawyers
in
Scotland
will
grant
it
)
that
if
any
in
the
King's
name
shall
seek
to
dispossesse
a
Man
of
his
inheritance
,
the
man
may
defend
his
right
by
law
,
and
the
King
by
his
advocate
must
pleade
his
cause
before
the
ordinary
judges
;
and
these
ordinary
judges
,
must
judge
righteous
judgment
according
to
law
,
and
give
out
a
decreet
in
favours
of
the
subject
against
the
King
,
and
so
condemne
the
King
of
injury
and
oppression
intended
against
the
subject
:
Now
who
but
the
ordinary
judges
,
in
civil
Matters
,
are
judge
here
to
the
Supreme
?
&
yet
these
judges
,
in
another
respect
,
are
but
subjects
:
doth
he
not
now
see
how
such
as
are
meer
subjects
in
one
respect
,
may
judge
and
punish
him
who
is
invested
with
Soveraigne
Majesty
and
Magistratical
power
,
and
so
in
another
respect
are
above
him
.
And
what
if
I
say
,
that
as
,
in
civil
Matters
,
the
ordinary
judges
may
judge
the
King
,
so
the
justice
general
or
his
deputy
constitute
ordinare
judges
in
criminals
or
capitals
,
may
iudge
him
when
he
committeth
a
capital
crime
?
let
him
or
any
Man
else
shew
me
a
reason
,
why
the
one
should
be
,
and
the
other
may
not
be
,
in
poynt
of
conscience
.
But
if
we
speak
of
a
Parliament
the
Representatives
of
the
People
,
the
case
is
so
cleare
that
there
is
no
difficulty
;
for
that
is
a
judge
alwayes
above
him
,
and
so
even
according
to
his
limitations
,
if
the
King
shed
innocent
blood
,
by
them
may
his
blood
be
shed
.
Then
Pag.
81.
he
sayes
[
When
the
Apostle
Rom.
13.
sayes
let
every
soul
be
subject
to
Superiour
powers
,
that
(
every
soul
)
doth
not
comprehend
the
supreme
power
it self
(
for
how
can
the
Man
invested
with
it
,
be
subject
to
a
superiour
power
?
)
but
it
is
meant
that
every
soul
under
the
superiour
power
or
supreme
,
should
be
subject
to
it
.
]
Answ.
Yet
againe
the
same
thing
which
we
heard
before
.
Is
he
not
able
to
understand
this
,
how
one
who
is
supreme
,
in
one
respect
,
may
be
inferiour
,
in
another
respect
?
The
father
hath
a
Supreme
paternal
power
over
the
Son
,
yet
the
sone
,
being
a
judge
or
Prince
,
may
be
over
him
,
as
David
was
over
Iesse
,
and
Saul
over
Kish
.
But
(
sayes
he
)
Let
men
(
as
they
will
)
indulge
themselves
in
their
seditious
Notions
,
they
must
at
last
sist
in
some
supreame
power
on
Earth
which
is
not
judge
able
or
punishable
by
any
.
]
Answ.
Be
it
so
,
what
hath
he
gained
for
the
King
his
Master
?
Must
either
he
be
the
supreme
power
on
earth
which
is
not
judgeable
or
punishable
by
any
,
or
must
there
be
none
?
His
adversaries
will
soon
deny
the
consequence
:
And
he
,
let
him
indulge
himself
in
his
Tyrannical
Notions
,
as
much
as
he
will
,
shall
never
be
able
to
confirme
it
.
How
then
shall
he
defend
the
sacred
person
and
life
of
the
King
?
What
sayeth
he
further
?
[
If
soveraigne
Majesty
be
placed
in
Parliament
or
People
(
who
may
be
guilty
of
shedding
innocent
blood
,
as
well
as
the
King
)
who
shall
shed
their
blood
when
they
transgresse
?
Shall
this
be
reserved
to
the
sounder
and
smaller
part
of
the
People
(
as
this
Man
speaks
Pag.
240.
]
then
there
is
ground
enough
laid
for
Eternal
confusion
]
Answ.
The
Surveyer
either
subtilly
or
ignorantly
confounds
things
here
,
which
should
be
considered
distinctly
,
and
leadeth
his
unwarry
reader
off
the
way
:
Wherefore
we
would
have
the
Reader
(
though
all
this
is
nothing
to
the
purpose
in
hand
to
prove
the
King
uncontrollable
,
or
unpunishable
and
unjudgeable
for
any
of
his
acts
)
take
notice
of
these
few
things
which
will
help
to
cleare
the
matter
.
1.
That
there
is
a
not-judgeablenesse
(
to
speakso
)
and
not-punisheablenesse
de
facto
,
which
may
be
said
of
some
notorious
rebels
and
out-Lawes
,
whom
neither
Law
nor
power
of
authority
can
cöerce
,
and
there
is
a
non-punishablenesse
and
non-judgeablenesse
de
●ure
,
when
one
is
exeemed
from
Law-judgment
and
Law-sentence
,
so
that
he
is
above
all
tryal
and
sentence
of
Magistrates
:
Cases
may
fall
out
wherein
such
as
are
punishable
&
judgeable
de
Iure
,
according
to
an
ordinary
way
laid
downe
or
allowed
by
God
,
may
notwithstanding
be
unpunishable
and
not-judgeable
de
facto
,
either
through
corruption
prevailing
over
all
,
or
prevalency
of
power
in
the
punishable
person
or
persons
:
And
this
,
though
in
an
ordinary
way
irremediable
,
yet
speaks
not
against
the
Ordinance
and
appoyntment
of
God
and
Nature
.
2.
That
there
is
a
difference
betwixt
personal
faults
of
Governours
,
or
such
as
are
invested
with
authority
and
power
,
as
was
that
act
of
Murther
and
Adultery
in
David
;
and
publick
miscarriages
in
poynt
of
governm
.
&
in
exerceing
the
power
wherewith
they
are
invested
:
of
personal
faults
,
speaketh
Lex
Rex
in
the
place
now
under
consideration
;
and
upon
this
,
have
we
vindicated
that
worthy
Author
,
from
vvhat
this
perverter
of
all
things
hath
said
.
But
here
he
mixeth
these
,
and
confoundeth
them
,
that
according
to
his
vvay
,
he
may
pervert
the
truth
.
3.
There
is
a
difference
betvvixt
simple
acts
of
male-administration
in
lesser
matters
;
and
betvvixt
such
acts
of
male-administration
,
as
pervert
the
ends
of
government
.
4.
There
is
a
difference
betwixt
palpable
,
cleare
,
and
undenyable
miscarriages
;
and
betvvixt
such
as
are
not
so
cleare
nor
unquestionable
.
5.
There
is
a
difference
to
be
made
betvvixt
ordinary
standing
cases
;
and
an
extraordinary
emergent
:
in
an
extraordinary
case
,
vvhile
the
disease
is
desperate
,
a
desperat-like
and
extraordinary
remedy
may
be
used
without
overturning
the
ordinary
way
,
which
is
to
be
used
in
ordinary
cases
,
These
things
will
help
us
to
nnravel
his
confused
discourse
.
And
so
we
Answere
.
1.
If
Parliament-members
or
privat
persons
among
the
People
shed
innocent
blood
it
is
no
difficulty
to
know
who
should
judge
them
.
2.
If
a
Parliament
as
the
Peoples
Representatives
Murder
the
innocent
,
I
see
not
why
they
may
not
be
called
to
an
account
by
a
posterior
Parliament
,
as
when
a
beanch
of
judges
in
civil
matters
,
conspire
together
to
oppresse
,
by
their
unlavvful
and
unjust
decreets
,
palpably
such
and
not
our
to
all
;
vvhen
they
are
deposed
and
others
put
in
their
places
,
the
oppressed
may
get
his
cause
righted
,
and
reparation
of
dammage
of
them
:
Or
vvhen
a
justice
generall
manifestly
&
palpably
murdereth
the
innocent
,
he
may
be
made
to
ansvvere
before
another
put
in
his
place
:
if
this
may
be
done
(
as
I
judge
in
poynt
of
conscience
it
may
)
so
may
the
other
be
done
with
Parliaments
.
3.
If
Parliaments
conspire
to
overturne
Religion
,
Lavves
,
Liberties
,
and
thus
destroy
the
Republick
,
I
judge
vvith
L.
R.
Pag.
240.
that
the
sounder
part
,
if
they
be
able
,
may
resist
and
hinder
,
so
far
as
they
can
,
that
destruction
and
ruine
of
the
Republick
.
Neither
ever
shall
he
prove
that
this
is
a
ground
for
Eternal
confusion
:
O
sayes
he
,
[
Any
lesser
part
,
when
they
have
or
think
they
have
will
and
s●rengh
enough
to
through
their
businesse
,
will
undoubtedly
call
themselves
the
sounder
part
,
and
labour
to
beare
downe
the
corrupt
plurality
.
]
Answ.
This
remedy
to
prevent
destruction
and
ruine
to
the
Common-wealth
,
may
be
of
the
Lord
,
though
it
should
be
abused
by
sinful
men
;
for
the
best
thing
may
be
abused
:
And
it
is
not
the
meane
allowed
by
God
and
Nature
which
layeth
a
ground
for
eternal
confusion
;
but
the
abuse
of
the
meane
maintained
,
whereof
we
are
not
guilty
.
But
we
have
had
abundance
of
such
rotten
consequences
from
him
,
who
knoweth
better
what
it
is
to
deceive
the
simple
with
sophistications
,
then
to
satisfy
the
judicious
with
solid
reasons
.
Then
he
addeth
,
[
But
the
Christian
Reader
may
easily
see
how
hard
this
Author
is
put
to
it
;
and
for
all
his
saying
that
according
to
God's
Law
,
Kings
must
be
punished
as
well
as
others
,
yet
is
he
forced
to
acknowledg
a
Supremacy
of
power
in
some
,
not
punishable
by
any
but
by
God
.
]
Ans:
This
is
but
what
we
heard
just
now
,
and
whether
true
or
false
,
it
helpeth
him
nothing
:
Have
that
Supremacy
of
power
,
which
is
not
punishable
by
any
but
by
God
,
who
will
,
if
the
King
have
it
not
,
the
King's
life
is
not
secured
:
And
if
he
say
,
if
any
have
it
the
King
must
have
it
.
True
,
if
this
rotten
malignant
and
parasitical
ignoramus
can
make
no
bad
inferences
;
but
he
hath
already
so
often
discovered
vanity
in
this
way
of
argueing
,
that
we
cannot
account
him
infallible
:
And
therefore
let
him
prove
his
consequence
;
for
we
know
him
better
then
to
take
any
thing
from
him
upon
trust
.
Well
,
what
way
doth
he
clear
this
,
of
Lex
Rex
?
[
For
(
sayes
he
)
Pag.
389.
when
he
hath
given
all
power
to
the
Parliament
over
the
King
,
he
objecteth
to
himself
;
who
shall
punish
and
coërce
the
Parliament
,
in
case
of
exorbitance
:
He
answeres
,
posterior
Parliaments
,
and
Pag.
211.
he
sayeth
,
by
the
people
and
conscience
of
the
people
are
they
to
be
judged
,
let
all
our
Nobles
and
Parliaments
hearken
to
this
.
]
Answ.
In
the
first
place
cited
,
Lex
Rex
is
not
speaking
of
Parliaments
power
over
the
King
(
as
this
squint-eyed
Surveyer
thinketh
,
)
but
is
handling
that
question
whether
or
not
Monarcy
is
the
best
of
governments
?
And
is
shevving
in
vvhat
respects
it
is
best
,
and
in
vvhat
respects
it
is
vvorste
;
and
shevveth
hovv
a
mixt
Monarchy
is
best
;
and
then
ansvvereth
some
objections
:
And
to
that
vvhich
some
might
object
,
That
Parliaments
might
exceed
their
bounds
,
and
who
should
coërce
them
?
He
ansvvered
,
That
posteriour
Parliaments
might
do
it
;
and
so
there
vvas
a
salvo
in
that
mixture
of
governmemt
2.
In
the
other
place
he
is
shevving
vvhat
relation
the
King
hath
to
the
Lavv
,
and
that
he
is
not
the
sole
Lavv
maker
,
nor
sole
supreme
judge
:
And
ansvvereth
that
objection
,
That
the
three
Estates
as
men
and
looking
to
their
owne
ends
,
not
to
Law
and
the
publick
good
,
are
not
fundamentalls
,
&
are
to
be
judged
by
the
King
.
viz.
That
they
are
to
be
judged
by
the
people
and
the
conscience
of
the
people
.
Why
calleth
●e
the
Nobles
and
Parliaments
to
hearken
to
this
?
What
abs●●dity
inn
reason
is
here
?
[
Who
ever
head
of
this
(
sayes
he
)
that
one
Parliament
posteriour
should
punish
the
prior
?
Their
acts
they
may
retract
indeed
,
but
to
punish
them
for
their
acts
,
is
most
absurd
,
because
the
prior
Parliament
in
the
capacity
of
that
judicatory
,
had
as
much
povver
as
the
posterior
.
States
men
vvill
vvonder
at
this
doctrine
,
that
Members
of
a
Parliament
should
be
punished
for
their
free
votes
,
by
a
succeeding
Parliament
,
and
far
more
at
the
subjecting
them
to
the
conscience
of
the
People
.
]
Answ.
1.
It
is
no
small
punishment
and
cöercion
to
a
Parliament
,
to
have
all
their
designes
,
consultations
,
and
conclusions
overturned
,
which
may
be
done
by
posteriour
Parliaments
2.
If
Parliaments
,
by
their
free
votes
,
sell
Religion
,
and
the
Liberties
of
the
land
unto
the
Turk
,
and
so
destroy
the
same
,
and
betray
their
Trust
,
I
see
not
vvhy
they
ought
not
be
punished
for
their
paines
.
If
they
should
enact
and
put
to
execution
the
act
,
vvhen
made
;
That
all
vvho
vvill
not
bovv
and
burn
incense
to
an
idol
should
be
brunt
quick
,
I
see
not
,
vvhy
they
may
not
by
a
posteriour
Parliament
be
questioned
and
punished
for
that
innocent
blood
vvhich
they
have
shed
.
3.
His
reason
to
the
contrary
,
is
not
good
;
for
they
never
had
povver
or
commission
for
overturning
the
ends
of
government
,
and
destroying
the
Commonvvealth
:
if
the
Magistrates
of
a
Brugh
betray
their
trust
,
dilapidate
the
rents
and
revenues
of
the
city
,
sell
and
dispone
the
rights
and
privileges
thereof
,
may
not
the
succeeding
Magistrates
call
them
to
an
account
for
that
,
notvvithstanding
that
in
the
capacity
of
that
judicatory
,
they
had
as
much
povver
(
if
any
)
as
the
posteriour
4.
Wonder
at
it
vvho
vvil
,
that
vvhich
is
right
is
right
:
and
it
is
consonant
to
equity
,
that
the
consciences
of
the
People
be
so
far
judges
of
vvhat
is
done
by
their
Representatives
,
as
not
to
suffer
them
,
in
their
name
,
and
by
any
povver
borrovved
from
them
,
to
destroy
the
Commonwealth
and
to
overturne
the
fundations
of
Religion
and
Liberty
,
&c.
[
But
then
(
sayes
he
)
another
objection
he
makes
posteriour
Parliaments
and
People
both
may
erre
.
He
ansvveres
,
All
that
is
true
:
God
only
must
remede
that
.
]
What
can
he
make
of
this
?
[
Well
then
(
sayes
he
)
if
Parliaments
or
People
destroy
or
murther
persons
innocently
,
God
only
must
remeed
that
;
there
is
no
povver
on
Earth
to
call
them
to
an
account
:
Who
sees
not
that
at
length
the
author
is
driven
to
acknowledge
a
power
,
which
if
it
deviate
cannot
be
judged
by
any
on
earth
.
]
Answ.
Lex
Rex
is
not
there
speaking
of
particular
acts
of
injustice
Or
iniquity
;
but
of
the
whole
ends
of
government
:
And
so
if
Parliaments
and
People
concurre
and
joyne
together
to
overturne
all
,
the
world
sees
that
there
is
no
remedy
on
Earth
:
Neither
needed
he
to
say
that
he
was
driven
to
this
,
seing
it
was
so
obvious
to
all
who
have
eyes
in
their
head
.
Though
God
hath
appoynted
meanes
&
ordinary
rules
to
help
abuses
that
are
ordinary
;
yet
when
corruption
is
universal
the
ordinary
meanes
cannot
availe
,
God
himself
must
helpe
that
:
&
who
knoweth
not
that
extraordinary
supposeable
cases
cannot
infringe
,
or
invalidate
the
ordinary
rules
for
ordinary
cases
.
Now
all
this
is
but
vaine
idle
worke
,
and
of
no
advantage
to
his
cause
;
for
he
shall
never
hence
prove
though
he
should
argue
till
his
eyestrings
break
,
that
this
Soveraigne
uncontrolable
power
,
which
is
not
censureable
nor
punishable
,
is
only
in
the
King
:
And
if
he
do
not
this
,
how
stops
he
the
Mouth
of
his
adversaries
?
Hovv
salves
he
his
Majestie
's
life
,
or
the
King
from
all
hazard
of
censure
?
But
then
he
adds
to
as
little
purpose
,
That
[
It
may
be
seen
that
his
principles
lead
him
to
owne
a
meer
democracy
(
which
is
the
worst
of
governments
)
as
the
only
lawful
government
:
he
placeth
and
fixeth
the
unpunishable
soveraignity
there
.
]
Answ.
This
is
a
grosse
mistake
:
For
this
Man
understands
not
what
a
democracy
is
.
He
takes
democracy
to
be
where
all
governe
:
But
that
is
no
government
,
where
there
is
none
to
be
governed
,
but
all
are
governours
.
Democracy
is
where
some
are
chosen
out
of
all
the
People
by
turnes
,
without
respect
had
to
birth
,
meanes
or
other
privileges
,
to
governe
the
rest
.
And
Lex
Rex
will
not
say
that
these
governours
have
an
uncontrollable
soveveraignity
,
but
may
be
opposed
&
resisted
,
by
the
body
of
the
People
who
choose
them
,
as
well
as
the
King
in
a
Monarchy
,
or
the
Primores
Regni
in
an
Aristocracy
;
because
under
all
speces
of
governments
,
the
fountaine
power
and
Majesty
abides
in
the
People
,
and
is
resumeable
,
in
cases
of
necessity
.
Thus
we
have
seen
how
poorly
and
weakly
this
vaine
man
hath
maintained
the
King's
life
and
sacred
person
,
and
how
by
his
foolish
sophistications
,
and
his
weake
and
impertinent
answers
and
assertions
,
he
hath
put
the
King's
life
in
greater
hazard
then
it
was
;
for
these
poor
people
never
had
a
thought
of
wronging
his
Majestie
's
person
,
or
of
spoyling
him
of
his
life
,
but
now
vvhen
he
hath
started
the
question
without
any
provocation
or
just
ground
and
occasion
given
;
and
can
say
no
more
then
he
here
hath
sayd
for
that
cause
,
hath
he
not
invited
people
to
think
of
what
they
might
do
?
And
I
am
sure
if
they
have
no
other
restraint
to
binde
up
their
hands
,
all
which
he
hath
said
,
will
be
but
like
the
new
ropes
to
Sampson
.
That
which
followeth
in
his
third
Chapter
touching
the
Covenants
betwixt
King
and
People
,
is
impertinent
to
his
present
purpose
:
For
Naphtaly
maketh
use
of
these
to
prove
the
lawfulnesse
of
resistence
,
as
may
be
seen
Pag.
19
,
and
30.
and
for
that
end
,
we
have
vindicated
them
in
our
former
discourse
from
all
his
corrupt
glosses
and
evasions
.
And
wise
Men
will
think
him
so
far
from
deserving
a
reward
,
for
what
he
hath
done
,
that
they
will
think
he
rather
deserveth
to
be
whipped
,
for
his
mismanageing
this
question
of
so
great
consequence
,
which
he
undertook
to
defend
;
and
particularly
for
bringing
the
arguments
,
which
are
adduced
to
evince
the
lawfulnesse
of
resistence
,
as
if
they
did
with
equal
force
strick
against
his
Majestie
's
life
and
person
;
whereas
many
will
be
cleare
for
resisting
,
that
will
not
be
so
cleare
for
punishing
or
executing
the
Prince
:
and
since
by
his
folly
,
and
imprudent
impertinency
,
making
the
same
arguments
prove
both
,
people
shall
see
that
by
what
right
they
may
resist
,
by
the
same
right
they
may
capitally
punish
the
Prince
,
they
will
be
so
far
from
being
scarred
form
resistence
,
which
natures
light
doth
so
evidentlly
demonstrate
to
be
lawful
and
necessary
;
that
they
will
be
more
emboldened
thereunto
,
perceiving
how
they
may
do
more
,
which
possibly
would
never
else
have
come
into
their
minde
:
and
sure
all
which
Naphtaly
hath
said
,
could
not
have
suggested
such
a
thing
unto
them
,
or
occasioned
their
thoughts
thereabout
,
as
impartial
Readers
will
judge
.
If
any
aske
what
he
hath
left
undone
for
secueing
his
Majestie
's
person
and
life
?
I
am
sure
to
name
no
moe
he
hath
forgotten
one
thing
,
and
that
is
,
the
pressing
of
the
Solemne
League
and
Covenant
on
the
People
;
but
knowing
what
he
hath
both
said
and
done
against
this
,
he
thought
he
could
not
fairely
retract
and
condemne
his
owne
tongue
and
actions
;
yet
if
he
think
himself
obliged
to
venture
his
life
for
the
life
of
his
Majesty
,
he
might
have
also
thought
it
his
duty
,
to
take
shame
to
himself
,
to
repent
of
what
he
had
done
,
and
recant
what
he
had
said
,
for
the
secureing
of
his
Majestie
's
life
and
person
.
Now
that
the
pressing
of
this
Covenant
upon
the
People
,
would
be
a
soveraigne
remedy
to
preserve
his
Majestie
's
life
,
his
Majestie
's
Royal
father
knew
it
,
when
being
in
the
isle
of
Wight
,
&
fearing
that
violence
should
have
been
done
unto
him
by
these
in
whose
custody
he
was
,
he
sent
for
Mr.
Ieremiah
French
minister
of
that
place
to
which
Carisbrook
castle
belonged
,
and
desired
him
to
preach
the
Covenant
and
presse
it
upon
the
People
,
that
thereby
they
might
be
engaged
to
rescue
him
,
in
case
any
such
thing
should
be
attempted
by
that
part
of
the
army
:
See
for
this
the
postscript
to
the
Covenanters
Plea
.
And
sure
I
am
,
if
his
Majesty
would
(
as
I
said
before
)
faithfully
minde
this
Covenant
,
and
cause
the
People
stand
to
it
,
form
the
highest
to
the
lowest
,
he
would
finde
,
that
there
could
not
be
a
more
effectual
meane
imagined
,
for
secureing
his
person
,
then
that
would
be
.
If
he
would
faithfully
owne
,
and
according
to
his
power
lay
out
himself
,
for
setling
and
secureing
the
maine
things
contained
in
that
Covenant
,
and
walk
in
that
due
subordination
unto
the
Supreame
governour
of
heaven
and
earth
;
The
very
conscience
of
these
great
and
maine
things
,
would
presse
a
conscientious
respect
to
,
and
a
faithfull
care
of
his
Majestie
's
person
,
in
reference
to
these
great
Ends.
Which
would
prove
more
effectual
for
this
end
,
then
volumes
of
railing
sophistications
,
which
this
perjured
,
Prophane
and
malignant
Prelate
and
anticovenanter
could
write
and
send
abroad
.
CAP.
XX.
The
Surveyer's
discourse
concerning
the
fact
of
Phineas
examined
.
THE
Surveyer
being
good
at
weaving
Spiders
webs
,
whereby
he
would
catch
flees
,
but
is
not
able
to
hold
stronger
bodyes
,
spends
a
whole
Chapter
on
a
discourse
in
Naphtaly
,
obiter
cast
in
,
rather
to
prevent
an
objection
,
by
shewing
what
difficultyes
such
behoved
to
meet
with
and
roll
our
of
his
way
,
who
would
assert
the
utter
unimitablenesse
of
the
fact
of
Phineas
,
in
executing
judgm
.
on
the
Israelitish
Prince
and
his
Midianitish
whore
,
to
stay
the
plague
and
Judgment
of
God
,
which
was
broken
out
on
the
whole
congregation
,
because
of
their
defection
to
Midianitish
whoredome
and
idolatry
;
then
to
assert
any
thing
positively
thereanent
:
&
because
any
who
considereth
the
place
,
&
seeth
how
little
is
there
positively
asserted
,
&
how
much
is
set
foorth
rather
problematickly
,
and
by
way
of
doubt
,
will
easily
perceive
that
the
Author's
scope
▪
was
not
such
as
this
perverse
scribler
giveth
it
out
to
be
,
we
might
let
it
passe
,
especially
seing
our
cause
doth
not
hang
thereupon
,
but
may
stand
,
whatever
be
said
of
that
passage
;
yet
lest
this
Surveyer
should
glory
Without
ground
,
and
become
too
too
wise
in
his
owne
eyes
,
we
must
discover
his
folly
in
this
his
interprise
.
Though
he
hath
been
at
much
Paines
in
this
businesse
,
probably
because
it
was
his
owne
particular
,
to
prevent
,
if
he
could
,
another
shot
,
Which
might
come
as
near
to
his
heart
,
as
the
last
came
to
his
hand
,
though
not
intentionally
,
but
per
accidens
because
of
ill
company
;
yet
,
lest
he
should
think
that
vve
Were
stiring
up
any
to
the
like
interprise
,
vvhether
against
him
,
or
any
of
his
perjured
fraternity
,
vvhom
vve
look
upon
as
far
belovv
the
indignation
of
any
heroik
person
,
vve
shall
not
insist
on
this
,
as
vve
have
done
on
vvhat
he
hath
said
in
the
foregoing
Chapters
,
but
shall
cursorily
run
over
vvhat
he
sayeth
to
this
purpose
.
