THE
STATE
OF
CHRISTENDOME
.
AFter
that
I
had
lived
many
years
in
voluntary
exile
and
banishment
,
and
saw
that
the
most
happy
and
fortunate
success
,
which
it
pleased
the
Almighty
to
send
unto
my
gracious
Soveraign
against
the
malicious
and
hostile
Attempts
which
the
Spanish
Monarch
,
both
openly
and
covertly
,
practised
against
her
sacred
Person
,
and
invincible
State
and
Kingdom
,
I
began
to
despair
of
my
long
desired
return
into
my
native
Countrey
,
and
to
consider
with
my self
,
with
what
price
I
might
best
redeem
my
sweet
and
inestimable
liberty
.
Sometimes
I
wished
that
her
Majesty
had
,
(
as
the
Italian
Princes
have
)
many
confined
and
banished
men
abroad
,
upon
whose
heads
there
are
great
Fines
set
,
to
invite
others
to
kill
them
,
in
hope
to
receive
those
Fines
in
recompense
of
their
murther
:
But
my
wishes
vanished
as
smoak
in
the
wind
,
and
as
long
as
I
dwelt
in
those
cogitations
,
me-thought
I
did
nothing
else
but
build
Castles
in
the
Ayr
;
then
I
applied
my
wits
to
think
upon
some
other
means
of
better
hope
,
and
more
probability
;
and
supposed
that
to
murther
some
notable
Traytor
,
or
professed
enemy
to
my
Prince
and
Countrey
,
might
be
a
ready
way
to
purchase
my
desire
:
But
the
great
difficulty
to
escape
unpunished
,
the
continual
terror
that
such
an
offence
might
breed
unto
my
conscience
,
and
the
perpetual
infamy
that
followeth
the
bloody
Executioners
of
trayterous
Murderers
,
(
for
I
held
it
trayterous
to
kill
my
friend
and
acquaintance
)
made
both
my
heart
and
my
hand
to
abhor
any
such
action
:
Martius
Coriolanus
seemed
unto
me
a
most
happy
man
,
who
,
when
in
revenge
of
a
few
mistaken
injuries
,
he
had
wrought
his
Countrey
great
despight
and
annoyance
,
suffered
himself
with
much
difficulty
,
to
be
intreated
by
his
Wi●e
,
his
Mother
,
and
the
Senate
of
Rome
to
return
home
,
and
to
become
so
great
a
Friend
,
as
he
had
been
a
Foe
unto
his
country
.
That
day
should
have
been
more
joyful
unto
me
then
the
day
of
my
birth
and
nativity
,
wherein
I
might
have
seen
a
Letter
from
any
of
my
friends
,
with
assurance
of
my
pardon
to
call
me
home
.
But
I
find
my self
so
much
inferiour
to
Coriolanus
in
good
fortune
,
as
I
come
behind
him
in
manly
valour
,
and
other
laudible
qualities
.
Whilest
I
lived
in
this
perplexity
,
I
hapned
(
by
chance
)
to
meet
with
an
honest
and
kind
English
Gentleman
,
who
was
lately
come
out
of
Italy
,
and
meant
to
sojourn
a
few
moneths
in
France
,
and
then
to
return
into
England
;
He
knew
both
me
and
my
friends
very
well
:
And
although
his
License
forbad
him
to
converse
with
any
Fugitives
,
yet
hearing
(
by
common
and
credible
report
)
that
I
was
not
so
malicious
as
the
rest
of
my
Countrey-men
,
but
lived
only
for
my
conscience
abroad
,
he
adventured
now
and
then
to
use
my
company
,
and
with
me
,
and
in
my
hearing
,
to
use
greater
liberty
of
speech
then
with
any
other
of
our
Nation
.
Whereupon
I
presumed
,
that
as
I
was
trusted
,
so
I
might
trust
him
again
;
and
as
he
did
conceal
nothing
from
me
,
so
I
might
adventure
to
reveal
to
him
the
secret
projects
of
my
inward
cogitations
:
I
therefore
acquainted
him
with
my
ea●nest
desire
to
return
,
and
with
the
great
difficulty
which
I
found
to
procure
my
return
;
and
he
perceiving
that
my
words
agreed
with
my
wishes
,
and
that
my
tongue
uttered
nothing
but
what
my
heart
thought
,
promised
me
faithfully
to
effect
my
desire
,
if
I
would
be
content
to
grant
his
request
:
I
presuming
that
he
would
demand
nothing
but
that
which
should
be
both
honest
and
lawful
,
gave
him
my
faithful
promise
to
satisfie
his
demand
:
He
accepted
my
offer
,
and
uttered
his
mind
in
this
manner
.
In
my
travel
I
have
heard
many
things
which
I
knew
not
when
I
came
out
of
England
,
and
no
more
then
I
would
,
and
yet
much
more
then
I
can
be
well
able
to
answer
when
I
come
home
;
if
you
will
be
as
willing
,
as
I
know
you
are
able
,
to
frame
me
a
good
and
sufficient
answer
to
all
that
I
have
heard
,
all
the
friends
which
I
have
in
England
shall
fail
me
,
but
that
I
will
purchase
your
return
home
with
credit
and
countenance
:
And
because
your
promise
bindeth
you
to
vouchsafe
me
this
favour
;
I
will
as
briefly
as
I
can
possible
,
shew
you
to
what
points
I
shall
need
,
and
most
desire
your
answer
.
I
heard
Princes
generally
reprehend
the
Flomings
,
perhaps
more
boldly
then
justly
,
accused
of
rebellion
;
the
French
men
,
I
know
not
how
truly
,
burthened
with
the
same
crime
;
and
our
Sovereign
in
my
poor
opinion
wrongfully
blamed
for
aiding
both
the
French
and
Flemish
Nations
.
I
heard
some
men
to
maintain
this
strange
opinion
,
that
the
Turk
had
long
before
this
day
been
utterly
subverted
,
or
sorely
weakned
,
had
not
her
Majesty
holpen
those
two
Nations
,
which
hindred
both
the
French
and
Spanish
Kings
from
imploying
their
united
forces
to
the
utter
subversion
of
the
Turk
.
I
heard
some
men
charge
us
with
vain-glory
,
as
men
that
had
learned
of
the
vain-glorious
Souldier
in
Terence
,
to
brag
of
our
valour
and
exploits
in
France
,
where
they
could
hardly
believe
that
we
ever
obtained
the
tenth
part
of
that
which
we
boast
to
have
atcheived
:
And
others
who
were
better
acquainted
with
our
Histories
,
and
more
affected
with
our
conquests
,
do
wonder
and
marvell
greatly
howwe
could
lose
in
a
very
few
years
all
that
our
Predecessors
got
with
much
effusion
of
blood
,
and
with
great
difficulty
.
I
heard
the
Spaniard
(
our
mortal
and
professed
Enemy
)
highly
commended
,
for
that
his
Predecessors
could
of
a
mean
Earl
,
make
themselves
mighty
Monarchs
,
and
because
that
he
with
his
wisdom
doth
maintain
and
keep
all
that
they
got
:
I
heard
his
might
magnified
,
his
Policy
admired
,
his
Government
extolled
,
his
Wisdom
commended
,
his
Wealth
feared
,
and
all
his
Actions
justified
:
I
heard
contrarywise
our
Portugal
Voyage
condemned
,
the
Cause
thereof
disliked
,
the
Success
dispraised
,
the
Entertainment
given
unto
Don
Antonio
disallowed
,
and
her
Majesty
accused
to
have
given
the
Spaniard
many
and
divers
occasions
of
discontentment
:
The
death
of
the
late
Queen
of
Scots
;
The
intercepting
of
certain
monies
sent
into
the
Low
Countries
,
The
proceeding
against
Catholicks
,
the
expulsion
of
the
Popes
authority
out
of
England
,
the
sending
away
of
the
Spanish
Embassadour
in
some
disgrace
,
and
our
League
and
Amity
with
the
United
Provinces
,
are
the
principal
causes
that
displeased
the
Spaniard
.
I
heard
it
imputed
unto
her
Majesty
as
a
fault
,
that
her
Grace
continued
in
league
with
the
late
French
King
,
who
was
charged
to
be
a
Heretick
,
a
Waster
of
his
Revenues
,
a
Lover
of
dishonest
women
,
a
Murderer
of
the
Duke
and
Cardinal
of
Guise
,
and
a
Prince
neither
able
nor
worthy
to
govern
so
great
and
mighty
a
Kingdom
as
France
.
I
heard
the
Spaniards
attempts
and
enterprises
against
England
justified
,
because
our
Queen
was
excommunicated
,
her
people
not
able
nor
willing
to
help
and
succour
her
,
her
Subjects
overcharged
with
unaccustomed
Subsidies
,
our
Forces
not
sufficient
to
encounter
with
his
strength
,
and
our
Realm
easie
to
be
subdued
by
Forraigners
.
I
heard
again
some
men
condemn
the
Spaniard
of
great
folly
,
for
ruling
the
Low
Countries
by
strangers
;
for
not
granting
liberty
of
conscience
unto
his
Subjects
in
those
Countries
,
for
taking
upon
him
to
enforce
them
to
alter
and
change
their
Religion
;
for
intending
to
reduce
all
Protestants
to
the
ancient
profession
of
Papistry
,
for
aiding
the
Leaguers
in
France
,
and
for
attempting
to
make
himself
Monarch
of
the
world
.
I
heard
some
think
it
a
thing
impossible
to
subvert
him
,
others
suppose
it
to
be
a
very
easie
matter
to
overthrow
him
,
and
many
desirous
to
know
the
means
how
to
weaken
him
;
I
heard
the
tumults
of
Aragon
diversly
construed
;
the
murder
of
Escovedo
sundry
wayes
censured
,
and
the
proceedings
against
Antonio
Perez
justified
by
some
,
and
condemned
by
others
.
To
be
short
,
I
heard
many
say
more
then
I
can
well
and
readily
remember
;
and
yet
not
so
much
as
I
can
be
content
to
hear
in
praise
of
my
Countrey
,
and
in
disgrace
of
Spain
;
in
commendation
of
our
Princess
,
and
in
dispraise
of
the
Spaniard
;
in
allowance
and
approbation
of
all
her
actions
,
and
in
reprehension
of
all
,
or
most
part
of
his
Enterprises
.
These
things
were
in
substance
all
that
I
heard
;
some
to
my
comfort
,
and
others
to
my
grief
:
And
if
in
clearing
all
these
things
you
will
vouchsafe
me
your
paines
,
I
will
warrant
your
return
within
a
very
short
while
,
after
that
you
shall
have
sent
me
your
Treatise
.
Your
credit
with
Cardinal
Allen
,
your
acquaintance
with
Morgan
,
your
Friendship
with
Thomas
Throgmorton
,
your
conversation
with
Charles
Pagett
,
and
your
long
experience
in
forraign
affairs
,
hath
undoubtedly
enabled
you
to
give
me
a
full
satisfaction
to
all
these
demands
.
If
you
run
through
them
lightly
,
you
shall
rather
point
at
them
then
please
me
;
If
you
dwell
upon
them
long
,
you
may
fear
to
be
thought
too
tedious
:
And
yet
because
you
have
leisure
enough
to
handle
them
at
large
,
I
shall
take
great
delight
to
see
and
read
them
somewhat
largely
handled
.
Such
was
his
speech
,
and
this
my
short
reply
.
In
hope
of
performance
of
your
promise
,
I
will
undertake
your
task
;
not
because
I
take
my self
able
to
answer
your
expectation
,
but
to
shew
you
that
I
will
hazard
my
poor
credit
to
recover
my
dear
Countrey
;
and
because
I
trust
you
will
use
my
labours
for
your
instruction
,
and
not
to
my
discredit
;
You
may
be
instructed
if
you
read
them
advisedly
,
and
I
discredited
if
you
make
them
common
.
To
be
short
,
with
assurance
of
his
secrecy
,
I
undertook
his
task
;
if
he
shall
hold
his
promise
,
I
shall
think
my
labours
well
bestowed
:
if
they
may
procure
my
return
,
I
shall
have
employed
my
pains
to
my
contentment
.
And
if
my
pains
may
pleasure
and
satisfie
the
Readers
,
their
satisfaction
shall
double
my
joyes
,
when
I
shall
attain
safe
and
free
access
unto
the
long
desired
place
of
my
Nativity
.
The
singular
affection
which
you
bear
unto
me
,
and
the
great
good
opinion
which
unworthily
you
have
conceived
of
me
,
have
greatly
deceived
you
,
in
making
especial
choice
of
me
,
as
of
one
better
able
then
any
other
of
your
wise
and
discreet
friends
,
to
deliver
unto
you
a
sound
and
sure
Judgment
of
the
present
Estate
of
Christendome
.
You
see
Flanders
in
trouble
;
France
in
Arms
;
Scotland
in
division
;
and
the
whole
remainder
of
the
universal
Christian
world
,
either
(
as
Neutrals
)
idly
looking
and
gazing
on
their
mise●ries
,
or
(
as
men
interessed
in
the
same
cause
)
voluntarily
ayding
and
abetting
them
,
or
their
enemies
:
This
sight
seemeth
unto
you
very
strange
,
because
that
professing
one
Christ
Crucified
,
fighting
under
one
Master
,
and
bearing
the
general
name
of
Christians
,
they
give
occasion
unto
the
professed
enemy
of
Christianity
,
by
taking
advantage
of
their
unnatural
dissention
,
to
to
enlarge
his
(
already
too
large
)
Confines
and
Territories
.
In
truth
you
have
some
cause
to
marvel
hereat
;
But
if
it
may
please
you
to
remember
,
That
things
in
common
are
commonly
neglected
;
that
perils
which
be
far
off
,
and
not
presently
imminent
,
are
little
regarded
;
That
dangers
which
are
at
hand
,
and
hang
dayly
over
our
heads
,
carry
us
away
with
their
due
confideration
from
the
vigilant
care
and
providence
which
we
ought
to
have
of
common
Enormities
:
And
lastly
,
that
this
careless
negligence
or
the
common
Adversary
,
is
no
new
thing
,
but
a
matter
of
great
Antiquity
,
and
long
continuance
:
You
will
leave
to
wonder
thereat
,
and
begin
to
pr●y
unto
the
Almighty
(
as
I
do
)
to
remove
the
Causes
of
our
unnatural
〈◊〉
;
to
change
the
minds
of
our
malicious
Christians
;
and
to
illumina●e
the
hear●s
of
our
lawful
Princes
;
that
they
may
with
the
eyes
of
Indifferency
and
〈…〉
upon
the
calamity
of
their
loving
Subjects
:
Consider
the
cause
〈…〉
thereof
;
consult
upon
the
ways
and
means
to
redress
the
〈…〉
deliberation
,
put
in
present
practise
those
remedies
,
〈…〉
and
singular
Wisdom
shall
seem
most
meet
and
convenien●
:
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
but
silly
Ship-Boys
in
this
huge
Vessel
,
tossed
with
the
raging
Waves
of
〈◊〉
unmerciful
Seas
:
We
may
look
upon
the
Masters
,
behold
the
Pilots
,
●nd
be
ready
at
the
Call
and
Command
of
the
other
Officers
,
and
this
is
all
that
we
can
do
;
and
who
so
looketh
for
more
at
our
hands
,
erreth
as
much
in
your
Opinion
,
as
you
are
deceived
in
your
Choice
:
But
the
Interest
which
you
have
in
me
,
and
the
hopes
which
I
conceive
of
you
,
make
me
rather
to
hazard
my
poor
Credit
,
then
to
incur
your
heavy
Displeasure
:
You
may
,
and
I
hope
you
will
,
conceal
,
or
excuse
my
follies
;
but
I
would
not
,
and
God
forbid
I
should
,
deserve
the
least
diminution
that
may
be
,
of
your
accustomed
favours
towards
me
.
In
hope
therefore
of
your
Secresie
,
I
will
boldly
enter
into
this
Tragical
Discourse
;
The
chief
Actors
whereof
are
,
The
mighty
Monarch
of
Spain
;
The
merciful
Queen
of
England
;
The
unfortunate
Don
Antonio
of
Portugal
;
The
valiant
King
of
France
;
The
Imperious
Prelate
of
Rome
;
The
sleeping
and
secure
States
of
Germany
;
The
Politique
and
Grave
Senate
of
Venice
;
And
the
weak
,
but
wise
,
Princes
of
Italy
:
Spain
coveteth
more
then
his
own
;
Portugal
and
France
would
gladly
recover
their
own
:
Rome
and
England
labour
and
indeavour
only
to
conserve
and
maintain
their
own
:
Germany
feareth
not
the
peril
that
is
far
off
:
Venice
temporizeth
wisely
;
and
the
rest
of
Italy
sheweth
an
outward
affection
to
him
that
is
mightiest
,
but
inwardly
wisheth
his
weakness
,
and
the
good
and
prosperous
success
of
his
Adversaries
.
This
is
in
brief
the
open
and
hidden
Idea
of
the
present
Estate
of
Christendome
,
wherein
the
Princes
are
(
as
you
see
)
many
;
their
Designs
(
as
you
have
heard
)
too
,
viz.
to
conserve
,
and
to
increase
their
own
;
and
the
means
to
effe●t
and
accomplish
their
Desires
(
as
you
shall
understand
)
many
in
number
,
and
divers
in
nature
.
Of
the
Princes
,
their
Designs
,
and
their
Means
,
I
will
deliver
unto
you
my
opinion
in
General
,
and
in
Particular
.
