1. IT is now more than twenty yeares since defending the Church of England as it was setled 1 Eliz. for the most perfect and conformable to Antiquity of any in Europe , a Gentleman , whose conversation for his Learning , I very much affected , tole me , He was never satisfied of our agreeing with the Primitive Church in two particulars ; the one in denying all manner of Superiority to the Bishop of Rome , to live in whose Communion the East and Western Christian did ever highly esteem . The other , in condemning Monastique living , so far , as not onely to reform them , if any thing were amiss , but take down the very houses themselves . To the first of these I said , We did not deny such a Primacy in the Pope as the Antients did acknowledge , but that he by that might exercise those acts he of some years before Hen. the 8th had done , and had got by encroaching on the English Church and State meerly by their tolerance , which when the Kingdom took to redress and restrain him in , he would needs interpret a departing from the Church ; yet if any made the departure , it must be the Pope , the Kingdom standing onely on those Rights it had ever used for its own preservation , which putting in practice , it was interdicted the King , excommunicated by him , &c. To which he replyed in effect that of Henry the eighth in his book against Luther , That it was very incredible the Pope could doe those acts he had sometimes exercised here by encroachment ; for how could he gain that power and none take notice of it ? That this argument could have no force if not made good by History , and those of our own Nation , how he had increased his Authority here . Which , truly , I did not well see how to deny , farther than that we might by one particular conclude of an other ; As if the Church or State had a right of denying any Clark going without License beyond Seas , it must follow , it might bar them from going , or Appealing to Rome : If none might be acknowledged for Pope without the Kings approbation , it could not be denyed but the necessity of being in union with the true Pope ( at least in time of Schism ) did wholly depend on the King . And so of some other .

2. As for the other point of Monasteries , I told him , I would not take upon me to defend all that had been done in demolishing of them ; I knew they had nourished men of Piety and good Learning , to whom the present Age was not a little beholding ; for , what doe we know of any thing past but by their labours ? That divers well affected to the Reformation , and yet persons of integrity , are of opinion their standing might have continued to the advancement of Literature , the increase of Piety , and Relief of the Poor . That the King when he took them down was the greatest looser by it himself . Whose opinions I would not contradict , yet it could not be denyed , they were so far streyed from their first institution , as they reteined little other than the name of what they first were .

3. Upon this I began to cast with my self how I could Historically make good that I had thus asserted , which in general I held most true , yet had not at hand punctually every circumstance , Law , and History that did conduce unto it ; in reading therefore I began to note apart what might serve for proof any way concerning it : But that Gentleman with whom I had this speech being not long after taken away , I made no great progresse in it , till some years after , I was constreined to abide in London ( sequestred , not onely from publique , but even the private businesse of my Estate ) I had often no other way of spending my time but the company a book did afford ; insomuch as I again began to turn over our ancient Laws and Histories , both printed and written , whereof I had the perusal of divers of good worth , whence I collected many notes , and began farther to observe the question between us and the Church of Rome in that point , not to be whether our Ancestors did acknowledge the Pope successor of St. Peter , but what that acknowledgment did extend to : Not whether he were Vicar of Christ , had a power from him to teach the Word of God , administer the Sacraments , direct people in the spiritual wayes of heaven ( for so had every Bishop , amongst which he was ever held by them the first , Pater maximus in ecclesia , as one to whom Emperours and Christians had not only allowed a primacy , but had left behind them why they did it , Sedis Apostolicae primatum sancti Petri meritum , qui princeps est Episcopalis coronae Romanae dignitas civitatis sacrae etiā Synodi firmarit auctoritas , saies a a Valentinian Novel 24. i● fi● . cod . Theod. Valentinian 445. On which grounds , if he will accept it , I know no reason to deny his being prime ) but whether they conceived his commission from Christ did extend so far as to give him an absolute authority over the Church and Clergy in England , to redress , reform , correct , amend all things in it , not by advice , but as having power over it , with or against their own liking , and farther to remove , translate , silence , suspend all Bishops , and others of the Spirituality . In short , to exercise all Ecclesiastique authority within this Church above any whatsoever , so as all in Holy Orders ( one of the three Estates of the Kingdom ) solely and supreamly depended on him , and hee on none but Christ ; and whether our Forefathers did ever admit him with this liberty of disposing in the English Church .