We
grant
that
every
man
should
walke
in
his
owne
calling
with
God
,
1
Cor
7
:
ver.
20.
and
study
to
be
quyet
and
do
his
owne
businesse
,
1
Thess
4
:
ver.
11.
But
when
He
and
his
Party
have
perfidiously
forsaken
their
calling
,
and
have
not
loved
the
honour
to
be
quyet
to
do
their
owne
businesse
,
but
have
ambitiously
usurped
the
honour
and
dignity
of
abjured
prelacy
,
and
become
Lords
and
Councellers
and
Parliament-men
,
and
thereby
brought
the
wrath
of
God
upon
the
land
,
for
our
defection
and
Apostasy
,
and
are
persecuting
all
who
will
not
hold
them
in
their
saddle
,
and
bear
up
their
rideing
mantles
,
to
the
wronging
of
their
owne
souls
and
consciences
;
other
persons
must
minde
their
general
calling
as
Christians
and
good
Countreymen
,
and
endeavour
an
averting
of
the
wrath
of
God
,
and
a
setting
on
foot
againe
a
work
of
reformation
according
to
their
power
:
Ay
but
sayes
he
,
[
Satan
can
drive
men
under
several
colours
of
extreme
necessity
,
lawfulnesse
of
the
matter
of
actions
,
the
goodnesse
of
ends
and
intentions
,
the
want
of
others
to
do
the
work
,
and
mens
owne
probable
capacity
to
do
it
?
to
act
such
things
,
whereof
God
will
say
I
never
required
them
at
your
hands
.
]
Answ.
This
is
true
,
but
what
will
he
hence
prove
?
Will
he
hence
conclude
that
God
may
not
animate
some
,
to
some
rare
enterprises
,
in
a
time
of
real
extreame
necessity
,
the
matter
of
the
action
being
unquestionably
lawful
,
their
ends
and
intentions
really
good
and
commendable
,
there
being
also
a
deficiency
of
others
to
do
the
work
,
and
themselves
in
some
probable
capacity
for
it
?
His
consequence
will
be
denyed
.
[
This
vaine
Orator
Naphtaly
(
sayes
he
)
will
have
the
instance
of
Phineas
a
precedent
for
any
private
persons
,
(
such
as
lately
did
rise
)
under
colour
of
high
pitches
of
zeal
and
fortitude
,
to
execute
justice
on
al
powers
and
people
of
the
land
,
as
being
fallen
in
such
a
fearful
Apostasy
,
as
(
keeping
the
true
Protestant
Religion
,
)
do
vary
from
them
,
in
the
external
ordering
of
the
Ministry
of
the
Church
,
and
imbraceing
that
way
and
order
,
against
which
there
is
no
command
of
Christ
,
yea
for
the
consonancy
whereof
to
his
word
,
much
and
very
much
may
be
sayd
,
&
hath
been
.
]
Ans.
He
would
fain
mince
the
defection
,
vvhereof
he
and
the
rest
are
guilty
,
and
tell
us
that
they
keep
the
true
protestant
Religion
;
but
hovv
vve
have
heard
before
:
and
that
all
the
difference
is
about
an
external
ordering
of
the
ministry
of
the
Church
,
against
which
there
is
no
command
of
Christ
,
and
for
which
much
may
be
said
,
&
hath
been
said
.
But
this
is
not
the
place
to
speak
of
the
abjured
prelacy
,
occasion
may
given
further
in
his
following
part
:
only
we
would
say
that
much
more
hath
been
said
against
it
,
to
shovv
it
utterly
unlavvful
,
then
he
òr
all
his
fraternity
vvill
be
able
to
ansvvere
:
And
unlesse
he
prove
it
absolutely
necessary
,
and
no
other
forme
lavvful
,
vvhich
he
dar
not
so
much
as
undertake
to
prove
,
he
shall
never
cleare
the
land
of
fearful
Apostasy
and
defection
,
in
renunceing
a
Covenant
svvorne
by
all
ranks
of
people
.
And
because
his
feares
are
most
about
himself
and
other
Apostates
,
he
supposeth
that
that
discourse
in
Naphtaly
is
brought
in
of
purpose
to
incite
some
to
execute
justice
on
him
,
and
such
as
he
is
;
vvhereas
any
may
see
that
it
is
cast
in
among
other
things
adduced
to
justify
our
first
Reformers
:
And
so
timorous
is
he
,
that
because
that
fact
of
Phineas
is
not
simply
and
positively
declared
not
imitable
,
he
thinks
it
is
held
forth
as
a
precedent
to
incite
:
Whereby
vve
see
vvhat
an
ill
conscience
is
.
Ay
but
(
sayes
he
)
[
Though
he
turne
himself
Proteus
.
like
into
many
shapes
—
he
cannot
put
a
sufficient
bar
against
confusions
under
such
pretexts
.
]
And
vvho
such
a
Protëus
as
this
Surveyer
,
and
his
fraternity
,
a
company
of
base
changelings
:
But
thinks
he
it
possible
that
any
doctrine
can
be
so
clearly
and
distinctly
asserted
as
none
vvill
ever
abuse
to
errour
and
confusion
?
The
Scripture
is
plaine
enough
against
Lordly
Prelates
,
and
Covenant
breaking
,
and
yet
we
know
how
some
can
abuse
these
truths
of
Scripture
,
to
defend
defectiion
,
and
the
overturning
of
the
work
of
God
in
his
Church
,
and
so
confound
and
overturne
all
.
Thereafter
he
tells
us
,
[
That
when
this
discourse
was
first
looked
upon
—
men
of
judgement
considered
that
as
the
former
bloody
insurrections
,
were
endeavoured
to
be
justified
by
him
,
So
he
was
laying
downe
grounds
for
some
mercylesse
Massacre
,
and
horrid
assassinations
,
on
persons
in
power
and
others
—
for
now
no
man
can
have
security
of
his
life
.
]
What
these
men
of
judgment
could
be
,
who
could
either
suppose
the
former
,
if
they
considered
the
place
where
that
discourse
stood
;
or
could
fear
the
later
,
if
they
considered
the
discourse
it self
,
I
cannot
tell
:
But
it
is
like
,
he
and
the
rest
of
the
Apostates
,
are
accounted
the
Men
of
judgment
;
&
indeed
as
these
might
have
fancyed
the
former
,
so
they
might
have
feared
the
later
:
for
were
this
fact
of
Phineas
asserted
to
be
as
much
imitable
as
any
other
uncontrollable
example
in
scripture
,
all
persons
,
notwithstanding
thereof
,
would
have
sufficient
security
of
their
life
,
except
such
as
were
guilty
of
dreadful
apostacy
,
causing
,
the
plague
of
God
to
break
out
upon
the
land
:
And
we
know
the
best
examples
may
be
abused
.
And
therefore
that
which
he
sayeth
pag.
106
:
&
107.
concerning
Munster
madnesse
,
and
the
Murtherers
of
the
two
Henries
of
France
the
3.
and
4.
and
the
gunpouder
Traitours
,
and
Arthington
Coppinger
and
Hacket
in
Queen
Elizabeth's
dayes
,
is
nothing
to
the
poynt
:
for
neither
heare
we
that
any
of
these
founded
their
actions
upon
Phineas's
fact
:
and
though
they
had
done
so
,
It
would
not
have
proved
that
it
was
not
imitable
,
in
any
cases
:
for
why
?
Wicked
Magistrates
have
persecuted
innocents
,
in
all
ages
,
shall
therefore
the
examples
of
good
Magistrates
executing
justice
on
wicked
apostates
,
and
flagitious
persones
and
idolaters
,
be
declared
altogether
un-imitable
,
because
some
corrupt
Magistrates
under
that
pretext
abuse
that
power
,
and
persecute
such
as
they
should
rather
honour
and
highly
reward
?
would
not
any
body
smile
at
such
a
consequence
?
And
yet
such
is
his
here
.
Let
him
make
it
to
appear
,
that
the
matter
of
the
actions
of
these
persons
was
lawful
,
and
the
necessity
extreme
,
and
the
case
was
the
same
as
to
the
deficiency
of
others
to
do
the
work
,
and
that
they
were
in
a
probable
capacity
to
do
it
,
&
then
he
shall
speak
more
home
to
the
case
.
He
needs
not
tell
his
readers
,
Pag.
107.
[
That
such
abhominable
courses
carryed
on
under
pretext
of
heroick
motions
,
and
rare
exitations
of
the
spirit
,
should
make
the
fearers
of
God
very
cautelous
against
the
principles
of
this
Man
,
which
lead
this
way
.
]
For
that
man
neither
approveth
these
courses
,
nor
any
such
like
,
nor
doth
his
principles
lead
that
way
,
whatever
he
imagine
;
nor
doth
he
assert
(
as
he
alledgeth
,
)
[
that
there
needs
no
standing
upon
an
externall
call
,
if
men
think
they
have
his
internal
call
to
use
the
sword
for
vengeance
against
Apostate
Magistrates
—
and
Reforme
an
Apostate
Church
,
their
zeal
is
a
sufficient
call
to
rise
up
in
a
Phineas
like
fortitude
,
without
further
,
]
as
any
vvill
see
vvho
reads
over
that
discourse
.
Nor
needeth
he
to
say
,
[
that
if
people
be
so
principled
,
it
were
better
living
under
the
great
Turk
,
where
no
man
is
to
losse
his
life
but
by
Law
,
then
in
Scotland
,
]
For
he
doth
not
expose
any
to
the
fury
of
private
persons
,
who
can
pretend
rare
and
heroick
excitations
of
the
Spirit
to
execute
justice
on
men
,
when
they
think
there
is
cause
(
as
he
supposeth
in
the
following
words
)
nor
could
he
rationally
be
supposed
to
do
so
,
though
he
had
clearly
and
positively
asserted
that
that
fact
of
Phineas
was
,
in
all
poynts
&
alwayes
,
imitable
;
far
lesse
when
he
is
loath
to
assert
so
much
,
as
this
Surveyer
himself
acknowledgeth
in
the
following
words
,
Pag.
108.
confessing
that
he
said
,
we
hold
no
such
instances
as
regular
precedents
for
all
times
and
persons
universally
.
What
displeaseth
him
then
?
[
But
where
is
(
sayes
he
)
the
caution
that
is
put
in
against
any
that
will
pretend
heroïcal
excitations
by
the
spirit
,
as
a
sufficient
cal
:
he
hath
opened
a
door
but
how
will
he
close
it
againe
?
Answ.
What
could
himself
say
more
to
bar
a
heady
People
from
such
pretensions
of
Phineas-like
motions
,
then
that
it
was
not
a
regular
precedent
for
all
times
and
Persons
?
Is
it
not
possible
(
as
hath
been
said
)
yea
and
often
seen
,
that
the
most
cleare
and
approved
examples
have
been
abused
?
And
what
can
be
said
to
this
,
but
that
such
must
run
their
owne
hazard
and
beare
their
owne
guilt
?
God
only
can
prevent
all
confusion
in
all
cases
.
It
is
false
which
he
addeth
that
[
This
man
hath
proclamed
this
libertinisme
to
private
persons
,
upon
pretence
of
heroïck
excitations
of
Zeal
&c.
to
rise
up
against
all
powers
above
them
;
for
they
are
made
judges
in
their
owne
private
discretion
,
when
it
is
fit
to
fall
in
hand
with
such
irregular
practices
;
and
when
it
is
that
such
heröick
excitations
are
upon
their
spirits
,
and
when
it
is
that
matters
are
so
far
out
of
order
that
they
cannot
be
amended
without
their
violent
interposeing
,
and
pulling
downe
of
powers
:
All
this
is
referred
to
private
persons
discretion
.
]
Ans.
No
such
thing
is
there
said
,
and
Phineas
instance
will
give
ground
for
no
such
thing
,
though
it
were
pressed
as
a
most
regular
precedent
.
As
we
grant
with
him
,
that
Quakers
and
Ranters
,
&c.
may
start
up
,
aud
plead
their
impulses
,
and
that
People
(
when
they
minde
changes
)
will
not
want
pretexts
:
But
what
sayes
that
against
the
thing
,
seing
the
best
things
may
be
abused
?
Ay
but
Naphtaly
(
sayes
he
)
holds
[
That
Magistrates
when
patronisers
of
abhominations
ought
without
doubt
be
suppressed
by
all
meanes
;
so
that
if
there
be
not
probable
capacity
for
armes
,
a
dag
or
a
dagger
,
a
pistol
or
a
poisoned
poinard
,
a
spanish
fig
or
some
secret
applications
,
may
do
the
businesse
with
some
great
ones
]
Answ.
Naphtaly
in
the
place
cited
Pag.
18.
is
speaking
of
open
idolatry
,
blasphemy
,
perjury
,
venting
and
spreading
of
heresy
,
and
such
like
abhominations
,
which
being
most
dishonourable
to
God
,
&
pernicious
to
all
Commonwealths
,
ought
,
sayes
he
,
by
all
meanes
to
be
suppressed
,
that
is
by
all
faire
and
possible
meanes
,
for
illud
tantum
possumus
quod
jure
possumus
,
and
so
,
had
he
not
been
too
captious
,
be
reason
of
(
it
is
like
)
his
green
wound
,
he
might
have
spared
the
rest
,
and
to
his
liturgical
prayer
following
[
That
the
life
our
dread
Soveraigne
may
be
bound
up
with
the
Lord
his
God
in
the
b●undle
of
life
,
and
also
that
the
same
great
and
good
God
may
be
a
shield
and
buckler
to
his
servants
(
who
desire
in
honouring
of
the
King
,
to
feare
him
the
King
of
Kings
above
all
)
against
the
generation
of
Men
of
blood
and
violence
.
]
We
shall
desire
him
to
add
this
Letany
:
from
perjury
,
pride
,
profanesse
,
blasphemy
,
impenitency
,
atheisme
,
and
all
manner
of
uncleannesse
,
good
Lord
deliver
us
and
our
King
.
And
to
prevent
all
these
feares
,
let
is
Majesty
and
other
Magistrates
,
reforme
their
wayes
,
and
turne
to
the
Lord
,
and
execute
judgement
on
him
and
his
complices
,
and
all
the
rest
,
who
now
pretend
to
honour
the
King
,
and
to
feare
God
,
but
in
effect
to
deifie
a
creature
and
renunce
their
homage
to
the
King
of
Kings
,
and
so
provoke
him
to
destroy
both
them
and
their
King
,
by
their
apostasy
and
wicked
defection
,
and
that
openly
before
men
and
Angels
,
as
David
hanged
up
the
Sons
of
Saul
before
the
sun
;
and
then
they
need
not
fear
either
dag
or
dagger
,
pistol
or
poysoned
poinard
,
a
spanish
fig
,
nor
any
such
secret
applications
.
Thereafter
Pag.
109.
he
comes
more
particularly
to
consider
that
discourse
,
and
gives
us
there
and
in
the
following
Pages
7.
or
8.
Answers
The
first
is
[
That
it
is
much
doubted
if
Phineas
was
a
meer
private
person
,
being
the
high
Priests
son
,
and
a
chief
priest
,
and
a
Prince
in
his
tribe
Numb.
31
:
6.
Jos.
22
:
31
,
32.
one
of
the
great
Council
Num.
1
:
16.
and
16
:
2.
who
did
in
that
dismaltime
,
Numb.
25
:
6
,
meet
with
Moses
the
chief
Magistrate
to
lament
the
ab
hominable
idolatry
,
and
bodyly
filthinesse
committed
at
that
time
,
and
to
consult
and
advise
,
about
the
authoritative
restraining
of
this
wickednesse
:
In
the
mean
time
when
the
great
council
are
humbled
before
the
Lord
,
Zimri
with
his
Midianitish
woman
,
are
in
their
very
sight
going
in
to
the
tent
,
and
Josephus
sayes
,
that
before
Moses
and
the
Council
,
he
justified
the
fact
,
and
pleaded
frowardly
to
have
and
retaine
her
.
In
this
case
of
so
effronted
wickednesse
,
Phineas
then
one
of
the
congregation
or
great
Council
v.
6.
rose
from
among
the
congregation
(
or
great
Council
which
shewes
he
was
sitting
amongst
them
)
&
under
the
eye
&
knowledge
and
approbation
of
Moses
the
supreame
Magistrate
,
pursued
them
both
to
the
tent
,
and
thrust
them
thorow
.
]
Answ.
1.
Then
it
seemes
this
fact
of
Phineas
was
a
laudable
act
of
judice
in
a
Magistrate
,
and
so
must
be
a
precedent
example
for
judges
and
Magistrates
in
all
time
coming
,
and
by
this
example
,
any
member
of
the
Council
might
lawfully
rise
up
,
and
execute
judgment
on
this
wicked
wreatch
and
his
cursed
fraternity
,
who
have
brought
,
by
their
apostasy
and
defection
from
the
Covenant
and
cause
of
God
,
the
wrath
and
curse
of
God
upon
the
land
.
2.
That
Phineas
was
the
High
Priest's
sone
,
we
know
;
and
that
he
was
afterward
High
priest
himself
,
is
truth
;
but
that
he
was
at
this
time
a
publick
Magistrate
,
or
a
member
of
the
great
Sanhedrin
,
we
see
not
.
It
is
true
there
were
some
Princes
of
the
tribes
,
men
of
renowne
Numb.
1.
ver.
16.
but
he
is
not
mentioned
among
those
;
neither
were
these
the
great
Sanhedrin
.
So
these
princes
of
the
assembly
Numb.
16
:
2.
were
not
the
Sanhedrin
,
which
did
consist
but
of
70
Members
,
Numb
.
11.
Nor
was
Phineas
one
of
them
.
And
that
congregation
of
the
children
of
Israel
mentioned
,
Numb.
25
:
6.
amongst
whom
Phineas
was
ver.
7.
was
not
the
Sanhedrin
,
which
we
never
finde
(
as
I
remember
)
so
called
;
but
the
whole
body
of
the
People
,
who
were
then
mourning
partly
for
the
sin
commited
,
and
partly
for
the
execution
,
when
the
heads
of
the
People
vvere
hanged
up
,
and
a
thousand
moe
killed
by
the
judges
,
at
Moses
his
command
:
for
Paul
1
Cor.
10
:
ver.
8.
sayes
there
died
of
the
plague
tvventy
three
thousand
,
and
here
vve
finde
there
fell
in
all
tvventy
foure
thousand
.
Againe
it
is
remarkable
that
this
single
act
of
Phineas
in
killing
two
persons
is
so
much
rewarded
and
taken
notice
of
by
the
Lord
,
yea
more
then
the
many
who
were
killed
by
the
judges
ver.
5.
So
that
it
seemes
he
was
no
publick
Magistrate
:
and
that
he
did
it
with
the
approbation
of
Moses
,
is
probable
;
but
that
Moses
did
command
him
,
we
see
not
;
only
we
finde
that
the
Zeal
of
God
moved
him
,
and
therefore
is
he
highly
rewarded
,
though
he
was
but
the
son
of
Eleazar
the
son
of
Aaron
.
Yea
that
which
the
Surveryer
citeth
out
of
Deodat
rather
confirmeth
this
,
for
Deodat
calleth
it
an
act
of
extraordinary
zeal
&
motion
of
God's
Spirit
,
and
he
addeth
that
Moses
the
Supreme
Magisstrate
did
approve
it
;
but
what
needed
this
,
if
he
had
been
a
Magistrate
,
seing
there
was
a
command
given
to
the
Magistrates
ver.
5.
and
a
command
is
more
then
an
approbation
,
Aquinas
and
Gerhard
call
him
,
it
is
true
,
a
judge
,
but
we
see
no
proof
,
unlesse
they
could
evince
that
he
was
a
member
of
the
Sanhedrin
of
which
Gillespy
speaks
in
his
Aarons
rod.
lib.
I.
c.
I.
The
Dutch
Annotat.
on
Psal.
106
:
31.
Suppose
him
to
have
been
no
Magistrate
,
but
say
that
this
fact
was
beside
his
ordinary
calling
.
His
2.
answere
is
Pag.
III.
That
suppose
he
had
been
a
meer
private
person
,
yet
it
could
prove
nothing
,
because
he
did
it
with
the
approbation
and
good
liking
of
Moses
,
and
so
he
is
but
the
executor
of
that
unanimous
sentence
.
Answ.
But
not
only
is
this
not
written
,
but
the
scripture
giveth
another
ground
of
his
fact
,
then
any
warrand
or
command
of
Moses
:
And
so
his
answere
in
rebus
facti
,
a
non
scripto
ad
non
factum
non
valet
consequentia
is
not
to
the
purpose
.
Now
I
say
the
scripture
giveth
another
ground
viz.
his
zeal
for
his
God
,
which
is
not
spoken
of
the
other
judges
who
ver.
5.
were
commanded
of
Moses
to
execute
judgment
,
yea
that
word
Psal.
106
:
30.
then
stood
up
Phineas
and
executed
judgment
clearely
hinteth
at
more
then
his
being
a
meer
satelles
Magistratus
,
and
the
ample
reward
which
was
given
him
,
and
the
Lord
's
counting
it
to
him
for
righteousnesse
,
speak
some
other
thing
,
then
that
he
had
a
call
of
the
Magistrate
,
and
was
his
executioner
.
In
the
3
place
,
he
sayes
.
[
The
cases
are
different
;
for
then
was
horrible
idolatry
and
villanous
whordome
committed
avowedly
,
and
with
a
high
hand
,
in
the
sight
of
the
Sun
,
and
in
way
of
open
doing
despite
to
God
,
but
it
is
not
so
now
.
]
Answ.
Prudence
might
have
taught
him
to
have
concealed
this
,
for
it
were
easy
to
draw
such
a
parallel
as
would
make
him
afrayed
,
if
any
did
intend
to
follow
that
example
:
For
I
am
sure
what
ever
he
account
of
the
present
apostasy
,
and
how
ever
he
mince
it
,
as
no
doubt
zimri
would
have
minced
his
uncleannesse
,
when
he
justified
the
fact
before
the
Council
,
as
he
told
us
Iosephus
said
;
yet
the
apostasy
and
perjury
is
open
,
avowed
,
abhominable
and
villanous
,
committed
in
the
sight
of
the
Sun
,
in
despite
of
God
,
and
maintained
as
right
and
lawful
,
howbeit
it
be
such
as
the
very
heavens
may
be
astonished
at
:
For
such
open
,
avovved
,
malapert
vvickednesse
,
defection
and
perjury
(
all
things
considered
)
vvas
never
heard
of
in
any
generation
.
Hovv
our
reformation
,
aud
confession
of
faith
is
maintained
,
vve
have
heard
;
and
albeit
he
make
all
the
change
to
be
only
a
change
of
the
exterior
forme
of
Church
government
,
yet
when
he
is
before
his
judge
,
he
shall
finde
in
the
cup
of
this
iniquity
,
manifest
&
avowed
perjury
,
overturning
of
the
work
of
God
,
destroying
of
the
interest
of
Christ
,
blasphemy
,
near
unto
that
unpardonable
sin
(
if
not
the
very
same
,
)
in
fathering
the
works
of
the
right
hand
of
the
Most
high
,
on
Satan
;
open
and
avowed
persecution
of
godlinesse
;
opening
of
a
gap
to
all
licentiousnesse
,
horrid
iniquity
,
increase
of
idolatry
;
villanous
and
avowed
whordome
,
Sodomy
,
atheisme
and
devilry
,
and
more
wickednesse
then
tongue
can
tell
,
or
pen
can
paint
out
,
but
is
on
clear
record
before
the
Lord
.
4.
(
Sayes
he
)
[
Let
it
be
so
,
that
he
was
a
meer
private
man
,
and
had
no
warrand
from
the
Supreame
Magistrate
to
do
what
he
did
,
his
fact
cannot
warrand
Men
to
attempt
the
doing
of
such
acts
,
unlesse
they
can
shew
as
good
warr
and
and
approbation
from
God
as
he
could
.
]
Answ.
That
he
had
God's
warrand
and
approbation
vve
do
not
doubt
;
but
that
it
was
such
an
approbation
as
was
peculiar
to
extraordinary
un-imitable
acts
,
is
the
thing
in
question
,
we
grant
with
him
.
That
God
is
the
Lord
of
all
Magistrates
,
and
of
all
men's
lives
,
can
(
when
it
pleaseth
him
)
crosse
ordinary
rules
,
and
apppoynt
some
to
execute
his
judgments
extraordinariely
,
but
the
question
is
whether
every
thing
,
which
the
Surv.
accounteth
extraordinary
,
is
so
indeed
.
[
He
may
(
sayes
he
)
send
Moses
to
kill
the
Egyptian
Eglon
to
kill
Ehud
(
he
should
say
Ehud
to
kill
Eglon
)
Elias
to
destroy
companyes
of
men
with
fire
from
heaven
,
or
to
kill
Baal's
Priests
:
He
may
command
Abraham
to
kill
his
sone
Isaac
:
he
may
excite
David
to
a
bloody
duëel
&
Sampson
to
murther
himself
.
]
Ans.
Will
the
Surveyer
account
these
instances
alike
extraordinary
and
unimitable
?
Sure
Royalists
will
think
that
Ehud's
killing
of
Eglon
may
warrand
any
private
person
now
,
to
kill
a
tyrant
without
title
.
But
I
lay
more
weight
upon
Iohn
Knox
his
distinction
in
this
matter
,
in
his
debate
with
Lithingtoun
,
hist.
of
reformation
,
Pag.
390.
(
edit
in
fol.
)
[
And
as
touching
(
sayes
Mr.