Generally
:
You
see
,
and
I
consider
,
that
by
the
Competencies
,
Pretensions
,
Titles
,
Quarrels
and
Debates
of
all
these
Princes
,
the
general
Estate
of
Christendom
is
greatly
weakned
,
and
the
strength
of
the
common
Adversary
daily
increased
;
That
all
their
Realms
and
Dominions
are
either
molested
by
continual
Wars
,
within
the
very
Bowels
,
and
poor
inward
parts
of
the
same
;
or
grieved
with
intollerable
charges
,
in
sending
out
Men
and
Munition
,
with
other
things
necessary
,
unto
the
said
Wars
;
That
their
Subjects
are
greatly
impoverished
,
by
reason
of
these
Charges
,
and
their
hearts
sorely
oppressed
with
grief
and
anguish
because
of
these
troubles
:
Lastly
,
That
some
of
these
Princes
fain
would
,
and
cannot
,
others
can
and
will
not
,
redress
those
Enormities
.
Now
seeing
all
this
,
you
cry
out
with
the
time
against
the
time
;
with
the
time
you
accompany
their
just
complaints
with
your
sorrows
,
who
lament
the
iniquity
of
the
time
;
and
against
the
time
,
both
you
and
they
say
,
that
it
is
more
wicked
,
dangerous
,
and
troublesome
then
ever
it
was
:
You
think
it
impossible
to
find
a
Magistrate
so
just
as
Aristides
;
An
Emperor
so
good
as
Trajan
;
A
King
so
fortunate
as
Augustus
;
A
Prince
so
valiant
as
Alexander
;
A
Captain
so
chaste
as
Scipie
;
A
Councellor
so
faithful
as
Hephestion
;
A
General
so
expert
as
Hannibal
;
A
Conqueror
so
merciful
as
the
Romans
:
You
see
no
Princes
in
this
our
corrupt
Age
,
Caius
Marius
amongst
the
Romans
;
The
Father
of
the
common
people
,
Fabius
Maximus
;
Marcus
Marcellus
:
You
rather
find
that
some
Princes
may
be
called
Tyrants
,
Roman
Dames
did
the
death
of
Coriolanus
,
nor
the
men
poll
their
Heads
,
Don
Antonio
of
Portugal
;
others
continually
molested
with
Domestical
Wars
,
Cast
your
Eye
upon
all
the
same
Regions
which
are
now
under
the
general
name
Christendom
,
and
see
whether
in
the
very
Age
,
or
immediately
after
the
Age
of
those
vertuous
and
good
Princes
(
of
whose
glorious
Titles
Histories
make
mention
)
they
felt
not
,
in
like
manner
as
we
do
,
the
heavy
hand
of
Gods
Indignation
;
Who
(
either
to
plague
and
punish
the
sins
of
the
Fathers
in
their
Children
;
or
to
make
us
know
and
remember
,
that
our
Princes
,
although
they
are
constituted
and
appointed
in
higher
degree
then
we
,
yet
they
are
subject
both
to
his
Will
and
Pleasure
,
and
to
our
imperfections
and
vices
,
as
well
as
we
)
sendeth
us
most
commonly
a
wicked
or
foolish
Son
to
rule
over
us
,
after
a
good
and
wise
Father
:
So
he
sent
(
as
we
may
read
in
holy
Scripture
)
Roboam
after
Solomon
,
Manasses
after
Hezekias
,
Iehohaz
after
Iosias
,
Iehoram
after
Iehosaphat
,
Ahaz
after
Iotham
;
So
sent
he
(
as
we
read
in
prosane
Histories
)
Nero
after
Augustus
,
Dionisian
after
Vespasian
,
and
Commodus
after
Marcus
Aurelius
;
All
bad
and
wicked
children
to
Rule
and
Govern
after
their
good
and
vertuous
Fathers
.
So
sent
he
(
as
we
find
in
our
English
Chronicles
)
King
Iohn
,
Edward
the
Second
,
Richard
the
Second
and
Third
,
and
Henry
the
Sixth
;
That
their
Jurisdiction
,
Wickedness
,
Folly
and
Cruelty
,
might
not
only
succeed
,
but
also
illustrate
the
Wisdom
,
Goodness
,
Prudence
,
and
Lenity
of
their
Predecessors
:
for
as
white
appeareth
more
clear
and
bright
,
being
placed
nigh
unto
black
;
so
vertue
is
more
commendable
when
it
is
conferred
with
vice
;
and
the
profits
arising
thereby
are
more
esteemed
,
when
the
incommodities
which
always
accompany
vice
and
wickedness
,
do
immediately
,
or
not
long
after
,
succeed
them
.
And
surely
,
as
God
herein
sheweth
his
Might
and
Omnipotency
,
so
he
maketh
us
also
see
hereby
his
Divine
Wisdom
,
and
heavenly
Providence
;
For
,
since
he
hath
distinguished
Region
from
Region
;
some
by
Rivers
,
others
by
Seas
;
some
by
Mountains
,
and
others
by
Desarts
:
And
in
these
Regions
he
hath
made
the
people
of
divers
natures
,
and
of
sundry
humors
;
some
inclined
to
Peace
,
others
given
to
War
;
some
to
be
ruled
by
gentleness
,
and
others
not
to
be
governed
but
by
rigor
and
cruelty
:
For
the
conservation
of
this
distinction
,
and
for
the
preservation
of
these
people
,
he
hath
found
it
good
and
expedient
to
set
over
them
Princes
of
divers
Qualities
,
and
sundry
Natures
;
that
agreeing
with
the
Subjects
in
exterior
dispositions
,
the
inward
affection
may
not
always
be
perverted
by
outward
inequalities
.
And
because
in
his
unspeakable
Wisdom
he
knoweth
that
if
he
should
give
unto
every
Kingdom
a
continual
Race
of
conquering
and
vertuous
Princes
,
neither
the
Rivers
nor
the
Seas
,
the
Mountains
nor
the
Desarts
,
should
contain
or
restrain
their
unbridled
Ambition
,
from
molesting
and
invading
the
Regions
which
are
nigh
or
far
from
them
,
whereby
the
distinction
which
he
hath
set
amongst
them
,
might
be
utterly
subverted
;
It
hath
seldom
pleased
him
to
bless
any
one
Kingdom
with
two
Princes
of
like
minds
,
France
,
France
over
Italy
;
England
over
Scotland
,
and
Scotland
sometimes
(
although
very
seldom
)
over
England
.
Hence
it
cometh
(
to
be
short
)
that
what
the
Fathers
have
got
,
the
children
have
lost
;
what
the
Conquerors
added
to
their
ancient
Kingdoms
,
their
Successors
either
cowardly
or
negligently
,
voluntarily
,
or
forcibly
,
suffered
to
be
distracted
and
dissevered
from
their
Kingdomes
.
And
as
the
Empire
passed
from
Nation
to
Nation
,
so
their
calamities
,
and
the
happiness
accompanying
the
Empire
and
the
Emperours
,
also
went
from
people
to
people
;
for
there
was
never
Conquerour
that
commanded
not
the
conquered
to
be
obedient
unto
his
will
and
pleasure
,
nor
Nation
subdued
,
which
did
not
accomodate
himself
and
his
nature
unto
the
disposition
and
commandment
of
the
Subduer
.
Then
if
the
Conqueror
was
weak
and
gentle
,
the
conquered
lived
in
ease
and
pleasure
;
if
severe
and
cruel
,
they
wanted
no
manner
of
rigor
or
cruelty
;
if
poor
and
needy
,
they
supplyed
his
wants
and
penury
;
if
wanton
and
leacherous
,
they
satisfied
his
lusts
and
appetite
;
If
covetous
and
an
Extortioner
,
they
were
subject
to
Taxes
and
Subsidies
,
if
unjust
and
unrighteous
,
they
suffer
wrongs
and
injuries
;
briefly
,
if
any
way
ill
given
,
or
ill
disposed
,
they
seldom
gave
themselves
to
vertue
and
goodness
:
Such
therefore
as
was
the
Conqueror
,
such
were
the
conquered
;
and
whatsoever
it
pleased
him
to
prescribe
,
that
they
were
inforced
to
perform
.
His
manner
of
attire
was
their
fashion
in
apparel
;
his
Will
served
them
for
Lawes
,
his
new
Ordinances
altered
their
old
Consututions
,
his
meanest
Subjects
commanded
the
best
of
their
Nobility
,
and
his
strange
and
forraign
Language
,
became
their
natural
and
Mother
tongue
.
It
they
had
Lands
,
his
Courtiers
enjoyed
them
;
if
Daughters
,
his
Favorites
married
them
;
if
Wives
,
his
followers
deflowred
them
;
if
riches
his
Souldiers
shared
them
;
if
Servants
,
his
Slaves
commanded
them
.
Since
then
many
Nations
have
been
subdued
,
and
men
of
divers
natures
have
subdued
them
:
Since
conquests
have
been
from
the
beginning
of
the
world
,
and
conquerors
have
always
commanded
in
the
world
:
Since
Force
hath
ever
been
an
enemy
unto
Justice
,
and
Equity
never
bore
sway
where
Arms
swayed
all
things
:
Since
Might
overcometh
Right
,
and
Blood
asketh
Blood
;
What
man
liveth
in
this
Age
▪
whose
Predecessors
endured
not
the
torments
that
he
suffereth
?
Saw
not
the
miseries
that
he
seeleth
?
Tasted
not
the
bitterness
that
he
swalloweth
?
Felt
not
the
wrongs
that
he
supporteth
?
Lost
not
the
blood
that
he
loseth
?
The
Sun
shineth
now
as
it
hath
done
,
the
Stars
keep
the
course
they
were
wont
to
do
,
the
Sea
ebbeth
and
floweth
as
it
ever
did
,
and
the
Rivers
run
the
same
way
which
they
always
ran
;
I
mean
,
(
and
you
may
understand
how
I
mean
)
that
all
things
proceeding
from
nature
,
duly
keep
and
observe
their
Natures
:
I
mean
therefore
(
and
you
may
perceive
how
I
mean
)
that
as
long
as
nature
hath
created
,
and
shall
create
Princes
of
diverse
dispositions
,
so
long
their
Subjects
have
been
and
shall
be
subject
unto
contrary
fortunes
;
unto
good
,
if
they
be
good
and
godly
;
and
unto
bad
,
if
they
be
naught
and
wicked
.
In
the
good
they
have
enjoyed
,
and
shall
enjoy
the
benefit
of
Peace
:
In
the
bad
,
they
have
felt
,
and
shall
feel
the
discommodities
of
War
.
In
the
good
,
they
had
and
shall
have
all
things
which
they
desire
:
In
the
bad
,
they
wanted
,
and
shall
want
nothing
that
may
discontent
them
:
In
the
good
,
their
estate
was
and
will
be
such
as
you
commend
:
In
the
bad
,
their
condition
was
and
shall
be
such
as
you
condemn
.
For
as
Princes
retain
the
Prerogatives
given
and
granted
unto
Princes
,
so
Subjects
maintain
still
the
conditions
and
qualities
incident
and
proper
unto
Subjects
.
Every
Prince
hath
his
qualities
,
And
such
as
all
and
every
one
of
these
Nations
have
been
,
such
they
will
be
as
long
as
they
do
and
shall
inhabit
the
same
Climate
,
and
receive
breath
from
the
same
Air.
And
as
these
Nations
naturally
hate
one
another
,
so
by
nature
they
desire
not
to
be
subject
one
unto
another
;
and
therefore
,
if
against
their
nature
,
one
of
them
chance
to
have
never
so
little
authority
over
the
other
,
the
one
commandeth
imperiously
,
and
the
other
obeyeth
most
unwillingly
:
and
yet
it
so
hapneth
oftentimes
,
that
the
Commander
is
commanded
;
and
they
that
once
obeyed
,
many
times
command
,
So
did
Padua
command
Venice
,
I
take
oftentimes
great
delight
to
read
our
English
Chronicles
,
and
especially
the
Reigns
of
Edward
the
Third
,
They
first
wonder
that
the
common
Adversary
of
Christendom
being
in
Arms
,
and
ready
to
invade
part
of
Austria
;
the
civil
Wars
in
France
and
Flanders
cease
not
,
but
continue
in
as
great
fury
,
rage
and
extremity
as
ever
they
did
;
That
the
Princes
of
Christendom
labour
not
to
appease
and
finish
the
said
Wars
,
but
rather
nourish
and
maintain
them
;
That
the
Popes
Holiness
(
whose
principal
use
and
commendation
hath
been
,
and
is
,
to
set
Princes
at
unity
,
which
be
at
variance
)
indeavoureth
not
to
reconcile
,
but
to
animate
them
in
their
Quarrels
who
have
taken
unjust
,
or
not
very
just
occasions
to
war
one
against
another
;
And
that
by
this
common
negligence
,
the
common
enemy
is
not
repulsed
,
but
encouraged
to
increase
his
over-large
Confines
and
Territories
.
To
this
I
will
Answer
before
I
come
unto
other
Points
.
This
negligence
(
as
I
have
said
before
)
is
no
newthing
,
nor
these
troubles
in
France
and
Flanders
a
strange
President
;
nor
the
Causes
moving
or
continuing
the
same
,
are
such
as
never
hapned
in
any
other
Age
:
They
therefore
who
blame
our
time
for
this
respect
,
should
remember
that
the
Turk
is
grown
unto
his
greatness
by
the
dissention
of
Christian
Princes
only
.
And
that
they
may
the
better
perceive
herein
I
report
a
manifest
truth
,
Guydo
Lusignian
,
and
Raymond
,
Earl
of
Trypoli
,
Brethren
in
Law
unto
the
King
,
contended
who
should
succeed
him
,
Saladyne
King
of
Damasco
,
hearing
of
their
contentions
,
secretly
sent
word
unto
the
Earl
Raymond
,
that
if
he
would
circumcise
himself
,
he
would
help
and
assist
him
with
all
his
Forces
against
Guido
,
and
make
him
King
of
Ierusalem
;
unto
which
his
offer
,
although
the
Earl
gave
not
open
ear
at
that
time
,
yet
by
outward
shews
he
declared
his
good
liking
and
delight
therein
,
and
became
Saladines
great
friend
and
confederate
,
who
seeing
the
Earls
inclination
,
favour
,
and
readiness
,
assembled
presently
a
great
Army
of
Moors
and
Turks
,
and
set
upon
the
City
Tyberiades
,
belonging
unto
the
Earl
Raymond
(
for
so
it
was
secretly
agreed
betwixt
them
)
thereby
to
make
his
Brother
in
Law
,
Guydo
Lusignian
to
come
to
succor
him
,
and
then
either
to
kill
him
,
or
to
take
him
by
the
Earls
treachery
,
as
they
indeed
took
him
in
a
certain
Battel
wherein
all
the
Christians
were
slain
;
and
Saladine
took
Ierusalem
and
all
Palestina
,
in
the
Moneth
of
October
,
in
the
year
1187.
And
Raymond
in
hope
that
Saladine
would
perform
his
promise
,
circumcised
himself
;
but
he
failed
of
his
purpose
;
For
the
Turk
was
so
far
from
keeping
of
his
word
,
that
be
drave
Raymond
from
all
that
he
had
in
possession
,
whereupon
he
dyed
suddenly
,
as
some
say
,
and
others
write
that
he
fell
into
such
a
desperation
,
that
he
hanged
himself
.
So
likewise
by
the
discord
of
the
Inhabitants
of
the
City
of
Acon
,
the
Moors
and
Turks
slew
above
30000.
Christians
;
And
the
Tartarians
came
into
Hungary
and
Polonia
,
and
destroyed
both
the
one
and
the
other
Armenia
.
The
Emperor
Frederick
,
Surnamed
Barbarossa
,
and
Philip
King
of
France
,
together
with
Richard
the
first
,
King
of
England
,
lamenting
the
late
loss
of
Ierusalem
,
resolved
to
combine
themselves
,
and
with
their
untied
Forces
to
recover
the
same
;
And
being
come
unto
Suega
,
and
having
obtained
divers
great
and
important
Victories
,
by
reason
of
discord
and
dissention
betwixt
the
two
Kings
;
the
French
King
not
only
returned
into
France
,
but
also
made
War
upon
King
Richard
in
his
absence
,
for
the
Dukedome
of
Normandy
;
which
King
Richard
understanding
(
although
he
was
then
in
a
readiness
to
win
Ierusalem
,
and
did
great
hurt
daily
unto
the
Infidels
,
insomuch
that
Saladine
purposed
to
yeild
Ierusalem
up
into
his
hands
)
returned
home
into
his
Country
,
leaving
the
most
honourable
Enterprise
which
he
had
begun
;
And
the
Turks
(
who
were
sorely
decayed
and
weakned
in
strenght
)
through
the
benefit
of
his
sudden
departure
,
not
only
recovered
that
which
they
had
once
determined
to
give
over
unto
the
Christians
as
already
lost
,
but
also
drove
them
from
those
places
which
before
his
departure
they
quietly
possessed
.
It
is
likewise
Recorded
of
Frederick
the
Second
,
that
he
being
excommunicated
by
Gregory
the
ninth
;
and
having
no
other
means
to
purchase
his
Absolution
,
determined
to
go
unto
Asia
,
and
to
recover
Ierusalem
at
his
own
proper
Charges
:
Where
the
Almighty
so
favoured
him
,
that
Ierusalem
was
delivered
unto
him
by
composition
,
and
he
was
Crowned
King
thereof
upon
Easter
day
,
in
the
year
of
our
Lord
1229.
and
because
he
was
also
King
of
Sicily
,
the
Kings
thereof
at
this
day
bear
the
name
of
Kings
of
Ierusalem
;
But
whilst
this
Emperor
was
busied
in
the
Wars
and
Affairs
of
the
Holy
Land
,
the
Pope
maligning
him
for
the
Kingdom
of
Sicily
,
procured
him
secret
enemies
in
Italy
,
mighty
Adversaries
in
Germany
,
and
such
Rebels
in
every
place
where
there
was
any
thing
appertaining
unto
him
,
that
the
good
Emperor
was
constrained
to
return
,
and
to
imploy
his
whole
power
and
strength
for
the
recovery
and
conservation
of
his
own
;
After
whose
departure
,
the
Christians
,
by
the
Popes
Counsel
,
breaking
the
Truce
which
the
Emperor
had
taken
with
the
Turk
for
their
advantage
,
and
dividing
themselves
into
Factions
,
by
the
imitation
and
example
of
Italy
,
(
which
was
divided
into
Guelfians
and
Gibbilines
)
made
civil
Wars
one
against
another
;
And
when
the
other
part
was
assaulted
by
the
Turks
and
Infidels
,
they
did
not
only
not
help
one
another
,
but
of
set
purpose
,
the
one
part
assisted
the
very
Moors
against
the
other
;
by
whom
they
were
both
destroyed
in
a
very
short
time
,
and
Ierusalem
yeilded
up
again
unto
the
enemies
.