4. To wade through which question there was an eye to be cast on all the times since Christ was heard of in England , and therfore to be considered how Christianity stood upon the conversion of the Britans , the Saxons , and since the irruption of the Normans , under the first of these we have but little , under the second somewhat , yet not much , under the third the Papacy swell'd to that height , some parts have been constrained to cast it off , and England without his assent in that point so to reform it self , as to declare b b Stat. 25. Hen. 8. cap. 14. no manner of speaking , doing , communication , or holding against the Bishop of Rome , or his pretensed power or authority , made or given by humane Laws , shall be deemed to be Heresy . By which it seems those Episcopal Functions he did exercise common with other Bishops ( as Baptizing , conferring Holy Orders , &c. ) it did not deny to be good and valid of his administration .

5. But what those particulars were humane Laws had conferred upon the Papacy , and by what constitutions or Canons those preheminences were given him , was the thing in question , and not so easie to be found , because indeed gained by little and little , I cannot but hold Truth more ancient than Errour , every thing to be firmest upon its own bottom , and all novelties in the Church to be best confuted by shewing how far they cause it to deviate from the first original , I no way doubt but the Religion exercised by the Britans before Augustine came , to have been very pure and holy : nor that planted after from S. Gregory , though perhaps with more ceremonies and commands , juris positivi which this Church embraced rejected or varyed from , as occasion served to be other , but in the foundation most sound , most orthodox ; that holy man never intending such a superiority over this Church as after was claimed . The Bishops of England in their condemnation of Wicliffs opinions , do not at all touch upon those c c Apud Knighton . col. 2648 , & in fasciculo zizaniorum Mss fol. 64. a col. 1. in biblio theca Archiepiscopo Armachani . concerned the Popes supremacy , and the d d Concil. Constant . sess. 8. Art , 41. Councell of Constance that did censure his affirming . Non est de necessitate salutis credere Romanam Ecclesiam esse supremam inter alias Ecclesias , doth it with great limitations and as but an error : Error est si per Romanam Ecclesiam intelligat universalem Ecclesiam , aut concilium generale , aut pro quanto negaret primatum summi Pontificiis super alias Ecclesias particulares : I conceive therefore the Basis of the Popes or Church of Romes authority in England , to be no other then what being gained by custome , was admitted with such regulations as the kingdome thought might stand with it 's own conveniency , and therefore subject to those e e Vide concordata inter Hen. 2. & Alexandrum 3. 1172. Edwardum 3. & Gregor. 11. 1373. Henricum 5. & Martinum . 5. 1418. stipulations , contracts with the Papacy and pragmatiques it at any time hath made or thought good to set up , in opposition of extravagancies arising thence , in the reformation therefore of the Church of England two things seem to be especially searcht into , and a third arising from them fit to be examined .

1. Whether the Kingdome of England did ever conceive any necessity jure divino of being under the Pope united to the Church and sea of Rome , which drawes on the consideration how his authority hath been exercised in England under the Britons , Saxons and Normans , what treasure was caryed annually hence to Rome , how it had been gained , and how stopt .

2. Whether the Prince with th' advise of his Cleargy was not ever understood to be endued with authority sufficient , to cause the Church within his Dominions be by them reformed , without using any act of power not legally invested in him , which leads me to consider what the Royal authority in sacris is . 1. In making lawes that God may be truly honoured . 2 things decently performed in the Church . 3. Profainesse punished , questions of doubt by their Cleargy to be silenced .

3. The third how our Kings did proceed , especially Queen Elizabeth , ( under whose reformation we then lived ) in this act of separation from the sea of Rome , which carries me to shew how the Church of England was reformed by Henry the 8. Edward the 6. and Queen Elizabeth . Wherein I look upon the proceedings abroad and at home against Hereticks , the obligation to generall Councells , and some other particulars incident to those times .