Knox
)
that
ye
alledge
that
the
fact
was
extraordinary
,
&
is
not
to
be
imitated
.
I
say
That
it
had
the
ground
of
God's
ordinary
judgement
,
which
commandeth
the
Idolater
to
die
the
death
:
and
therefore
I
yet
againe
affirme
,
that
it
is
to
be
imitate
of
all
these
that
preferre
the
true
honour
of
the
true
worshipe
and
glory
of
God
,
to
the
affection
of
flesh
,
and
wicked
Princes
.
]
and
when
Lithingtoun
replyed
.
That
we
are
not
bound
to
follow
extraordinary
examples
,
unlesse
we
have
the
like
commandment
and
assurance
(
the
same
which
this
Surveyer
sayeth
.
)
He
answered
[
I
grant
if
the
example
repugne
to
the
law
,
as
if
an
avaricious
and
deceitful
man
would
borrow
Silver
;
Rayment
,
or
other
Necessaryes
from
his
Neighbour
,
and
withhold
the
same
,
alledging
that
so
he
might
do
,
and
not
offend
God
,
because
the
Israelites
,
at
their
departure
out
of
Egypt
,
did
so
to
the
Egyptians
,
The
example
served
to
no
purpose
,
unlesse
that
they
could
produce
the
like
cause
,
and
the
like
commandement
,
that
the
Israelites
had
:
And
that
because
their
fact
repugned
to
this
commandement
of
God
Thou
shall
not
steal
:
But
where
the
example
agrees
with
the
law
,
and
is
,
as
it
were
,
the
execution
of
God's
judgment
,
expressed
within
the
same
,
I
say
that
the
example
approved
of
God
stands
to
us
in
place
of
a
commandement
;
for
as
God
,
in
his
Nature
is
constant
and
immutable
,
so
can
he
not
condemne
in
the
ages
subsequent
,
that
which
he
hath
approved
in
his
servants
before
us
;
but
in
his
servants
before
us
,
he
in
his
owne
word
confounds
all
such
as
crave
further
approbation
of
Gods
will
,
then
it
already
expressed
within
his
scriptures
;
for
Abraham
said
,
They
have
Moses
and
the
Prophets
&c.
Even
so
I
say
,
that
such
as
will
not
be
taught
what
they
ought
to
do
by
the
commandement
of
God
once
given
,
and
once
put
in
practice
,
will
not
beleeve
nor
obey
,
albeit
that
God
should
send
Angles
from
heaven
to
instruct
that
doctrine
.
]
Now
sure
I
am
this
fact
of
Phineas
was
according
to
the
law
,
and
to
the
expresse
minde
of
God
,
and
why
then
might
it
not
be
imitated
in
the
like
case
?
what
warrand
,
command
nor
commisssion
had
Phineas
which
none
now
can
expect
?
1.
(
sayes
he
)
[
He
had
the
Motion
and
direction
of
God's
Spirit
,
which
was
loco
specialis
mandati
.
]
Answ.
We
know
men
must
need
the
Motions
and
directions
of
God's
spirit
to
ordinary
and
allovved
dutyes
:
Hovv
shall
these
make
this
fact
altogether
un-imitable
?
It
is
true
Calvin
sayeth
it
was
singular
and
extraordinare
motion
,
which
may
not
be
drawne
to
a
common
rule
,
but
notwithstanding
thereof
,
I
see
not
how
it
should
be
altogether
un-imitable
or
uselesse
.
But
grant
it
were
so
,
as
Calvin
sayeth
,
unlesse
he
say
that
it
is
never
to
be
imitated
,
in
no
case
,
and
that
no
such
thing
is
ever
to
be
expected
,
which
I
suppose
he
will
not
say
,
how
will
he
prevent
confusions
thorow
the
abuse
of
corrupt
men
,
who
can
pretend
as
wel
these
singulare
and
extraordinare
Motions
,
as
the
examples
of
Phineas
?
As
for
what
he
tells
us
Augustin
and
Bernard
say
of
Samson's
case
,
is
not
to
the
poynt
:
Because
according
to
that
solid
distinction
of
Mr.
Knox
,
that
was
contrare
to
an
expresse
law
,
Thou
shall
not
kill
,
and
such
also
is
the
example
of
Abraham
.
2.
He
tells
us
,
That
[
Phineas
had
not
only
a
large
reward
of
his
fact
,
Numb.
25
:
ver.
12
,
13.
but
an
ample
approbation
of
it
.
Psal.
106
:
sver
.
31
:
it
was
accounted
to
him
for
righteousnesse
.
i.
e.
as
a
righteous
action
,
both
as
to
the
intention
of
it
(
God's
honour
)
and
as
to
the
ground
and
warrand
of
it
(
God's
direction
)
God
doth
not
approve
or
remuner
at
any
action
,
which
one
way
or
other
he
doth
not
command
.
]
Ausw
.
This
is
all
granted
;
and
as
it
sayeth
that
Phineas
was
no
publick
person
or
Magistrate
,
otherwise
there
had
been
no
doubt
anent
its
being
accounted
to
him
for
righteousnesse
,
though
it
had
not
been
expresly
mentioned
by
the
Spirit
of
God
,
for
it
sayeth
that
sometimes
private
persones
are
allowed
of
God
,
to
do
what
he
requireth
in
ordinary
to
be
done
by
Magistrates
.
[
There
are
none
of
these
extraordinary
actions
(
sayes
he
)
mentioned
in
Scripture
,
but
either
God's
stirring
up
men
to
the
same
,
or
his
approbation
of
the
same
,
one
way
or
other
is
noted
:
See
Judg.
3
:
ver
10.
and
5
:
ver.
7.
and
10
:
ver.
23.
and
3
:
ver.
9
,
15.
and
2
:
16
,
18.
]
Answ.
Will
he
say
that
all
these
instances
were
extraordinary
and
not
imitable
?
Whence
will
Royalists
then
prove
,
that
privaate
persons
may
kill
a
Tyrant
without
title
?
And
if
they
be
not
altogether
unimitable
,
then
the
cause
is
here
yeelded
;
for
God
may
be
said
to
raise
up
,
and
to
stir
up
Mens
Spritis
even
to
imitable
actions
;
&
so
he
hath
given
us
no
reason
as
yet
to
prove
Phineas
fact
altogether
unimitable
;
nor
will
the
real
rebukes
,
which
he
saith
God
gave
the
late
risers
,
proclame
that
they
had
not
his
approbation
,
unlesse
he
say
that
God's
approbation
of
actions
must
alwayes
be
interpreted
by
the
event
,
which
is
not
consonant
to
true
Divinity
.
In
the
5.
place
he
tells
us
,
[
That
if
once
men
come
to
presse
the
imitation
of
this
instance
,
they
must
say
,
first
,
that
even
when
the
Magistrate
is
godly
and
zealous
and
willing
to
execute
judgement
,
(
as
Moses
was
)
private
perssons
may
do
it
,
and
without
any
legal
processe
,
2.
goe
to
mens
tents
and
chambers
and
stob
them
,
and
3.
that
though
such
things
be
done
inconsulto
pio
Magistratu
,
yet
the
doer
must
not
be
challenged
.
]
Answ.
It
will
be
sufficient
if
it
be
granted
,
when
the
case
is
every
way
the
like
,
or
whose
:
It
is
true
,
Moses
was
not
unwilling
,
but
it
is
like
at
present
in
capacitated
,
through
the
want
of
assistence
of
inferiour
Magistrates
,
many
of
whom
were
guilty
,
and
many
had
been
executed
;
and
through
grief
,
while
lying
mourning
before
the
Lord
.
2.
There
needed
no
legall
processe
;
for
both
the
law
and
the
sentence
was
written
with
characters
of
blood
upon
the
carcases
of
thousands
;
&
this
Mans
fact
was
notour
and
avowed
,
to
all
the
Congregation
.
3.
He
had
the
interpretative
consent
of
that
pious
Magistrate
:
why
then
may
not
the
like
be
done
in
the
like
case
,
where
the
Ius
,
and
the
factum
is
as
clear
and
undenyable
as
here
,
and
the
Magistrate
,
who
should
execute
the
sentence
is
out
of
a
present
capacity
,
and
the
matter
admitteth
of
no
delay
as
here
,
(
for
till
this
was
done
,
the
plague
was
never
stayed
,
)
much
more
if
he
will
not
,
and
wrath
is
still
poured
out
from
the
Lord
;
and
the
Magistrate
by
his
place
is
bound
to
assent
,
&
approve
of
the
thing
.
If
such
a
fact
were
done
in
the
like
case
,
would
any
think
that
the
person
should
be
challenged
and
not
rather
approved
by
the
Magistrate
?
In
the
6.
Place
he
giveth
us
,
the
distinction
betwixt
extraordinary
and
heröical
acts
,
telling
us
that
a
heroick
act
doth
not
deviat
from
the
rule
of
a
common
vertue
,
but
only
proceeds
from
a
more
intense
disposition
to
a
high
pitch
of
vertue
and
of
the
acts
thereof
:
But
an
extraordinary
action
goes
beyond
any
ordinary
rule
of
common
reason
or
divine
word
,
as
that
Abraham
should
kill
his
Sone
Isaac
.
]
Answ.
We
shall
not
contend
with
him
much
about
this
,
since
he
will
grant
that
heroick
actions
are
imitable
,
as
not
being
contrary
to
a
rule
of
common
vertue
;
though
extraordinary
actions
,
which
are
rather
contrary
to
the
rule
of
common
vertue
,
may
not
be
imitated
:
And
he
hath
not
yet
proved
,
neither
can
he
prove
that
Phineas's
fact
was
so
far
beyond
any
ordinary
rule
of
common
reason
or
divine
word
,
as
was
that
of
Abraham
,
and
the
like
.
We
shall
grant
with
him
.
That
[
Extraordinary
actions
,
are
such
as
are
done
upon
special
mandate
of
God
,
and
are
not
within
the
compasse
of
ordinary
acts
of
obedience
according
to
the
rule
,
that
is
set
.
]
And
that
[
men
may
have
heroick
motions
&
actions
within
the
bounds
of
an
ordinary
calling
,
as
Luther
had
;
as
sometimes
,
though
they
have
an
extraordinary
calling
,
they
may
want
heroical
motions
,
as
Peeter
when
he
dissembled
.
[
But
what
sayes
this
to
Phine
as
his
fact
?
[
Phineas
(
sayes
he
)
had
not
only
excitations
of
zeal
and
heröical
motions
,
but
(
supposeing
him
a
meer
private
person
)
he
is
to
be
looked
upon
as
having
extraordinary
calling
from
God
.
]
Answer
.
Doth
this
man
give
a
distinct
sound
?
He
complained
of
the
Author
of
that
discourse
concerning
Phineas
,
that
he
turned
himself
Protëus
.
-like
into
many
shapes
,
and
we
finde
himself
doing
little
better
here
:
He
dar
not
say
positively
whether
he
was
a
meer
private
person
or
not
,
but
if
he
was
such
,
then
the
action
was
extraordinary
;
but
what
if
he
was
not
?
Then
the
action
was
neither
extraordinary
nor
heröical
,
and
thus
we
are
no
wiser
then
we
were
;
for
we
know
not
what
to
make
of
the
action
;
nor
what
to
make
of
the
person
,
but
we
must
judge
of
the
person
by
the
action
;
And
of
the
action
by
the
person
.
That
is
to
say
,
if
he
was
a
Magistrate
then
the
action
was
ordinare
,
but
if
he
was
a
private
person
then
the
action
was
extraordinary
:
and
è
contra
,
if
the
action
was
extraordinary
,
he
was
a
private
person
,
and
if
it
was
ordinare
and
imitable
,
Then
he
was
a
publick
person
.
Is
not
this
a
singularly
satisfactory
way
of
answereing
?
But
it
is
observable
that
he
dar
not
here
say
that
Phineas's
fact
was
extraordinary
,
but
that
he
is
to
be
looked
upon
as
having
an
extraordinary
call
,
now
a
man
may
have
an
extraordinary
call
to
an
action
imitable
,
as
the
Apostles
had
an
extraordinary
call
to
preach
the
Gospel
,
and
yet
that
action
of
theirs
is
imitable
.
But
how
proves
he
this
extraordinary
call
?
[
It
is
(
sayes
he
)
fully
enough
insinuated
both
by
God's
approving
and
rewarding
him
Numb.
25.
(
and
he
rewards
not
our
wil
-
service
,
nor
approves
it
,
but
what
he
hath
enjoyned
himself
)
and
also
by
P
sal.
106.
where
it
is
said
Emphatically
it
was
imputed
to
him
for
righteousnesse
:
though
judging
according
to
ordinary
Rules
,
it
might
be
imputed
to
him
for
sin
(
supposeing
him
for
a
meer
private
man
)
yet
,
having
God's
warrand
,
whose
will
is
the
rule
of
righteousnesse
,
the
deed
was
imputed
to
him
for
righteousnesse
]
Answ.
It
is
true
,
God
revvards
not
,
nor
approves
not
vvil-service
,
yet
he
approves
and
revvards
other
actions
,
then
such
as
are
extraordinary
and
not
imitable
.
2.
God's
imputing
it
unto
him
for
rightoeusnesse
,
sayes
clearly
he
vvas
a
private
person
,
and
that
God
accepted
of
his
service
as
a
noble
act
of
holy
zeal
for
God
and
his
glory
,
and
rather
speakes
out
an
encouragement
to
all
,
to
do
the
like
in
the
like
case
,
then
any
extraordinary
call
he
had
,
vvhich
none
novv
can
expect
.
Then
in
the
7
place
he
speaks
of
Callings
&
sayes
that
[
Every
calling
a
man
hath
to
any
work
Must
be
either
Mediate
or
immediate
(
there
is
no
mids
betwixt
these
two
,
as
there
is
not
between
contradictories
)
if
they
be
not
called
by
the
intervention
of
men
,
&
their
allowance
,
they
must
plead
an
immediat
calling
from
God
.
]
Ans.
Beacause
I
minde
not
to
enter
into
a
Logomachy
,
or
debate
about
words
,
&
tearmes
;
I
would
desre
him
to
tell
me
,
what
call
men
have
to
run
together
to
extinguish
a
fire
in
a
city
,
when
the
Magistrates
through
wickednesse
or
negligence
will
not
,
or
do
not
,
call
People
forth
unto
that
work
.
They
have
not
Man's
call
,
nor
have
they
an
immediate
call
from
heaven
,
and
yet
they
have
a
lawful
call
from
God
,
Nature
and
necessity
,
to
save
the
city
,
their
houses
,
goods
&
little
ones
,
from
being
burnt
into
ashes
.
And
what
ever
name
he
give
to
this
call
,
we
will
allow
it
to
private
persons
to
defend
Religion
and
a
land
form
ruine
and
destruction
,
when
Magistrates
do
not
nor
will
not
do
their
duty
.
And
when
men
,
whether
out
of
secret
impulses
,
heroical
motions
,
or
out
of
meer
sense
&
conscience
of
duty
,
do
this
,
they
do
not
desert
their
owne
calling
and
state
,
like
these
spirits
lud
.
ver.
6.
Nor
do
they
intrude
upon
the
Magistrate's
office
,
though
they
do
materially
that
work
for
that
exigent
,
which
Magistrates
by
office
were
bound
to
do
,
being
called
thereto
by
God
,
by
Nature
,
and
the
call
of
inevitable
necessity
,
which
knoweth
no
humane
law
,
and
to
which
some
divine
positive
lawes
will
cede
.
But
then
he
sayes
Pag.
115.
[
Why
is
not
also
sufficient
for
the
office
of
the
Ministery
without
a
call
from
men
externally
?
]
Answ.
And
doth
he
think
that
necessity
will
not
allow
a
man
sufficiently
gifted
and
qualified
to
exerce
that
office
without
an
externall
call
from
men
,
in
some
cases
?
What
if
a
company
of
Men
be
cast
out
on
an
island
,
having
no
correspondence
nor
possibility
of
correspondence
with
other
places
,
whence
they
might
have
some
lawfully
called
Minister
;
and
there
be
one
among
them
qualified
for
the
work
,
might
not
he
in
that
case
think
himself
called
of
God
to
exerce
that
function
?
And
when
we
grant
this
,
we
need
not
yeeld
unto
Anabaptists
,
Enthusiasts
photinians
,
or
the
like
,
who
are
against
an
external
call
at
any
time
,
alledging
that
gifts
are
sufficient
[
And
(
sayes
he
)
how
shall
be
refuse
to
admit
women
to
Baptize
Children
in
case
of
necessity
?
]
Answ.
He
shall
not
refuse
providing
he
shew
the
necessity
,
which
he
shall
not
be
able
to
do
unlesse
he
turne
Papist
,
and
then
he
will
imbrace
the
consequent
also
,
without
our
admission
.
In
the
8
place
he
comes
to
tell
us
that
[
It
is
in
vaine
to
say
that
God's
hand
is
not
shortened
,
&c.
for
our
question
is
not
of
that
,
but
if
now
after
the
Canon
of
holy
Scripture
is
perfected
sealed
and
consigned
,
we
have
warrand
to
look
for
any
extraordinary
persosones
,
having
Gods
secret
and
special
Mandates
,
to
do
works
which
any
ordinary
calling
doth
not
interest
them
in
?
]
Answ.
Prophecyes
and
predictions
of
future
events
,
are
not
works
,
which
any
ordinary
calling
men
have
,
by
allowance
and
approbation
of
Men
,
according
to
the
rules
of
common
reason
and
the
word
,
doth
interest
them
in
;
and
doth
he
think
God's
sealing
and
perfecting
the
Canon
of
Scripture
hath
so
bound
him
up
,
as
that
he
will
not
,
or
cannot
now
give
such
a
Spirit
unto
any
?
2.
The
question
rather
is
;
Whether
now
when
the
Canon
is
sealed
and
perfected
,
examples
of
Zeal
and
valiant
acting
for
God
and
his
glory
,
in
times
of
corruption
and
wicknesse
,
in
actions
not
contrary
to
the
Law
of
God
,
registrated
in
Scripture
,
be
not
for
our
use
and
instruction
,
and
imitable
?
When
Naphtaly
wished
that
all
God's
People
were
as
Phineas
He
concurreth
with
him
[
In
wishing
that
they
may
be
filled
with
zeal
to
his
glory
as
Phineas
was
;
but
not
that
they
should
have
the
same
exercise
of
zeal
,
unlesse
they
could
be
certified
of
their
warrand
and
calling
to
do
so
,
as
he
was
.
]
Ans.
That
he
was
certified
of
his
calling
&
warrand
we
doubt
not
,
but
that
he
had
such
a
call
as
no
man
now
is
capable
of
,
is
the
question
;
&
he
hath
not
yet
cleared
it
.
[
The
Apostles
of
Christ
(
sayes
he
)
are
to
us
examples
of
zeal
for
God
in
their
Ministery
;
but
who
will
say
that
the
acts
which
they
Zealously
did
,
by
virtue
of
their
extraordinary
calling
,
as
Peter's
killing
Ananias
,
are
for
our
imitation
.
]
Answ.
Peter
killed
Ananias
and
Sapphira
by
a
power
of
miracles
,
which
none
now
have
.
Phineas
did
not
kill
the
Prince
and
his
whore
,
by
a
power
of
miracles
.
Their
examples
are
imitable
according
to
our
power
and
the
exigence
of
the
like
necessity
;
and
therefore
Ministers
should
novv
out
of
zeal
,
use
Church
censures
,
against
such
dissemblers
when
discovered
:
And
so
we
grant
that
to
follow
at
the
facts
of
them
who
have
been
truely
Zealous
for
God
,
were
indeed
an
evil
Zeal
,
like
the
zeal
of
the
Disciples
Luk.
9
:
ver.
54.
and
we
shall
willingly
hearken
to
Peter
Martyr's
his
words
Loc.
Com.
Class
.
2.
Cap.
9.
and
grant-that
We
must
beware
to
confirme
any
thing
which
we
vehemently
and
extraordinarily
desire
by
the
exemple
of
predecessours
.
And
that
,
when
we
attempt
the
doing
of
any
thing
contrary
to
ordinary
commands
of
God
,
it
is
not
enough
to
produce
the
example
of
others
,
but
we
must
search
by
what
Spirit
we
are
led
,
lest
under
a
specious
pretext
we
follow
carnal
affection
and
prudence
.
And
yet
say
,
that
in
some
cases
private
persons
may
execute
●udgement
on
Malefactors
,
after
the
example
of
the
Prophet
Elias
killing
Baals
Priests
,
1
King
.
18.
Which
fact
Peter
Martyr
in
the
same
place
,
n.
4.
defendeth
thus
[
I
say
it
was
done
by
the
Law
of
God
:
for
Deut.
18.
God
decerned
that
the
false
Prophet
should
die
,
and
Cap.
17.
the
same
is
said
of
private
Men
and
Women
who
would
worshipe
idols
.
But
Cap.
13.
not
only
is
death
threatened
against
a
seduceing
Prophet
,
but
a
command
is
added
,
that
no
man
should
spare
his
brethren
,
the
Son
of
his
Mother
,
nor
his
son
or
daughter
,
nor
his
dearest
or
most
intimate
friends
:
Thirdly
it
is
commanded
that
the
whole
city
,
when
it
becometh
idolatrous
should
be
cut
off
by
fire
&
sword
:
And
Lev.
24.
it
is
statuted
,
that
the
blasphemer
should
not
live
;
to
which
we
may
adde
the
Law
or
equity
of
Taliation
;
for
these
Prophets
of
Baal
caused
Iezebel
and
Ahab
kill
the
servants
of
the
Lord
.
]
He
sayes
(
it
is
true
)
that
King
Ahab
being
present
did
consent
,
and
did
not
withstand
;
but
we
see
nothing
in
the
text
shewing
that
the
Prophet
founded
his
fact
upon
that
consent
.
It
is
true
,
the
King
might
have
been
so
astonished
by
that
prodigious
sight
,
that
he
durst
not
spurne
against
the
Prophet
,
and
all
the
People
:
But
that
for
all
this
,
he
gave
any
expresse
command
,
either
through
fear
,
or
desire
to
have
raine
;
or
that
the
Prophet
either
sought
,
or
had
his
warrand
and
command
for
what
he
did
,
we
see
no
ground
for
it
in
the
text
,
More
then
Samuel
had
warrand
of
Saul
when
he
killed
Agag
before
his
eyes
,
whom
he
should
have
killed
himself
according
to
the
command
of
God
.
Thus
have
I
answered
all
which
this
pamphleter
hath
said
concerning
Phineas
his
fact
:
for
what
followeth
to
the
end
of
his
pamplet
,
is
not
much
to
this
matter
,
&
hath
been
spoken
to
formerly
:
and
though
I
have
done
so
,
I
would
not
have
the
Reader
to
think
,
that
I
do
look
upon
that
example
of
Phineas
as
a
binding
precedent
in
all
times
to
all
persons
,
unlesse
it
be
every
way
so
circumstantiated
as
it
was
then
.
And
furder
I
suppose
it
will
fully
satisfy
this
Surveyer
and
stope
his
Mouth
abundantly
,
if
I
shall
secure
him
from
any
such
dag
or
dagger
.
To
which
End
,
because
I
can
do
no
more
,
I
do
heartily
wish
,
That
none
of
God's
People
do
in
that
manner
defile
their
fingers
on
him
or
on
any
of
his
cursed
fraternity
,
to
whom
God
is
reserving
(
if
they
repent
not
)
the
vengeance
of
hell
fire
,
and
possibly
a
visible
stroke
of
justice
on
Earth
,
in
a
way
which
will
be
more
to
the
glory
of
God
,
and
to
the
satisfaction
of
all
such
as
love
his
cause
and
his
comeing
.
CAP.
XXI
.
Some
Animadversions
upon
the
Surveyer's
Virulent
preface
and
Title-page
.
WHen
thus
we
have
fully
examined
and
confuted
vvhat
this
Enemy
hath
said
,
in
this
part
of
his
Survey
.
It
will
not
be
amisse
,
till
we
see
what
he
sayes
further
in
the
following
part
or
parts
of
this
infamous
work
of
his
,
to
touch
a
little
upon
his
Title-page
and
his
most
bitter
,
and
satirick
preface
,
which
is
a
perfect
proof
of
the
man's
Spirit
:
for
he
cometh
forth
in
his
owne
colours
,
&
with
his
tongue
speaketh
no
flattering
words
,
nor
words
of
butter
,
but
both
heart
and
tongue
are
full
of
gall
and
worm
word
;
So
that
his
Name
should
not
be
Honeyman
but
Wormwood-Man
or
Man
of
gall
.
1.
He
calleth
his
work
a
Survey
.
Or
rather
a
Superficial
view
:
For
No
man
,
who
ever
put
pen
to
paper
,
took
such
an
overly
look
,
of
the
books
which
he
pretended
to
answere
,
as
this
Man
doth
of
these
books
which
he
mentioneth
in
the
title
page
of
his
scurril
pamphlet
,
as
hath
been
abundantly
already
shewed
:
And
if
he
do
no
more
in
the
following
part
or
parts
,
then
he
hath
done
in
this
first
part
,
he
may
deservedly
bear
the
name
of
a
Superficial
prelate
superficially
viewing
his
adversaryes
forces
,
&
superficially
managing
the
tottering
cause
;
for
which
he
should
have
been
superficially
rewarded
.
2.
A
Survey
of
what
?
Of
the
insolent
and
infamous
libel
,
Entituled
,
Naphtali
&c.
But
whether
his
railing
pamphlet
,
or
Naphtali
do
best
deserve
the
title
of
an
insolent
and
Infamous
lybel
,
let
the
Reader
judge
when
he
hath
considered
,
first
,
that
as
Naphtali
came
forth
without
the
author's
or
printer's
name
prefixed
,
(
for
which
every
one
may
be
convinced
there
was
sufficient
reason
,
seing
such
hath
been
and
is
the
wickednesse
and
cruelty
of
corrupted
tyrannical
Courts
,
and
of
none
more
then
our
Court
novv
in
being
,
that
none
durst
without
manifest
hazard
openly
rebuke
in
the
gate
,
or
in
printe
shevv
the
iniquity
of
their
vvayes
.