I
might
tell
how
Constantinople
,
by
the
discord
of
the
Graecians
;
how
Anatolia
,
by
the
same
cause
,
and
the
subtilty
of
Ottamon
;
how
Caria
,
Licaonia
,
and
Phrygia
,
by
the
like
occasion
;
how
Harly
and
Andrynopoly
,
by
the
very
self
same
means
;
and
how
by
reason
of
the
debate
and
controversie
betwixt
Emanuel
Paleologo
,
Emperor
of
Constantinople
,
and
the
King
of
Seruia
,
and
the
Valachians
;
all
Albania
,
Velona
,
Salona
,
R●manca
,
and
Thracia
,
were
subdued
and
taken
by
the
Turk
.
I
might
tell
you
how
that
the
discord
betwixt
Alphonso
King
of
Arragon
,
and
of
Naples
,
and
the
Venetians
,
and
betwixt
Sextus
the
Pope
,
Francis
Sforza
Duke
of
Milan
,
and
the
Floentines
,
enforced
the
poor
Venetians
,
who
otherwise
were
not
able
to
withstand
their
domestical
Enemies
,
to
give
the
Turk
Chalcedonia
,
a
principal
City
of
Anatolia
,
together
with
the
Island
of
Stalemina
,
otherwise
called
Lemnos
,
and
an
hundred
thousand
Duckets
in
ready
money
,
and
eight
thousand
of
yearly
Tribute
.
I
might
tell
you
(
as
Lewis
Fuscarin
Embassadour
of
Venice
,
in
an
Oration
that
he
made
unto
Pope
Pius
the
second
,
told
him
)
That
the
contentions
betwixt
Christian
Princes
have
been
so
many
and
so
obstinate
,
that
the
Turk
by
reason
of
them
possesseth
two
Empires
,
which
be
Constantinople
,
and
Trapesonda
:
Four
principal
Kingdomes
of
Persia
,
Arabia
,
Syria
,
and
Egypt
.
Twenty
great
Provinces
,
and
two
hundred
fair
Cities
.
I
might
tell
you
how
Barbarossa
burnt
Niza
in
Provence
,
and
carried
above
forty
thousand
Captives
out
of
the
Kingdom
of
Naples
,
Pulia
,
and
Calabria
,
taking
only
advantage
of
the
sedition
which
then
raigned
in
Italy
.
I
might
tell
you
that
the
Island
of
Rhodes
was
lost
because
the
Christians
were
not
able
to
succour
the
same
,
by
reason
of
the
Wars
of
Italy
,
and
the
Insurrection
of
the
commonalty
of
Spain
.
I
might
tell
you
that
the
Kingdom
of
Hungary
was
lost
by
the
like
dissention
.
And
briefly
,
that
in
late
years
the
contentions
betwixt
the
French
Kings
,
and
Charles
the
Fifth
,
and
King
Philip
of
Spain
,
have
greatly
hindred
the
progress
,
happy
success
,
and
fortunate
accomplishment
of
such
enterprises
as
were
valiantly
attempted
,
and
might
worthily
have
been
executed
against
the
aspiring
pride
of
the
insatiable
Turk
.
But
to
tell
you
all
this
,
and
the
circumstances
thereof
,
were
somewhat
too
tedious
:
And
I
hasten
unto
other
points
;
and
I
shall
have
occasion
to
handle
that
which
is
untouched
,
and
not
sufficiently
declared
in
this
point
,
in
another
place
more
aptly
hereafter
.
The
second
point
whereat
they
wonder
,
Truly
to
nourish
Rebels
is
an
action
in
nature
hateful
,
and
in
policy
dangerous
;
for
to
aid
the
wicked
,
is
to
participate
with
them
in
their
wickedness
:
and
he
that
giveth
countenance
,
comfort
or
succour
unto
his
Neighbours
domestical
Enemies
,
is
to
look
for
the
like
measure
,
if
his
Subjects
at
any
time
,
and
upon
any
occasion
,
chance
to
rebel
against
him
.
But
because
many
things
in
outward
appearance
seem
good
,
which
indeed
are
naught
,
and
vitious
;
not
only
in
this
Age
,
but
also
in
times
past
,
are
and
have
been
baptized
by
the
names
of
vertues
:
It
is
now
,
and
it
hath
always
been
usual
to
deem
all
things
honest
that
are
profitable
,
honourable
that
are
expedient
,
and
lawful
that
may
be
justified
by
examples
.
Is
there
any
thing
that
maintaineth
States
,
and
upholdeth
Kingdomes
better
then
Justice
?
And
yet
lived
there
not
a
man
,
that
inwardly
professed
,
and
openly
said
,
Si
violandum
est
jus
regnandi
causa
?
Is
there
any
thing
more
odious
or
unbeseeming
a
Prince
,
then
to
say
one
thing
and
do
another
?
And
yet
lived
there
not
a
Prince
that
wrote
for
his
Posie
,
Qui
nescit
dissimulare
,
nescit
Regnare
?
Is
there
any
greater
sign
of
an
insatiable
mind
,
and
of
ambitious
covetousness
,
then
having
many
Kingdomes
to
covet
more
Kingdomes
?
and
yet
lived
there
not
a
King
,
who
having
conquered
most
part
of
the
world
,
wept
,
because
he
heard
a
Philosopher
dispute
of
another
world
,
which
he
had
not
as
yet
subdued
?
Is
there
any
thing
more
cruel
or
barbarous
,
then
an
Emperor
being
bound
by
duty
,
and
commanded
by
the
Almighty
to
conserve
and
preserve
his
Subjects
,
to
wish
and
intend
the
death
of
all
his
Subjects
?
And
yet
lived
there
not
an
Emperor
who
wished
that
all
the
people
of
Rome
had
but
one
head
,
that
he
might
cut
it
off
at
one
blow
?
And
what
moved
these
Princes
,
Kings
,
and
Emperors
to
violate
Justice
?
to
dissemble
with
all
men
?
to
aspire
and
desire
more
Kingdomes
?
and
to
covet
and
imagine
the
death
of
their
Subjects
,
but
a
colourable
shew
of
honour
,
or
of
profit
?
The
common
Proverb
saith
,
give
a
man
an
Inch
,
and
he
will
take
an
Ell
;
and
who
desireth
to
do
be
great
,
regardeth
no
Parentage
,
careth
for
no
kindred
,
nor
esteemeth
any
Lawes
.
The
ancient
Romans
,
whose
fame
is
notable
through
all
the
world
,
and
whose
Actions
are
imitated
by
most
of
the
world
,
seemed
outwardly
to
be
just
,
and
true
dealers
,
never
coveting
more
then
their
own
,
but
alwayes
contented
(
in
common
opinion
)
with
their
own
;
And
yet
in
their
inward
thoughts
they
were
never
satisfied
,
till
all
that
belonged
to
others
became
their
own
.
They
first
conquered
Italy
,
then
Spain
,
next
France
,
afterwards
Germany
,
and
after
them
Scotland
and
England
;
their
desires
and
covetousness
rested
not
there
,
but
as
men
infected
with
the
Dropsie
(
the
more
they
drink
,
the
more
they
desire
to
drink
)
so
they
,
the
more
they
had
,
the
more
they
desired
,
and
did
spread
the
wings
of
their
ambitious
Avarice
over
all
Africa
,
and
Asia
,
making
themselves
of
Lords
of
one
Town
,
Monarchs
of
the
universal
world
;
In
all
which
their
conquests
they
carried
an
outward
shew
of
manifest
Equity
,
pretending
for
all
and
every
the
wars
which
they
undertook
,
not
one
but
many
just
causes
,
which
they
used
to
declare
unto
their
friends
and
confederates
,
and
not
to
conceal
them
from
their
very
enemies
,
unto
whom
they
sent
usually
an
Herald
of
Arms
,
who
should
demand
restitution
of
such
things
as
they
pretended
to
be
unjustly
taken
from
them
,
or
reparation
of
their
supposed
wrongs
:
But
if
a
man
should
now
with
the
eyes
of
indifferency
look
upon
the
causes
which
moved
them
to
undertake
all
,
or
most
part
of
their
wars
;
he
should
find
that
they
were
but
colorable
shews
;
for
what
cause
had
they
to
war
with
Carthage
,
but
that
they
envied
Carthages
greatness
?
What
moved
them
to
subdue
England
,
but
because
England
holpe
France
in
their
wars
against
them
?
What
pretence
had
they
to
conquer
Scotland
,
but
that
Scotland
succoured
England
?
Why
hindred
they
the
Switzers
going
into
France
.
with
intention
to
conquer
France
,
but
that
they
thought
it
a
better
morsel
for
themselves
?
What
colour
used
they
to
overcome
the
residue
of
the
world
,
but
sometimes
a
pretence
to
defend
their
Confederates
?
sometimes
a
shew
to
maintain
the
liberties
of
their
Neighbours
?
sometimes
a
feigned
and
hypocritical
zeal
of
Religion
,
when
as
indeed
they
oppressed
them
whom
they
pretended
to
defend
:
brought
into
bondage
for
whose
liberty
they
would
seem
to
fight
:
and
were
in
all
respects
as
irreligious
as
they
whose
Religion
they
seemed
to
condemn
:
So
to
be
short
,
they
cunningly
enlarged
their
Confines
,
by
seeming
to
be
careless
of
Conquests
;
made
themselves
Monarchs
,
by
pretending
to
suppress
Tyrants
;
and
did
wrong
unto
all
men
,
by
bearing
an
outward
shew
to
suffer
no
manner
of
injury
to
be
done
unto
any
man
.
This
cunning
in
aspiring
unto
Forrain
Dominions
,
begun
in
the
Infancy
of
the
Romans
prosperity
,
continued
in
the
riper
years
thereof
,
and
practised
even
until
their
declining
Age
;
was
not
only
proper
unto
them
,
but
passed
(
as
their
Empire
did
)
from
them
unto
other
Rulers
(
by
what
name
or
title
soever
they
were
called
)
taking
advantage
of
the
time
,
omited
no
means
to
attain
unto
their
desires
and
purposes
.
Though
therefore
the
name
of
Rebels
in
all
Ages
hath
been
odious
,
their
Cause
was
never
unjust
,
and
the
voluntary
Aid
given
unto
them
,
never
was
honourable
unto
him
that
aided
them
;
yet
the
Chronicles
not
only
of
our
Nation
,
but
also
of
other
Regions
,
Realms
,
and
Dominions
,
are
full
of
Examples
of
many
Princes
not
inferior
to
the
Princes
of
our
Age
,
be
it
in
Might
,
in
Power
,
in
Authority
,
or
in
Goodness
;
who
rather
regarding
the
propagation
and
increase
of
their
Dominions
,
then
the
conservation
and
maintenance
of
their
Honours
,
did
as
our
Princes
do
now
,
not
only
receive
their
Neighbors
Rebels
into
their
protection
,
but
also
use
them
as
means
and
instruments
to
molest
and
persecute
their
Neighbours
,
by
whose
decay
and
downfall
they
might
rise
,
and
aspire
unto
higher
Authority
.
Neither
hath
the
League
of
Amity
,
the
bond
of
Kindred
and
Parentage
;
the
duty
of
children
to
their
Parents
;
the
affection
of
one
Brother
to
another
,
moved
Princes
to
withdraw
their
helping
hand
,
succor
and
assistance
from
those
who
being
tyed
by
all
,
or
some
of
those
Bands
,
rebelled
against
their
Sovereigns
.
Iames
King
of
Scotland
,
being
not
only
in
League
with
Henry
the
seventh
,
being
King
of
England
,
but
also
by
Oath
and
Homage
bound
unto
him
,
as
his
Vassal
,
did
not
only
favour
and
receive
into
his
protection
a
young
Man
,
named
Perkin
,
who
was
suborned
by
Margaret
,
Dutchess
of
Burgondy
,
to
call
and
carry
himself
for
one
of
the
Sons
of
her
Brother
King
Edward
;
but
also
married
the
said
Perkin
unto
Katherine
,
Daughter
unto
Alexander
,
Earl
of
Huntley
,
and
his
own
neer
Kins-woman
;
and
with
him
,
and
for
him
invaded
England
:
Here
you
see
the
Vassal
favour
and
succor
the
Rebels
of
his
Sovereign
;
and
the
neer
Kins-woman
conspire
against
her
Leige
Lord
and
King
.
Richard
Earl
of
Poictou
,
because
his
Father
Henry
the
second
denyed
him
that
Honour
(
although
by
the
death
of
the
young
King
Henry
,
he
was
become
his
eldest
Son
)
to
marry
him
with
the
French
Kings
Sister
Alice
,
,
and
to
declare
him
immediately
for
his
immediate
Successor
,
became
the
French
Kings
Man
to
serve
him
against
his
Father
.
Robert
,
Son
unto
William
the
Conqueror
,
having
tasted
the
sweetness
in
Commanding
others
,
so
far
that
he
loathed
to
be
commanded
by
others
,
Rebelled
against
his
Father
,
and
was
aided
and
succoured
in
his
Rebellion
by
the
French
King
Henry
,
Son
unto
Henry
surnamed
the
Grosse
,
because
his
Father
was
Excommunicated
by
the
Pope
;
and
as
an
Excommunicated
person
was
not
in
his
opinion
to
hold
and
sway
the
Empire
;
was
not
only
animated
by
the
Pope
to
Rebel
against
his
Father
,
but
also
assisted
by
him
,
until
he
took
his
Father
Prisoner
.
Here
you
see
the
Sons
Rebelling
against
their
own
Fathers
,
protected
and
succoured
by
them
,
which
either
were
,
or
should
have
been
Friends
and
Confederates
unto
their
Fathers
.
Henry
,
The
Marquess
of
Villona
,
and
the
Archbishop
of
Toledo
,
both
neer
Kinsmen
unto
Ferdinando
and
Isabel
,
King
and
Queen
of
Aragon
,
and
of
Castile
,
Rebelled
against
them
both
,
and
received
aid
and
succour
in
their
Rebellion
from
Alonso
King
of
Portugal
.
Here
you
see
the
Kinsmen
Rebelling
against
their
own
blood
,
ayded
by
their
Sovereigns
Kinsman
and
Con●ederate
.
And
seeing
all
this
,
how
can
you
marvel
,
that
in
this
Age
(
against
the
corruption
whereof
you
and
others
inveigh
most
bitterly
)
Princes
ayd
the
Rebels
of
other
Kings
,
betwixt
whom
there
is
no
manner
of
Alliance
;
Or
if
there
be
any
,
the
same
is
long
since
dissolved
,
and
resolved
into
hatred
and
enmity
:
For
albeit
the
King
of
Spain
Married
the
Sister
of
the
Queen
of
England
,
and
of
the
late
French
King
;
by
which
Marriages
he
was
Allied
unto
both
in
League
of
Friendship
and
Affinity
:
Yet
you
know
,
and
shall
hereafter
see
,
that
many
occasions
besides
the
deaths
of
his
Wives
,
have
changed
his
love
into
hatred
,
and
his
good
will
into
malice
:
So
that
it
is
no
marvel
,
since
every
injury
asketh
a
revenge
;
every
enemy
seeketh
all
means
possible
to
hurt
and
annoy
his
Adversary
;
and
every
Prince
can
be
content
to
take
such
advantage
for
the
enlargement
of
his
Confines
,
and
for
the
maintenance
of
his
Estate
,
as
the
time
and
opportunity
doth
or
shall
yeild
him
;
If
the
Spaniard
,
who
hath
purposed
in
his
heart
to
devour
and
swallow
up
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
useth
the
Rebellion
of
the
Guyzards
for
his
best
means
and
instruments
;
or
if
the
Queen
of
England
,
who
findeth
no
better
ways
to
keep
the
Spaniard
from
invading
and
subduing
her
Realms
and
Dominions
,
then
to
busie
and
to
find
him
continually
occupied
in
defending
,
or
in
recovering
his
own
,
doth
succour
his
pretended
Subjects
of
the
United
Provinces
(
for
indeed
they
are
not
his
Subjects
)
and
vouchsafeth
daily
to
send
them
such
supplies
of
Men
and
Money
as
seem
most
necessary
for
their
defence
.
The
Third
Point
whereat
they
wonder
,
dependeth
somewhat
upon
this
Point
,
which
is
,
Why
the
Flemmings
,
being
always
reputed
a
fearful
and
timerous
Nation
;
And
the
Frenchmen
having
at
all
times
most
worthily
carried
the
names
of
the
most
Faithful
and
Loyal
Subjects
of
Europe
;
the
one
in
hatred
of
the
Spaniard
,
Rebelleth
against
the
Spaniard
;
and
the
other
,
at
the
Instigation
of
the
Spanish
King
,
beareth
Arms
in
his
behalf
,
against
their
natural
Leige
Lord
and
Soveraign
:
But
if
it
may
please
you
,
and
these
Wonders
,
The
House
of
Austria
had
their
beginning
in
Hasburg
in
Switzerland
;
whence
(
as
you
shall
read
in
Smiller
)
they
were
driven
by
the
Subjects
for
their
extream
Tyranny
:
By
Marriage
they
are
grown
from
poor
Earls
unto
mighty
Princes
,
and
have
spread
themselves
over
divers
Nations
;
Italy
,
France
and
Germany
,
have
suffered
more
injuries
,
wrongs
,
and
indignities
by
them
only
,
then
by
all
other
Princes
and
Royal
Families
of
Christendom
.