I do not in this at all take upon me the disputation , much less the Theologicall determination of any controverted Tenet ( but leave that as the proper subject to Divines ) this being onely an historicall narration how some things came amongst us , how opposed , how removed by our ancestors , who well understanding this Church not obliged by any forraign constitutions , but as allowed by it self , & either finding the inconvenience in having them urged from abroad farther then their first reception heare did warrant . Or that some of the Cleargy inforced opinions as articles of faith , were no way to be admitted into that rank , did by the same authority they were first brought in ( leaving the body or essence ( as I may say ) of Christian religion untouched , ) make such a declaration in those particulars , as conserved the Royall dignity in it's ancient splendour , without at all invading the true legall rights of the state Ecclesiasticall , yet might keep the kingdome in peace , the people without distruction , and the Church in Vnity .

AFter the planting of Christian religion amongst the Saxons , th' Archbishop of Canterbury became a person so eminent , all England was reputed his a a Eadmer . p. 12 , 29. p. 137 , 1. G●rvas . Dorobern , col , 1661 , 54. Diocese , in the colledge of Bishops b b Lyndwood de poenis . cap. Tanquam . London his Dean , whose office it was to c c Gervas . Dorobern . col. 1566 , 10. summon Councels , Winchester his Chancellour , d d Sic Lynd. ubi supra , at Ger. Dorobern . col. 1382 , 61. col. 1429 , 23 Salisbury or ( as some ) Winchester his Prec●tor , or that begun the service by singing , e e Sic Lyndwood , at Ger. Dorobern . col. 1382 , 61. col . 1429 , 23. Rof . at 1565. 1. Wigor . Worcester or rather Rochester his Chaplain , and the other the carrier of his Crosse : f f Malms . fol. 121. a & Diceto col. 437 , 64. expected no lesse obedience from York , then himself yielded to Rome g g Rodulph . Arch. Epist. inter script . x. Angliae , &c. col. 1736 , 17. , voluntate & beneficio , it being th' opinion of the Church of England , it was but equall h h Malms . fol. 121 ; a , 8. ut ab eo loco mutuentur vivendi disciplinam , à cujus fomite rapuerunt credendi slammam . The dependence therefore of the Clergy in England being thus wholly upon th' Archbishop , it will not be amisse to take a little view both of what esteem he was in the Church , and how it came to be taken off , and by degrees transferr'd to a forreign power .

2. Upon the conversion of the Saxons here by the preaching of Augustine and his companions , and a quiet peace settled under Theodore , i i Beda lib. 4. cap. 2. to whom all the English submitted , k k Lib. MS. in aula Tri●itatis Cantabrig . Parochiall Churches by his encouragement began to be erected , and the Bishop of Rome greatly reverenced in this nation , as being the successour of Saint Peter the first bishop of the world , Patriark of the West , that resided in a town l l Hall 20. Hen. 8. f. 179. held to nourish the best Clerks in Christendome , and the seat of the Empire : insomuch , as the devout Britan ( who seemes ( as I said ) to have received his first conversion from Asia ) m m Divisus ab orbe nostro Britannus , si in religione processerit , quaerit locum fama sibi tantū & scripturarum relatione cognitum . Epist. Paulae & Eustochii de commigrat . Bethlchem , inter opera Hieronymi Script . circa Ann. 386. did go to Iudea as a place of greatest sanctity , so n n lib. 4. ● . 23. Beda . amongst the Saxons Romam adire magnae virtutis aestimabatur . But as this was of their part , no other then as to a great Doctour or Prelate , by whose solicitude they understood the way to heaven , and to a place in which religion and piety did most flourish ; so th' instructions thence were not as coming from one had dominion over their faith , the one side not at all giving , nor the other assuming other then that respect is fit to be rendred from a puisne or lesse skilfull to more ancient and learned Teachers . As of late times when certain divines at Frankford 1554. differed about the Common-prayer used in England , Knox and Whittingham appealed to Calvin for his opinion ; and receiving his 200. Epistle , o o Troubles at Frankford pag. xxxvi . Edit. 1575. it so wrought in the hearts of many , that they were not so stout to maintain all the parts of the Book , as they were then against it . And Doctor Cox and some other , who stood for the use of the said Book , wrote unto him , p p ibid. pag. ●1 . excusing themselves that they put order in their Church without his counsell asked . Which honour they shew'd him , not as esteeming him q q ibid. pag. ●xlvii . to have any auctority of Office over them ; but in respect of his learning and merits .