Yea
Or
vindicate
such
as
oppose
their
tyranny
and
cruelty
.
So
doth
this
Survey
,
vvhose
author
could
be
under
no
rational
feare
from
the
povvers
novv
in
being
,
for
his
advocating
their
cause
;
seing
he
hath
been
so
richly
revvarded
for
the
same
,
as
is
sufficiently
knovvne
:
And
therefore
,
his
Survey
deserveth
much
more
to
be
tearmed
Libellus
Famosus
;
seing
notwithstanding
of
the
warrand
,
Yea
&
reward
of
the
Magistrates
,
he
dar
not
owne
it
,
by
prefixing
his
name
to
it
;
Nor
dar
the
very
printer
prefix
his
name
.
Next
the
nature
of
Naphtali's
discourse
is
but
an
historical
deduction
of
the
troubles
,
the
Church
of
Scotland
,
in
her
reformation
,
hath
met
with
at
the
hands
of
a
popish
,
prelatical
and
Malignant
faction
,
with
a
necessary
vindication
of
the
truth
,
which
is
allovved
to
all
historians
,
that
thereby
,
truth
may
be
the
more
cleared
,
and
the
Readers
more
edifyed
by
the
history
.
And
who
ever
heard
such
a
faire
and
cleare
deduction
of
Matters
of
Fact
,
together
with
a
few
reasons
here
and
there
cast
in
for
the
Readers
further
●atisfaction
;
called
an
Infamous
lybel
,
till
this
impudent
ignoramus
arose
?
And
as
for
his
pamphlet
,
do
not
all
see
,
who
consider
either
its
scope
,
or
its
method
,
or
the
vvhole
straine
of
the
discourse
,
that
it
can
be
tearmed
nothing
else
,
then
a
most
impudent
,
insolent
and
infamous
libel
,
being
not
only
larded
,
with
bitter
invectives
against
the
Cause
and
People
of
God
,
and
railing
speaches
more
suteable
(
if
suteable
for
any
rational
creature
)
for
open
scolds
and
brawling
wives
,
then
for
a
man
,
(
unlesse
he
except
such
a
man
,
as
hath
by
perjury
and
more
then
feminine
levity
,
declared
himself
,
by
his
owne
grant
,
to
be
one
of
a
debauched
conscience
)
but
also
tending
most
falsly
to
father
on
the
honest
people
of
God
such
things
as
never
came
into
their
mindes
:
Whereby
this
railing
Rabshakeh
proveth
himself
,
to
all
sober
judicious
persons
,
to
be
an
impudent
lying
calumniator
;
and
his
pamphlet
,
a
more
then
ordinarily
insolent
,
base
,
lying
,
and
infamous
libel
.
3.
He
tels
us
,
that
in
his
Survey
,
several
things
falling
in
debate
in
these
times
are
considered
.
But
by
vvhat
vve
have
said
,
vve
have
seen
,
that
such
things
as
he
hath
in
the
preceeding
chapters
considered
,
for
the
most
part
,
are
either
such
things
as
should
be
put
beyond
debate
,
by
all
who
have
not
renunced
Humanity
,
Reason
,
&
Religion
;
or
such
things
concerning
which
himself
hath
needlesly
and
foolishly
(
as
it
may
be
his
rewarders
will
finde
)
moved
the
debate
;
unlesse
he
bring
some
other
things
above
board
,
in
the
next
part
or
parts
,
then
we
see
in
this
?
4.
Moreover
,
he
tells
us
,
that
[
here
some
doctrines
in
Lex
Rex
&
Apol.
Narration
(
he
should
have
said
relation
)
are
brought
to
the
touch
stone
.
]
But
if
in
what
he
hath
furder
to
say
,
he
mention
not
some
other
doctrines
,
then
what
we
see
in
〈…〉
every
rational
Man
vvill
see
that
he
hath
rather
brought
some
drops
then
doctrines
of
these
books
to
any
touch
stone
,
yea
even
to
the
touch
stone
of
his
owne
unsolid
and
buttery
fancy
,
for
his
Reason
hath
no
pallat
to
taste
truth
aright
.
5.
In
this
1.
part
he
tels
us
that
[
He
Represents
the
dreadful
aspect
of
Naphtali's
principles
upon
the
powers
Ordained
of
God
,
and
detects
the
horrid
consequences
in
practice
,
necessarily
resulting
from
such
principles
.
But
more
truely
,
the
dreadful
state
of
his
owne
distempered
braine
,
both
in
his
judgment
,
misunderstanding
what
Naphtaly
sayes
,
and
in
his
ratiocinative
faculty
,
giving
us
nothing
but
non-sequitur's
for
clear
consequences
,
And
the
manifestly
dreadful
aspect
,
which
his
owne
principles
have
on
all
Commonwealthes
,
and
on
all
Rational
and
Religious
persons
,
together
with
the
affected
stile
of
a
base
&
ignorant
gnatho
,
Time
serving
parasite
&
Royally
rewarded
court
flatterer
,
who
having
a
latitudinarian's
conscience
,
or
rather
a
conscience
utterly
(
I
wish
,
not
irrecoverably
)
debauched
,
maketh
no
conscience
what
he
sayeth
,
if
he
can
please
King
and
Court
:
And
how
pernicious
such
Sycophants
have
been
to
Kings
in
all
ages
,
histories
sufficiently
declare
.
6.
Then
he
praefixeth
,
Iob
13
:
ver.
7
,
9
,
11.
will
you
speak
wickedly
for
God
,
&c.
A
passage
which
most
fitly
quadrats
with
him
(
unlesse
he
say
he
intendeth
not
to
plead
for
God
,
but
for
a
creature
,
yea
and
upon
the
matter
,
for
the
devil
)
who
,
as
Job's
Friends
conspired
against
Iob
,
and
maintained
a
wrong
thesis
,
&
erred
no
lesse
in
the
hypothesis
or
in
the
application
to
Iob
;
so
he
conspireth
with
other
Royalists
to
defend
erroneous
and
long-since
decarded
theses
,
and
maketh
as
evil
applications
to
our
present
case
,
as
hath
been
shewed
.
His
discourse
sheweth
to
all
that
he
is
an
accepter
of
persons
,
not
secretly
indeed
,
but
openly
;
and
so
this
forger
of
lies
speaks
wickedly
for
the
King
,
who
is
(
very
like
)
all
his
God
:
But
we
are
confident
,
God
shall
search
him
out
and
reprove
him
.
Then
he
prefixeth
,
Psal.
144
:
ver.
10.
It
is
he
that
giveth
Salvation
unto
Kings
,
who
delivereth
David
his
Servant
from
the
hurtful
sword
.
A
noble
truth
,
which
all
Kings
would
look
to
,
and
if
they
expected
any
good
of
this
good
word
,
would
●ay
out
themselves
for
this
God
and
this
〈◊〉
,
and
not
stand
in
opposition
against
him
,
lest
they
since
that
he
who
is
terrible
to
the
Kings
of
the
Earth
,
Psal.
76
:
ver.
12.
And
Made
higher
then
the
Kings
of
the
Earth
,
Psal.
89
:
ver.
27.
Shall
not
spare
but
strick
thorow
Kings
in
the
day
of
his
wrath
,
Ps.
110
:
5.
And
finde
a
way
to
make
good
that
,
Psal.
149
:
v.
5
,
—
9.
[
For
the
Lord
●aketh
pleasure
in
his
people
,
he
will
beautify
the
meek
with
salvation
,
let
the
saints
be
joyful
in
glory
,
let
them
sing
aloud
upon
their
beds
,
let
the
high
praises
of
God
be
in
their
mouth
,
and
a
two
edged
sword
in
their
hand
,
to
execute
vengeance
upon
the
heathen
,
and
punishments
upon
the
people
.
To
binde
their
Kings
with
chaines
,
and
their
Nobles
with
fetters
of
iron
.
To
execute
upon
them
the
judgment
written
:
This
honour
have
all
the
saints
,
praise
ye
the
Lord
.
]
But
it
is
to
be
observed
,
that
by
his
bringing
forth
of
this
place
of
scripture
,
he
vvorld
make
the
vvould
beleeve
,
that
the
party
he
opposeth
is
thirsting
for
the
life
of
the
King
,
which
is
but
this
false
calumniator's
fiction
:
&
we
shall
make
use
of
the
very
next
words
of
that
same
Psal.
144.
v.
11.
&
say
[
Rid
us
and
deliver
us
from
the
hand
of
strange
Children
whose
mouth
speaketh
vanity
,
and
their
right
hand
is
a
right
hand
of
falshood
.
]
And
in
the
last
place
prefixeth
Proverb
.
cap.
24
:
ver.
21
,
22.
My
Son
feare
thou
the
Lord
and
the
King
,
and
meddle
not
with
them
that
are
given
to
change
,
&c.
And
doth
he
account
himself
and
his
party
,
fearers
of
God
,
who
have
so
Apostatized
,
and
palpably
perjured
themselves
?
and
doth
he
think
,
that
such
as
feare
not
God
can
ever
fear
the
King
aright
?
If
he
do
,
he
is
mistaken
.
And
who
are
most
given
to
changes
,
They
or
we
,
let
the
World
judge
.
What
was
this
impudent
man's
brazen
face
doing
while
he
wrote
downe
this
passage
?
What
was
his
debauched
conscience
doing
?
Was
there
no
blushing
?
Was
there
no
conviction
?
Did
not
this
text
flee
in
his
face
?
If
not
,
sure
his
conscience
must
be
extreamly
debauched
,
and
I
fear
fea●ed
with
a
hote
iron
.
And
therefore
let
us
take
notice
of
this
,
and
meddle
not
with
such
as
are
given
to
change
,
knowing
that
the
following
word
shall
be
made
good
.
〈◊〉
calamity
shall
rise
suddenly
and
who
knoweth
their
ruine
?
Our
King
liveth
,
and
he
shall
come
.
Even
so
come
Lord
Jesus
,
and
let
all
thine
Enemies
perish
.
But
now
let
us
come
to
his
preface
,
that
master
piece
of
verulency
.
1.
He
tells
us
it
hath
been
,
and
is
the
lot
of
the
●ilitant
Church
to
be
as
it
were
grinded
betwixt
the
two
milstones
of
a
〈◊〉
and
Atheisticall
world
,
and
of
a
party
pretending
highly
for
truth
and
piety
.
And
amongst
the
last
(
by
whom
he
meaneth
the
Sect
of
the
Anabaptists
)
he
would
reckon
the
faithful
of
the
land
,
who
adhere
to
their
Covenants
,
and
are
constantly
set
against
that
abjured
hierarchy
.
But
when
we
marke
his
scope
,
we
see
what
he
would
say
in
plaine
tearmes
,
if
he
durst
for
shame
,
viz.
That
they
are
now
the
only
militant
Church
of
the
Lord
in
Scotland
.
This
is
a
great
change
,
I
confesse
,
when
Christ
shall
have
no
other
Church
in
Scotland
,
but
the
perjured
,
apostatical
,
popish
,
prelatical
and
malignant
faction
,
that
hath
been
from
the
beginning
,
an
heart
and
avowed
enemy
to
the
Church
and
People
of
God
,
and
never
more
wicked
and
debauched
then
it
is
this
day
:
And
yet
so
holy
is
it
,
that
it
must
arrogate
to
itself
alone
,
the
name
of
the
Church
.
But
what
Church
?
Be-like
the
Synagoge
of
Satan
which
call
themselves
jewes
but
are
not
,
or
that
coetus
malignantium
(
as
the
vulgar
hath
it
)
Psal.
26
:
v.
4.
The
congregation
of
evil
deors
which
should
be
hated
and
not
joynd
with
.
They
the
Church
,
who
have
banished
Christ
out
of
the
Church
,
abjured
his
interests
,
persecuted
to
the
death
his
brethren
and
followers
?
Must
they
be
the
Church
,
who
are
a
company
of
perjured
Apostats
,
prophane
ranters
,
Men
of
debauched
consciences
,
wicked
lives
,
corrupt
principles
,
prodigiously
licentious
,
and
running
to
all
excesse
of
riot
&
iniquity
?
They
the
only
Church
,
whose
chief
Fathers
are
Apostate
Prelats
,
sensual
,
brutish
,
latitudinarian
Epicures
,
void
of
the
faith
,
Enemies
to
piety
,
carnal
worldings
,
whose
God
is
their
belly
,
who
minde
earthly
things
,
&
whose
end
shall
be
destruction
,
dogs
,
evill
workers
,
and
the
concision
,
of
which
we
should
b●●are
?
Phil.
2
:
ver
2.
Are
these
Prelate
Bite-sheeps
,
rather
then
Bishops
,
blamelesse
,
the
husbands
of
one
wife
?
Are
they
Vigilant
,
unlesse
when
they
have
much
wine
to
devoure
,
or
a
feast
to
hold
to
Bacchus
?
Are
they
sober
,
who
glutt
themselves
in
sensuality
?
Are
they
of
good
beheaviour
,
whose
carriage
is
abhominable
to
all
sober
persons
?
Are
they
given
to
hospitality
,
who
,
if
they
could
effectuat
it
,
would
not
suffer
a
godly
person
to
have
the
benefite
of
one
nights
Lodging
in
all
the
land
?
Are
they
apt
to
teach
,
who
have
rejected
Christ
and
his
truth
,
and
cry
up
and
commend
Socinian
brats
and
impoisoned
books
?
Are
not
they
given
to
wine
?
Witnesse
all
who
converse
with
some
of
them
.
Are
they
no
strickers
,
who
are
ringleaders
in
persecution
,
and
stirre
up
the
powers
to
spew
out
their
venome
,
against
the
small
remnant
of
the
honest
covenanters
in
the
land
?
are
not
they
greedy
of
filthy
Lucre
,
who
oppresse
all
under
them
,
&
for
a
Bishop's
benefice
have
made
shipewrack
of
their
faith
,
soul
and
conscience
?
Are
they
patient
who
are
so
soon
sadled
;
are
not
they
Brawlers
?
Witnesse
this
pamphleting
prelate
?
Are
not
they
Covetous
?
Witnesse
all
who
have
to
do
with
them
.
Do
they
rule
wel
their
owne
house
,
having
their
Children
in
Subjection
with
all
gravity
;
when
all
see
that
their
families
are
nurseries
of
pride
,
vanity
,
pompe
prodigality
,
idlenesse
,
profanity
and
sensuality
?
And
as
for
their
Underling-curats
,
the
scumme
of
Mankinde
,
who
seeth
not
their
nakednesse
?
Is
this
the
Church
,
when
they
who
say
they
sit
in
Moses
seat
,
are
such
patrons
of
profanity
,
and
patronizers
of
wickednesse
,
and
unworthy
to
be
accounted
Members
in
any
tolerably
reformed
Church
?
Are
they
the
militant
Church
,
who
triumph
in
their
silks
and
velvets
,
rideing
with
foot
mantels
in
Parliaments
,
sitting
in
Councils
and
Sessions
?
I
fear
many
,
of
them
shall
never
see
another
triumphant
Church
.
If
they
be
the
corne
grinded
betwixt
two
milstones
,
where
is
the
professedly
profane
,
and
atheistical
world
which
trouble
them
?
Sure
,
seing
these
are
the
only
members
of
their
Church
,
they
must
be
nothing
else
but
the
Nether
milstone
:
Nay
the
poor
afflicted
people
of
God
finde
them
the
upper
milstone
too
:
for
by
them
and
at
their
instigation
,
are
they
brocken
in
pieces
,
persecuted
to
the
death
,
scattered
into
corners
;
and
banished
to
other
nations
.
And
as
he
cannot
give
us
the
professedly
prophane
and
atheistical
world
distinct
from
themselves
,
So
he
shall
never
be
able
to
rank
the
truely
godly
,
who
are
persecuted
this
day
for
righteousnesse
sake
,
among
the
wilde
seck
of
Anabaptists
.
As
shall
be
shewed
afterward
.
Ay
but
Pag.
5.
he
sayes
[
As
Whitgift
and
Hooker
these
godly
,
sage
,
and
sagacious
persons
(
forsooth
)
considering
the
tendency
and
consequence
of
some
of
their
principles
,
who
were
vehement
for
Discipline
,
feared
the
breaking
out
of
that
evil
;
so
now
they
see
it
is
come
to
passe
for
that
Mystery
of
iniquity
which
worketh
to
the
confusion
of
humane
societies
,
to
the
bringing
of
divine
ordinances
into
contempte
,
and
to
the
introduceing
of
Libertinisme
,
Quakerisme
,
Rantisme
,
and
Atheisme
,
can
shrowd
itself
under
diverse
external
formes
of
Church
government
.
]
But
sure
if
vve
may
judge
of
the
cause
by
the
effect
,
there
being
more
Libertinisme
,
Quakerisme
,
Rantisme
and
Atheisme
.
this
day
in
Scotland
,
then
vvas
all
the
vvhile
that
presbyterian
government
vvas
in
vigour
,
vve
must
say
that
Prelates
and
Prelatical
principles
usher
in
these
evils
,
vvhich
shroud
more
under
their
lap
,
then
under
presbyterians
:
Anabaptists
:
he
tells
us
out
of
Ames
Fresh
Sute
Pag.
93.
had
their
owne
Bishops
,
but
vvhere
findes
he
that
they
had
Presbyterian
government
?
It
seemeth
then
that
prelacy
can
comply
better
vvith
Anabaptisme
,
then
presbytery
;
and
so
it
will
indeed
:
For
they
being
tvvo
of
Satan's
devices
must
not
discorde
.
It
vvould
appear
that
neither
Whitgift
nor
Hooker
have
been
so
sage
or
sagacious
,
nor
himself
so
sharpsighted
,
as
to
see
such
furious
Spirits
lurking
under
our
lap
;
we
and
all
see
them
rather
svvarming
under
his
ovvn
lap
.
2.
This
instrument
of
Satan
cometh
next
to
sowe
some
tares
,
Pag.
5
,
6.
and
pretending
much
tendernesse
to
some
moderat
men
(
as
he
calleth
them
)
of
our
way
,
he
adviseth
them
for
God's
glory
,
the
honour
of
his
reformed
Churches
,
compassion
to
seduced
souls
,
and
true
interest
of
their
ovvne
reputation
,
to
disclaime
by
some
publick
deed
,
what
Naphtaly
sayes
,
left
they
be
accounted
partakers
of
the
guilt
.
But
wise
and
sagacious
persons
will
easily
see
this
snare
,
and
will
not
lay
much
weight
upon
all
this
perjured
wretches
faire
pretensions
,
and
will
readily
be
convinced
that
there
is
no
such
vile
things
issueing
from
Naphtaly
(
when
what
he
sayes
is
rightly
understood
,
and
not
wiredrawne
and
miserably
throvvne
vvith
prejudice
)
nor
such
doctrines
or
practices
,
there
asserted
or
maintained
,
Hovv
ever
this
railer
call
them
scandalous
and
shameful
,
as
they
need
to
be
ashamed
of
,
and
that
it
vvill
neither
be
for
the
glory
of
God
,
the
honour
of
his
Churches
,
the
good
of
souls
,
nor
their
ovvne
credite
,
to
dance
to
this
man's
pipe
,
to
follovv
divisive
motions
,
contrare
to
our
Covenants
,
to
joyne-in
vvith
malignant
Apostates
,
constant
and
svvorne
enemies
to
the
vvork
of
reformation
,
to
make
the
heart
of
the
people
of
God
sad
whom
the
Lord
would
not
have
made
sad
;
&
to
fortify
&
strengthen
the
hands
of
the
wicked
.
Verbum
sapienti
fas
est
,
we
know
the
proverb
,
it
is
not
good
for
the
lambs
,
when
the
fox
preacheth
.
3.
This
meek
man
tells
us
next
,
That
it
is
not
his
designe
to
offend
the
generation
of
the
humble
,
meek
,
self
denyed
seekers
of
God's
face
,
partakers
with
him
of
the
same
precious
faith
,
and
runing
to
obtaine
the
same
prize
of
the
inheritance
.
O!
who
can
decyphere
unto
us
these
persons
;
who
are
these
humble
meek
,
self-denyed
seekers
of
God's
face
,
whom
this
man
will
not
grieve
?
Are
these
the
latitudinarian
Atheists
,
the
Gallioes
,
the
coldrife
Laôdiceans
,
who
care
not
what
Religion
be
professed
?
It
is
like
men
of
that
principle
,
will
not
be
much
grieved
by
any
thing
which
he
hath
said
O!
but
he
meaneth
some
of
those
who
differ
from
him
in
judgment
in
some
particulars
:
but
what
are
these
particulars
?
Meum
and
tuum
?
I
feare
he
take
not
such
for
meeke
humble
or
self
denyed
persons
,
and
they
will
have
as
little
reason
to
take
him
for
such
an
one
.
Are
these
particulars
,
Church
Government
?
And
who
are
these
who
differ
from
him
in
that
poynt
,
whom
he
accounts
humble
meek
and
self
denyed
?
Possibly
the
few
honest
publick
resolutioners
.
But
I
suppose
these
faithful
Men
desire
none
of
his
commendations
.
Neither
will
they
look
upon
themselves
as
partakers
of
the
same
precious
faith
with
him
and
his
fraternity
,
who
have
made
shipewrak
of
their
faith
.
Nor
do
they
minde
to
run
to
obtaine
the
same
prize
with
him
and
his
perjured
fraternity
▪
which
will
be
the
broad
roll
,
the
long
&
broad
curse
,
which
will
enter
into
the
house
of
him
that
sweareth
falsly
,
and
the
heavy
wrath
and
vengeance
of
God
due
to
apostates
;
as
they
like
not
to
turne
Prelates
,
and
swallow
downe
bishopriks
which
,
is
all
the
prize
,
and
all
the
inheritance
,
which
some
run
over
light
and
conscience
and
all
,
to
obtaine
.
Doth
this
wicked
Man
still
intende
to
sowe
sedition
,
and
to
widen
that
difference
?
Is
he
ignorant
of
the
original
of
that
sad
contest
?
Is
he
yet
to
be
informed
that
the
rational
feares
and
foresight
of
not
a
few
of
these
Ministers
and
Professors
who
obtained
mercy
to
be
jealous
for
the
Lord
,
did
impose
a
necessity
upon
them
(
in
order
to
the
preventing
of
a
re-establishing
and
re-introduceing
of
these
abjured
abhominations
)
to
Dissent
from
,
and
protest
against
,
the
course
which
was
at
that
time
taken
,
in
public
judicatories
:
And
upon
the
other
hand
these
godly
men
(
whom
,
with
much
sorrow
of
heart
,
and
the
greatest
of
reluctancies
,
they
did
oppose
,
as
knoweing
how
really
deare
the
precious
interests
of
Christ
were
to
them
)
being
Conscious
of
their
ovvne
integrity
and
streightnesse
,
in
the
matters
of
God
,
and
measureing
others
by
themselves
,
(
or
thinking
it
hardly
possible
;
yea
rather
morally
impossible
;
that
the
very
same
men
,
who
had
joyned
with
them
in
so
solemne
an
ingagement
to
God
,
and
by
vvhom
,
the
souls
of
his
People
thorovv
the
Land
,
had
been
brought
under
the
bond
of
the
Covenant
,
could
,
vvhile
pretending
to
their
former
streightnesse
be
such
miscreants
and
monsters
,
that
neither
any
Conscience
toward
God
,
nor
shame
before
the
world
,
could
bind
them
to
the
good
behaviour
,
and
tye
them
up
from
returneing
to
their
former
vomit
)
did
mistake
their
brethren
in
that
opposition
,
and
became
jealous
of
them
;
and
did
likewise
by
a
sad
overplus
of
ill
grounded
Charity
,
mistake
the
enemies
of
the
work
of
God
for
friends
;
and
because
they
had
once
with
them
ingaged
to
pluk
up
that
unhallowed
plant
of
prelacy
,
as
none
of
Gods
planteing
,
under
an
Anathema
Maranatha
,
they
vvere
not
suspicious
that
this
accursed
thing
vvas
still
vvith
them
,
or
that
after
they
had
joyned
vvith
them
,
in
commending
the
good
wayes
of
God
,
and
crying
Grace
Grace
upon
the
building
,
they
should
vvith
the
same
breath
,
cry
out
Crucify
Crucify
all
the
friends
of
the
vvork
of
God
;
and
by
an
unparalleled
dissimulation
,
onely
be
vvatching
for
an
opportunity
of
bursting
his
bonds
asunder
,
and
casting
avvay
his
cords
from
them
:
He
cannot
be
ignorant
,
I
say
,
that
this
gave
the
rise
to
all
these
sad
debats
;
and
therefore
,
I
am
hopeful
and
confident
,
that
vvhen
that
mystery
of
iniquity
vvhich
vvas
then
vvorking
,
is
novv
manifest
;
and
vvhen
that
Conspiracy
against
God
;
vvhich
did
then
lurk
and
lay
hide
under
the
vaile
of
friendship
to
the
vvork
of
God
,
is
novv
broke
forth
to
the
hight
of
rebellion
against
him
vvho
is
King
in
Zion
,
that
all
the
Controversies
vvhich
henceforth
shall
be
betvveen
these
brethren
,
shall
be
buryed
in
this
one
blessed
contest
,
vvho
shall
love
God
most
,
and
one
another
best
;
vvho
shall
most
earnestly
and
eagerly
contend
for
the
faith
once
delivered
to
the
saints
,
who
shall
be
most
forward
in
following
the
Lord
fully
,
and
peremptory
in
adhereing
to
the
least
hove
of
the
precious
truths
of
Christ
,
now
trampled
upon
by
these
overturners
and
supplanters
:
Yea
,
I
am
confident
,
that
these
godly
men
who
have
been
most
deceived
and
cheated
into
a
credulity
of
the
honesty
and
integrity
of
them
,
who
are
now
gone
out
from
them
,
because
they
were
never
of
them
,
will
judge
that
they
are
more
particularly
and
especially
concerned
to
set
themselves
in
opposition
to
these
dissembling
Apostats
,
and
use
all
lavvful
means
to
overturne
these
treacherous
overturners
,
and
put
the
Church
of
Sotland
in
Statu
quo
prius
,
since
by
the
intrusting
of
the
cause
to
these
men
of
perfidy
,
the
cause
hath
been
lost
,
and
themselves
are
Lorded
over
,
together
vvith
the
rest
of
the
inheritance
of
the
Lord
:
Let
me
once
more
say
that
,
I
hope
,
this
shall
be
the
effect
,
vvhich
his
second
attempt
to
a
further
division
amongst
the
remnant
,
vvho
stand
in
opposition
to
the
vvay
of
these
vvicked
men
,
shall
have
amongst
his
Servants
,
and
that
the
divider
shall
live
to
see
his
disigne
mis give
and
hear
a
sweet
harmony
(
after
all
former
jarring
discords
)
amongst
the
servants
of
the
Lord
,
in
singing
a
Higgajon
selah
because
this
vvicked
man
vvith
his
complices
are
insnared
in
this
and
other
vvorks
of
their
ovvne
hands
.