You
shall
read
that
Maximilian
the
Emperor
,
Charles
the
fifth
,
and
this
present
King
of
Spain
,
disquieted
and
troubled
the
peaceable
Estates
of
all
other
Princes
that
lived
,
or
live
in
their
time
.
Briefly
,
You
shall
read
,
that
they
have
always
had
high
minds
,
unsatiable
desires
,
ambitious
projects
,
marvelous
designs
and
purposes
;
which
if
it
had
not
pleased
the
Almighty
to
prevent
and
cross
,
by
sundry
unexpected
Accidents
,
they
had
long
before
this
time
made
themselves
Monarchs
of
the
universal
world
.
This
is
so
apparent
and
well
known
unto
all
men
that
know
never
so
little
of
the
knowledge
which
is
gathered
from
Histories
;
That
I
shall
not
need
to
stand
upon
the
proof
thereof
,
and
to
confirm
the
same
by
Examples
.
No
marvel
then
,
since
the
Low-Countries
did
all
at
the
first
,
with
one
mutual
consent
,
Rebel
;
and
the
United
Provinces
do
yet
bear
Arms
against
the
Spaniard
,
This
natural
disposition
of
the
common
people
,
is
proved
by
common
experience
,
observed
by
wise
Polititians
,
and
confirmed
by
many
examples
,
not
of
one
Realm
,
but
of
many
Nations
;
not
of
one
age
,
but
of
many
seasons
;
not
of
barbarous
people
,
but
of
civil
Realms
;
not
of
Kingdoms
alone
,
but
of
other
manner
of
Governments
;
briefly
,
not
of
Subjects
living
only
under
Tyrants
,
but
also
under
the
best
Princes
that
ever
were
;
for
there
is
no
Kingdom
comparable
unto
France
for
antiquity
,
or
for
greatness
,
for
strength
,
or
for
continual
race
of
good
and
vertuous
Kings
,
for
absolute
government
of
Rulers
,
or
for
dutiful
obedience
of
Subjects
,
for
good
laws
,
or
for
just
and
wise
Magistrates
;
and
yet
France
that
hath
this
commendation
,
and
these
benefits
,
The
Duke
of
Guyse
as
chief
Head
and
Patron
of
these
Actions
,
sendeth
Messengers
unto
every
one
of
these
Princes
,
Charls
Martel
did
)
for
a
step
and
Ladder
to
climb
up
to
the
Kingdom
;
which
Office
he
saith
was
of
such
antiquity
and
necessity
,
as
that
as
soon
as
there
was
a
King
in
France
,
there
was
also
a
High
Constable
;
and
that
their
Estate
never
flourished
better
,
then
when
the
Crown
was
provided
of
such
Officers
as
should
and
did
execute
their
Offices
and
Charges
,
in
as
ample
manner
as
their
Commissions
gave
them
power
and
Authority
to
do
.
Besides
,
seeing
that
the
Queen
Mother
,
either
at
the
first
,
or
at
the
last
,
obtained
whatsoever
it
pleased
her
,
of
the
King
;
and
that
whosoever
he
was
(
were
he
never
so
highly
in
the
Kings
favour
)
that
displeased
her
,
in
time
lost
the
Kings
good
will
,
and
good
opinion
:
He
so
carried
himself
towards
her
,
that
he
seemed
to
affect
nothing
more
then
her
good
liking
,
and
yet
not
to
be
so
desirous
thereof
,
as
that
he
would
wholly
depend
thereupon
;
knowing
that
the
King
although
he
did
always
attribute
much
unto
his
Mother
,
and
was
contented
that
she
should
be
reverenced
and
respected
next
unto
himself
,
yet
he
could
not
well
brook
them
that
sought
for
her
good
will
more
then
for
his
Favour
;
and
thus
with
cunning
,
continuing
a
firm
League
of
love
and
amity
betwixt
the
Mother
and
the
Son
,
he
hoped
in
time
to
possess
them
both
,
in
such
manner
,
as
before
they
should
be
aware
thereof
,
he
would
assume
unto
himself
the
power
and
authority
of
them
both
:
And
further
,
perceiving
that
the
Kings
old
Secretaries
were
not
in
all
respects
so
pliant
and
ready
to
follow
and
fulfil
his
designs
as
he
wished
,
he
laboured
by
all
means
possible
to
prefer
them
unto
Offices
of
higher
dignity
,
and
to
place
others
in
their
rooms
,
who
would
not
fail
to
further
his
intents
and
purposes
,
nor
disdain
to
depend
wholly
upon
his
favour
,
and
also
to
make
him
privy
to
whatsoever
business
or
affairs
of
Estate
they
were
commanded
to
dispatch
by
the
King
;
whereby
he
came
to
perfect
knowledg
of
all
that
was
purposed
or
determined
by
the
Kings
privy
Councel
;
And
grew
into
such
favour
and
credit
,
that
even
the
principal
Officers
of
the
Crown
,
either
for
fear
or
for
love
,
or
by
other
mens
examples
,
submitted
themselves
wholly
unto
his
devotion
:
And
he
had
such
interest
in
the
Kings
Court
and
Courtiers
,
that
all
or
the
most
part
of
them
,
seemed
to
be
at
his
only
disposition
,
and
to
affect
him
more
then
their
King
and
Soveraign
.
Having
installed
himself
in
this
manner
in
the
Court
,
and
distracted
the
hearts
of
the
principal
Officers
thereof
from
their
duty
and
love
to
their
King
;
he
thinketh
it
not
sufficient
to
be
invested
in
their
favours
,
unless
he
might
also
captivate
the
affections
and
good
wills
of
the
common
people
;
whom
by
promise
to
relieve
their
necessities
,
to
ease
their
charges
,
to
supply
their
wants
,
and
to
redress
all
that
was
thought
or
suggested
to
be
amiss
(
the
common
means
used
in
all
times
,
and
all
ages
,
by
men
of
his
mind
,
to
seduce
and
mis-lead
a
multitude
)
he
easily
and
quickly
perswadeth
to
favour
his
party
;
And
finding
the
common
sort
so
ready
,
willing
,
and
desirous
to
perform
and
accomplish
his
pleasure
,
as
that
in
respect
of
their
obedience
towards
him
,
he
seemeth
to
lack
nothing
but
the
only
name
of
King
to
be
a
King
:
Notwithstanding
the
great
Honor
and
Reverence
that
Courtiers
shewed
unto
him
;
the
love
and
affection
that
the
Commonalty
bear
to
him
;
the
Offices
and
Dignities
which
he
partly
affected
,
and
partly
attained
;
the
high
Attempts
and
Imaginations
which
he
lodged
in
his
heart
and
conceit
;
and
the
unaccustomed
Authority
which
he
cunningly
had
usurped
;
yet
he
was
so
far
from
being
puffed
up
with
pride
or
disdain
towards
his
inferiours
(
faults
commonly
incident
unto
men
advanced
unto
extraordinary
favour
and
preferment
)
that
for
the
better
continuance
of
his
credit
,
and
the
peoples
good
will
towards
him
;
he
would
debase
,
and
so
much
deject
himself
,
as
that
he
thought
not
scorn
to
go
bare
headed
from
one
end
of
the
Street
unto
another
,
even
unto
base
Chrochelers
and
Porters
;
with
which
his
demeanor
the
Duke
De
Mayne
his
Brother
was
many
times
highly
displeased
,
and
could
not
at
any
time
frame
himself
to
follow
and
imitate
him
therein
;
which
hath
appeared
more
manifestly
since
his
death
:
the
common
people
in
regard
of
that
want
,
not
favouring
him
so
highly
as
they
did
the
late
Duke
of
Guise
:
Now
where
there
is
a
Subject
of
such
credit
with
the
King
,
of
such
authority
in
Court
,
of
such
power
in
every
Province
,
of
such
Alliance
in
the
whole
Realm
,
of
such
favour
with
forrain
Princes
,
of
such
liking
of
all
sorts
of
Subjects
,
of
such
experience
in
Martial
Affairs
,
of
knowledge
in
matters
of
State
;
briefly
,
of
such
continuance
in
the
love
,
in
the
hearts
,
in
the
good
liking
of
all
men
:
Can
it
possibly
be
hard
or
difficult
for
him
to
work
his
pleasure
in
any
thing
that
he
shall
imagine
or
indeavour
?
Or
can
it
be
that
such
a
man
should
not
be
most
dangerous
unto
his
Country
and
unto
his
Prince
?
Especially
in
France
,
where
there
are
many
Provinces
ruled
by
their
particular
Governours
,
many
Citadels
possessed
by
several
Deputies
,
many
Holds
and
Towns
or
strength
committed
to
the
custody
of
certain
Lievtenants
,
many
Bands
of
men
at
Arms
,
and
of
other
Souldiers
,
under
the
charge
of
choise
Captains
.
And
all
or
the
most
part
of
these
Governours
,
Deputies
,
Lievtenants
and
Captains
,
chosen
or
appointed
out
of
his
Parentage
,
Kindred
,
Affinity
,
Alliance
,
Family
or
Followers
.
Look
upon
men
in
other
States
and
Kingdoms
,
Look
upon
the
means
and
policies
which
they
have
used
to
b●ing
their
purposes
to
pass
;
And
see
whether
this
Duke
did
not
imitate
,
or
rather
go
beyond
them
all
in
the
course
which
he
took
to
aspire
unto
Authority
and
Greatness
.
El●us
Sejanus
ruled
all
things
under
Tiberius
the
Emperor
;
whom
he
had
so
cunningly
blinded
and
besotted
with
love
and
affection
towards
him
;
that
although
he
was
wary
enough
of
all
others
,
Livia
,
Drusus
his
Wife
with
Adultery
,
won
her
to
promise
him
Marriage
,
promised
to
make
her
Partner
and
Fellow
in
the
Empire
,
perswaded
her
to
consent
to
the
death
of
her
Husband
:
To
put
her
out
of
all
doubt
and
jealousie
;
he
banished
his
own
Wife
Apicata
from
his
house
and
company
;
and
when
his
secret
purposes
were
bewrayed
,
thinking
it
time
to
hasten
Drusus
his
death
,
and
to
work
the
same
so
cunningly
that
it
might
not
be
known
or
perceived
;
he
cast
a
kind
of
poison
,
which
should
so
kill
him
,
that
it
might
seem
he
dyed
of
some
sudden
disease
:
After
this
he
assaulted
Nero
in
another
way
;
he
caused
his
friends
and
followers
to
animate
him
to
affect
the
Empire
,
to
tell
him
that
the
people
of
Rome
were
desirous
to
make
him
Emperor
,
that
the
Souldiers
were
of
the
same
mind
,
and
that
Sejan
although
he
Ruled
all
things
,
yet
he
neither
durst
nor
would
withstand
him
.
Nero
gave
ear
to
these
perswasions
,
and
could
not
so
dissemble
his
inward
thoughts
and
cogitations
,
but
that
now
and
then
he
uttered
some
words
that
bewrayed
the
secrets
of
his
mind
,
which
by
such
Keepers
as
were
set
to
observe
him
,
his
words
,
and
doings
,
were
brought
to
Sejans
hearing
,
and
by
such
Accusers
as
he
suborned
,
carried
to
Tiberius
his
ears
,
who
vouchsafing
Nero
no
indifferent
hearing
,
afforded
him
no
good
countenance
,
but
suspected
him
the
more
,
if
he
spake
any
thing
in
his
own
defence
,
and
condemned
him
if
he
held
his
peace
:
And
Sejan
had
so
provided
,
that
his
watching
his
steps
,
his
sights
,
and
his
secrets
were
told
by
his
wife
unto
her
Mother
Livia
,
and
by
Livia
unto
him
,
who
had
likewise
induced
his
Brother
Drusus
to
seek
this
ruine
and
subversion
of
Nero
,
by
telling
him
that
when
his
Brother
Nero
was
dead
,
he
was
next
heir
unto
the
Empire
;
which
perswasion
easily
prevailed
with
Drusus
,
because
he
had
an
aspiring
mind
,
and
secretly
hated
his
Brother
Nero
;
for
that
their
Sister
Agrippina
loved
him
better
then
she
did
Drusus
:
And
yet
Sejan
did
not
so
favour
Drusus
,
but
that
he
likewise
purposed
his
death
and
destruction
,
which
he
thought
he
might
easily
compass
,
because
he
knew
him
to
be
stout
,
and
over-bold
,
and
easie
to
be
overtaken
by
his
slights
and
subtilties
.
You
have
heard
of
the
Treasons
of
Sejan
,
his
policies
,
and
his
purposes
,
you
may
guess
of
his
success
,
and
read
of
his
end
.
Now
you
shall
hear
of
Iulius
Caesar
,
who
was
more
subtile
and
cunning
then
he
,
and
had
the
wit
to
get
more
then
he
,
but
not
the
grace
to
keep
it
long
.
Caesar
,
before
he
bare
any
Office
in
Rome
,
Besides
other
subtile
devices
which
he
used
for
the
better
accomplishment
of
his
desires
,
he
observed
most
diligently
who
were
in
greatest
favour
with
the
common
people
,
who
were
best
able
to
further
or
hinder
his
purposes
;
who
were
easily
to
be
won
to
favour
him
in
his
attempts
and
intentions
;
and
what
means
he
might
use
and
practise
to
be
assured
of
their
Friendship
.
There
lived
in
his
time
four
men
of
especial
account
,
Pompey
,
and
Crassus
,
Piso
,
and
Curio
:
Pompey
was
so
valiant
and
fortunate
in
Armes
,
that
he
was
worthily
surnamed
the
GREAT
.
Crassus
attained
to
such
wealth
,
that
he
was
commonly
called
the
RICH.
Piso
bare
such
sway
with
the
people
,
that
no
man
was
either
feared
or
loved
more
then
he
.
And
Curio
was
so
wise
,
and
so
eloquent
,
that
the
people
loved
him
greatly
,
and
he
so
desirous
of
their
favour
,
and
so
careless
and
prodigal
of
money
,
that
to
attain
any
thing
for
himself
,
or
for
his
friend
,
he
would
spare
no
manner
of
costs
or
charges
.
To
win
these
men
that
were
fit
for
his
purpose
,
and
yet
of
divers
humours
,
Caesar
thought
it
convenient
to
use
divers
means
;
he
married
his
daughter
to
Pompey
,
he
took
to
wife
Pyso's
Sister
;
he
paid
all
Curio's
debts
;
and
because
there
was
a
competency
and
emulation
betwixt
Pompey
and
Crassus
,
by
reason
whereof
he
thought
it
very
difficult
to
grow
in
favour
with
both
of
them
;
he
being
absent
from
Ro●e
when
they
were
in
the
heat
of
their
contention
,
came
thither
of
purpose
,
not
to
extinguish
the
same
,
but
to
use
it
as
a
means
to
deceive
them
both
;
and
seeing
that
each
of
them
sought
his
friendship
against
the
other
,
he
would
not
follow
any
of
them
,
but
carrying
himself
as
neutral
and
indifferent
betwixt
them
,
he
procured
all
wayes
possible
to
make
them
friends
.
And
knowing
that
so
long
as
he
declared
not
himself
to
be
a
faithful
friend
to
one
of
them
,
both
would
do
for
him
,
whatsoever
he
should
demand
of
them
;
he
held
them
both
in
suspence
,
and
made
them
so
jealous
of
him
,
that
for
fear
to
lose
him
,
both
laboured
to
content
and
please
him
;
and
so
much
,
that
first
he
made
himself
equal
to
either
of
them
;
next
he
brought
to
pass
,
that
the
power
and
authority
which
was
in
their
hands
only
,
was
divided
betwixt
him
and
them
:
And
in
the
end
he
alone
came
to
rule
all
;
for
he
drave
Pompey
out
of
Rome
,
and
out
of
Italy
,
and
made
himself
Lord
and
Master
of
both
places
,
opened
the
Roman
Treasure
,
and
paid
his
Souldiers
therewithal
.
What
followed
,
the
Histories
reporteth
;
and
I
haste
unto
another
of
the
like
mind
,
but
of
better
fortune
;
for
Caesar
lived
not
long
after
he
came
to
the
Empire
:
And
many
wise
and
learned
men
wonder
why
the
Emperours
at
this
day
carry
still
his
name
,
since
he
was
the
only
ruine
and
overthrow
of
his
Countrey
,
and
of
the
ancient
liberty
thereof
;
whereas
he
,
of
whom
I
intend
to
speak
,
not
only
enjoyed
the
Crown
and
Scepter
many
years
together
,
which
he
usurped
cunningly
,
but
also
transferred
the
same
unto
his
posterity
,
in
which
it
hath
remained
better
then
these
five
hundred
years
,
and
Caesar
his
posterity
enjoyed
not
his
purchase
the
twenti●th
part
of
that
time
.
You
have
heard
that
the
last
Race
of
the
Kings
of
France
descended
from
Hugh
Capet
,
who
being
but
Master
of
the
Kings
Palace
,
governed
all
things
under
him
,
and
so
carried
himself
in
that
his
Government
,
that
he
wan
the
hearts
and
love
of
the
common
people
,
and
also
got
into
such
favour
with
Lewis
the
Fifth
of
France
,
a
Prince
of
small
worth
,
and
of
no
great
wit
,
that
as
some
Historographers
write
,
he
dying
the
year
987.
without
Heirs
Males
,
not
of
his
natural
death
,
but
by
poyson
,
gave
his
Kingdom
unto
Blanch
his
Wife
,
and
willed
her
to
marry
Hugh
Capet
,
which
she
did
according
to
her
Husbands
Commandment
,
and
so
Capet
became
King
,
albeit
the
Kingdom
appertained
●y
right
unto
Charles
Duke
of
Lorrain
,
Brother
unto
King
Lotharius
,
and
Uncle
unto
the
said
Lewis
.