3. As these therefore carried much honour , and yielded great obedience to Calvin , and the Church of Geneva by them , r r ibid. p. ●lix . then held the purest reformed Church in Christendom : so it cannot be denyed but our Auncestors the Saxons attributed no lesse to the Pope and Church of Rome , who yet never invaded the rights of this , as contrary to the s s Concil. general . edit . Romae 1608 , ●o. 1. pag. 498. A. councel of Ephesus , and the Canons of the Church of t t Beda l. 4. cap. 5. England ; but left the Government of it to the English Prelats , yet giving his best advice and assistance for increasing devotion , and maintenance of the Laws Ecclesiasticall amongst them , in which each side placed the superiority . From whence it proceeded that however the Pope was sought to from hence , he rarely sent hither any Legat. u u Concil. Spelm. Ann. 787. p. 293. In the Councell of Calcuith held about 180. years after Augustine , it is observed , a tempore Sancti Augustini Pontificis sacerdos Romanus nullus in Britanniam m●ssus est , nisi nos . And x x pag. 58 , 4● . Eadmerus , that it was inauditum in Britannia , quemlibes hominum super se vices Apostolicas gerere , nisi solum Archiepiscopum Cantuariae .

4. But after the Pope instead of being y y Caus. 2. q. 1. cap. 7 , 15. q. 2. cap. 2. 3. 4. &c. subject , began to be esteemed above th' Ecclesiastick Canons , and to pretend a power of altering , and dispensing with them , and what past by his advise and counsell onely , was said to be by his authority , he did question divers particulars had been formerly undoubtedly practic 't in this Kingdom , he seeing them , and not shewing any dislike at it ; as z z Ingulph . fol. 500. a. 43. The receiving Investitures of Churches from Princes , a a vide literas Paschal . 2. Hen. 1. apud . Eadme●um , pag. 113. pag. 115. The calling Synods , The determining causes Ecclesiasticall without Appeals to Rome , The transferring Bishops , &c. but the removing these from England unto a forraign judicature , being as well in diminution of the rights of the Crown , as of this Church , past not with out opposition .

5. For Anselm an Italian , the first great promoter of the Papal authority with us , pretending he ought not be barr'd b b Eadmer . pag. 38 , 35. of visiting the Vicar of St. Peter causa regiminis Ecclesiae , was told as well by the Bishops as lay Lords , c c Eadmer . p. 39 , 30. That it was a thing unheard , and altogether against the use of the realme , for any of the great men , especially himself to presume any such thing without the Kings licence : who affirmed , d d Eadmer . pag. 26 , 1. nequaquam fidem quam sibi debebat simul & Apostolicae sedis obedientiam contra suam voluntatem posse servare . And the Archbishop persisting in his journy thither , had not onely his Bishoprick seized into the Kings hand , but the Pope being shew'd how his carriage was resented here , did not afford him either e e ibid. pag. 52 , 17. Consilium or Auxilium , but suffered him to live an exile all that Princes time f f — Nil judicii vel subventionis per Romanum praesulem nacti . Eadmer . pag. 53 , 28. without any considerable support , or adjudging the cause in his favour . Which makes it the more strange that ( having found by experience what he had heard before , that it was the King not the Pope could help or hurt him ) this visit being so little to his advantage , at his first presenting himself to Henry the first , he should oppose g g Eadmer . pag. 56 , 7. that Prince in doing him homage , and being invested by him , a right continued unto that time from his Auncestors , and by which himself had received h h Eadmer . p. 18 , 4. p. 20 , 35. the Archbishoprick from his brother , and this on a suggestion that it was prohibited in a councell held at Rome : in which he went so far as to tell the King , i i Ibid. pag. 70 , 9. quod nec pro redemptione capitis mei consentiam ei de iis quae praesens audivi in Romano Concilio prohiberi , nisi ab eadem sede interdictorum absolutionis prodeat , à qua constitutionis ipsorum vinculum prodiit .