4.
He
goeth
on
in
his
fascination
(
but
in
vaine
is
the
net
spread
in
the
sight
of
any
bird
)
and
would
persuade
us
,
that
he
can
not
take
these
humble
,
meek
,
self
denyed
seekers
of
God
,
as
partakers
with
Naphtaly
and
his
adherents
:
For
why
?
[
who
can
imagine
(
sayes
he
)
that
a
meek
people
,
who
hath
the
promise
of
God's
teaching
,
should
be
so
far
transported
,
as
to
take
the
circumstantials
of
Religion
,
for
the
greater
and
weighty
matters
of
Law
and
Gospel
,
without
which
known
and
beleeved
,
none
can
come
to
God
?
]
Can
we
think
,
or
can
any
but
this
wretch
,
who
feareth
not
God
,
think
,
that
the
observing
of
sacred
Covenants
,
made
about
the
life
and
substantials
of
Religion
,
as
well
as
more
external
things
,
is
no
great
and
weighty
matter
of
the
Law
?
No
humble
understanding
seeker
of
God
,
but
,
though
he
knoweth
there
is
a
difference
betwixt
the
circumstantialls
of
Religion
,
and
the
weightier
matters
of
Law
and
Gospel
,
yet
,
as
He
will
not
account
every
thing
circumstantial
,
which
this
circumstantially
substantial
Prelat
,
vvil
call
so
;
so
,
He
vvill
have
a
tender
regard
to
every
thing
,
vvhich
Christ
hath
appoynted
in
his
house
.
But
,
I
pray
,
vvho
can
take
his
Man
for
one
of
these
meek
people
vvho
hath
the
promise
of
God's
teaching
,
vvho
to
obtaine
a
bishoprick
,
a
circumstantial
in
his
account
,
(
but
really
to
him
and
his
collegues
a
substantiall
sappy
thing
,
&
to
sensual
carnal
Epicures
and
bellygods
,
and
to
such
as
care
for
no
other
portion
,
but
one
in
this
life
)
hath
sold
and
given
away
the
most
weighty
matters
of
Law
and
Gospel
both
?
And
how
he
shall
then
come
to
God
,
unlesse
he
repent
,
I
see
not
;
It
may
be
the
needle
headed
casuist
hath
found
out
a
new
way
,
and
(
if
not
sure
and
saife
,
yet
)
to
his
experience
easy
and
honourable
,
viz.
by
ascending
from
a
Presbyter
to
a
Prelate
:
But
whither
next
?
Exitus
acta
probat
,
either
backward
,
or
headlong
downe
the
precipice
.
Againe
[
Who
can
think
(
sayes
he
)
that
an
intelligent
people
should
account
,
that
the
concernes
of
Christ's
Kingdome
and
their
owne
salvation
,
do
lye
with
so
much
stresse
upon
this
poynt
,
that
the
weakest
and
most
ignorant
Minister
shall
have
a
potestative
parity
,
with
the
Man
of
greatest
gifts
,
learning
,
and
knowledge
;
that
the
minister
weakest
in
his
prudentialls
,
should
have
equal
authority
in
the
managing
of
the
matters
of
God's
house
,
with
the
wisest
and
one
of
the
most
noted
prudence
;
that
the
youngest
,
rawest
and
most
unexperienced
Minister
should
have
as
much
power
in
ruleing
the
house
of
God
,
as
the
Man
fullest
of
years
,
whose
judgment
is
consolidated
and
ripened
for
government
,
and
who
hath
for
a
long
time
given
such
documents
of
good
and
wise
behaviour
,
that
makes
him
fitter
to
rule
the
younger
sort
,
then
to
be
ruled
by
them
?
]
Answ.
No
doubt
but
ye
are
the
people
and
wisdome
shall
die
with
you
,
yee
are
the
Men
of
greatest
gifts
,
learning
and
knowledge
,
viz.
to
devoure
cups
,
loose
the
knots
of
Govenants
,
and
to
lead
people
the
broad
way
to
hell
;
you
are
the
wisest
and
most
noted
for
prudence
,
in
that
carnal
wisdome
,
which
is
enmity
to
God
,
and
in
that
worldly
way
of
selling
soul
and
conscience
,
to
purchase
,
greetings
in
the
high
wayes
,
high
places
,
honours
,
revenues
,
Court
stations
,
Court
rewards
,
and
Court
complements
,
&c.
You
are
the
Men
fullest
of
years
,
whose
judgment
is
consolidated
&
ripened
for
government
,
giving
for
along
time
documents
of
good
and
wise
behaviour
,
having
not
only
your
judgments
stupidly
blinded
,
but
consciences
seared
and
ripened
for
a
dreadful
plague
;
and
of
this
,
have
you
for
a
long
time
given
sufficient
documents
,
by
shewing
how
chamelion-like
you
can
change
all
colours
,
and
how
wittily
you
can
turne
with
all
tydes
,
and
have
a
behaviour
suteable
for
all
companyes
,
but
the
company
of
God's
people
.
O
ye
Seraphical
Divines
,
or
or
rather
Dunces
!
O
ye
sufficiently
qualified
for
a
bacchus
barrel
!
O
ye
sublime
Doctors
of
the
blake
art
of
perjury
!
O
ye
learned
Clerks
in
the
mysteries
of
the
Kingdome
of
Darknesse
!
O
ye
whose
prudence
is
to
saile
with
all
windes
!
O
ye
Men
of
judgment
consolidated
into
a
stone
,
having
no
conscience
,
and
far
lesse
piety
?
Doubtlesse
you
are
the
Men
,
the
only
Men
fit
for
the
sole
possessing
of
that
potestative
power
and
authority
,
to
manage
the
matters
of
God's
house
,
and
to
rule
the
young
stirplings
▪
But
every
tree
is
known
by
its
frute
,
and
whether
your
singular
Antichristian
supereminency
,
or
the
Apostolick
parity
,
hath
best
mannaged
the
matters
of
Christ's
house
,
the
present
overflowing
and
abounding
of
Idolatry
,
Superstition
,
Sodomy
,
Adultery
,
Uncleanesse
,
Drunkenesse
,
Atheisme
,
Ignorance
,
Profanity
,
malignancy
,
hatred
of
piety
,
persecution
of
godlinesse
,
and
such
like
abhominations
,
and
the
villannies
of
these
debauched
creatures
the
Curates
,
will
,
to
all
serious
and
sober●
onlookers
,
determine
:
And
by
the
present
face
of
affaires
,
together
with
all
that
,
which
what
is
already
come
doth
presage
,
compared
with
what
was
seen
while
Presbyterian
government
was
in
any
vigour
and
integrity
,
will
make
all
that
feare
the
Lord
,
see
that
more
of
the
concerns
of
Christ's
Kingdome
and
their
owne
salvation
,
lyeth
upon
that
very
poynt
of
the
discipline
of
Christ's
house
,
then
by
many
hath
been
thought
,
and
will
be
a
sufficient
confirmation
,
that
this
parity
,
and
not
their
domineering
superiority
,
was
the
only
forme
of
government
established
by
Christ
and
his
Apostles
.
Moreover
he
sayes
,
[
Or
who
can
see
the
prejudice
to
Christ's
Kingdome
,
and
precious
souls
,
if
such
a
worthy
person
(
as
is
described
)
be
intrusted
with
inspection
over
other
Brethren
and
Churches
,
in
a
reasonable
bounds
,
not
with
a
dominative
or
lordly
power
,
but
paternal
and
fatherly
;
not
to
do
after
his
owne
arbitrement
,
and
as
one
unchallengeable
in
his
actions
,
but
to
be
regulated
by
acts
of
the
Church
and
Land
,
and
to
be
responsible
to
his
Super
tours
in
case
of
maleversation
;
not
to
rule
solely
,
but
with
the
consent
and
Counsel
of
Presbysers
;
]
Answ.
By
this
Tyranny
in
the
Church
,
all
may
see
what
prejudice
doth
dayly
come
to
Christ's
Kingdome
,
and
to
precious
souls
,
who
will
but
open
their
eyes
.
By
what
authority
should
any
clame
that
power
of
inspection
over
others
,
and
that
in
a
most
unreasonable
bounds
?
Is
the
power
of
the
present
Lordly
Lord
Prelates
paternal
?
Sure
they
must
be
step
Fathers
then
,
and
that
of
the
cruelest
kinde
?
Have
not
the
present
Lordly
Prelats
,
as
much
dominative
and
Lordly
power
,
as
ever
they
had
in
Scotland
?
And
do
they
not
rule
and
domineer
in
the
Church
after
their
owne
arbitrement
?
Who
is
to
controle
them
,
unlesse
the
good
King
but
a
gentle
curb
in
some
or
their
jawes
to
make
way
for
greater
rage
and
Tyranny
?
What
acts
of
the
Church
are
these
which
regulate
them
?
Be-like
the
lawes
&
acts
which
their
owne
lusts
make
,
within
their
owne
breasts
;
for
they
are
the
Church
,
the
holy
Clergy
,
and
who
but
they
?
Who
are
over
them
as
Superiours
?
Sure
none
but
the
King
,
in
their
account
;
and
to
him
must
they
be
responsible
;
and
if
they
forget
not
the
Court-art
,
but
laboure
to
keep
some
chief
courtiers
on
their
side
,
they
know
all
will
be
well
,
and
they
will
hear
no
rebukes
,
but
well
done
good
and
faithful
Servant
;
but
no
Church
judicatory
is
over
them
.
But
Zion's
King
is
above
them
and
their
Superiour
also
,
and
he
will
call
them
to
an
account
for
their
usurpation
and
Tyranny
.
He
tells
us
,
they
rule
with
the
consent
and
Counsel
of
Presbyters
;
but
when
?
And
where
?
And
how
?
What
?
Will
they
walke
by
the
consent
and
Counsel
of
the
weakest
and
most
ignorant
of
Presbyters
,
weakest
in
their
prudentialls
,
Youngest
,
rawest
,
and
most
unexperienced
stirplings
?
Sure
they
being
men
of
greatest
gifts
,
learning
and
knowleldge
,
the
wisest
,
and
most
noted
for
purdence
,
Men
fullest
of
yeers
,
whose
judgment
is
consolidated
and
ripened
for
government
,
will
think
it
below
them
to
rule
with
the
consent
and
counsel
of
those
;
And
experience
doth
prove
it
.
5.
This
noble
disputant
vvill
come
in
the
follovving
words
Pag.
7.
and
prove
the
Ius
divinum
of
prelacy
,
not
only
against
us
,
who
hold
it
to
be
jure
Antichristi
;
but
against
King
,
Parliament
and
all
the
Malignant
cabal
,
who
hold
it
only
Iure
Caroli
:
But
the
man's
judgment
is
so
consolidated
,
and
he
is
so
vvell
read
in
his
prudentials
,
that
he
must
dravv
bridle
,
and
speak
spareingly
,
and
only
whisper
out
what
he
would
faine
be
at
,
and
say
.
[
Can
this
way
be
disrelished
by
sober
Christians
,
being
so
strongly
pleaded
by
the
light
of
sound
reason
.
]
Nay
rather
,
by
the
light
of
ambition
,
vanity
,
vaine
glory
,
love
of
money
,
luxury
,
covetousnesse
,
love
of
this
present
world
more
then
the
love
of
God
,
and
the
edification
of
his
Church
;
As
all
who
are
not
sworne
slaves
to
the
perjured
prelates
will
confidently
averre
sub
rosa
.
[
Making
so
much
(
sayes
he
)
for
the
comelinesse
and
order
of
Chrisi's
Church
.
]
Rather
so
much
for
the
deformity
,
confusion
and
destruction
of
the
Church
,
and
of
all
true
Church-order
,
as
not
only
all
who
have
eyes
in
their
heads
will
grant
,
but
the
present
frutes
and
effects
cry
out
to
all
the
world
.
[
Being
(
he
addeth
)
so
suteable
and
correspondent
to
the
ancient
government
of
the
Church
of
Israel
wherein
there
wee
Priests
,
and
chief
Priests
,
and
several
rankes
of
Ministers
,
an
order
which
was
neither
typical
nor
temporal
;
but
hath
a
standing
reason
reaching
us
.
]
O
so
bravely
as
this
advocat
pleads
for
the
Pope
!
hath
he
gote
the
promise
of
a
Cardinal's
cap
for
his
paines
?
Because
there
was
one
high
Priest
over
all
the
Church
,
must
we
have
also
one
Pope
?
Good
Master
Prelate
prove
your
consequence
,
for
we
see
no
such
standing
reason
reaching
us
,
as
to
this
;
nor
as
to
what
you
would
conclude
,
the
case
being
the
same
.
[
Being
(
sayes
he
)
so
conforme
to
the
beginnings
of
Christ's
ordering
the
New
Testament
Ministry
,
where
there
were
Apostles
above
the
seventy
disciples
.
]
Nay
rather
so
conforme
to
Antichrist's
ordering
of
his
Church
;
for
,
as
the
seventy
Disciples
were
to
be
no
standing
officers
in
Christ's
house
,
so
the
Apostles
had
no
superiority
of
order
or
jurisdiction
over
them
,
they
were
intrusted
with
no
inspection
over
these
.
Let
our
Master
Bishope
with
all
his
gifts
,
learning
,
and
knowledge
shew
this
if
he
can
?
Being
(
sayes
he
further
)
so
agreable
to
the
Apostles
constitution
of
the
government
of
the
Churches
of
the
New
Testament
,
which
was
in
an
imparity
of
power
in
Ministers
,
as
is
luculently
exemplified
in
the
power
of
Timothy
,
and
Titus
,
who
were
not
Evangelists
,
nor
ever
accounted
so
by
the
spirit
of
God
.
]
It
seemeth
then
Paul
was
not
acted
by
the
spirit
of
God
,
when
he
said
to
Timothy
2
Tim.
4
:
5.
do
the
work
of
an
Euangelist
:
and
since
all
the
proof
which
he
can
bring
of
this
,
is
this
example
of
Timothy
and
Titus
,
let
his
consolidated
and
ripened
judgment
,
taking
to
help
,
the
greatest
of
his
gifts
,
learning
and
knowledge
,
answere
what
Prinne
hath
said
in
his
Unbishoping
of
Timothy
and
Titus
:
and
let
him
not
thus
stope
our
mouth
with
his
raw
and
blunt
assertions
,
lest
wise
men
think
he
hath
neither
gifts
,
learning
,
knovvledge
,
prudence
,
nor
judgment
,
but
a
rarifyed
vvindy
braine
,
swelled
to
a
great
bulk
vvith
vanity
and
conceite
,
as
who
but
he
,
who
can
confute
all
books
hovv
ful
soever
of
unansvverable
reasons
,
vvith
his
bare
I
say
otherwise
.
[
And
finally
,
(
sayes
he
)
our
ascended
glorious
Saviour
having
honoured
persons
with
that
precedency
by
letters
,
written
by
his
secretary
Iohn
unto
them
Revel
2
,
and
3.
Chapt
,
wherein
he
sheweth
the
approbation
of
their
office
and
power
,
reproving
their
neglects
,
yet
honouring
them
with
the
stile
of
Angels
to
the
Churches
,
or
his
Messengers
in
speciall
manner
,
which
cannot
,
without
notable
pervers●on
of
the
Scripture
,
be
otherwise
understood
,
but
of
single
persons
presideing
over
presbyters
.
]
Can
no
single
person
preside
over
prebyters
,
except
my
Lord
Prelate
?
Or
are
all
presidents
or
moderators
of
presbyteries
Prelates
?
Nay
he
will
be
loath
to
say
so
.
And
what
can
he
prove
from
thence
(
though
it
were
granted
to
him
that
this
Angel
was
once
single
person
,
which
cannot
be
till
Holy
and
profound
Mr
Durham's
arguments
be
confuted
,
which
will
be
ad
c●lendas
Graecas
)
but
at
most
,
that
this
Angel
was
a
moderator
of
the
meeting
?
Was
he
therefore
the
Lord
Prelate
?
No
,
master
Bishop
;
your
wit
and
learning
both
will
not
prove
this
.
And
hath
your
new
Order
and
dignity
,
to
which
you
are
advance
,
O
Lordly
Prelate
,
infused
no
new
gifts
into
you
,
that
you
might
fasten
your
chaire
with
some
new
nailes
or
arguments
;
or
are
you
so
consolidated
into
the
old
temper
of
your
predecessours
,
that
you
must
rest
satisfied
with
what
they
said
,
as
having
neither
gifts
,
learning
,
knowledge
nor
wit
,
to
invent
new
things
?
But
could
your
lordly
braine
think
of
no
reply
to
the
solidanswers
,
which
poor
,
weak
,
ignorant
and
unexperienced
presbyters
gave
long
agoe
unto
these
arguments
?
Why
then
did
you
chant
over
the
old
song
againe
,
to
make
yourselfe
but
ridiculous
?
Did
you
think
that
your
word
would
have
more
weight
,
then
the
solid
reasons
of
that
solid
and
Eminent
divine
Holy
Mr
Durham
in
his
exposition
of
that
place
?
If
so
,
you
must
have
a
wonderful
high
esteem
of
yourselfe
,
which
will
make
all
wise
Men
to
esteem
the
lesse
of
you
.
[
And
this
order
(
sayes
he
)
Christs
Church
&
dear
spouse
,
having
since
that
time
retained
in
all
places
,
where
Churches
were
constitute
,
without
exception
,
in
all
times
without
interruption
,
until
this
last
age
,
wherein
,
through
hatred
of
corruptions
adhereing
thereto
under
Popery
,
and
because
of
the
enmity
of
the
Popish
Bishops
to
the
reformation
,
some
have
utterly
without
any
reason
rejected
the
office
it self
.
]
O
irrefragable
dictator
!
Ex
tripode
he
dictats
like
another
uncontrollable
Master
.
What
better
is
this
out
of
your
Mouth
,
then
it
was
out
of
old
Bishop
Hall'●
the
Remonstrator
,
and
confuted
by
Smectymnuus
?
is
this
man
able
to
answere
al
which
Blondel
hath
said
against
this
,
or
learned
Calderwood
in
his
Altar
.
Damasc
.
or
yet
to
answer
what
his
dearer
friend
Stilling
fleet
hath
said
to
this
purpose
,
in
this
Irenicum
?
Why
hath
he
not
once
noticed
that
which
the
author
of
Apologetical
Relation
hath
said
Sect.
1.
Where
he
shewed
out
of
History
and
by
reason
,
that
Palladius
was
the
first
prelate
that
ever
Scotland
saw
?
And
this
solifidian
giveth
us
non
causam
pro
causâ
,
when
he
sayes
that
it
was
only
the
corruptions
of
the
Prelates
,
that
made
some
without
reason
reject
them
,
whereas
it
was
their
want
of
an
institution
of
Christ
,
that
made
all
,
with
the
irrefragability
of
reason
,
reject
them
as
no
officers
of
Christ
:
And
we
shall
willingly
conclude
this
with
his
words
following
[
Who
can
think
that
a
Christian
People
will
not
readyly
follow
the
footsteps
of
the
flock
in
former
generations
.
]
Provideing
he
will
suffer
us
to
adde
this
[
In
so
far
,
and
so
long
,
as
they
walked
after
their
master
Christ
,
and
followed
his
institutions
.
]
6.
Then
Pag.
8.
He
sayes
it
is
not
[
His
intention
Either
to
provock
any
fearers
of
God
,
who
have
been
perhaps
,
in
an
houre
of
tentation
,
miscarryed
to
irregular
courses
,
following
too
readyly
,
in
the
simplicity
of
their
hearts
,
cunning
leaders
,
who
have
had
too
much
dominion
over
their
faith
;
these
we
judge
worthy
of
greatest
tendernesse
in
dealing
with
them
.
]
But
who
are
those
?
Sure
,
by
the
carriage
of
the
present
powers
,
enraged
and
animated
by
the
perfidious
Prelates
,
we
heare
of
none
who
meet
with
any
tendernesse
,
though
he
judge
them
worthy
of
greatnest
tendernesse
,
And
what
are
these
irregular
courses
?
Is
it
an
irregular
course
to
refuse
to
run
with
this
perjured
Prelate
&
his
fraternity
,
to
the
same
excesse
of
apostasy
,
and
as
far
from
their
sworne
allegiance
to
God
,
as
his
debauched
conscience
hath
carryed
him
?
What
was
the
tentation
which
made
them
stand
fast
?
He
knowes
better
what
tentations
(
and
whether
they
lasted
for
a
day
or
for
an
houre
)
they
were
,
which
drew
him
off
;
sure
they
had
none
such
to
move
them
to
stand
fast
,
but
the
fear
of
God
(
which
he
stoke
off
)
made
them
mindeful
of
their
Covenants
.
What
are
these
cunning
leaders
which
he
sayes
had
dominion
over
their
faith
?
They
follow
no
leader
but
their
Master
Christ
.
But
because
he
hath
hung
his
faith
at
the
King's
girdle
,
and
hath
no
other
principles
to
walk
by
,
he
supposes
all
others
to
be
of
his
stamp
,
and
must
needs
hang
on
some
body
:
But
he
will
finde
them
to
be
persons
of
conscience
,
and
not
so
ready
to
follow
any
man
in
the
simplicity
of
their
hearts
,
as
he
suppo●eth
.
Then
being
in
a
good
mood
he
lets
out
a
flash
of
hope
,
saying
[
Nor
are
we
without
hope
that
God
who
stills
the
noise
of
the
seas
,
&c.
Psal.
65
:
ver.
7.
will
in
time
allay
their
animosities
,
and
rebuke
the
stormy
winde
and
seas
of
their
passions
,
that
they
may
be
still
;
and
that
he
will
bring
them
to
consider
their
wayes
,
wherein
they
have
exceeded
,
and
give
them
to
know
how
ill
and
bitter
a
thing
it
is
to
forsake
their
owne
mercies
,
in
the
ordinances
of
God
,
for
the
want
or
having
of
this
or
that
forme
of
external
government
.
]
Now
we
see
that
the
tender
mercyes
of
the
wicked
are
cruel
,
when
we
see
the
tendency
of
the
best
of
the
wishes
and
hopes
of
this
Man
,
when
he
is
in
his
best
mood
.
But
we
are
confident
,
his
hopes
shall
perish
,
as
doth
the
hope
of
the
Hypocrite
,
because
it
is
not
bottomed
on
faith
,
and
he
hath
no
ground
to
beleeve
that
such
as
have
hitherto
keept
themselves
pure
,
shall
at
length
turne
in
with
them
to
the
swineish
pudle
.
We
beleeve
That
that
God
who
stills
the
noise
of
the
seas
,
the
noise
of
the
waves
,
and
the
tumult
of
the
People
,
shall
in
due
time
make
this
true
of
them
,
when
he
shall
shew
himself
the
hearer
of
prayers
,
and
when
he
shall
have
purged
away
our
transgressions
,
and
shall
satisfy
us
with
the
goodnesse
of
his
house
,
and
even
of
his
holy
temple
,
and
so
prove
himself
to
be
the
God
of
our
Salvation
Psal.
65
:
ver.
2
,
3
,
4
,
5.
We
hope
also
he
shall
bring
us
to
consider
these
wayes
,
wherein
indeed
we
have
exceeded
;
and
make
us
know
hovv
ill
and
bitter
a
thing
it
is
to
forsake
our
owne
Mercyes
,
in
not
adhereing
to
all
the
ordinances
of
God
,
so
faithfully
,
as
vve
vovved
in
our
Covenants
to
do
,
even
to
that
external
forme
of
government
,
vvhich
Christ
hath
instituted
,
and
hath
so
signally
ovvned
as
his
ordinance
,
by
his
rich
blessing
follovving
thereupon
,
amongst
us
,
vvhatever
this
indifferent-laodicean-latitudinarian
think
of
the
matter
.
7.
To
vvhom
then
vvould
this
Man
reach
a
blovv
[
These
we
aime
at
(
sayes
he
)
in
this
parallel
with
Anabaptists
,
are
the
Naphtalian
party
,
i e.
the
furious
sort
of
these
who
under
the
conduct
of
this
teacher
and
his
like
,
make
sport
of
rebellions
murthers
,
assassinations
.