For
Charles
being
then
in
Lorrain
,
and
having
been
called
and
sent
for
by
some
of
the
Nobles
of
France
to
be
crowned
King
thereof
,
came
not
with
such
speed
as
was
convenient
for
him
to
have
used
,
but
gave
time
and
respite
unto
Capet
to
seize
upon
the
Kingdom
,
pretending
himself
to
have
Title
thereunto
,
by
the
late
Kings
will
,
by
reason
that
he
was
in
some
sort
by
his
Mothers
side
of
the
race
of
Charlemaign
,
by
signifying
unto
the
people
,
that
Charles
Duke
of
Lorrain
deserved
not
to
be
chosen
King
,
because
in
all
contentions
,
debates
,
and
differences
betwixt
the
Crown
of
France
and
the
Empire
,
the
said
Charles
favoured
the
Emperours
more
then
the
French
King
;
and
by
suggesting
that
he
being
present
and
alwayes
ready
to
defend
the
Realm
,
ought
to
be
preferred
before
Charles
that
was
absent
,
and
not
willing
to
come
to
accept
the
Crown
,
when
he
was
called
thereunto
;
by
inducing
Anselm
Bishop
of
Laon
to
deliver
the
said
Duke
his
Master
with
his
two
Children
into
his
hands
very
trayterously
;
by
committing
the
Duke
and
his
Sons
to
prison
in
Orleance
,
where
they
dyed
,
and
by
degrading
Arnolph
Arch-bishop
of
Rhemes
under
colour
and
pretence
of
Bastardy
,
for
fear
he
proving
himself
to
be
lawful
and
legitimate
brother
unto
Charles
,
might
in
time
deprive
him
of
the
Kingdom
;
but
the
especial
policy
that
Capet
used
for
the
obtaining
his
purpose
,
was
the
imitation
of
Pipin
of
France
,
of
whose
practises
you
shall
first
hear
;
and
then
as
Plutarch
in
the
lives
of
the
Worthies
of
Greece
and
Rome
,
compared
a
Graecian
and
a
Roman
together
,
that
the
vertues
and
excellencies
of
both
may
appear
the
better
by
that
his
comparison
:
So
I
will
compare
the
devices
of
the
late
Duke
of
Guise
with
the
practices
of
Sejan
,
Caesar
,
Capet
,
and
Pipin
,
to
the
end
you
may
see
in
what
points
he
imitated
them
fully
,
and
also
wherein
he
failed
to
follow
their
foot-steps
.
S●jan
,
Caesar
,
Pipin
,
and
Hugh
Capet
.
Now
let
me
compare
the
Duke
of
Guise
his
practices
with
these
mens
devices
,
his
wit
with
their
wisdom
,
and
his
aspiring
mind
with
their
ambition
.
Sejan
and
Caesar
were
lowly
and
humble
when
they
saw
occasion
,
and
what
was
the
Duke
of
Guise
when
he
went
bate-headed
unto
Porters
and
Crochelers
?
Caesar
drave
Pompey
out
of
Italy
,
and
Sejan
,
Tiberius
out
of
Rome
into
an
Island
,
and
what
did
the
Duke
of
Guise
when
he
forced
the
late
French
King
,
not
to
leave
,
but
to
fly
from
Paris
,
Caesar
suppresseth
Pompey
and
Crassus
;
and
Sejan
indeavoured
to
destroy
Drusus
and
Nero
;
and
what
did
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
when
he
caused
the
Admiral
of
France
to
be
massacred
,
and
the
Duke
of
Espernon
to
be
banished
the
Court
?
Sejan
and
Caesar
spared
no
money
to
win
men
to
their
service
and
devotion
:
What
did
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
when
he
spent
all
his
own
Patrimony
,
and
his
Wives
Inheritance
,
and
the
King
of
Spains
yearly
Pension
,
and
infinite
Pistolets
,
to
purchase
himself
Friends
and
Favourers
?
Casar
and
Sejan
subverted
their
enemies
by
their
own
friends
;
And
what
did
the
Duke
of
Guise
when
he
sowed
sedition
betwixt
the
King
and
his
brother
?
Caesar
and
Sejan
used
the
Marriage
of
Livia
,
Drusus
his
Wife
of
his
own
Daughter
,
and
of
Pycos
Sister
for
the
furtherance
of
their
purpose
:
And
what
did
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
when
he
caused
the
Massacre
of
Paris
to
be
performed
at
the
Marriage
of
the
present
King
of
France
with
the
late
Kings
Sister
?
Caesar
and
Sejan
could
be
proud
when
occasion
was
offered
?
And
what
was
the
Duke
of
Guise
when
he
equalled
his
power
and
strength
with
the
Kings
?
Caesar
could
brook
no
equal
;
And
what
could
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
when
he
contended
with
the
Kings
Brother
for
Superiority
and
Precedency
?
Sejan
set
variance
betwixt
Drusus
and
Nero
,
to
the
end
the
one
should
take
occasion
to
destroy
the
other
?
And
what
did
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
when
he
perswaded
the
French
King
to
send
his
only
Brother
into
Flanders
,
where
he
devised
divers
means
to
endanger
his
life
?
Caesar
assumed
by
cunning
and
pollicy
,
all
the
Power
and
Authority
unto
himself
,
which
was
sometimes
equally
divided
betwixt
him
,
Pompey
and
Crassus
?
And
what
did
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
when
he
suffered
no
man
to
be
in
credit
at
the
Court
but
himself
?
Sejan
offered
the
Empire
unto
Drusus
,
not
for
favour
which
he
bore
him
,
but
to
incense
and
incourage
him
to
seek
the
ruine
of
Nero
:
And
what
did
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
when
he
profered
the
Kingdom
in
the
late
Kings
days
,
unto
the
King
of
Navar
,
now
King
of
France
,
but
seek
means
to
breed
such
a
distrust
and
jealousie
betwixt
the
King
and
him
,
that
the
one
might
let
no
occasion
slip
that
might
procure
the
destruction
or
overthrow
of
the
other
?
Caesar
observed
diligently
the
natures
and
dispositions
of
such
men
as
were
in
special
credit
with
the
common
people
,
and
to
purchase
their
favour
furthered
their
purposes
,
when
they
tended
not
to
his
own
hinderance
:
And
what
did
the
Duke
of
Guise
when
he
fawned
upon
those
whom
the
King
loved
,
and
labored
to
prefer
his
Secretaries
to
higher
places
,
to
the
end
that
both
they
and
their
Successors
might
be
always
willing
and
ready
to
pleasure
him
?
Pipin
shewed
himself
wise
in
using
the
Kings
weakness
,
and
his
own
credit
for
a
Ladder
to
climb
to
the
Kingdom
;
And
the
Duke
of
Guise
came
not
much
behind
him
in
wisdom
,
when
he
weakned
the
late
Kings
forces
,
and
strengthned
himself
and
his
complices
,
with
intention
to
set
the
Crown
of
France
upon
his
own
Head
.
Hugh
Capet
pretended
right
to
the
Crown
,
because
he
was
in
some
sort
alley'd
to
Lewes
the
fifth
,
by
his
Mothers
side
:
And
the
Duke
of
Guise
fortified
his
Right
,
by
pretending
Alliance
unto
the
Duke
of
Larrain
,
whom
Hugh
Capet
deprived
of
the
Crown
.
Pipin
hired
men
to
com●end
himself
and
dispraise
Childerick
:
And
the
Duke
of
Guise
wanted
not
his
writers
and
his
flatterers
,
who
in
Books
and
common
Table-talk
,
did
daily
set
forth
his
praise
,
and
took
hold
of
every
small
occasion
,
to
enveigh
bitterly
against
the
King
,
Pipin
again
used
Religion
and
Zeal
for
a
means
to
win
the
Popes
favour
,
and
to
procure
him
to
make
a
friendly
Interpretation
of
the
French
Subjects
Oath
to
their
King
:
And
the
Duke
of
Guise
with
a
shew
of
suppressing
the
Protestants
of
France
,
drew
divers
Popes
to
join
with
him
in
alliance
,
and
to
draw
other
Princes
with
the
same
line
into
the
same
League
,
and
left
not
until
the
Pope
had
Excommunicated
the
late
King
.
Hugh
Capit
disabled
Childerick
as
a
man
not
sufficient
to
Rule
,
and
therefore
caused
him
to
be
shut
up
in
a
Monastery
;
And
the
Duke
of
Guise
was
so
bold
as
to
bring
forrain
power
into
France
,
and
to
tell
the
King
that
he
had
procured
their
help
to
suppress
the
Protestants
,
because
his
Majesty
had
neither
men
nor
money
enough
wherewith
to
overthrow
them
;
and
common
fame
greatly
wrongeth
him
,
if
he
intended
not
in
time
to
have
shut
the
King
up
in
some
religious
house
,
and
to
have
put
a
Friers
Weed
upon
him
.
Briefly
,
Pipin
,
Iulius
Caesar
,
and
Hugh
Capet
,
attained
their
desires
by
their
cunning
practises
,
and
their
subtile
devises
;
And
the
Duke
of
Guise
by
his
slights
and
Stratagems
had
not
failed
of
his
purpose
,
if
the
King
had
not
by
doing
him
suddenly
to
death
prevented
his
intended
Usurpation
.
By
this
that
hath
been
said
,
you
may
plainly
perceive
that
the
Frenchmen
rebelled
against
their
Soveraigns
long
before
this
time
;
And
that
they
are
in
a
manifest
Error
who
commend
their
Loyalty
so
much
,
as
in
their
Writings
to
call
them
The
most
Loyal
,
Loving
,
and
Dutiful
Subjects
of
Europe
;
For
to
omit
other
Rebellions
of
the
children
against
their
own
Fathers
in
France
,
whereof
their
Histories
are
full
and
plentiful
:
It
cannot
be
denyed
that
both
Pipin
and
Hugh
Capet
were
Usurpers
;
and
that
as
many
as
favoured
and
furthered
them
against
the
lawful
Heirs
of
the
Crown
,
were
notable
and
traitorous
Rebels
,
and
in
no
respect
inferiour
to
those
who
in
these
days
combine
themselves
against
the
late
French
King
,
and
still
continue
their
open
Revolt
,
and
unlawful
disobedience
against
his
right
Heir
and
lawful
Successor
:
Neither
can
any
man
deny
,
that
all
they
that
took
part
with
Lewis
,
surnamed
the
Meek
,
against
Bernard
,
King
of
Italy
,
were
also
most
famous
and
disloyal
Traytors
;
For
Lewes
being
younger
Brother
unto
Pipin
(
who
dyed
before
his
Father
Charlemain
,
and
left
Bernard
King
of
Italy
his
sole
Heir
)
had
no
right
to
the
Crown
of
France
,
so
long
as
the
said
Bernard
his
eldest
Brothers
Son
lived
,
for
that
as
well
in
the
Succession
of
Crowns
and
Kingdoms
,
as
of
private
mens
Lands
and
Inheritances
;
the
eldest
Brothers
Son
and
Heir
is
always
to
be
preferred
before
his
Uncle
.
And
for
as
much
as
Lewis
having
taken
his
Nephew
Bernard
in
the
field
Prisoner
,
Philip
de
Valoys
were
in
as
high
degree
of
Rebellion
,
as
these
latter
Rebels
:
And
so
likewise
were
those
who
stood
with
Charls
the
seventh
against
Henry
the
fifth
and
sixth
of
England
.
For
the
only
reason
and
cause
which
they
alledged
to
debar
these
English
Kings
from
the
Succession
,
as
lawful
Heirs
to
the
Crown
of
France
,
was
the
Law
Salique
,
(
which
as
they
then
pretended
)
excluded
not
only
women
,
but
also
other
Heirs
males
descending
from
the
woman
,
from
the
Inheritance
of
the
Crown
;
Which
Law
was
no
sufficient
bar
,
because
it
was
undoubtedly
a
local
Law
,
Rhine
in
Germany
;
at
what
time
the
French
Kings
were
both
Kings
of
France
,
and
Emperours
of
Germany
;
and
therefore
as
all
other
local
Laws
are
,
was
tyed
to
the
Inheritance
of
that
Town
only
,
and
could
not
stretch
her
Forces
to
forrain
Countries
,
or
to
the
succession
of
Kingdoms
,
no
more
then
the
Law
of
Gavelkind
,
being
peculiar
,
not
to
all
,
but
to
some
part
of
Kent
,
is
of
full
strength
and
full
force
in
other
places
of
England
:
Besides
,
it
is
confirmed
that
there
was
never
any
such
Law
in
France
by
the
Testimony
of
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
;
who
when
as
Philip
,
surnamed
the
Long
,
was
created
King
,
never
left
to
cry
out
against
his
Creation
,
and
to
profess
openly
,
That
the
Kingdom
belonged
of
right
unto
Ioan
,
Daughter
unto
Hutine
,
sometimes
King
of
France
,
before
that
Philip
stoppen
his
mouth
with
the
gift
of
the
Country
of
Burgundy
,
in
Dower
with
his
eldest
Daughter
.
I
could
stand
longer
upon
the
proof
that
there
was
never
any
Salick
Law
in
France
,
Du
Haillan
a
French
Chronicler
,
in
the
first
Volumn
of
his
History
,
easeth
me
of
that
pain
,
and
cleareth
that
point
so
plainly
,
that
he
being
a
Frenchman
,
and
refuting
a
Law
,
suggested
not
only
to
be
a
Law
,
but
also
one
of
the
chief
Pillars
and
Maintainers
of
the
ancient
Dignity
of
the
Crown
of
France
,
cannot
be
thought
to
write
thereof
either
partially
or
untruly
:
But
although
I
let
pass
Ed.
3.
his
Title
,
as
the
less
valuable
,
because
it
was
impugned
and
weakned
by
the
only
Allegation
of
that
Law
;
yet
I
must
enlarge
somewhat
more
Henry
,
the
fifth
his
Right
,
because
the
same
(
in
my
simple
conceit
and
opinion
)
was
far
stronger
then
Edward
the
Thirds
;
For
Henry
the
fifth
considering
that
because
his
Predecessors
did
always
from
the
time
of
Edward
the
third
,
lay
continual
claim
unto
the
Crown
of
France
;
and
that
therefore
the
Kings
,
or
rather
Usurpers
thereof
had
do
right
nor
just
title
thereunto
,
because
they
not
having
bonam
fidem
(
a
point
requisite
in
Prescription
)
by
reason
that
they
knew
the
right
to
be
in
Kings
of
England
rather
then
in
themselves
,
could
not
lawfully
prescribe
a
right
unto
the
said
Crown
,
demanded
the
same
by
force
of
Arms
of
Charls
the
sixth
,
and
drave
him
to
such
extremities
,
that
he
being
able
no
longer
to
make
resistance
against
his
invincible
Forces
,
was
glad
to
capitulate
and
agree
upon
conditions
of
Peace
with
him
:
The
principal
Articles
of
which
Peace
were
;
That
the
said
Charls
the
sixth
should
during
his
life
,
continue
King
;
That
he
should
dis-inherit
his
Son
and
Heir
,
who
was
afterwards
Charles
the
seventh
;
That
the
King
of
England
should
take
to
Wife
Isabel
,
Daughter
unto
the
French
King
;
and
in
regard
of
that
Marriage
he
proclaimed
Regent
of
that
Kingdom
during
Charles
his
Father
in
laws
life
,
because
he
was
sometimes
Lunatique
,
and
Heir
apparent
to
the
Crown
after
his
death
;
And
lastly
,
that
the
Nobility
and
Peers
of
France
,
should
not
only
consent
thereunto
,
but
also
take
a
solemn
Oath
(
which
was
accordingly
performed
and
executed
)
to
maintain
every
point
of
those
Articles
,
and
uphold
and
assist
Henry
the
fifth
,
and
his
lawful
Heirs
and
Successors
,
against
Charles
,
Son
unto
the
French
King
,
the
rather
because
his
Father
had
for
very
good
and
just
occasions
him
moving
thereunto
,
dis-inherited
the
said
Charles
,
and
by
the
last
Will
and
Testament
,
made
when
he
was
in
perfect
sence
and
memory
,
ordained
and
constituted
the
said
Henry
,
his
sole
and
lawful
Heir
of
the
Crown
.
But
the
Frenchmen
have
their
Objections
to
all
that
is
said
;
the
which
I
cannot
lightly
pass
over
,
because
I
know
you
are
desirous
to
hear
their
Exceptions
,
and
also
what
may
be
replied
in
Answer
to
their
Allegations
;
But
I
may
not
dwell
long
upon
every
particular
Point
,
because
my
leisure
will
not
serve
me
,
and
it
is
not
pertinent
to
my
first
purpose
.
They
say
first
,
Which
objection
I
mean
briefly
to
Answer
,
before
I
will
proceed
to
any
others
.
Guicciardine
,
who
wrote
an
Universal
History
of
all
things
that
hapned
in
his
time
,
not
only
in
Italy
,
but
also
in
all
other
places
of
Europe
(
although
he
was
a
very
perfect
and
learned
Lawyer
)
yet
when
he
had
occasion
to
touch
any
Point
of
Law
,
he
handled
not
the
same
Lawyer-like
,
but
passed
it
over
lightly
,
setting
down
his
opinion
of
the
Case
,
in
as
few
words
as
he
could
possibly
,
because
if
he
had
done
otherwise
,
he
knew
that
he
should
not
observe
the
Laws
and
Bounds
whereunto
Histographers
are
tyed
and
bound
.