6. This is the first , if not the onely time that to what was acted at Rome an obedience was required here , as not to be dispensed with but from thence : for it is undoubted , this Kingdome never held it self tyed by any thing past there , till received here ; as k k Eadmer . pag. 92 , 40. vide Concil. Spelm. pag. 166 , 9. Eadmerus rightly observes , things done there not ratified here to be of no value . And when l l Hen. Knighton 1296. col. 2491. vide Mat. West . & Wm. Thorne . VVinchelsea 1296. would have introduced the contrary , it cost him dear , the Clergy forced to reject the command , m m de immunitate Eccles. cap. 3. in S●xto . Et Tit. ●odem cap. 1. in Clement . and the Court to quit her pretenses .

7. But the dispute , however the right stood , grew so high , the King told Anselme n n Eadmer . p. 70 , 5. the Pope had not to meddle with his rights , and wrote that free letter we find in Iorvalensis , col. 999 , 30. which I have likewise seen in an old hand recorded amongst divers other memorialls of the Archbishops of Canterbury : though I must needs say it seems to me by o o Apud Eadmer . pag. 59 , 48. Paschalis his answer , repeating a good part of it , not sent by those he names , p p Ibid. pag. 56. 22. but former messengers . In this controversy the Popes returnes were so ambiguous , that he writ so differing from their relations were sent , it was thought fit Anselme should himself go to Rome : with whom K. Henry sent another , q q Ibid. p. 73 , 13. who spake plainly , his master nec pro amissione regni sui passurum se perdere investituras Ecclesiarum ; and ( though Rome were willing to comply in other particulars ) told Anselme denying that , r r pag. 75 , 27. ibid. he could not assure him of a welcome in England , who thereupon retired to Lyons : where finding s s Ibid. pag. 79 , 24. slender comfort from Rome , he sought the King by letters , and after by the means of Henry's t t Eadmer . pag. 80 , 27. sister made his peace ; at which yet he was not permitted ( such was his spirit ) to enter England , denying to communicate with them had received Bishopricks from the King , but by the Popes dispensation . The conclusion was , Paschalis taught by experience , neither the Court of Rome nor th' Archbishop gained ought by this contest , however he would not at first abate u u Ibid. p. 63 3. praedecessoris sui sententiae rigorem , yet now admitted great limitations to what Vrban had establisht . So as the King x x Eadmer . pag. 91 , 21. assenting none for the future should be invested per laicam manum ( which was no more , but what he formerly did himself , he would now cause to be performed by a Bishop ) the other agreed no prelats to be barr'd of promotion , etiamsi hominia Regi fecerint , y y Ibid. p. 87 , 35. & hoc donec per omnipotentis Domini gratiam ad hoc omittendum cor regium molliatur , &c. which yet the King soon after , on the Popes permission of them to the Dutch , did threaten z z Ibid. p. 100 , 1. sine dubio se resumpturum suas investituras , quia ille suas tenet in pace ; but for ought I find , it went no farther then their swearing fealty to the King , which seems to have been long a a Gervas . Derobern . Anno 118● . col. 1503 , 36. R. de Glanvilla Abbati de Bello , &c. praecipio tibi ex parte Domini Regis , per fidem quam ei debes & per sacramentum quod ei fecisti , &c. Wm. Thorn , Ann. 1220. col. 1873 , 56. Hugo 3. Abbas S ● . Augustini gratanter admissus juravit fidelitatem D. Regi super crucem ipsius ▪ legati . continued .