]
Novv
the
man
is
in
his
element
,
dipping
his
pen
in
gall
,
and
spevving
out
the
venome
of
his
heart
against
the
zealous
maintainers
of
the
interests
of
Christ
;
&
therefore
his
tongue
is
ready
to
utter
his
mischievous
calumnies
,
and
his
anile
rhetorick
flovveth
over
all
its
banks
:
for
(
sayes
he
)
they
are
[
a
fur●ous
sort
that
make
sport
of
rebellions
murders
assassinations
(
vve
knovv
what
this
aimes
at
;
but
he
might
say
vvoe
to
ill
company
)
that
they
have
hardned
and
harnessed
their
heart
(
O
rare
thetorick
!
)
(
as
appears
by
their
writtings
and
deeds
)
that
they
have
become
stout
in
a
ded●lent
greedinesse
(
O
soaring
elequence
!
)
to
commit
any
wickednesse
,
which
they
account
meet
to
serve
their
designe
,
as
if
their
supposed
good
cause
could
legitimate
the
worst
course
(
all
which
he
must
confirme
with
lies
,
and
say
)
who
make
no
reckoning
,
as
their
Doctor
here
professeth
,
of
overturning
thrones
,
of
making
the
land
drunk
with
the
blood
of
the
inhabitants
,
multiplying
fatherlesse
and
widowes
in
the
midst
thereof
and
introduceing
greatest
confusion
and
calamites
(
because
forsooth
they
would
have
the
order
which
Christ
hath
established
in
his
Church
introduced
,
and
Antichristian
confusion
,
with
all
the
calamities
that
attend
it
and
support
it
,
ejected
and
extirpated
)
that
may
make
all
faces
gather
blacknesse
,
and
all
to
smite
on
the
thigh
,
crying
alas
for
the
day
.
]
(
No
:
he
needs
not
feare
that
any
face
should
gather
blacknesse
,
or
that
any
should
have
cause
to
cry
alas
for
the
day
,
but
the
cursed
crue
of
apostat
perjured
prelats
,
with
their
underlings
,
supporters
and
adherents
.
)
Then
he
proceeds
like
himself
[
If
so
be
(
sayes
he
)
they
may
upon
the
ruins
of
all
,
erect
the
idol
of
pretended
parity
of
Ministers
,
which
when
they
have
set
up
,
the
imperious
agitators
will
(
as
▪
they
have
done
formerly
)
baffle
,
if
any
offer
be
,
to
level
them
to
other
:
and
howsoever
the
weaker
brethren
must
be
Enterteaned
with
faire
words
and
noddified
with
notional
disputs
anent
their
parity
with
the
best
,
that
they
may
think
themselves
some
what
;
Yet
how
disdainfully
was
it
,
and
yet
would
be
taken
,
if
these
low
shrubs
should
assay
a
practicall
parity
with
the
tall
cedars
in
the
governement
of
affaires
.
]
We
see
at
what
this
wormwood
man
aimeth
:
It
is
a
wonder
what
peace
he
hath
now
,
seing
he
looketh
on
himself
as
Lord
prelate
,
as
well
as
the
best
,
that
he
is
not
advanced
to
be
a
member
of
Councel
and
Lord
of
the
Session
with
others
.
It
seemeth
he
is
content
now
to
be
noddified
with
a
notional
disput
anent
his
parity
,
seing
he
hath
gotten
the
fat
portion
he
gaped
for
,
the
only
desireable
thing
,
viz.
his
bishoprick
.
Be
like
the
thing
that
moveth
his
splene
now
to
write
thus
,
is
because
his
quondā●brethren
baffled
him
down
among
the
weak
,
and
did
not
so
intrust
him
as
they
did
that
Arch-deceiver
,
his
late
companion
in
fear
and
perplexity
:
And
so
it
would
seem
,
he
is
only
grieved
,
that
he
had
not
an
equal
hand
with
that
Arch-traitour
sharpe
,
in
cutting
his
Mothers
throat
:
O
strange
!
But
,
to
his
sorrow
let
him
know
,
God
will
take
the
desire
for
the
dead
.
Then
he
closeth
that
paragraph
with
a
quirck
,
saying
,
[
Imparity
was
then
without
tittle
now
it
is
with
it
,
and
there
is
our
change
and
great
defection
,
and
surely
,
that
which
hath
been
,
will
be
,
&
there
is
no
new
thing
under
the
Sun
.
]
And
so
may
the
Pope
say
,
There
was
an
imparity
among
the
Apostles
,
(
for
Peter
and
some
others
were
pillars
)
without
a
title
,
but
now
it
is
with
a
title
:
Is
not
this
well
pleaded
O
Prelatical
Advocat
?
But
whence
is
your
title
Mr
Prelate
?
Or
who
gave
you
than
name
?
The
King
your
God
Father
?
Well
,
then
by
that
right
you
must
enjoy
it
.
but
whence
cometh
the
blessing
and
ratification
?
Not
from
above
,
but
from
—
.
He
hath
forgotten
one
great
change
;
but
that
possibly
he
will
account
no
great
defection
,
viz.
that
,
by
which
he
from
Mr
Presbyter
,
wherein
he
was
in
no
great
account
,
yet
noddyfied
by
some
,
is
turned
my
Lord
Prelate
;
And
now
laboureth
to
noddi●y
all
into
a
consent
&
congratulatory
acquiescence
in
his
advancement
and
dignity
.
But
Ca●aphas
cometh
to
tell
us
,
that
surely
that
which
hath
been
will
be
;
and
so
,
as
formerly
perjured
and
abjured
Prelates
,
have
been
cast
out
of
Church
and
Commonwealth
with
abhomination
,
they
shall
be
yet
againe
cast
out
with
more
abhorrence
then
ever
▪
Esto
.
The
Lord
hasten
it
in
his
time
.
8.
Then
he
tels
us
Pag.
9.
[
That
this
furious
Napht.
coming
●n
upon
the
back
of
the
Apology
,
another
invenomed
egg
,
hatched
(
be
like
)
by
one
and
the
same
cockatrice
;
the
second
justifying
the
rebellion
to
which
the
first
did
instigate
,
and
inflaming
to
more
,
may
let
them
who
will
not
shut
their
owne
eyes
,
see
the
mystery
of
Anabaptistical
confusion
working
and
spreading
.
]
This
man
measureth
others
by
his
owne
foot
,
thinking
that
the
laboures
of
others
,
for
the
justifying
of
the
people
of
God
,
in
defending
themselves
against
not
only
invenomed
principles
,
but
also
invenomed
practices
,
of
such
as
look
rather
like
cockatrices
then
any
other
thing
▪
being
good
for
nothing
but
to
destroy
,
to
be
invenomed
eggs
hatched
by
cockatrices
,
because
his
pamphlet
hatched
by
a
cock-prelate
,
hath
undisputably
the
ve●ome
of
such
an
egge
in
it
.
The
Apology
did
instigate
to
no
rebellion
▪
Nor
doth
Napht.
justify
any
action
truely
so
chargeable
:
As
hath
been
shewed
.
But
his
egg
(
novv
sufficiently
crushed
,
and
put
beyond
the
hazzard
of
endangering
any
who
are
wise
&
rational
)
if
brought
to
perfection
,
had
brocken
forth
into
a
cockatrice
,
and
had
endangered
King
and
Kingdomes
,
and
all
Commonwealths
:
And
because
it
was
full
of
this
venome
,
should
be
condemned
to
the
fire
,
by
all
who
love
their
owne
welfare
and
the
welfare
of
Societies
,
and
of
the
Church
of
God
.
But
how
can
any
see
here
the
mysterie
of
Anabaptistical
confusion
working
?
[
for
(
addeth
he
)
although
the
author
pretendeth
highly
for
presbytery
,
which
he
and
his
complices
(
hauks
of
the
right
nest
)
have
long
agoe
hewed
downe
in
this
Church
,
as
to
the
practice
of
it
.
]
We
knovv
what
this
lying
calumniator
meaneth
,
and
these
with
whom
,
unworthily
,
he
was
sometimes
reckoned
(
being
as
is
novv
apparent
,
a
bird
of
another
nest
)
who
have
found
grace
to
be
faithful
hithertil
,
will
now
acknowledge
(
I
suppose
)
that
such
as
were
opposite
to
them
in
that
debate
,
did
strengthen
and
fortify
the
pillars
of
presbyterian
government
.
[
Yet
(
sayes
he
)
eviden●
it
is
that
his
pretences
for
presbytery
,
are
but
prefaces
to
some
further
great
designe
of
michief
to
Church
and
State
.
]
To
whom
is
this
evident
?
Sure
,
I
think
,
to
none
but
to
himself
&
his
complices
,
whose
plague
is
(
and
as
yet
but
in
part
)
to
be
in
fear
where
no
fear
is
:
How
can
he
make
this
out
?
[
For
(
sayes
he
)
having
sold
himself
to
work
confusion
&
rebellion
,
he
goes
about
to
overthrow
all
powers
ordained
of
God
,
in
a
most
cyclopick
boldnesse
displaying
a
banner
against
all
invested
lawfully
with
any
degree
of
civil
or
Church-power
.
]
This
author
is
like
the
Tinkers
dog
,
which
(
according
to
our
countrey
proverb
)
would
gladly
be
among
good
company
.
He
foists
in
his
Antichristian
usurped
tyrannical
power
and
dominion
over
the
Church
,
among
the
lawful
powers
ordained
of
God
.
But
when
he
sayes
that
Naphtali
displayeth
a
banner
against
the
powers
ordained
of
God
,
he
but
sheweth
his
cyclopick
boldnesse
in
averring
untruths
,
or
his
astrangement
to
cyclopedeja
,
in
drawing
such
inferences
;
but
both
suteable
to
that
execrated
order
of
abjured
Prelacy
,
in
which
there
useth
to
be
but
few
either
civil
or
learned
,
as
this
day
putteth
beyond
debate
.
Then
he
would
make
us
beleeve
that
[
The
Author
doth
not
behave
himself
like
Naphtaly
,
the
hinde
let
loose
which
giveth
goodly
Words
,
&c.
Genes.
49
:
ver.
21.
Deut.
33
:
ver.
23.
But
as
in
his
heart
there
are
evil
treasures
of
wickednesse
,
so
in
his
lips
and
pen
there
is
a
burning
fire
,
he
strives
to
enflame
all
with
the
rage
of
his
tongue
,
and
runs
upon
all
sorts
of
authorities
,
f●om
the
highest
to
the
lowest
,
like
a
savage
Beast
or
wilde
Beare
,
let
loose
to
waste
and
confound
miserably
both
the
visible
Kingdome
of
Christ
in
the
Land
,
and
the
civil
Kingdome
thereof
setled
upon
the
best
foundations
.
]
The
Book
answered
its
name
:
for
it
was
a
hinde
let
loose
and
gave
goodly
words
,
for
God
,
his
Cause
,
and
people
;
and
it
is
not
to
give
goodly
words
,
to
flatter
Princes
or
Prelates
,
howbeit
he
who
judgeth
like
a
sensualist
would
account
such
,
words
of
goodlinesse
,
fairnesse
and
pleasantnesse
.
Naphtaly
was
satisfied
with
favour
,
and
full
of
the
blessing
of
the
Lord
:
And
so
was
this
book
though
condemned
to
a
fire
,
by
such
as
would
care
little
to
cast
the
Bible
into
a
fire
too
:
But
their
favour
or
blessing
in
never
expected
.
And
when
he
sayes
that
in
the
Author's
heart
,
there
were
evil
treasures
,
&c.
He
still
measureth
others
by
himself
,
Naphtaly
runeth
not
upon
all
sorts
of
authorities
or
any
sort
of
authorities
truely
so
called
:
He
was
so
farr
from
wasting
and
confounding
the
visible
Kingdome
of
Christ
in
the
Land
,
that
he
was
pleading
for
the
same
against
all
adversaries
,
and
defending
it
,
especially
from
these
savage
Beasts
and
Bears
,
who
have
already
laid
it
waste
and
desolate
;
and
if
the
Lord
prevent
it
not
,
shall
make
it
the
visible
Kingdome
of
Antichrist
.
He
was
so
far
from
troubling
the
civil
Kingdome
setled
upon
the
best
foundations
,
that
it
vvas
that
,
at
vvhich
he
was
driving
,
to
have
the
Kingdome
setled
upon
its
old
,
sure
,
and
best
basis
,
the
Covenants
,
and
Religion
reformed
in
worshipe
doctrine
discipline
and
government
.
Then
he
must
tell
us
that
the
book
vvants
nothing
of
the
compleatnesse
of
an
infamous
lybel
,
and
why
?
Because
[
it
fals
upon
particular
persons
by
name
,
to
asperse
then
credit
,
the
constant
integrity
of
whose
conversation
will
easily
stop
his
foule
lying
mouth
,
in
the
Consciences
of
God's
people
who
know
them
.
]
If
these
persons
get
no
other
Orator
to
set
forth
their
praises
,
then
this
man
(
who
is
a
black
raven
of
the
same
nest
.
)
I
feare
their
conversation
shall
never
stop
all
mens
mouthes
.
For
my
part
I
shall
,
and
I
suppose
that
author
will
be
content
,
to
referre
the
determination
of
this
,
to
the
consciences
of
all
God's
people
who
know
them
:
And
let
such
judge
whether
they
be
men
of
integrity
,
or
men
of
constant
integrity
:
we
could
tell
storyes
of
some
,
but
we
shall
for
beare
;
it
may
be
a
volum
will
be
made
of
their
prophane
practices
,
when
such
as
know
them
best
,
and
observe
their
wayes
,
shall
help
us
to
a
legend
of
their
wayes
&
courses
:
And
when
the
world
seeth
this
,
It
will
judge
of
the
integrity
of
their
conversation
:
but
enough
of
this
trash
here
.
9.
In
the
follovving
paragraph
,
beginning
Pag.
10.
he
is
at
some
demurre
,
not
knovving
vvell
vvhat
course
to
take
vvith
that
book
,
which
this
true
Cretian
calleth
a
bundle
of
impudent
lyes
and
falshoods
,
grosse
slanders
and
revileings
,
not
one
of
which
hath
he
as
yet
discovered
.
But
where
lay
the
difficulty
?
[
Upon
the
one
hand
sayes
he
)
it
was
thought
best
to
neglect
the
rage
of
this
man
(
if
one
that
hath
so
much
renunced
humanity
,
as
he
is
here
seen
to
do
,
may
be
so
tearmed
)
lest
by
being
noticed
he
might
think
himself
some
what
.
]
A
very
hard
censure
,
to
make
a
supposition
,
if
one
who
speaketh
with
so
much
weight
of
reason
,
as
transcendeth
the
reach
of
this
animal
,
may
be
tearmed
a
man
,
If
the
supposer
were
not
known
,
to
be
no
acute
judge
,
being
animal
amphibion
bipes
a
double
face'd
gentle
man
,
vvho
hath
turned
his
coat
&
his
tongue
too
.
But
why
would
he
grudge
poor
Naphtali
this
?
Or
doth
he
think
that
his
taking
notice
of
him
,
will
make
him
esteem
the
more
highly
of
himself
?
Not
one
white
:
a
stout
man
will
never
think
himfelf
the
more
valiant
,
〈◊〉
a
foolish
childe
set
upon
him
with
a
straw
.
Was
there
no
other
reason
.
[
Especially
(
sayes
he
)
lest
People
(
who
as
they
affect
are
ordinarily
opinionated
)
might
have
too
much
matter
〈◊〉
●eed
their
humour
,
to
fournish
their
light
discourses
,
〈◊〉
to
ensnare
their
souls
,
by
representing
to
them
the
matters
of
this
libel
(
worthy
to
be
buried
in
oblivion
)
they
being
too
apt
(
whatever
Salvo
might
be
added
)
to
receive
the
poison
without
the
antidote
,
according
to
their
prejudices
.
]
This
was
a
good
consideration
,
and
if
the
Man
had
been
as
tender
as
he
pretendeth
to
be
,
hes
hould
not
have
digged
up
what
deserved
to
be
buried
,
especially
since
he
might
have
known
he
was
not
able
to
prepare
a
sufficient
antidote
:
But
thought
he
that
his
silence
would
have
hindered
any
to
have
pondered
that
book
?
I
beleeve
indeed
his
silence
had
done
more
good
to
the
King
and
his
cause
,
then
all
his
hote
work
is
like
to
do
;
and
he
hath
done
more
to
insnare
souls
(
if
it
be
to
insnare
them
)
then
Naphtaly
did
,
I
do
not
meane
by
representing
some
other
things
to
the
consideration
of
people
;
but
by
his
adding
so
weak
and
inconsiderable
a
Salvo
,
that
he
fixed
what
Naphtaly
said
more
deeply
in
their
hearts
,
if
judicious
Readers
did
not
account
it
unanswerable
before
they
did
see
his
weak
&
non-answereing
Reply
.
What
further
,
[
It
seemed
also
(
Sayes
he
)
a
matter
full
of
tediousnesse
to
a
well
composed
heart
,
to
enter
into
a
fire
of
endlesse
strife
and
continual
reciprocation
of
altercations
,
wherein
a
Man
is
not
likely
to
finde
more
truth
then
he
hath
already
(
truth
in
the
most
important
matters
in
the
book
having
been
of
old
fully
vindicated
by
learned
hands
,
and
nothing
now
opposed
,
but
old
songs
chanted
over
and
over
againe
)
although
like
enough
to
lose
much
of
that
charity
and
calme
and
composed
temper
of
heart
which
he
had
before
.
]
Then
it
seemeth
his
heart
was
not
a
well
composed
heart
;
for
it
did
not
seem
tedious
unto
him
,
to
enter
into
this
fire
of
endlesse
strife
and
continual
reciprocation
of
altercation
,
and
to
spend
so
much
time
,
and
paper
,
and
paines
in
vaine
:
And
we
must
pity
his
case
now
,
who
hath
lost
much
of
that
charity
and
calme
and
composed
temper
of
heart
,
which
he
had
formetly
,
Sed
qui
nihil
habet
,
nihil
amittit
,
a
little
stok
is
soon
wasted
.
By
whom
to
this
day
was
Lex
Rex
answered
?
And
doth
not
himself
say
that
Naphtaly
out
stripes
his
Masters
,
even
as
to
the
most
important
matters
of
the
book
?
Hovv
is
it
then
that
he
sayes
there
is
nothing
but
old
songs
chanted
over
and
over
againe
?
This
Man
is
sui
similis
,
As
yet
as
inconsistent
with
himself
in
his
words
,
as
in
his
walk
.
But
seing
he
had
the
help
of
so
many
old
Vindicators
,
hovv
comes
it
that
he
hath
acted
his
part
so
childishly
,
and
vindicated
the
King's
cause
worse
then
any
Man
that
ever
put
pen
to
paper
;
as
is
shewed
?
Why
did
not
this
pigmay
set
himself
upon
their
shoulders
that
he
might
have
seemed
something
?
What
was
there
more
on
this
hand
?
[
What
Man
is
he
(
sayes
he
)
that
knowing
how
much
more
important
work
he
hath
upon
his
hand
for
his
owne
salvation
,
and
honouring
God
in
his
station
in
the
World
,
would
willingly
engadge
in
endlesse
contests
with
persons
,
whose
idlenesse
gives
them
too
great
opportunity
of
evil
doing
,
and
who
having
cast
by
the
Lord's
work
in
building
his
Church
,
are
too
much
set
to
do
Satan's
vvork
in
dissipating
the
same
.
]
Then
this
Man
thinketh
it
is
inconsistent
vvith
one
to
minde
the
vvork
of
his
vvne
salvation
,
and
to
defend
the
King's
cause
,
vvhich
is
very
true
,
Let
the
King
and
his
party
notice
this
.
But
it
is
strange
,
that
seing
he
thought
the
vvork
of
his
opposers
Satan's
,
he
should
not
think
it
incumbent
to
a
tender
soul
to
do
vvhat
he
can
to
destroy
the
vvorks
of
the
Devil
:
vve
see
also
that
the
love
of
money
is
the
root
of
all
evil
,
and
hath
caused
him
run
greedily
after
the
error
of
Balaam
for
revvard
,
for
to
purchase
the
hire
,
he
hath
cast
by
the
important
vvork
of
his
salvation
,
and
laid
aside
the
honouring
of
God
in
his
station
.
This
is
the
Man
's
constant
integrity
.
As
for
those
Men
whose
idlenesse
he
talkes
of
,
if
he
meane
Ministers
,
he
knoweth
who
hindereth
them
from
doing
the
work
of
the
Lord
in
building
his
Church
,
and
they
will
ansvvere
for
it
,
and
he
also
for
his
share
in
that
,
and
for
this
vvork
of
Satan
vvhich
a
little
money
hath
prompted
him
to
:
and
vvhen
they
are
vvrestling
and
pleading
for
Zion
and
the
cause
of
her
King
,
God
vvill
not
account
them
idle
nor
evil
doers
nor
setters
up
of
Satans
work
:
What
further
!
[
It
seemed
honourable
enough
(
sayes
he
)
to
decline
this
contention
and
strife
,
which
is
like
the
letting
out
of
watters
,
in
expectation
that
either
Mansconscience
(
if
it
be
not
infinitly
corrupted
)
may
the
confute
him
in
most
of
his
assertions
,
and
standers
,
or
that
his
manifest
unchristian
dealing
,
may
help
to
open
the
eyes
of
such
as
he
labours
to
delude
,
and
bring
them
to
abhorre
his
way
;
or
that
the
really
Religious
and
righteous
dealings
of
Church
and
State
,
may
more
forcibly
put
him
to
silence
then
words
or
writings
can
.
]
It
had
been
indeed
more
advantagious
to
the
King's
cause
,
(
and
lesse
dishonourable
to
himself
)
to
have
been
silent
,
then
thus
to
have
letten
out
waters
to
the
King
's
great
prejudice
,
and
his
owne
discredit
.
If
he
had
any
expectation
that
the
Man's
conscience
would
have
confuted
him
in
most
of
his
assertions
,
why
did
he
hinder
that
work
,
by
confirming
him
in
the
truth
of
his
assertions
by
his
weak
and
foolish
replyes
?
Praestat
otiari
quam
nihil
agere
:
and
why
did
he
not
more
manfully
discover
these
unchristian
dealings
,
the
better
to
undeceive
such
as
he
supposeth
were
deluded
?
What
are
these
manifest
unchristian
dealings
of
his
?
Sure
the
event
hath
and
shall
furder
,
we
hope
,
declare
that
his
owne
dealing
hath
been
much
more
manifestly
unchristian
▪
by
labouring
to
blinde
the
eyes
of
such
as
savv
before
.
But
I
suppose
he
may
talke
at
leasure
of
his
proselyts
.
When
the
really
religious
and
righteous
dealings
of
Church
and
State
shall
forcibly
confute
what
is
there
said
,
we
know
not
.
Sure
,
when
ever
their
actions
become
really
Religious
,
and
righteous
,
they
will
condemne
his
pamphlet
to
the
fire
,
and
himself
to
the
correction-house
,
and
approve
of
all
which
is
said
in
Naphtaly
,
[
Sometimes
(
sayes
he
)
keeping
silence
is
seasonable
,
the
Man
according
to
God's
owne
heart
would
not
suffer
Shimei's
revileings
to
be
repayed
upon
the
head
of
that
dead
dog
;
Hezekiah
discharged
to
answere
a
word
to
railing
Rabshakeh
;
Ieremiah
the
Prophet
,
contradicted
by
the
false
Prophet
Hananiah
,
went
his
way
and
said
nothing
:
The
wise
Solomon
forbids
to
take
heed
to
all
words
,
that
are
spoken
,
and
to
answer
a
fool
according
to
to
his
folly
;
The
Lord
of
Kings
and
Prophets
sometimes
answered
not
his
accusers
a
word
]
True
,
sometimes
silence
is
not
only
seasonable
but
〈◊〉
;
and
so
would
the
Kings
cause
have
found
it
now
and
by
his
answering
,
not
withstanding
of
what
he
here
sayes
,
it
would
seem
that
Naphtaly
is
no
Shimes
,
Rabshakeh
,
Hananiah
,
nor
fool
,
nor
an
enemy
to
Christ
.
Or
that
the
King
is
not
like
the
Man
according
to
God's
heart
,
nor
like
good
Hezekiah
:
Nor
is
this
Pamphleter
like
Ieremiah
,
nor
hath
follovved
either
Solomon's
advice
,
or
Christ's
example
.
But
I
see
not
why
both
may
not
be
true
.
Yet
furder
:
[
So
it
seemed
fit
to
let
alone
an
insolent
and
forward
railer
and
mocker
,
and
not
to
lavish
out
precious
time
,
which
might
be
better
bestowed
,
upon
one
that
gives
such
visible
evidences
both
of
a
reasonlesse
and
unchristian
Spirit
,
whose
libel
may
be
reckoned
amongst
the
things
,
quae
spreta
exolescunt
,
and
worthy
to
be
answered
with
nothing
but
silence
&
contempt
,
]
Then
it
seemeth
he
expecteth
a
reward
also
from
the
Author
of
Naphtaly
,
for
lavishing
out
so
much
of
his
precious
time
to
keep
in
memory
such
a
book
,
which
if
he
had
miskend
,
would
have
dyed
out
of
minde
,
and
which
he
hath
honoured
with
another
answere
then
silence
;
but
all
the
reward
he
can
expect
will
be
but
par
pari
referre
,
payment
without
putting
any
thing
in
his
purse
,
and
yet
a
payment
in
his
owne
coine
.
Then
,
to
him
it
is
a
lavishing
of
precious
time
to
maintaine
the
King's
cause
:
it
seemeth
also
that
he
hath
lavished
out
much
time
upon
it
,
and
what
will
not
money
do
?
The
gredy
gapeing
after
which
,
will
make
a
Man
,
not
only
lavish
out
precious
time
needlesly
,
But
also
put
honour
and
respect
on
what
he
accounteth
worthy
of
contempt
.
10.