In
like
manner
although
these
Questions
are
meerly
civil
,
and
ought
to
be
handled
by
me
as
a
Civilian
;
yet
because
I
purpose
to
write
you
an
historical
discourse
,
I
wil
touch
them
lightly
;
for
that
I
speak
of
them
obiter
,
and
by
digression
,
and
I
hold
it
sufficient
to
refute
the
Objections
that
may
be
made
in
this
Cause
;
not
by
Law
,
but
by
the
Histories
of
France
.
For
albeit
Iohn
Bodine
,
a
Frenchman
,
and
notably
well
seen
and
read
in
Histories
,
discoursing
in
his
Book
de
Methodo
Historie
,
at
large
,
what
Rules
are
to
be
observed
in
judging
a
right
of
an
Historographer
,
and
what
credit
may
be
given
to
an
History
,
setteth
it
down
in
an
opinion
not
controlable
,
That
in
matters
touching
France
or
England
,
you
ought
not
to
credit
a
French
or
English
History
;
but
rather
a
stranger
writing
thereof
,
with
more
indifferency
and
less
partiality
;
yet
,
as
in
Causes
which
cannot
be
well
decided
,
or
perfectly
known
but
by
Domestical
witnesses
,
their
Testimony
is
to
be
preferred
before
all
others
;
So
in
matters
of
State
,
which
cannot
be
so
well
known
unto
Forrainers
,
as
unto
men
born
and
bred
within
the
same
State
;
better
credit
ought
to
be
given
unto
these
,
then
unto
them
:
You
shall
therefore
hear
this
first
Objection
refuted
by
their
own
Writers
;
and
especially
by
Du
Haillan
,
who
in
my
opinion
is
the
best
Historographer
that
writeth
of
France
;
who
refuteth
this
Objection
,
by
reckoning
up
a
bed-roll
of
Kings
who
did
not
succeed
one
another
,
but
were
chosen
one
after
another
;
Pharamond
(
saith
he
,
in
his
third
Book
)
was
the
first
chosen
King
of
France
;
After
whom
Daniel
,
surnamed
Childerick
,
was
chosen
:
Pipin
likewise
was
chosen
,
and
after
him
Charles
and
Charl●main
his
Sons
:
And
the
Frenchmen
despising
the
Youth
of
Charles
,
King
Lewis
his
Son
,
who
was
betwixt
nine
and
ten
years
of
age
,
chose
Od●n
,
Son
to
Robert
the
Saxon
,
for
their
King
;
And
afterwards
being
discontented
with
his
Government
,
they
deprived
him
of
his
Kingdom
,
and
set
up
Charles
in
his
place
;
who
governing
them
somewhat
looslly
,
was
likewise
deposed
and
cast
into
Prison
;
and
in
his
place
Ba●ul
,
King
of
Burgundy
was
instituted
and
created
King
of
France
;
and
there
remaineth
even
at
this
day
a
certain
form
of
Election
which
is
made
at
the
consecrating
and
crowning
of
the
King
at
Beihins
,
where
the
Peer
of
France
,
in
the
name
of
the
Clergy
,
Nobility
,
and
People
,
chuse
the
King
that
is
present
:
Here
you
see
an
Election
begun
in
Pharamond
,
continued
in
others
,
and
observed
at
this
day
;
and
yet
as
many
as
have
been
Kings
since
Hugh
Capet's
time
,
have
succeeded
to
their
Kingdoms
,
and
claimed
the
same
by
Inheritance
,
rather
then
by
custom
;
and
you
shall
see
when
we
come
to
another
of
their
Objections
,
that
neither
this
Election
,
nor
this
Custom
in
succession
hath
been
alwayes
duly
kept
and
observed
.
The
second
Objection
against
this
agreement
is
,
That
although
Contracts
do
bind
Princes
as
well
as
Subjects
,
Charles
the
Sixth
who
concluded
his
Peace
with
the
above-mentioned
conditions
,
being
both
before
and
after
the
celebration
of
the
same
notoriously
reputed
and
known
to
be
a
Lunatique
,
this
Contract
did
neither
bind
him
nor
his
Successors
.
To
this
it
is
easily
answered
,
That
Contracts
made
by
men
disabled
by
Law
to
enter
into
any
such
compositions
,
are
of
force
by
two
wayes
;
The
one
if
they
with
due
and
requisite
solemnities
be
done
by
such
as
by
Law
are
deputed
to
have
the
Government
of
their
goods
and
persons
during
the
time
of
their
weakness
and
imbecillity
:
The
other
,
if
they
themselves
having
dilucida
intervalla
,
being
(
as
Lunatiques
many
times
are
)
in
perfect
sense
and
memory
to
celebrate
any
manner
of
Contract
,
the
same
is
of
full
force
and
strength
;
and
therefore
Charles
the
sixth
being
(
as
their
own
Histories
report
)
at
the
time
when
this
Agreement
was
made
,
in
his
right
wits
and
memory
:
This
contract
wanted
not
the
force
and
vertue
which
Law
requireth
,
especially
since
the
chief
Nobility
of
the
Realm
were
then
not
only
present
,
but
consenting
thereunto
,
and
sworn
to
the
performance
thereof
.
The
third
Objection
is
,
To
this
I
briefly
answer
,
That
in
matters
which
go
by
plurality
of
voices
,
it
is
not
alwayes
necessary
that
all
be
present
,
but
that
the
greater
or
better
part
of
them
that
will
and
do
vouchsafe
their
presence
thereat
yield
their
consents
thereunto
,
especially
when
the
others
who
are
absent
have
been
cited
and
warned
to
be
present
,
quia
volenti
non
fit
injuria
.
In
this
case
therefore
those
that
were
away
,
being
either
voluntarily
absent
,
or
trayterously
minded
to
their
King
(
which
appeared
in
that
they
followed
his
Son
against
him
,
and
animated
and
assisted
him
in
his
disobedience
and
rebellion
against
his
Father
)
could
not
in
any
respect
prejudice
the
force
and
validity
of
this
contract
;
for
if
they
were
absent
of
purpose
,
then
there
was
no
injury
done
unto
them
;
and
if
they
were
Traytors
(
as
undoubtedly
they
are
,
who
either
bear
Armes
against
their
Prince
,
or
assist
his
Enemies
with
their
counsels
)
then
they
had
lost
the
right
of
their
consent
and
voice
;
And
so
consequently
the
Contract
which
was
celebrated
by
the
more
and
better
part
,
or
by
all
the
Nobility
,
and
of
the
three
Estates
that
were
present
,
and
true
and
Loyal
Subjects
unto
their
King
,
notwithstanding
the
others
voluntary
malicious
absence
,
was
by
Law
warrantable
,
especially
being
confirmed
and
fortified
by
the
Oath
of
the
King
,
and
his
Council
and
Nobility
.
The
fourth
Objection
against
this
Agreement
is
,
To
this
Point
I
likewise
Answer
briefly
;
That
the
Law
that
provideth
for
the
remedy
of
such
as
by
Imprisonment
,
or
by
violence
and
just
fear
,
and
such
as
the
Law
●aith
,
cadet
in
fortem
virum
,
have
yeilded
to
any
inconveniency
,
extendeth
not
(
in
my
simple
conceit
)
her
force
unto
the
Contracts
of
Princes
,
which
are
celebrated
and
concluded
after
long
Wars
betwixt
them
;
For
if
Conquerors
might
not
impose
what
conditions
of
Peace
they
please
upon
the
conquered
,
there
would
never
be
any
end
of
Wars
;
And
as
private
men
being
in
troubles
may
even
in
cases
which
admit
no
giving
or
taking
on
any
side
(
as
for
Ecclesiastical
livings
betwixt
Ecclesiastical
persons
)
redeem
their
troubles
by
giving
or
taking
whatsoever
shall
be
agreed
upon
,
and
with
the
best
conditions
they
may
;
so
in
Wars
,
Princes
who
have
lost
the
field
,
and
so
weakned
their
Forces
,
that
they
are
able
to
make
no
longer
resistance
,
may
lawfully
alienate
the
more
part
of
the
Revenues
of
their
Crown
,
to
purchase
their
liberty
,
and
their
Subjects
quiet
;
who
(
if
their
Princes
might
not
capitulate
with
his
and
their
Adversary
,
in
such
manner
as
the
Conqueror
shall
demand
)
should
be
deprived
of
their
lives
,
liberties
and
Livings
;
of
all
which
three
,
every
King
is
sworn
to
have
a
special
care
and
regard
,
and
to
seek
all
means
possible
to
preserve
them
all
:
And
in
consideration
hereof
,
it
is
usual
amongst
Princes
rather
to
lye
in
durance
a
long
time
,
then
to
yeild
to
the
unreasonable
demands
of
their
enemies
,
whilst
they
are
in
the
heat
of
their
choller
and
indignation
;
because
when
their
wrath
is
somewhat
asswaged
,
and
either
time
or
intercession
of
other
Princes
(
who
commonly
in
such
cases
interpose
their
helping
hands
,
and
be
Mediators
of
Peace
)
mitigated
and
moderated
their
anger
,
they
are
willing
to
yeild
to
reasonable
conditions
.
For
confirmation
hereof
,
I
could
alleadg
many
examples
,
but
I
will
deal
with
a
Frenchman
at
his
own
weapon
:
Guicciardine
,
in
his
before
mentioned
History
,
discoursing
at
large
of
the
hard
measure
that
was
offered
unto
Francis
the
first
,
King
of
France
,
after
he
was
taken
Prisoner
at
Pavia
,
in
Italy
,
by
the
Army
of
the
Emperour
Charls
the
fifth
,
saith
,
That
there
were
never
but
two
Kings
of
France
taken
prisoners
in
the
field
,
(
to
wit
)
King
Iohn
,
and
the
said
Francis
;
King
Iohn
was
so
kindly
used
in
England
,
(
where
he
lay
above
2
years
pri●oner
)
that
after
he
was
delivered
thence
,
he
would
needs
go
thither
again
to
see
his
good
Host
,
for
so
he
termed
the
King
of
England
,
whereas
Francis
the
first
,
albeit
he
greatly
desired
to
be
transported
out
of
Italy
into
Spain
,
being
in
great
hope
and
confidence
that
the
Emperor
(
who
had
seen
the
change
and
variety
of
time
,
and
also
the
inconstancy
of
fortune
)
would
have
some
Princely
compassion
upon
him
,
found
all
things
contrary
to
his
conceived
hope
and
expectation
;
for
he
was
committed
to
hard
prison
,
kept
with
a
continual
and
strong
guard
,
not
attended
upon
as
a
Prince
of
his
might
and
greatness
ought
to
have
been
,
hardly
suffered
to
speak
with
his
Sister
,
who
was
sent
out
of
France
on
purpose
to
comfort
him
,
and
never
brought
unto
the
Emperours
sight
and
presence
,
until
that
through
grief
and
melancholy
he
fell
into
so
dangerous
a
sickness
as
made
the
Phisitians
almost
despair
of
his
recovery
;
the
Emperour
not
for
love
(
as
Guicciaraine
affirmeth
)
but
for
fear
to
lose
by
his
death
all
that
he
hoped
to
get
for
his
Ransome
,
went
to
visit
and
comfort
him
.
The
reason
of
this
hard
usage
was
,
to
inforce
him
by
long
durance
,
and
want
of
liberty
,
to
redeem
his
troubles
upon
hard
conditions
;
And
although
he
had
oftentimes
answered
the
Emperour
,
that
he
had
rather
dye
in
Prison
then
yeild
to
his
unreasonable
demands
,
which
could
not
be
well
performed
without
the
great
prejudice
,
yea
almost
the
utter
subversion
of
his
Kingdom
;
and
had
accordingly
written
unto
his
Nobility
and
Council
in
France
,
that
they
should
make
no
more
account
of
his
life
or
liberty
,
because
the
demands
of
his
Ransome
were
too
too
unreasonable
,
yet
he
was
forced
at
length
to
subscribe
and
consent
unto
such
hard
conditions
and
Articles
,
as
were
agreed
upon
by
Charles
the
fifth
,
and
his
Council
;
Which
indeed
were
so
hard
,
that
although
his
Sons
lay
in
Spain
,
as
Hostages
for
their
performance
;
yet
after
he
was
delivered
,
he
would
not
see
them
accomplished
,
but
fell
a
fresh
to
Wars
with
the
Emperor
;
and
in
the
end
,
by
the
intercession
of
other
Princes
,
made
a
more
reasonable
end
.
But
King
Iohn
(
as
both
the
French
Chronicles
and
ours
do
report
)
was
set
at
liberty
with
more
equal
conditions
,
and
yet
the
same
were
not
performed
;
And
the
Frenchmen
in
all
Treaties
of
peace
with
us
,
have
either
gone
so
far
beyond
us
with
their
wits
,
that
they
have
oftentimes
greatly
deceived
us
,
or
have
so
fraudulently
violated
all
,
or
the
more
part
of
the
Articles
of
their
Agreement
,
that
our
victories
being
many
against
them
,
never
yeilded
unto
us
any
great
commodity
or
advantage
.
The
consideration
whereof
moved
one
of
their
Writers
to
say
,
Now
sithence
we
by
their
own
confession
have
been
so
courteous
and
reasonable
,
that
we
have
yeilded
them
far
better
favour
,
and
better
conditions
of
peace
then
they
hoped
for
,
and
they
contrarywise
have
dealt
so
craftily
,
and
so
deceitfully
with
us
,
both
in
the
time
of
King
Iohn
,
and
others
,
before
the
Reign
of
Charles
the
Sixth
,
that
we
cannot
be
blamed
for
dealing
more
hardly
with
them
in
the
said
contract
,
and
for
using
the
surest
way
we
could
devise
for
our
security
and
assurance
of
that
which
was
promised
unto
us
.
And
certainly
as
the
Treaties
and
Conclusions
of
peace
made
with
King
Iohn
,
and
King
Francis
,
were
in
the
opinion
of
the
best
and
learnedst
Lawyers
of
Europe
held
lawful
,
although
they
were
not
in
all
points
performed
;
so
the
Contract
made
betwixt
Charles
the
Sixth
,
and
his
Son-in
Law
Henry
fifth
of
England
,
was
undoubtedly
agreeable
to
Law
and
Equity
;
for
otherwise
Princes
should
be
in
worse
condition
then
Subjects
,
who
are
bound
to
perform
every
point
of
a
reasonable
contract
or
agreement
which
they
make
.
But
it
was
hard
to
demand
and
take
a
whole
Kingdom
.
True
if
conquests
were
not
lawful
,
we
should
have
dealt
so
favourably
with
Charles
the
Sixth
,
as
our
Predecessor
did
with
King
Iohn
;
it
might
be
we
would
have
done
so
,
if
King
Iohn
and
his
Successors
had
not
before
oftentimes
deceived
us
.
Princes
do
not
usually
take
advantage
of
their
enemies
when
they
have
the
upper
hand
over
them
,
with
all
utmost
extremities
.
But
if
they
do
,
what
remedy
is
there
?
or
who
can
gainsay
the
Conqueror
?
Courtesie
is
commendable
in
all
men
,
and
especially
in
Princes
,
who
are
to
extend
the
same
at
all
times
,
when
it
is
demanded
in
good
manner
,
and
by
men
worthy
of
mercy
and
compassion
.
And
such
was
the
lamentable
estate
of
Charles
the
Sixth
,
who
had
at
once
many
miseries
heaped
upon
him
by
the
heavy
wrath
of
God
,
as
namely
,
wars
within
his
Realm
,
rebellion
of
his
own
Son
against
him
,
revolt
of
his
Subjects
,
and
distraction
of
his
wits
;
and
so
it
was
extream
cruelty
to
adde
affliction
to
the
afflicted
.
Indeed
mercy
is
to
be
extended
to
persons
worthy
of
commiseration
,
and
Lunatiques
are
by
all
men
to
be
pitied
:
and
in
regard
hereof
,
the
King
of
England
,
whereas
he
might
have
destroyed
the
whole
Realm
of
France
,
burned
the
Cities
,
wasted
the
Countries
,
led
away
the
people
in
captivity
,
taken
their
goods
to
his
own
use
,
bestowed
the
Nobilities
and
Gentlemens
Lands
upon
his
own
Subjects
,
altered
the
Lawes
of
the
Countrey
,
changed
the
Government
thereof
,
deprived
the
most
part
of
them
of
their
lives
,
and
seated
his
own
Subjects
in
their
possessions
;
he
suffered
them
to
live
at
liberty
,
to
enjoy
their
ancient
possessions
,
to
maintain
and
use
their
own
priviledges
,
to
dwell
in
their
wonted
habitations
,
and
to
continue
in
all
respects
as
free
as
they
were
before
they
were
conquered
.
And
whereas
he
might
have
made
the
King
prisoner
,
carryed
him
with
him
into
England
,
and
to
have
placed
another
to
govern
for
him
,
especially
he
being
not
in
case
to
rule
and
govern
by
himself
:
He
was
so
far
from
so
doing
,
that
he
suffered
him
to
enjoy
the
Kingdom
whilest
he
lived
,
and
by
taking
his
Daughter
to
wife
,
transferred
not
only
the
French
,
but
also
the
English
Crown
unto
the
issue
of
her
body
,
a
thing
to
be
greatly
desired
of
that
Father
,
whose
Son
by
reason
of
his
disobedience
deserved
not
to
succeed
him
;
a
thing
practised
by
all
men
that
have
had
the
like
children
,
a
thing
far
beyond
the
custom
of
Frenchmen
themselves
,
who
in
the
like
cases
have
not
used
the
like
clemency
and
moderation
.