Let
us
see
what
did
preponderat
and
bring
this
tossed
Man
to
a
firme
resolution
,
and
determine
him
to
bring
this
brate
to
light
,
this
product
of
his
ill
composed
heart
,
and
not
well
tempered
braine
.
[
Upon
the
other
hand
(
sayes
he
)
it
seemed
something
hard
(
especially
in
such
a
distempered
time
)
to
suffer
an
insolent
person
,
in
whose
mouth
is
a
rode
of
pride
,
to
cast
the
truth
downe
to
the
ground
,
without
control
,
and
to
tread
upon
,
and
triumph
over
a
holy
and
righteous
cause
,
and
upon
honourable
persons
of
all
ranks
,
engaged
in
the
maintainance
thereof
in
so
abusive
,
despiteful
and
intolerable
a
way
,
and
not
give
him
any
check
.
Not
to
put
some
stop
to
this
furious
driver
,
who
againe
and
againe
assaults
this
Church
with
vile
lyes
and
reproaches
,
looked
like
the
betraying
and
deserting
of
an
honest
and
honoruable
cause
,
or
like
the
hirelings
seeing
the
Wolfe
,
and
flying
and
leaving
the
flock
to
be
destroyed
with
delusion
,
fugisti
quia
tacuisti
.
There
is
an
evil
silence
that
leaves
Men
in
sin
,
as
well
as
an
evil
speaking
that
leads
Men
to
sin
;
and
we
are
not
only
to
give
an
account
pro
atio
so
verbo
,
but
pro
otioso
silentio
,
for
idle
silence
;
when
God
,
and
the
publick
necessity
of
the
Church
,
or
Society
whereof
we
are
members
,
Calleth
for
a
valiant
(
not
brutishly
violent
and
forcible
way
,
such
as
this
mans
pleads
for
)
and
rational
contending
for
the
truth
.
It
is
sinful
pusillanimity
,
and
not
warrantable
prudence
to
see
truth
fall
in
the
streets
and
not
lift
it
up
.
And
verily
this
man
seems
to
be
amongst
these
of
Whom
Solomon
sayes
Prov.
26
:
v.
5.
who
must
be
answered
lest
he
seem
wise
in
his
owne
conceite
,
and
to
be
amongst
these
Tit.
1
:
v.
10
,
11.
unruly
and
vaine
talkers
and
deceivers
,
whose
mouths
must
be
stopped
that
the
gangrene
of
his
words
may
not
creep
further
to
the
consumption
&
subversion
of
Church
&
State
.
]
Faire
words
ad
faciendum
populum
,
qui
si
decipi
vult
,
decipiatur
.
But
he
hath
this
disadvantage
,
that
few
that
know
him
will
beleeve
,
that
these
or
any
of
these
are
the
true
cause
of
this
undertaking
:
But
that
rather
vvhich
he
thought
good
to
conceale
,
viz.
The
Three
hundereth
pound
sterling
brought
to
him
by
the
greater
rogue
&
the
better
rewarded
,
Ia
:
Sharpe
deceiver
of
that
ilke
:
for
if
these
things
here
mentioned
had
been
his
end
,
and
motive
,
why
was
he
feared
that
this
should
have
wronged
a
well
composed
heart
,
and
Should
not
have
been
a
honouring
of
God
in
his
station
,
but
a
needlesse
lavishing
out
of
precious
time
,
which
might
be
better
bestowed
?
Nay
there
was
reason
for
all
this
;
for
whether
he
saw
it
or
not
,
he
(
who
together
with
his
complices
distempered
the
times
and
all
things
)
in
whose
mouth
there
being
a
rode
of
pride
,
did
insolently
cast
the
truth
downe
to
the
ground
,
as
they
could
,
and
endeavoured
to
tread
upon
and
triumph
over
a
holy
righteous
cause
,
and
all
the
maintainers
thereof
,
in
an
abusive
,
despiteful
,
and
intolerable
way
,
and
laboured
to
lift
up
an
exploded
,
depised
and
cursed
falshood
,
once
dethroned
with
shoutings
and
great
exclamations
of
joy
(
but
we
have
seen
his
horns
have
been
but
short
)
He
is
truely
(
as
the
sober
vvill
judge
)
the
furious
driver
who
againe
and
againe
doth
assault
the
true
Church
and
cause
of
God
with
lyes
and
reproaches
.
He
(
vvhether
he
had
medled
with
this
work
or
not
)
&
the
rest
with
their
underlings
,
are
the
true
hirelings
&
wolves
,
destroying
the
flock
of
God
:
&
in
this
work
,
thought
there
be
not
otio
sum
silentium
,
there
are
otio
sa
verba
and
vvorse
&
praetereanihil
,
and
an
unvaliant
,
impudent
,
affronted
pleading
for
untruth
,
tyranny
and
vvickednesse
,
vvhich
is
neither
a
product
of
prudence
,
nor
magnanimity
.
And
vvhen
he
hath
cited
Prov.
26
:
5.
and
Tit.
1
:
10
,
11.
he
hath
adduced
his
ovvne
Doom
,
and
accordingly
he
is
ansvvered
,
and
his
mouth
(
let
it
be
is
vvide
as
it
vvill
)
gaged
and
stopped
,
not
with
butter
(
which
is
unfit
to
stoppe
a
breathing
mouth
)
but
vviht
more
solid
stuff
,
so
that
vve
are
confident
the
gangraene
of
his
vvords
shall
not
creep
far
,
not
infect
such
as
are
cleane
;
and
as
for
such
as
are
uncleane
,
they
owe
their
infection
to
some
other
,
not
so
innocent
in
vvi●
and
parts
as
he
is
.
11.
Novv
the
dye
being
cast
,
and
he
resolved
to
say
something
,
he
is
as
much
perplexed
anent
the
way
of
handling
this
businesse
.
Yea
he
sayes
,
[
There
is
a
greater
difficulty
in
dealing
vvith
this
Man
of
no
forehead
(
or
if
he
have
any
,
it
is
of
the
hardest
metal
)
of
little
conscience
,
but
of
infinite
loquacity
,
and
of
a
most
unbridled
tongue
,
vvhich
is
a
treasure
of
all
revileing
language
.
]
Yet
he
finds
him
and
vvill
possibly
yet
more
finde
him
,
a
man
vvhose
fore-head
is
of
harder
mettal
,
(
though
not
in
impudency
&
shamelesse
audacity
)
then
he
is
able
to
stand
against
;
and
a
man
of
more
conscience
then
to
contradict
himself
either
in
vvords
or
deeds
,
(
as
this
verlumnus
,
a
man
of
a
debauched
conscience
,
doth
)
a
man
not
of
infinite
loquacity
or
of
an
unbridled
tongue
,
vvho
repeateth
not
the
same
thing
over
and
over
againe
ad
nauseam
us
que
nor
one
who
speaketh
non-sense
at
randome
(
as
this
poor
pamphleter
doth
)
but
a
man
of
more
solid
reason
,
and
nervous
succinct
expressions
,
then
he
vvas
able
to
comprehend
:
And
vvho
so
shall
compare
the
tvvo
together
shall
finde
he
hath
put
the
saddle
on
the
vvrong
horse
.
But
where
did
the
difficulty
lye
?
[
The
great
difficulty
vvas
(
sayes
he
)
hovv
to
moderate
and
temper
a
stile
of
vvriting
tovvard
such
an
one
,
difficile
est
satyram
non
scribere
contra
satyrum
;
for
hardly
can
a
man
meet
in
any
book
,
vvith
more
bitter
invectives
against
all
authorities
and
dignities
appoynted
and
approven
of
God
,
then
are
here
to
be
found
;
all
that
have
gone
that
way
before
him
,
seem
but
Children
in
vvickednesse
,
in
comparison
of
him
:
he
deserves
to
be
in
the
first
classe
of
these
Jude
v.
8.
Who
despise
dominion
and
speak
evil
of
dignities
.
]
Answ.
Naphtaly
,
it
is
true
,
is
no
base
sycophant
nor
slatterer
;
nor
is
he
,
because
of
free
and
faithful
holding
forth
of
the
wicked
and
sinful
carriage
of
these
in
authority
,
and
of
these
who
have
usurped
authority
,
to
be
accounted
a
writter
of
Satyrs
or
of
invectives
,
else
the
Prophets
writings
shall
not
escape
that
sharpe
censure
.
Nor
is
he
upon
this
account
to
be
reckoned
among
,
far
lesse
to
be
put
into
,
the
first
classe
of
these
who
despise
dominions
,
&c.
unlesse
by
this
ignoramus
who
knoweth
no
medium
betwixt
base
flattering
of
dignities
,
and
speaking
evil
of
them
.
Yet
in
the
following
part
of
that
Paragraph
,
he
sayes
he
deserveth
well
,
because
of
his
plainnesse
;
though
it
be
but
his
sancy
to
think
that
Either
King
or
Nobles
are
in
hazard
to
be
dispossessed
by
private
persons
in
a
Phine
as
like
Spirit
,
yet
he
is
truely
and
especially
afrayed
of
the
ministry
;
and
mainly
of
the
Bishops
,
because
such
strokes
approach
neare
to
himself
,
and
the
burnt
Childe
feareth
the
fire
,
And
his
fear
blindeth
his
eyes
,
so
that
he
cannot
see
to
read
Naphtaly
a
right
.
And
I
think
no
heroik
person
,
will
desire
to
imbrew
their
hands
in
their
blood
,
who
are
far
below
the
wrath
of
a
man
,
far
more
,
the
indignation
of
an
Heroik
person
,
though
they
shall
never
be
found
innocent
,
be
pursued
when
they
will
.
He
but
lyeth
when
he
sayeth
in
the
following
words
[
That
Naphtaly
with
his
tragical
oh's
awakeneth
the
rage
of
the
rudest
multitude
(
which
becals
Zeal
of
God
)
to
execute
judgement
on
them
,
that
the
fierce
angco
of
God
may
be
turned
away
.
]
Nor
doth
he
tell
them
if
they
do
not
so
they
are
plagued
with
.
s●upidity
and
blindnesse
.
It
is
true
which
he
sayes
that
[
All
soris
of
Rulers
in
the
land
may
see
their
dittay
and
their
doom
drawne
in
that
book
.
]
But
no
otehrwise
then
as
the
word
of
God
giveth
warrand
,
and
there
they
would
read
it
,
and
repent
in
time
,
lest
they
finde
it
verified
.
He
is
but
like
himself
a
false
lyar
when
he
sayes
that
Naphtaly
[
Discovereth
the
malicious
cruel
and
bloody
designes
of
his
party
.
]
For
they
have
no
malicious
cruel
nor
bloody
designes
,
their
only
designes
being
to
maintaine
their
integrity
and
their
reformed
Religion
,
which
Enemies
combined
against
Christ
are
seeking
to
destroy
.
This
man
imagineth
a
snare
where
there
is
none
;
but
seeth
not
the
snare
which
Satan
and
his
owne
hands
are
setting
for
his
soul
,
neither
will
he
and
the
rest
take
warning
,
though
the
word
of
the
Lord
do
clearly
discover
wrath
and
vengeance
at
hand
,
and
whether
then
they
be
worthy
of
a
faire
hood
and
bells
,
Let
any
judge
:
but
sure
I
am
,
they
shall
one
day
see
their
folly
and
madnesse
,
and
write
Abner's
Epitaph
over
themselves
.
But
we
wish
them
rather
repentance
and
to
be
wise
in
time
,
not
against
their
will
,
but
willingly
.
12.
And
furder
ibid
Pag.
13.
he
tells
us
[
It
were
irksome
and
unsuteable
to
one
who
desireth
to
keep
the
constant
compsure
of
a
Christian
Spirit
to
indulge
an
humour
of
retaliating
.
]
And
that
he
is
at
a
great
disadvant
age
,
because
it
almost
transcends
(
in
his
apprehension
)
humane
patience
to
treat
mildly
with
such
an
insolent
one
.
O!
Who
would
not
pity
this
man
who
is
put
off
the
constant
composure
of
a
Christian
Spirit
?
But
can
he
be
in
the
composure
of
a
Christian
Spirit
,
who
is
so
easily
moved
off
it
,
by
that
which
should
rather
settle
him
in
it
?
Can
his
patience
be
good
,
which
is
so
stirred
by
hearing
of
truth
told
?
And
who
can
think
that
he
hath
been
of
any
composure
of
a
Christian
spirit
,
who
hath
not
indeed
indulged
an
humor
of
retaliating
but
of
brawleing
in
a
transcendently
insolent
manner
without
ground
given
,
being
transported
beyond
the
bounds
of
humanity
,
let
be
humane
patience
?
Then
Pag.
14.
he
Sheweth
what
reason
he
hath
to
use
,
a
more
then
ordinary
vehemency
of
a
keen
stile
,
saying
[
Shall
Masters
of
consusi●n
(
as
if
he
were
not
a
Davus
)
Indulging
themselves
in
their
proud
moro
suy
,
●unworthyly
demeane
themselves
toward
the
sober
defenders
of
the
truth
,
(
but
who
are
these
?
)
And
will
not
this
be
a
sufficient
Apology
for
them
to
put
forth
some
sting
?
]
But
good
Sir
I
fear
your
sting
be
gone
long
since
,
because
you
are
become
a
drone
:
We
have
seen
your
good
will
to
shoot
your
sting
but
it
wanted
its
poynt
,
as
for
your
sting
in
your
taile
it
will
not
hurt
much
,
and
we
know
who
is
King
over
such
locusts
,
even
the
angel
of
the
bottomelesse
pit
,
Rev.
9
:
ver.
11.
Now
this
stinging
locust
comes
to
compare
Naphtaly
to
Hecuba
,
but
any
who
reads
Naphtaly
finde
him
not
barking
as
a
mad
bitch
,
but
speaking
the
words
of
truth
and
sobernesse
,
with
such
strengh
of
reason
as
transcendeth
this
distempered
man's
capacity
to
understand
,
otherwise
he
had
never
made
such
a
comparison
.
Then
he
tells
us
that
[
A
toothlesse
defence
might
possibly
tend
to
harden
him
and
his
complices
,
and
breed
suspicion
of
some
signes
of
diffedence
,
distrust
and
timorousnesse
in
owning
of
the
cause
against
him
.
]
I
beleeve
this
defence
hath
as
many
teeth
as
he
could
put
in
it
;
but
for
all
that
,
it
can
be
called
nothing
else
then
a
toothlesse
defence
,
because
it
is
nothing
but
a
bundle
of
sharp
tooth'd
words
without
any
reason
;
and
because
we
see
now
all
that
he
and
his
party
can
say
,
against
the
truth
which
we
maintaine
,
we
are
indeed
thereby
,
the
more
confirmed
therein
;
and
we
do
not
suspect
him
of
diffidence
,
distrust
and
timorousnesse
,
that
his
cause
is
not
better
defended
,
knowing
how
bold
and
audacious
he
is
:
but
we
know
that
an
ill
cause
cannot
be
well
defended
,
though
never
man
hath
defended
it
worse
then
he
hath
done
,
though
better
rewarded
then
many
.
13.
The
good
man
turns
Neptune
at
length
saying
,
Sed
motos
praestat
componere
fluctiu
;
and
then
sayes
,
[
It
will
be
fitter
to
consider
what
becomes
us
to
utter
then
what
he
is
worthy
to
hear
.
]
Then
it
seemeth
we
should
exspect
a
very
calme
sea
;
but
the
waves
of
his
passions
have
not
been
setled
for
all
his
Neptun
authority
.
[
Therelyes
(
sayes
he
)
a
tentation
in
these
name
lesse
writtings
(
which
therefore
it
is
to
be
wished
,
were
not
in
use
)
to
exceed
in
passions
,
and
to
utter
words
(
incognito
)
that
will
not
be
stood
to
.
]
The
iniquity
of
the
times
,
and
the
rage
of
princes
vvho
vvill
not
hear
the
truth
,
is
a
just
,
cause
why
some
should
speak
and
write
agaist
them
incognito
,
which
likewise
was
the
cause
moveing
Elisha
to
suspende
the
sending
of
his
free
&
faithful
letter
to
Iehoram
a
bloody
Tyrant
,
till
after
his
own
death
:
but
why
this
man
should
send
out
a
namelesse
writting
,
none
can
tell
,
unlesse
because
either
he
was
ashamed
of
the
cause
,
or
of
his
weak
managing
of
it
;
or
else
because
he
hath
a
minde
to
exceed
in
passion
,
and
nons-sense
,
and
none
should
know
that
it
was
,
A.
H.
P.
O.
who
spoke
so
.
But
he
tels
us
that
he
hath
not
so
learned
Christ
,
as
to
render
revileing
for
revileing
knowing
that
mans
wrath
works
not
the
righteousnesse
of
God
.
The
contrary
whereof
every
reader
of
his
pamphlet
vvill
see
,
&
therefore
he
doth
well
,
to
adde
[
some
times
it
is
for
peoples
edification
,
to
see
the
due
characters
of
such
as
lead
them
out
of
the
way
.
]
But
vvhy
should
he
then
be
offended
,
if
any
should
shew
his
characters
,
vvho
is
a
manifest
perverter
of
the
right
vvayes
of
the
Lord
,
and
laboureth
vvhat
he
can
to
lead
people
out
of
the
good
old
way
,
wherein
our
fathers
and
we
have
formerly
walked
with
peace
comfort
and
joy
?
But
this
is
our
advantage
that
he
and
his
fraternity
are
already
so
vvell
known
,
and
their
characters
so
legible
,
that
few
or
none
are
in
great
hazard
to
be
led
away
with
them
.
Then
he
tells
us
that
[
so
farr
as
kumane
infirmity
permits
,
the
truth
shall
be
searched
after
&
spoken
to
in
love
;
all
bitternesse
,
wrath
,
anger
&
clam
●nr
with
all
malice
being
put
away
.
]
But
sure
we
are
then
,
his
humane
infirmity
is
very
great
and
strong
,
which
carryeth
him
to
search
rather
after
error
,
and
to
speak
it
in
hatred
;
all
bitternesse
,
wrath
,
anger
,
clamour
,
with
all
malice
,
being
returned
and
that
in
their
strength
;
of
which
,
the
man's
conscience
was
in
part
convinced
,
when
he
addeth
.
[
But
if
any
thing
(
he
should
have
said
a
most
every
thing
)
aculeat
&
pungent
(
he
should
have
said
bitter
and
invective
)
do
escape
(
or
rather
of
choise
be
affirmed
)
It
not
being
used
in
any
privat
cause
or
quarrel
,
but
in
the
publick
concerns
of
truth
,
(
rather
errour
)
of
the
Church
of
God
,
(
really
of
the
coetus
Malignantium
,
the
apostate
crue
of
the
popish
prelatical
and
malignant
faction
)
and
of
the
sate
of
the
commonwealth
(
rather
against
the
commonwealth
,
and
for
tyranny
the
bane
of
all
common-wealths
)
nor
proceeding
from
any
private
revenge
(
if
not
from
this
,
which
many
will
doubt
of
,
yet
certanely
from
the
love
of
gold
or
Balaam's
reward
)
it
will
at
least
be
excused
by
the
judidicious
and
wise
.
]
Sure
we
are
,
excuse
it
who
will
,
the
righteous
judge
,
will
call
him
to
an
account
for
it
,
and
we
are
perswaded
that
none
either
truely
judicious
or
wise
,
will
think
him
excuse
worthy
.
But
to
shew
that
he
hath
no
privat
reveinge
,
he
addeth
in
a
parenthesis
,
[
That
there
is
room
enough
in
his
fraternal
affection
for
any
who
will
leave
their
unchristian
sanguinary
and
inhumane
wayes
.
]
But
his
affection
is
like
the
devils
,
who
would
have
all
damned
with
himself
;
and
we
are
sure
come
to
his
way
who
will
,
they
shall
leave
their
Christian
peacable
&
humane
wayes
,
and
choise
unchristian
,
sanguinary
,
and
inhumane
vvayes
.
Then
the
falleth
a
vvishing
that
his
aculeat
sayings
may
prick
the
libeller
to
repentance
for
these
things
.
But
he
should
knovv
that
charity
beginneth
at
home
,
and
he
should
rather
vvish
that
himself
were
brought
to
repentance
for
him
shameful
apostasy
and
perjury
,
and
his
thus
studying
to
maintaine
a
corrupt
course
,
whereby
he
hath
indeed
exposed
himself
to
shame
,
though
the
hardnesse
of
his
heart
be
such
as
that
the
knoweth
not
what
it
is
to
blush
.
14.
In
his
following
discourse
he
laboureth
to
shew
how
palpably
and
closely
Naphtaly
trades
in
the
footsteps
of
the
old
Anabaptists
,
though
[
He
will
not
say
that
he
and
his
complices
are
arrived
to
the
owneing
of
the
highest
mysieries
of
that
sect
in
the
poynt
of
Enthusiasme
,
and
Libertinisme
,
nor
that
they
are
so
cruel
as
to
exclude
Christian
infants
from
their
birthright
privilege
of
Baptisme
.
]
Yet
he
sayes
[
It
is
worthy
to
be
considered
how
far
the
common
demand
of
expresse
command
or
example
in
Scripture
for
Episcopacy
,
may
reach
the
Anabaptists
conclusion
concerning
infants
.
]
And
so
with
him
,
all
who
require
either
command
or
example
for
any
new
ordinance
of
Christ
so
alleged
,
must
be
Anabaptists
.
This
man
is
of
very
lax
principles
certanely
,
and
more
then
a
latitudinarian
,
that
will
not
suffer
us
to
enquire
after
a
command
or
example
of
Episcopacy
,
when
he
and
his
party
alledge
that
it
is
an
ordinance
of
Christ
:
must
we
take
all
things
for
ordinances
of
Christ
,
which
he
and
his
old
father
the
Pope
of
Rome
say
are
ordinances
of
Christ
?
But
why
doth
he
call
from
us
for
any
expresse
command
or
example
in
Scripture
for
resistence
of
Magistrates
?
Doth
not
this
also
reach
the
Anabaptists
conclusion
?
But
his
eyes
seeth
not
it self
.
Furder
he
tells
us
That
Naphtaly
[
Doth
let
fall
such
tenets
as
smell
too
rankly
of
the
foul
scum
of
the
high
flown
Anabaptistical
and
Enthusiastical
way
,
while
he
sayes
,
Pag.
21.
&c.
That
meer
privat
men
may
now
a
dayes
take
their
impulses
of
Zeal
,
as
a
sufficient
call
to
pull
downe
all
Magistrates
from
their
seats
,
which
they
abuse
;
to
execure
judgment
upon
them
,
and
to
place
themselves
in
their
roomes
.
]
But
of
what
spirit
this
man
,
who
is
of
his
father
the
devil
who
was
a
lyar
from
the
beginning
,
is
,
vve
have
seen
;
And
this
particular
will
abundantly
discover
to
such
as
look
the
place
and
consider
what
we
have
said
.
And
no
better
is
the
next
particular
which
he
citeth
out
of
Pag.
105.
Where
the
author
is
opposeing
,
that
notion
of
an
external
call
,
not
unto
lawful
ordination
,
which
presupposeth
it
;
but
unto
such
a
mock
ordination
,
whereby
such
are
put
into
the
ministry
,
who
have
no
visible
evidence
of
the
call
of
Jesus
Christ
,
as
in
reason
or
charity
can
oblige
any
to
receive
such
as
truely
sent
.
Thereafter
he
draweth
the
parallel
in
five
particulars
.
The
first
is
this
,
That
the
Anabaptists
laboured
to
overthrow
Magistracy
,
and
deny
them
to
have
any
power
in
Church
matters
.
But
can
he
,
or
dar
he
,
say
that
we
do
so
?
do
we
say
,
with
them
,
that
the
office
of
the
Magistrate
is
not
necessary
among
Christians
?
Do
we
say
that
Magistracy
is
not
the
ordinance
of
God
?
Do
we
say
that
Kingly
government
is
unlawful
,
as
they
said
,
abuseing
that
place
,
1
Sam.
8
:
7.
Do
we
say
that
a
Christian
may
not
exerce
the
office
of
a
Magistrate
?
Do
we
say
that
a
heathen
may
not
be
a
Magistrate
?
Do
we
say
that
an
ungodly
Magistrate
is
no
Magistrate
?
Do
we
presse
that
place
Luk.
22.
The
Kings
of
the
gentiles
,
&c.
Any
otherwayes
then
against
superiority
among
Church
men
?
With
what
face
then
can
be
draw
a
parallel
here
?
The
next
is
That
they
studyed
to
overthrow
the
ordinance
of
the
ministry
declaiming
most
bitterly
against
all
in
that
function
as
Hirelings
Thieves
Wolves
,
&c.
But
can
he
say
that
we
cry
dovvne
a
ministery
,
as
no
ordinance
of
Christ
,
or
as
not
necessary
?
can
he
say
that
we
affirme
an
external
call
to
the
ministery
needlesse
?
Is
it
our
work
to
exclude
faithful
ministers
from
the
esteem
of
Gods
people
?
Hovv
can
the
impudent
man
alledge
this
of
us
?
Be
like
because
we
cry
out
against
him
and
his
fraternity
and
their
reptilia
,
profane
wretches
of
the
second-order
,
as
no
lawful
ministers
of
Chriist
,
being
perjured
profane
apostates
,
never
called
of
God
to
that
functction
,
nor
duely
and
orderly
called
of
Man
?
But
in
this
he
and
his
party
come
nearer
to
the
Anabaptists
,
then
we
,
The.
3.
Is
that
they
work
division
in
the
Church
of
God
;
and
move
people
to
forsake
Church
meetings
,
and
to
follow
them
in
private
conventicles
?
But
then
it
seemeth
all
protestants
Who
presse
Papists
to
forsake
their
Masse
Assemblies
and
Masse
Priests
,
and
rather
meet
with
the
Orthodox
and
that
in
conventicles
are
Anabaptists
:
And
it
seemeth
this
man
would
not
presse
Heathens
to
leave
their
publick
idol
worshipe
,
and
serve
God
in
secret
conventicles
,
such
a
publik
and
peacable
Man
is
he
,
lest
he
should
be
accounted
an
Anabaptist
.
But
wee
see
no
connexion
betwixt
our
being
Anabaptists
,
and
pressing
People
to
forsake
Their
assemblies
,
and
to
hear
the
true
and
faithful
servants
of
Christ
in
private
,
who
cannot
have
liberty
to
preach
in
publick
.
The
4
is
That
they
were
above
all
men
arrogant
and
proud
,
dispisers
of
such
as
were
not
of
their
way
,
as
being
men
without
God
in
the
world
,
reprobate
and
wicked
denying
to
them
even
common
civilities
.
But
doth
not
he
and
his
party
,
the
most
proud
and
arrogant
persones
imaginable
,
deal
with
us
all
,
as
cursed
fanaticks
knipperdolians
?
&c.
What
is
the
5.
When
any
of
theirs
were
punished
for
errors
,
fellony
or
rebellion
,
they
cryed
them
up
for
martyres
,
and
complained
tragically
that
truth
and
godlinesse
was
oppressed
,
and
that
men
who
would
have
all
things
done
according
to
Gods
Word
were
persecuted
?
But
might
not
Heathens
and
Papists
have
objected
so
against
the
true
Christians
and
protestants
,
who
said
and
did
all
this
,
when
they
were
persecuted
,
and
some
of
them
murthered
&
massacred
?
And
were
,
or
are
,
all
who
call
&
account
such
as
die
for
the
Testimony
of
Jesus
,
martyres
persecuted
to
the
death
.
Anabaptists
?
I
feare
that
in
so
saying
he
shall
be
found
to
befriend
the
Anabaptist
,
more
then
we
desire
to
do
:
If
he
hath
no
more
to
say
,
He
shall
never
make
it
appeare
that
either
Naphtaly
or
the
Apology
,
do
approach
unto
the
manners
of
that
odious
sect
,
in
any
particular
peculiar
to
that
Sect
,
or
wherein
that
Sect
deviateth
from
truth
.
Then
he
addeth
Pag.
17.
When
the
Spirit
that
stirreth
in
these
furious
writtings
,
(
especialy
in
Naphtaly
)
is
considered
,
how
much
confusion
may
be
seen
to
be
portended
to
Church
and
State
,
if
hearts
be
infected
with
the
doctrines
therein
held
forth
?
By
whom
I
pray
,
shall
these
evils
be
seen
to
be
portended
,
by
any
thing
that
is
said
in
these
writtings
?
Sure
by
no
rational
sober
understanding
person
,
but
only
by
such
who
consult
the
oracle
at
delphos
,
and
minde
their
belly
and
worm-eaten
carcases
,
more
then
they
consult
the
oracle
God
and
of
sound
reason
,
and
minde
the
reall
good
of
either
Church
or
State
.
For
there
are
no
doctrines
there
of
any
malignant
quality
,
but
all
of
them
anti-Malignant
,
Solide
,
Plaine
,
Sure
and
immoveable
truthes
,
having
a
direct
tendency
unto
,
and
necessary
influence
upon
,
the
solide
and
sure
establishing
of
Church
and
State
,
upon
a
firme
and
lasting
basis
.
And
therefore
,
if
it
were
right
applyed
,
his
following
wish
were
good
.
viz.
That
the
Lord
would
give
his
people
such
understanding
,
that
they
be
not
ignorant
of
the
wiles
of
Satan
,
who
driveth
a
deeper
designe
against
this
poor
Church
and
Land
,
then
the
subversion
of
this
or
that
exteriour
forme
of
Church
government
,
For
indeed
the
designe
that
Satan
hath
now
on
foot
,
reacheth
furder
,
even
to
the
utter
overturneing
of
all
the
precious
interests
of
Christ
in
the
Land
;
of
destroying
not
only
the
outward
Libertyes
and
Privileges
of
the
People
,
which
have
cost
them
no
small
expense
of
blood
;
to
the
end
they
may
be
made
perfect
slaves
:
But
to
the
overturning
of
the
whole
work
of
God
,
of
banishing
the
Gospel
,
and
of
introduceing
Atheisme
and
all
sort
of
profanity
and
wickednesse
,
that
we
should
no
more
become
the
People
of
the
Lord
,
but
a
visible
Kingdome
of
Satan
;
And
all
the
People
,
Subjects
,
and
Slaves
to
him
.
But
we
know
what
his
meaning
is
,
and
therefore
he
addeth
.
The
controversy
rests
not
in
matters
touching
a
Bishope
or
a
Presbytery
:
But
what
thinks
he
of
this
controversy
?
He
sayes
,
If
mens
passions
or
prejudices
might
permit
,
it
might
be
,
for
the
advantage
of
the
gospel
,
well
consolidated
by
their
mutual
paying
of
due
respects
one
to
another
;
the
Episcopal
inspection
not
abrogating
,
but
strengthening
the
due
right
of
presbyters
,
and
presbyters
not
despiseing
that
lawfull
inspection
;
but
all
concurring
together
in
a
kindely
mutuall
assistence
,
and
amicable
conjuction
,
for
carrying
on
the
real
interests
of
Christs
Kingdome
,
without
imperiousnesse
one
the
oneside
,
and
without
srowardly
disorderlynesse
on
the
other
.
Now
he
turneth
a
peace
maker
,
and
such
a
notable
reconciler
is
he
that
would
cause
fire
and
water
agree
:
But
he
hath
sold
his
Zeal
and
Conscience
,
for
,
he
knoweth
,
what
.
He
hath
forgote
,
that
there
is
no
communion
betwixt
light
and
darknesse
,
nor
betwixt
Christ
and
Belial
.
But
he
must
know
that
we
will
neither
pack
nor
peel
with
him
,
nor
his
accursed
fraternity
,
but
will
come
out
from
among
them
,
and
be
separated
from
them
,
and
touch
none
of
their
uncleane
things
,
that
God
may
receive
us
according
to
his
promise
;
2
cor.
6
:
ver.
17.
If
the
Men
of
that
accused
Hierarchy
were
not
led
away
with
intolerable
passion
&
prejudice
,
and
acted
by
a
fury
of
hell
,
to
destroy
the
gospel
,
they
would
consolidare
this
controversy
by
extirpating
themselves
;
For
as
long
as
they
stand
in
that
accursed
order
,
they
shall
never
carry
on
the
real
interests
of
Christs
Kingdome
,
but
effectually
,
so
farr
as
lyeth
in
them
,
destroy
the
same
;
(
as
former
and
dayly
experience
proveth
)
what
by
their
imperious
antichristian
dominion
,
over
the
Church
of
God
and
the
Officers
thereof
,
which
were
ordained
of
Christ
;
and
what
by
their
laying
out
of
themselves
,
according
to
their
usurped
power
and
places
,
to
destroy
&
banish
piety
,
knowledge
and
the
fear
of
God
out
of
the
land
,
and
to
bring
all
the
true
seekers
of
God
under
the
same
guilt
of
manifest
perjury
and
apostasy
with
themselves
.
If
it
were
a
lawful
inspection
,
presbyters
would
neither
despise
it
,
nor
carry
themselves
frowardly
or
disorderly
under
it
;
but
it
being
an
unlawful
dominion
,
so
destructive
to
the
Kingdome
and
interests
of
our
Lord
Jesus
Christ
,
it
can
neither
alone
nor
in
conjunction
with
any
other
,
promove
the
interest
of
Christs
Kingdome
,
and
therefore
must
be
abhorred
as
an
antichristian
brate
,
and
never
submitted
unto
.
But
whither
now
doth
the
matter
goe
?
The
designe
(
sayes
he
)
this
libel
runs
upon
is
to
open
a
gap
to
endlesse
rebellions
,
under
what
soever
Church
government
:
And
not
only
to
bring
all
our
Magistrats
from
the
highest
to
the
lowest
under
disgrace
,
which
is
the
nex●
step
to
destruction
,
and
to
make
them
a
sacrifice
to
the
fury
of
th●●wicked
people
.
)
But
to
ruine
Kingly
Authority
and
Magistracy
,
the
ordainance
of
God
.
]
This
is
but
a
frequently
renewed
calumny
we
have
oftentime
met
with
in
his
first
part
,
and
have
shewed
how
groundlesse
,
it
is
,
and
therefore
we
need
say
no
more
here
.
All
who
have
not
,
with
this
Man
,
willingly
shut
their
eyes
,
may
see
That
the
designe
is
only
to
prevent
intolerable
Ty●anny
,
the
ruine
of
humane
Societyes
and
Kingdomes
,
and
to
keep
the
true
Divine
Authority
which
God
hath
cloathed
his
owne
civil
officers
with
,
from
contempt
and
disgrace
,
which
Magistrates
degenerating
into
Tyrants
expose
themselves
unto
,
by
changeing
the
ordinance
of
God
into
the
ordinance
of
Satan
,
and
in
stead
of
acting
and
carrying
as
Ministers
of
God
for
the
good
of
the
People
,
walk
and
act
as
Ministers
of
Satan
,
laying
out
themselves
to
the
utmost
for
the
destruction
of
the
People
both
in
soul
and
body
.
Who
seeth
not
then
that
when
they
thus
forget
themselves
,
and
forget
what
they
are
both
bound
,
and
have
promised
,
to
be
,
they
do
expose
themselves
to
disgrace
,
and
to
the
contempt
of
these
who
otherwise
would
most
willingly
honour
them
as
God's
vicegerents
.
But
when
they
carry
as
avowed
Servants
of
Satan
,
as
Tygers
,
and
destroy
the
inheritance
of
the
Lord
,
which
they
were
to
nourish
and
protect
,
can
they
expect
to
be
looked
upon
as
God's
Deputyes
while
they
do
so
?
And
sure
,
who
ever
maintaineth
that
such
who
have
cast
behinde
their
back
all
Vowes
,
Promises
,
Compacts
,
Subscriptions
,
Oathes
,
and
solemne
Engadgments
;
and
break
overall
bonds
of
humanity
and
Christianity
,
that
they
may
satisfy
their
owne
cruel
and
base
lusts
;
and
so
carry
towards
Subjects
,
as
if
they
were
so
many
Slaves
or
Brutes
,
or
Worse
,
may
lawfully
be
resisted
,
is
very
far
from
opening
a
gap
to
endlesse
rebellions
,
under
any
Church
government
;
that
he
rather
layeth
downe
a
course
to
prevent
rebellions
:
For
if
Kings
remembered
that
their
Subjects
might
lawfully
and
would
oppose
them
,
when
they
turned
Tyrants
,
they
would
walk
more
soberly
,
and
forbeare
to
vent
their
tyrannicall
cruelty
,
and
so
give
lesse
occasion
to
Subjects
to
think
of
opposeing
them
.
And
However
this
Pamphleter
may
look
upon
himself
as
one
who
hath
deserved
well
at
the
hands
of
the
King
:
Yet
the
judicious
who
consider
the
matter
right
,
will
finde
him
really
a
greater
Enemy
to
the
throne
,
then
either
Lex
Rex
the
Apology
or
yet
Naphtali
were
,
or
are
.
Seing
they
must
be
greater
Enemies
to
the
real
welbeing
of
Kings
,
and
to
the
Establishing
of
thrones
,
who
would
have
them
setled
upon
the
alone
basis
of
blood
,
tyranny
,
opprossion
,
or
proclaime
an
impunity
unto
Tyrants
to
do
what
they
will
,
which
is
but
to
blow
at
a
fire
which
burneth
fast
enough
of
it's
own
accord
;
then
such
as
would
have
them
setled
on
equity
and
righteousnesse
and
not
suffered
to
goe
without
their
due
bounds
.
There
is
a
great
noise
(
sayes
he
)
(
it
may
be
it
is
not
causelesse
,
and
it
were
to
be
wished
Rulers
looked
to
it
)
of
the
increase
of
Popery
.
Doth
he
think
there
is
a
noise
made
about
this
matter
,
and
a
great
noise
,
and
that
without
ground
?
Or
can
he
arrive
at
no
more
certanety
,
but
of
a
may
be
that
it
is
not
causeless
?
Sure
the
Representatives
(
as
he
calleth
them
)
several
yeers
ago
were
beyond
a
may
be
,
that
it
was
increased
above
what
ever
it
had
been
,
either
in
the
dayes
of
King
Iames
,
or
of
King
Charles
the
first
:
And
hath
their
mock-act
never
executed
,
affrighted
it
so
out
of
sight
,
that
this
Man
who
possibly
would
be
accounted
no
meane
Father
,
and
over
seer
in
the
Church
,
cannot
perceive
it
,
at
least
so
clearly
,
as
positively
to
say
that
there
is
just
ground
for
that
noise
?
But
where
dwelleth
this
Man
?
or
what
way
doth
he
stope
his
eares
?
Is
he
one
of
those
who
see
and
perceive
not
,
who
know
and
yet
carry
as
if
they
knew
not
?
What
is
he
and
his
fraternity
doing
to
day
?
What
are
the
men
with
the
Episcopal
inspection
doing
?
Are
they
so
occupyed
in
persecuteing
the
truely
godly
,
the
faithful
Ministers
and
People
of
the
Land
,
and
in
stirring
up
the
Council
to
be
more
cruel
then
they
are
,
and
severely
to
execute
the
unjust
and
most
iniquous
Lawes
made
to
banish
all
piety
and
fear
of
God
out
of
the
Land
,
that
they
have
no
Leasure
to
look
about
them
to
marke
what
Papists
,
Seminary
Priests
and
Jesuits
(
who
are
swarmning
up
and
downe
the
Land
)
are
doing
?
When
did
He
or
They
advise
the
Council
to
take
such
an
effectual
course
for
suppressing
masse
meetings
,
as
they
have
done
for
suppressing
of
conventicles
,
or
meetings
of
better
reformed
and
founder
Protestants
then
ever
he
or
they
were
?
Was
there
any
masse
monger
fined
to
this
day
?
Yet
we
know
that
precious
&
worthy
Christians
,
have
been
rigidly
&
inhumanely
handled
and
mulcted
,
for
hearing
an
honest
and
worthy
Minister
of
the
Gospel
preaching
the
Gospel
in
a
privat
place
.
Ay
,
but
now
he
thinks
,
he
hath
exonered
himself
,
and
discharged
a
piece
of
duty
both
for
himself
and
all
his
fraternity
,
by
saying
,
It
were
to
be
wished
Rulers
looked
to
it
.
And
is
this
all
the
remedy
he
prescribeth
?
What
will
He
do
?
May
he
not
,
dar
he
not
,
grieve
or
vex
his
Elder
Brethren
?
What
shall
we
then
say
of
his
inspection
?
Is
it
lawful
,
or
is
it
of
Gold
,
which
is
wholly
imployed
and
exercised
in
persecuteing
of
the
honest
seekers
of
God's
face
,
and
countenanceth
and
encourageth
Papists
?
No
certanely
,
That
power
whose
proper
work
is
,
to
root
out
piety
,
as
haveing
that
only
in
commission
,
and
which
fostereth
and
incourageth
profanity
and
Idolatry
,
is
a
power
of
Satan
,
tending
to
advance
his
work
and
interest
in
the
Earth
,
and
to
establish
and
enlarge
his
Kingdome
.
What
further
?
But
truely
(
sayes
he
)
when
she
Spirit
of
such
writeings
as
this
,
is
considered
,
it
will
be
found
there
is
cause
to
feare
(
unlesse
the
wisdome
and
goodnesse
of
Cod
;
and
the
prudence
of
the
King
and
Governours
under
him
prevent
it
,
)
That
as
one
way
the
Roman
Antichrist
may
come
in
;
So
some
furious
Successour
of
John
of
Leyden
,
under
pretence
of
a
Phineas
—
like
Spirit
,
come
in
another
way
,
upon
our
Church
and
Land
to
lay
it
waste
,
and
to
make
it
a
field
of
confusion
and
blood
.
Answ.
Were
there
no
Papists
in
Scotland
,
or
was
there
no
appearance
of
the
approaching
of
the
Roman
Antichrist
before
these
books
came
abroad
?
What
a
Spirit
,
I
pray
,
is
that
which
is
in
these
books
,
which
can
give
any
cause
of
feare
,
that
the
Roman
Antichrist
may
come
in
upon
that
account
?
What
tendency
,
I
pray
,
hath
any
thing
that
is
asserted
in
these
books
,
to
the
introduceing
of
Popery
?
His
needle
head
shall
never
be
able
to
poynt
this
forth
.
Yea
let
the
true
designe
of
these
books
be
once
obtained
,
and
I
promise
him
,
that
ere
few
weeks
passe
,
there
shall
be
few
or
none
in
all
Scotland
,
who
shall
be
so
bold
as
to
professe
either
Popery
or
Prelacy
.
These
must
be
strange
books
which
open
two
contrary
doors
at
once
,
upon
the
one
hand
a
door
for
the
Roman
Antichrist
,
and
upon
the
other
hand
,
a
door
for
some
furious
Successour
of
Iohn
of
Leyden
,
but
both
are
alike
true
,
that
is
,
both
are
manifestly
false
Though
his
fear
for
the
coming
in
of
the
Roman
Antichrist
be
first
named
,
yet
it
is
the
least
of
the
two
with
him
;
for
the
thing
which
most
affrighteth
him
,
is
this
last
;
but
he
needeth
not
fear
it
,
let
King
and
inferiour
Governours
joyne
piety
;
and
true
divine
Zeal
for
God
&
his
glory
,
with
their
prudence
,
and
set
themselves
to
establish
the
covenanted
Religion
,
as
it
was
reformed
in
Doctrine
,
Worshipe
,
Discipline
&
Government
&
purge
out
such
things
as
offend
,
especially
that
bitter
root
of
Prelacy
,
which
we
abjured
,
and
prosecute
the
ends
of
the
Covenants
,
and
the
vvisdome
and
goodness
of
God
shall
preserve
both
Church
and
State
.
But
so
long
as
there
is
no
repentance
of
the
horrible
Apostasy
and
defection
,
vvhereof
King
and
all
ranks
are
guilty
:
And
particularly
that
Apostate
pack
which
care
neither
for
Church
or
State
,
King
or
Coun●rey
,
but
in
subordination
to
their
ovvne
bellies
and
bese
lusts
,
is
not
extirpated
vvithall
their
adherents
,
vve
have
no
ground
to
expect
that
God
shall
preserve
either
Church
or
State
from
destruction
and
ruine
:
Because
vve
have
forsaken
the
Lord
God
of
our
Fathers
,
vve
can
not
but
fear
that
he
shall
forsake
us
,
and
cast
our
carcases
upon
the
carcases
of
our
idols
,
and
his
soul
shall
abhorre
us
,
and
he
shall
lay
our
cityes
waste
,
bring
our
Sanctuaryes
into
desolation
,
and
shall
not
smell
the
Savour
of
our
sweet
odours
,
yea
and
shall
scatter
us
among
the
heathen
,
and
draw
out
a
sword
after
us
,
and
our
Land
shall
be
desolate
,
and
our
Cityes
waste
&c.
Though
we
had
all
the
security
imaginable
that
never
one
of
the
furious
brood
of
Iohn
of
Leyde
,
should
arise
to
lay
the
Land
waste
;
as
indeed
nothing
asserted
in
these
books
,
may
put
rational
Men
in
feares
thereof
,
from
that
hand
,
though
his
lieing
mouth
addeth
,
that
the
seeds
of
future
miseries
,
being
too
visibly
sowne
,
by
this
Man
and
his
Complices
,
whose
mouths
are
full
of
blasphemies
,
as
their
hearts
and
●ands
are
full
of
blood
and
in
so
saying
is
like
the
whore
in
the
common
proverbe
,
who
calleth
her
honest
Neighbour
whose
first
whole
mouths
are
more
full
of
blasphemies
,
their
or
ours
,
all
may
judge
who
either
read
their
writeings
,
or
heare
their
speaches
in
publick
or
in
private
:
And
whose
hearts
and
hands
are
more
full
of
blood
,
theirs
or
ours
,
dayly
experience
will
suffer
no
Man
of
common
sense
who
marketh
both
,
once
to
put
it
to
a
question
.
At
length
he
apologizeth
for
his
slowensse
in
comeing
forth
with
his
Survey
,
telling
us
,
That
this
libel
and
like
are
not
more
quickly
followed
,
with
meet
animad
vertsions
,
is
not
to
be
marvelled
at
by
any
,
who
knowes
they
are
like
the
pestilence
,
that
walks
in
darkensse
,
and
that
hardly
do
they
come
to
the
hands
of
any
,
but
such
as
are
willing
to
be
deceived
by
them
,
being
intended
for
the
blinding
of
these
,
not
for
the
opening
of
the
eyes
of
others
.
But
truly
,
He
might
have
for
borne
to
have
made
such
an
Apology
:
For
it
may
be
,
some
who
have
most
imployed
him
,
and
rewarded
him
too
,
for
his
paines
,
will
think
that
he
hath
but
too
quickly
followed
with
his
animadversions
,
and
possibly
shall
wish
,
that
they
had
never
seen
the
light
,
since
he
hath
done
so
little
good
by
them
to
the
cause
,
which
he
becometh
a
Patrone
unto
,
both
in
starting
needlesse
and
dangerous
debates
,
for
the
Kings
Throne
and
Kingdomes
,
yea
&
for
his
Life
;
&
in
managing
these
debates
so
poorly
as
he
hath
done
,
to
speak
nothing
of
his
weake
defending
of
the
maine
cause
controverted
,
which
is
abundantly
discovered
by
this
vindication
:
Whereby
also
he
hath
occasioned
the
more
accurate
ripeing
up
of
that
debate
touching
defensive
armes
,
and
laying
it
open
and
naked
unto
the
judgment
and
capacity
of
the
meanest
,
so
that
the
truthes
which
he
endeavoured
to
shake
,
and
overturne
,
are
now
more
firmly
then
ever
,
riveted
in
the
hearts
of
all
vvho
search
after
truth
:
Yet
sure
,
had
be
been
able
,
he
●ight
have
brought
forth
this
brood
of
his
braine
,
sooner
to
light
,
for
he
had
time
enough
,
after
the
publick
Proclamation
vvas
made
,
that
such
a
book
vvas
come
forth
,
by
the
fire
prepared
of
purpose
,
at
the
crosse
of
Edenbr●ugh
to
consume
it
into
asses
,
before
which
time
,
I
suppose
,
very
fevv
knevv
of
such
a
thing
:
And
by
this
solemne
fiery
Proclamation
,
the
curiosity
of
some
was
kindled
to
enquire
after
the
book
,
who
othewise
vvould
have
used
no
great
diligence
,
to
have
obtained
one
of
them
,
yea
possibly
would
never
have
learned
that
there
was
such
a
book
in
the
World
,
and
so
could
have
been
in
no
hazard
to
have
been
infected
thereby
:
And
before
this
time
that
they
met
vvith
this
solemne
recaption
,
there
vvas
not
(
as
is
sufficiently
knovvn
)
many
of
them
abroad
;
for
it
came
but
too
soon
into
the
hands
of
such
as
put
that
honour
on
it
,
which
vvas
expected
,
and
thereby
helped
forvvard
the
Authors
designe
.
Is
it
,
any
wonder
that
such
pieces
must
keep
themselves
as
long
as
they
can
,
out
of
such
fiery
hands
.
Seing
the
first
salutation
they
meet
vvith
is
a
brief
sentence
of
condemnation
by
the
Council
,
and
a
〈…〉
,
or
execution
rather
by
the
hand
of
the
Hangman
,
in
the
●●repared
of
purpose
for
that
solemne
Disput
?
Let
him
,
if
he
●ar
or
can
procure
a
free
imprimatur
for
such
necessary
and
useful
books
,
and
liberty
for
stationers
to
expose
them
to
open
sale
,
and
then
it
will
be
seen
,
whether
they
or
his
shall
hide
themselves
longest
in
the
corner
of
shopes
,
and
be
at
lengh
laid
aside
for
other
uses
,
then
at
first
they
were
intended
for
.
He
sayes
they
were
intended
for
the
blinding
of
these
into
whose
hands
they
come
,
not
for
the
opening
of
the
eyes
of
others
.
But
he
speaks
like
himself
.
They
were
really
intended
for
the
opening
of
the
eyes
of
all
who
would
but
read
and
seriously
consider
what
is
said
,
and
would
not
willingly
shote
out
their
owne
eyes
.
And
as
for
his
Pamphlet
,
I
verily
beleeve
what
ever
was
his
intention
,
it
shall
deceive
none
,
but
such
as
are
already
deceived
,
or
very
willing
to
be
deceived
,
&
shall
open
the
eyes
of
none
,
unlesse
per
accidens
,
by
making
them
to
apprehend
more
clearly
,
then
formerly
they
would
,
truth
upon
the
other
side
,
by
discovering
the
childish
,
frivolous
and
weak
evasions
and
exceptions
,
which
he
is
necessitated
to
make
use
of
.
In
the
last
Page
He
giveth
us
a
short
hint
of
what
he
mindeth
to
do
in
the
following
part
of
this
his
elaborate
work
,
where
we
are
like
to
finde
him
as
impudent
and
shamelesse
a
Patron
of
perjury
,
as
here
we
have
found
him
a
pleader
for
Tyranny
.
But
we
,
shall
forbeare
to
say
more
at
this
time
,
till
God
offer
an
opportunity
of
considering
and
answering
what
he
shall
say
further
upon
these
heads
and
digressions
.
The
Lord
establish
truth
in
the
Earth
&
visite
his
owne
inheritance
,
and
send
a
plentiful
raine
to
confirme
the
same
when
it
is
weary
,
for
his
owne
names
sake
.
AMEN
.
FINIS
.