The
fifth
Objection
that
they
make
against
this
Contract
,
is
,
That
the
Kingdom
of
France
cannot
be
given
unto
any
man
by
Will
or
Testament
:
Which
priviledge
seemeth
unto
me
very
strange
,
because
I
find
by
report
of
probable
Histories
,
that
the
Kingdomes
of
Spain
,
England
,
Aragon
,
Scotland
,
Poland
,
Pipin
,
Italy
and
Baivera
;
and
unto
Lewis
that
part
of
France
which
confineth
and
bordereth
upon
Spain
and
Provence
;
And
caused
this
his
Will
to
be
ratified
,
confirmed
and
approved
by
the
Pope
;
and
intituled
his
Sons
with
the
names
of
Kings
.
It
is
also
written
by
French
Historiographers
,
That
Philip
de
Valois
(
who
contended
with
Edward
the
Third
for
the
Crown
of
France
)
ordained
by
his
last
Will
and
Testament
,
Merovingians
,
Charlemain
of
the
Charlemains
,
and
Philip
de
Valois
,
although
not
directly
,
yet
collaterally
of
the
Capets
,
which
are
the
three
only
Races
that
ever
were
in
France
;
and
they
having
disposed
of
their
Kingdoms
in
manner
as
is
a
foresaid
,
it
may
well
be
presumed
that
others
before
them
have
or
might
have
done
the
like
,
especially
since
there
is
no
Law
to
be
shewed
which
forbiddeth
Kings
to
bequeath
their
Kingdoms
by
Will
and
Testament
.
The
sixth
and
last
Objection
which
is
made
against
this
Contract
is
,
That
Charles
the
sixth
could
not
lawfully
dis-inherit
his
son
,
who
,
by
the
custome
of
France
was
lawful
and
apparent
Heir
,
and
could
not
for
any
cause
whatsoever
,
be
deprived
by
his
Father
,
or
by
any
other
,
of
that
right
which
belonged
unto
him
by
the
ancient
Priviledge
of
France
.
In
this
Objection
there
are
two
things
intended
;
The
one
,
That
the
Kings
of
France
cannot
deprive
their
Sons
or
next
Heirs
,
for
any
occasion
whatsoever
,
of
their
Right
,
Title
,
and
Interest
to
the
Royal
Crown
and
Dignity
.
That
the
next
of
the
blood
Royal
,
according
to
the
Custom
before
mentioned
,
must
of
necessity
succeed
and
enjoy
the
Kingdom
.
This
Ob●ection
is
(
in
my
simple
opinion
)
of
greatest
force
,
because
I
read
not
in
all
the
Histories
of
France
,
that
ever
any
King
thereof
,
but
Charls
the
sixth
did
dis-inherit
his
Son
:
True
it
is
that
Charles
the
seventh
was
thus
dis-inherited
,
being
plagued
by
God
for
his
disobedience
towards
his
Father
,
with
a
Son
as
undutiful
and
disobedient
in
all
respects
,
as
himself
was
,
sent
unto
the
Pope
to
advise
him
how
he
might
dis-inherit
his
eldest
Son
,
who
had
divers
times
rebelled
against
him
,
and
bestow
the
Kingdom
upon
his
second
son
,
in
whom
he
never
found
any
manner
of
disobedience
;
but
the
difficulty
is
resolved
by
this
reason
following
:
For
if
a
Kingdom
may
be
given
by
Will
and
Testament
(
as
is
to
be
presumed
)
that
it
may
also
be
taken
away
from
one
,
and
bestowed
upon
another
,
when
there
is
just
cause
given
by
him
who
layeth
claim
thereunto
;
why
he
should
be
dis-inherited
,
especially
when
as
there
is
no
such
necessity
of
successive
inheritance
,
as
hath
hitherto
been
mentioned
;
And
in
case
it
be
doubtful
whether
a
Kingdom
may
be
taken
from
the
right
Heir
,
and
be
bequeathed
unto
another
;
the
custom
of
the
Country
in
private
mens
Inheritance
is
to
be
considered
:
because
most
commonly
,
such
as
the
Law
is
in
part
,
such
it
is
in
the
whole
;
and
for
that
generally
the
Nobility
of
every
Realm
(
who
regard
the
conservation
of
their
Honour
and
Dignity
in
their
Families
,
no
less
then
Princes
do
the
preservation
of
the
Royal
Authority
in
their
Posterity
)
do
follow
and
imitate
the
manner
,
Law
,
and
Order
of
their
Kings
,
touching
the
disposition
of
their
Kingdoms
:
And
even
as
they
usually
dispose
of
their
Principalities
,
so
do
the
other
of
their
Baronies
,
and
inferior
Estates
,
by
what
Name
or
Title
soever
they
be
called
:
If
therefore
it
can
be
shewed
that
any
of
the
chief
Nobility
of
France
,
have
at
any
time
dis-inherited
their
lawful
Heirs
,
it
may
justly
be
presumed
that
the
Kings
of
France
may
do
the
like
,
when
the
like
occasion
is
offered
unto
them
:
The
Lords
of
Bearne
have
time
out
of
mind
,
been
of
such
power
and
might
in
France
,
that
the
Kings
thereof
have
in
all
Ages
made
great
account
and
reckoning
of
them
;
And
the
present
King
of
France
is
Lord
thereof
;
and
by
his
Adversaries
the
Spaniards
(
who
will
hardly
vouchsafe
him
the
name
of
a
King
of
France
or
of
Navar
,
because
they
take
him
to
be
lawful
King
of
neither
of
these
Kingdoms
)
is
commonly
called
in
their
Writings
,
Lord
of
Bearne
.
The
Earls
also
of
Foix
,
have
beyond
the
memory
of
man
,
been
of
such
worth
and
estimation
,
that
it
is
written
of
them
,
(
when
they
were
also
Lords
of
Bearne
)
they
cared
neither
for
the
King
of
Aragon
,
nor
for
the
Kings
of
Navarra
,
for
they
were
able
upon
any
urgent
occasion
to
keep
more
men
at
Arms
at
one
time
,
then
both
those
Kings
could
make
at
two
several
Levies
.
Both
these
Lordships
or
Seigneuries
,
are
now
under
the
Kingdom
of
Navar
;
and
the
principal
members
thereof
,
and
the
Lords
and
lawful
Owners
of
each
of
them
,
It
is
also
written
in
the
Chronicles
of
France
,
Marcus
Aurelius
for
moderation
and
temperance
,
or
to
Commodus
for
prodigality
and
dissoluteness
?
Briefly
,
to
Antonius
and
Titus
for
lenity
and
clemency
,
or
to
Dionisius
and
Tiberius
for
rigor
and
severity
?
For
undoubtedly
,
as
long
as
the
provocations
to
vices
,
and
the
allurements
to
vertues
are
more
and
greater
in
Princes
then
in
private
men
,
so
long
will
the
one
far
exceed
the
other
in
vertues
or
in
vices
;
Then
since
it
is
behoveful
for
every
Common-wealth
to
be
ruled
by
good
Princes
;
it
must
also
behove
good
Parents
to
be
careful
to
leave
good
children
to
succeed
after
them
,
and
not
to
be
so
affected
to
the
eldest
of
their
children
because
he
is
the
first
of
their
strength
,
as
to
make
him
,
and
no
other
but
him
,
their
sole
Heir
and
Successor
,
although
he
alone
be
wicked
and
ill
given
,
and
the
rest
wise
,
discreet
,
and
vertuous
;
so
he
unworthy
to
Govern
,
and
they
most
fit
to
Rule
;
because
he
would
overthrow
,
and
they
uphold
the
whole
Estate
and
Kingdom
.
The
Consideration
hereof
,
moved
the
good
Emperour
Marcus
Aurelius
,
who
had
a
good
and
a
bad
Son
,
when
he
was
visited
with
a
Disease
that
was
mortal
,
greatly
to
lament
his
own
death
;
not
because
he
was
loth
and
unwilling
to
dye
,
knowing
as
he
did
,
that
death
was
the
end
of
all
miseries
,
and
the
beginning
of
everlasting
felicity
;
The
Consideration
hereof
,
caused
Iames
King
of
Aragon
and
Sicily
,
to
perswade
his
eldest
Son
Iames
(
who
was
more
fit
to
live
sequestred
from
the
company
of
men
,
The
Consideration
hereof
induced
Robert
King
of
France
to
make
his
second
Son
Henry
his
Heir
and
Successor
in
the
Kingdom
,
The
Consideration
hereof
moved
not
only
Lewis
surnamed
the
Gross
,
Lastly
,
the
Consideration
hereof
moved
Dagobert
King
of
France
to
intreat
Sigisbert
his
eldest
Son
,
Considering
therefore
,
That
the
Gifts
which
are
required
in
a
Prince
are
many
and
very
difficult
to
be
attained
:
That
very
few
have
wit
and
wisdom
sufficient
to
govern
a
Kingdom
:
That
of
these
few
some
use
their
wits
to
attain
to
their
purpose
;
and
when
they
have
gotten
their
desire
,
leave
both
to
be
wise
and
vertuous
,
as
I
could
declare
by
many
Examples
,
if
it
were
not
to
digress
from
my
purpose
:
)
And
lastly
,
that
the
vertues
of
the
Parents
are
obscured
and
blemished
by
the
childrens
vices
;
and
the
Predecessors
Conquests
are
oftentimes
either
lost
or
diminished
by
the
Successors
folly
and
pusillanimity
:
It
were
a
shame
for
the
Father
,
a
detriment
to
the
Common-wealth
,
a
wrong
to
the
Kingdom
,
and
an
injury
to
the
vertuous
child
,
where
there
is
a
good
Son
to
succeed
a
vertuous
Father
,
to
bind
the
same
Father
to
leave
little
or
nothing
to
his
good
children
,
and
a
whole
Kingdom
to
him
that
is
neither
worthy
nor
well
able
to
rule
the
thousand
part
thereof
;
And
if
at
any
time
it
be
lamentatable
,
yea
scant
tolerable
,
to
prefer
wicked
children
before
them
that
are
vertuous
;
and
to
lay
a
heavy
charge
and
burthen
upon
their
shoulders
,
who
are
not
able
to
take
up
(
much
less
to
bear
)
the
same
,
not
for
a
day
,
but
for
the
whole
term
of
their
natural
life
;
truly
it
is
much
more
to
be
lamented
,
yea
,
in
no
respect
to
be
suffered
,
that
such
a
Son
should
be
set
over
others
,
to
rule
and
govern
them
,
who
could
nor
would
never
govern
himself
well
;
to
exact
and
require
obedience
of
his
Inferiors
,
who
was
always
disobedient
in
the
highest
degree
of
disobedience
unto
his
Superiors
;
to
manage
,
husband
,
and
increase
the
Treasure
of
a
whole
Kingdom
,
who
hath
prodigally
wasted
and
consumed
his
own
private
Patrimony
:
Lastly
,
to
induce
others
by
his
example
to
live
honestly
,
justly
,
orderly
,
and
virtuously
(
as
Princes
either
do
or
should
do
)
who
never
esteemed
honesty
,
cared
for
justice
,
respected
order
,
or
embraced
vertue
.
Iohn
Bodin
in
his
Book
de
Republica
,
writeth
that
a
disobedient
child
of
France
being
sued
by
his
Mother
for
using
himself
unreverently
towards
her
,
and
especially
for
easing
his
body
in
a
mess
of
Broth
which
she
had
provided
for
her self
;
was
condemned
by
a
competent
and
wise
judge
,
to
make
her
honourable
amends
;
from
which
sentence
the
wicked
Son
disdaining
to
ask
his
Mother
pardon
and
forgiveness
,
appealed
unto
Paris
,
where
it
was
found
bene
appellatum
,
and
male
judicatum
,
not
that
the
Judges
there
thought
that
the
Appellant
had
just
cause
to
appeal
,
because
he
was
enjoined
to
submit
himself
unto
his
Mother
;
but
for
that
they
were
of
opinion
that
the
Judges
from
whom
he
had
appealed
,
had
not
inflicted
such
punishment
upon
him
as
he
deserved
;
And
therefore
considering
his
former
disobedience
,
and
also
his
unkind
and
unnatural
perseverance
therein
,
indiscreetly
shewed
,
in
refusing
to
make
so
slender
a
submission
,
they
altered
the
former
sentence
,
and
gave
judgment
that
he
should
be
presently
hanged
,
which
was
accordingly
executed
.
This
sentence
was
highly
commended
by
Bodin
,
and
worthily
allowed
and
praised
by
as
many
Frenchmen
as
did
ever
read
the
same
in
his
Book
.
And
how
can
they
dislike
the
Judgment
given
against
Charles
the
seventh
,
not
by
any
inferior
Judge
,
but
by
a
King
;
not
by
a
Parliament
of
Paris
(
the
Judges
whereof
may
so
hate
an
offence
,
that
for
the
very
and
sole
indignity
thereof
,
they
do
likewise
hate
the
offender
)
but
by
a
Father
,
who
had
rather
conceal
then
reveal
,
and
pardon
then
punish
his
childrens
offences
;
neither
by
a
Father
alone
,
but
by
the
whole
Peers
and
Nobles
of
a
well
ruled
Kingdom
?
not
lightly
and
without
advice
,
but
deliberately
,
and
with
great
discretion
and
wisdom
;
Briefly
,
not
in
hatred
of
the
offender
,
but
in
regard
of
the
whole
Common-wealth
▪
which
might
perish
under
the
hands
and
government
of
an
unwise
,
unruly
,
and
unnatural
Prince
,
in
whom
there
could
be
no
hope
of
love
towards
them
or
their
Country
,
because
he
had
given
manifest
signs
of
want
of
love
towards
his
Father
,
whom
nature
and
other
respects
bound
him
to
love
,
honour
,
and
reverence
;
for
Princes
as
well
as
private
men
,
and
the
children
of
the
one
,
as
well
as
the
off-spring
of
the
other
,
are
equally
and
undoubtedly
bound
to
obey
Gods
Laws
,
and
Commandments
;
And
if
both
in
one
manner
presume
to
break
the
same
,
both
without
all
doubt
and
controversie
are
subject
to
one
and
the
same
measure
of
punishment
.
But
it
may
be
said
,
Laws
are
made
by
Princes
,
and
not
for
Princes
;
and
to
bind
their
inferiour
subjects
,
and
not
themselves
or
their
children
;
who
for
their
Fathers
sake
,
for
the
priviledge
of
their
birth
,
for
the
worthiness
of
their
place
,
and
in
regard
of
the
authority
and
preheminence
whereunto
they
are
born
,
may
and
ought
to
challenge
and
enjoy
far
greater
immunity
,
yea
,
and
somtimes
more
impunity
then
other
Peers
,
or
private
men
:
certainly
reason
permitteth
,
and
humanity
perswadeth
to
favour
a
Prince
much
more
then
a
subject
.
But
it
was
both
the
Will
and
the
Law
of
a
worthy
Prince
,
That
nothing
commendeth
the
Majesty
of
a
Prince
more
,
then
to
submit
himself
to
the
observance
of
his
own
Laws
:
and
there
can
be
no
better
means
to
induce
subjects
to
shew
their
obedience
unto
their
Princes
Laws
,
then
the
example
of
their
own
Princes
,
not
vouchsafing
to
violate
the
least
branch
that
is
of
their
own
Statutes
and
Constitutions
.
Was
not
that
King
highly
commended
by
his
own
subjects
,
praised
by
his
posterity
,
and
worthily
extolled
even
in
our
age
not
meaning
that
the
son
who
had
by
breach
of
the
Law
deserved
to
lose
both
his
eyes
,
should
escape
unpunished
(
which
might
be
offensive
unto
his
subjects
)
but
intending
to
moderate
and
qualifie
the
rigour
of
the
Law
,
because
he
was
his
Heir
(
which
for
some
considerations
is
tolerable
in
Princes
)
plucked
out
one
of
his
own
eyes
,
and
another
of
his
Sons
,
thereby
satisfying
,
if
not
the
rigour
,
yet
the
equity
of
the
Law
;
and
thereby
moving
his
subjects
to
compassion
in
regard
of
himself
,
and
to
obedience
to
the
same
Law
in
consideration
of
his
justice
.
I
have
stood
too
long
upon
the
confutation
of
this
last
objection
,
and
yet
have
touched
but
one
part
thereof
;
and
therefore
I
will
run
over
the
other
part
lightly
,
because
in
refelling
the
same
,
I
shall
need
but
to
make
a
brief
repetition
of
that
which
hath
been
said
already
:
for
if
you
remember
that
not
Bernard
the
Nephew
,
Hugh
Capet
,
and
not
Charls
Duke
of
Lorrain
enjoyed
the
Crown
immediately
after
Lotharius
:
That
Dagoberts
second
son
,
and
not
the
eldest
possessed
the
Royal
Scepter
after
him
:
That
Henry
the
younger
,
and
not
the
elder
brother
ruled
after
king
Robert
their
Father
;
and
that
Lewis
the
second
,
and
not
Robert
the
eldest
child
of
king
Lewis
the
Gross
,
was
called
to
the
royal
Scepter
and
Crown
of
France
;
and
also
,
if
it
may
please
you
to
call
to
remembrance
that
Pharamond
,
with
divers
others
before-mentioned
,
were
chosen
kings
,
you
shall
easily
see
and
perceive
,
that
there
hath
been
no
such
custome
,
or
at
the
least-wise
the
same
not
so
inviolable
as
it
is
suggested
,
for
the
next
of
the
Blood
to
succeed
always
in
his
own
right
,
and
not
as
Heir
to
hid
Predecessor
.
In
like
manner
if
you
please
to
understand
that
Theodorick
the
first
king
of
France
of
that
name
,
Do
nothing
,
because
he
had
make
France
Tributary
unto
Normandy
,
There
was
a
time
(
and
so
it
is
still
)
when
a
King
of
France
dyed
greatly
indebted
to
the
Switzers
,
which
debt
they
challenging
of
his
immediate
Successor
and
Heir
,
who
dyed
in
their
debt
;
It
was
answered
,
that
although
true
it
was
that
Contracts
do
bind
the
Contrahents
and
their
heirs
,
as
well
private
men
a
Princes
,
yet
the
Kings
of
France
not
succeeding
as
Heirs
,
but
as
Successors
by
custom
,
are
not
within
the
meaning
and
sense
of
that
Law
which
speaketh
of
Contracts
and
their
Contrahents
,
and
their
Heirs
only
.
The
fourth
point
whereat
they
wonder
,
is
,
why
the
Kings
of
England
having
good
right
unto
the
Crown
of
France
,
This
point
consisteth
of
two
several
points
,
the
one
why
we
forbear
to
challenge
our
right
?
the
other
by
what
occasion
we
lost
all
that
some
of
our
Kings
had
conquered
,
especially
Henry
the
fifth
,
who
subdued
the
greatest
part
of
France
;
and
although
he
dyed
very
young
,
yet
he
left
his
Son
Henry
the
Sixth
,
being
an
Infant
of
few
years
,
so
mighty
at
home
so
be-friended
abroad
,
so
accompanied
with
good
Souldiers
,
so
well
assisted
with
good
Counsellours
,
so
followed
by
cunning
and
expert
captains
,
This
first
point
is
easily
answered
,
because
ever
since
the
first
time
we
laid
claim
to
the
Crown
of
France
,
those
Princes
of
ours
who
were
Martial
men
,
and
inclined
to
Wars
,
demanded
their
Right
by
open
Wars
;
as
both
ours
and
their
Chronicles
do
testifie
.
But
it
pleased
God
sometimes
to
send
us
(
as
he
doth
unto
other
Kingdomes
)
such
Princes
as
were
rather
given
to
pleasure
,
and
unto
peace
,
rather
then
unto
Wars
,
and
Martial
exploits
;
in
whose
time
the
Frenchmen
were
wise
enough
to
take
advantage
of
their
quiet
and
peaceable
natures
;
and
when
our
Kings
and
Subjects
,
following
(
as
Subjects
commonly
do
)
the
humours
and
qualities
of
their
Princes
,
gave
themselves
unto
pleasures
and
pastimes
,
the
French
followed
the
Wars
;
and
either
by
open
Invasions
,
or
by
subtile
devices
,
recoverd
part
of
their
losses
.
Besides
it
hath
sometimes
fortuned
,
that
when
we
had
valiant
Princes
,
and
such
as
hath
both
good
will
and
sufficient
power
to
recover
their
Right
,
our
Realm
hath
either
been
divided
within
it self
,
and
by
domestical
dissention
hindred
to
prosecute
Forraign
Wars
:
Or
that
our
Kings
coming
by
their
kingdoms
by
force
of
Armes
,
have
had
more
mind
and
occasion
to
stable
and
assure
the
same
unto
themselves
and
their
Heirs
,
then
to
make
Wars
abroad
.
Again
during
the
contentions
betwixt
the
houses
of
Lancaster
and
of
York
,
sometimes
the
one
part
,
and
sometimes
the
other
sought
favour
and
friendship
,
and
alliance
of
the
Kings
of
France
;
and
they
who
prevailed
in
their
attempts
and
purposes
,
by
their
aid
,
furtherance
and
sufferance
;
thought
it
an
especial
point
of
wit
and
policy
to
seek
and
continue
their
Amity
;
yea
,
and
sometimes
to
buy
the
same
with
very
hard
conditions
;
lest
that
having
them
for
their
Enemies
,
they
should
either
invade
their
Realms
,
or
assist
their
Competitors
,
who
most
commonly
fled
unto
them
for
help
;
relief
,
and
succour
.
For
as
many
of
our
Kings
as
have
been
driven
out
of
their
Royal
Seats
and
Dignities
by
their
domestical
Adversaries
,
have
been
either
entertained
,
or
restored
to
their
Crowns
by
the
Kings
of
France
and
Scotland
,
the
Dukes
of
Burgundy
,
or
the
Princes
of
Henault
;
as
were
Edward
the
fourth
,
Henry
the
second
,
the
sixth
and
the
seventh
.
Besides
some
of
the
kings
of
France
,
as
namely
,
Lewis
The
same
Lewis
,
besides
this
manner
of
entertaining
of
our
Ambassadors
,
used
(
when
there
was
any
great
matter
in
debate
and
contention
betwixt
us
and
him
)
to
receive
all
Ambassages
that
were
sent
unto
him
,
and
never
to
answer
any
of
them
but
alwaies
promised
to
send
other
Ambassadors
after
them
,
who
should
bring
his
answers
,
and
give
our
king
such
assurance
of
all
things
whereof
he
had
occasion
to
doubt
,
that
he
should
have
no
longer
cause
to
be
discontented
;
and
when
it
came
to
the
sending
of
such
Ambassadors
,
because
he
would
be
still
assured
to
gain
time
,
he
sent
such
personages
as
never
had
been
in
England
before
;
to
the
end
,
that
if
his
former
Ambassadors
had
promised
any
thing
that
was
not
performed
,
or
begun
any
Treaty
that
was
not
finished
,
the
latter
should
not
be
able
to
make
any
answer
thereunto
,
but
enforced
to
desire
some
time
and
respite
to
acquaint
their
Master
therewith
,
and
to
crave
and
have
his
resolution
therein
.
Further
,
you
may
remember
that
it
hath
been
already
said
,
that
the
Almighty
,
to
the
end
that
Kingdoms
should
remain
still
under
their
natural
Princes
,
or
being
transferred
from
one
Nation
to
another
,
should
at
length
return
unto
kings
of
their
own
Nation
,
who
indeed
are
more
fit
to
govern
them
,
of
his
infinite
goodness
toward
man
doth
usually
send
a
peaceable
Successor
after
a
Warlike
Prince
,
in
whose
time
the
conquered
recover
either
all
or
part
of
their
losses
,
which
by
his
heavenly
will
and
pleasure
hath
hapned
in
England
as
well
as
in
other
places
:
For
we
have
had
such
Princes
as
did
as
well
lose
what
their
Predecessors
had
conquered
,
or
recover
what
some
of
them
lost
.
And
as
we
have
had
good
fortune
against
others
,
so
others
have
not
wanted
good
success
against
us
:
for
the
Romans
conquered
us
,
the
Saxons
subdued
us
,
the
Danes
ruled
us
,
and
lastly
the
Normans
had
the
upper
hand
of
us
;
of
whom
our
Kings
are
lineally
descended
,
and
in
whose
race
they
have
continued
better
then
500
years
.
Again
it
is
usual
betwixt
Princes
,
when
they
are
wearied
with
long
,
tedious
,
chargeable
and
dangerous
wars
,
to
desire
peace
,
and
to
yeild
to
the
same
upon
reasonable
conditions
;
and
in
consideration
of
their
troubles
endured
in
wars
,
of
their
charges
sustained
thereby
,
and
of
their
subjects
impoverished
by
the
means
thereof
,
to
take
long
times
of
Truce
,
and
surcease
from
wars
,
within
which
time
it
is
not
lawful
to
do
any
act
of
hostility
.
And
this
occasion
hath
also
restrained
some
of
our
Princes
for
attempting
any
thing
against
France
,
although
they
had
great
desire
to
recover
their
right
in
France
:
Moreover
it
hath
now
and
then
hapned
,
that
when
we
have
been
determined
to
prosecute
our
right
,
we
either
have
been
diverted
by
the
entreaty
of
other
Princes
,
who
have
been
mediators
for
peace
betwixt
France
and
us
;
Or
hindred
by
the
departure
of
such
Con●ederates
from
our
part
,
as
promised
to
aid
and
assist
us
in
our
enterprises
.
Or
drawn
from
them
to
defend
our selves
at
home
,
by
reason
of
the
sudden
invasions
which
have
been
made
by
the
Scots
upon
England
,
at
the
intreaty
and
perswasion
of
the
French
,
which
hath
been
the
usual
policy
of
the
Kings
of
France
,
to
turn
the
wars
from
themselves
upon
us
;
alwaies
retaining
the
Scots
for
their
friends
and
confederates
,
for
no
other
purpose
,
but
either
to
help
them
when
we
came
into
France
or
to
make
war
with
us
when
we
intended
to
have
carried
our
Forces
thither
.
Again
,
either
by
the
weakness
or
by
the
corruption
of
our
Council
,
we
have
(
as
hath
been
said
)
been
so
over-reached
by
the
Frenchmen
in
all
such
agreements
as
we
have
made
with
them
,
that
when
we
have
won
the
whole
,
we
have
been
contented
with
part
,
and
when
as
we
might
have
had
mountains
,
we
have
vouchsafed
to
accept
mole-hills
;
yea
,
we
have
bound
our selves
to
relinquish
our
Right
,
to
renounce
our
Titles
,
and
give
over
all
our
Interests
.
So
at
what
time
Prince
Edward
married
Isabella
daughter
of
Philip
sirnamed
the
Fair
,
we
resigned
the
Dutchy
of
Guyenna
.
So
Edward
sir-named
Long-hands
,
acquitted
the
French
King
of
all
the
right
he
had
to
the
Crown
of
France
,
to
the
Dutchy
of
Normandy
,
and
to
the
Earldoms
of
Anjou
,
Mayne
,
Tourrain
,
and
Poictou
.
So
Edward
3.
having
taken
King
Iohn
of
France
prisoner
at
Poictiou
,
and
retained
him
four
years
prisoner
in
England
,
took
certain
Towns
and
Countries
in
France
for
his
ransome
,
and
surrendred
the
residue
of
France
into
his
hands
,
to
be
held
by
him
and
his
heirs
for
ever
,
and
with
express
condition
never
to
lay
any
claim
thereunto
thereafter
.
These
agreements
have
been
another
cause
why
we
have
repressed
our
desires
,
and
not
prosecuted
our
rights
.
Lastly
,
when
we
conquered
France
,
and
had
continual
wars
therewith
,
the
Realm
was
not
then
as
it
hath
been
of
late
years
united
,
void
of
dissention
,
free
from
civil
wars
,
in
the
hands
,
and
under
the
government
of
one
King
,
and
not
divided
,
dis-membred
,
and
possessed
with
divers
petty
Princes
,
who
either
for
alliance
with
us
,
or
for
some
quarrel
betwixt
them
and
the
French
Kings
,
were
alwaies
ready
to
aid
and
assist
us
.
So
we
had
help
somtimes
of
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
,
of
the
Earl
of
Anjou
,
of
the
Duke
of
Britain
,
of
the
Earls
of
Foix
,
of
Flanders
,
of
Holland
,
and
of
Arminack
,
and
somtimes
of
the
kings
of
Navar
,
and
of
the
Emperors
of
Germany
;
which
helps
of
late
years
failing
us
,
and
the
reasons
already
mentioned
,
have
occasioned
our
weak
,
slender
,
and
slack
pursuit
of
the
Title
and
Interest
which
we
pretend
unto
the
Crown
of
France
.
Now
to
the
second
Point
of
this
fourth
Point
,
wherein
I
should
spend
so
much
time
,
and
overweary
you
with
too
long
&
impertinent
discourse
,
Normandy
,
Aquitania
,
and
every
other
member
of
France
;
and
therefore
it
shall
suffice
to
shew
you
,
how
and
when
we
had
conquered
almost
all
France
in
a
few
years
,
we
lost
again
all
in
a
very
short
time
.
Both
ours
and
the
French
Histories
agree
in
this
Point
,
That
either
in
,
or
immediately
after
the
happy
and
prosperous
Reign
of
Henry
the
fifth
,
we
flourished
,
and
possessed
most
in
France
;
and
lost
all
,
or
most
part
of
all
,
in
the
time
of
his
Son
Henry
the
sixth
.
The
ways
how
this
came
to
pass
were
many
,
I
have
reduced
them
unto
four
and
twenty
;
the
least
of
every
of
which
was
,
and
hath
been
enough
to
lose
whole
Estates
and
Kingdom
,
not
gotten
by
Conquests
,
which
are
easily
recovered
,
but
descending
by
Inheritance
,
which
are
hardly
lost
.
The
first
Cause
of
our
loss
of
whatsoever
King
Henry
the
fifth
had
gotten
in
France
,
The
second
Cause
was
the
sparkles
of
sedition
and
strife
which
began
betwixt
us
and
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
,
our
principal
Aider
and
Abettor
,
who
was
highly
discontented
with
us
,
because
that
Humphry
,
Duke
of
Glocester
,
either
blinded
with
ambition
,
or
doting
with
the
love
of
the
Lady
Iaquet
,
sole
Heir
unto
the
County
of
Holland
,
had
married
her
,
notwithstanding
that
her
Husband
Iohn
,
Duke
of
Brabant
,
and
Brother
to
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
,
was
then
living
.
The
third
Cause
was
,
the
liberty
of
Iames
King
of
Scotland
,
who
being
Ransomed
with
courtesie
,
and
having
sworn
Loyalty
unto
the
young
King
Henry
the
sixth
,
was
no
sooner
in
his
own
Country
,
then
he
forgot
his
Oath
,
and
allyed
himself
with
the
French
King
.
The
fourth
was
,
the
Revolt
and
departure
of
the
Duke
of
Britany
,
and
his
Brother
,
from
us
unto
the
French
King
.
The
fifth
Cause
was
,
the
dissention
betwixt
the
B●shop
of
Winchester
,
and
the
Duke
of
Glocester
,
who
governed
the
young
King
;
for
appeasing
whereof
the
Duke
of
Bedford
,
Regent
of
France
,
was
called
home
.
The
sixth
,
the
liberty
of
the
Duke
of
Alancon
,
who
being
Ransomed
in
the
Regents
absence
,
did
greatly
strengthen
the
Dolphins
power
.
The
seventh
,
the
death
of
the
Earl
of
Salisbury
,
and
of
the
worthiest
and
most
fortunate
Captain
that
ever
England
bred
at
Orleans
;
After
whose
decease
the
English
good
and
prosperous
fortune
presently
began
to
decline
.
The
eighth
,
was
the
refusal
of
the
Duke
of
Bedford
to
suffer
Orleans
to
yeild
to
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
;
Of
which
refusal
there
proceeded
two
great
inconveniencies
:
The
one
,
That
they
of
Orleans
offering
to
yeild
themselves
unto
the
said
Duke
,
because
they
held
it
less
dishonourable
to
yeild
unto
a
Frenchman
,
then
unto
an
English
Prince
,
although
it
were
to
the
behalf
and
use
of
the
King
of
England
;
and
seeing
their
offer
refused
,
grew
(
as
many
both
before
and
since
have
done
upon
the
like
occasion
)
so
wilful
,
obstinate
and
desperate
,
that
we
could
never
get
their
Town
,
but
suffered
great
losses
in
laying
and
continuing
our
Siege
thereat
a
very
long
time
,
and
indured
such
shame
by
departing
thence
without
taking
the
same
,
that
even
until
this
day
(
as
I
saw
of
late
years
my self
)
they
yearly
celebrate
this
day
as
Festival
,
to
our
great
dishonour
,
whereon
they
compelled
us
to
withdraw
thence
our
overwearied
and
bootless
Forces
.
The
other
,
That
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
thinking
by
this
refusal
that
we
envyed
his
Honour
too
much
,
who
had
rather
lose
a
Town
of
such
strength
and
importance
as
Orleans
was
,
then
to
suffer
it
to
yeild
unto
him
;
although
it
were
(
as
I
have
said
)
to
our
own
use
and
advantage
,
began
by
little
and
little
to
remove
his
affection
,
and
unfeigned
friendship
and
furtherance
from
us
.
The
ninth
,
The
often
conveying
of
Forces
out
of
England
into
Holland
,
and
in
succour
of
the
Duke
of
Glocester
against
the
Duke
of
Brabant
,
who
as
mortal
enemies
,
warred
one
upon
the
other
,
for
the
cause
above
mentioned
;
and
also
into
Bohemia
,
by
the
Bishop
of
Winchester
,
for
the
Pope
Martin
,
who
intended
to
make
a
Conquest
of
Bohemia
.
The
tenth
,
The
Dolphins
policy
who
refused
divers
times
to
put
tryal
of
his
cause
to
the
hazard
of
a
Battel
.
The
eleventh
,
The
mistrust
and
jealousie
which
the
Regent
had
of
the
Parisians
;
for
fear
of
whose
wavering
and
unconstant
minds
(
a
fault
whereto
they
have
always
been
greatly
subject
)
the
said
Regent
left
divers
times
very
good
and
advantagious
occasions
to
fight
with
the
Dolphin
,
and
return
to
Paris
.
The
twelfth
,
The
variance
and
strife
betwixt
the
Duke
of
Bedford
,
then
Regent
,
and
the
Cardinal
of
Winchester
,
proceeding
of
this
cause
especially
,
for
that
the
Cardinal
presumed
to
command
the
Regent
to
leave
off
that
name
during
the
Kings
being
in
France
;
affirming
,
the
chief
Ruler
being
present
,
the
Authority
of
the
substitute
to
cease
,
and
to
be
derogate
.
The
thirteenth
,
The
death
of
the
Dutchess
of
Bedford
,
Sister
unto
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
,
with
whom
dyed
the
true
friendship
between
the
two
Dukes
.
The
fourteenth
,
The
foolish
pride
of
the
Duke
of
Bedford
,
who
coming
from
Paris
of
purpose
to
St
Omers
,
a
Town
belonging
to
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
,
and
appointed
and
chosen
a
convenient
place
for
them
to
meet
,
and
end
all
contentions
betwixt
them
both
,
thought
that
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
should
have
come
to
his
Lodging
to
have
visited
him
first
,
as
Son
,
Brother
,
and
Uncle
unto
Kings
;
And
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
being
Lord
of
that
place
,
would
not
vouchsafe
him
that
Honour
,
but
offered
to
meet
him
half
way
;
which
the
Duke
of
Bedford
refusing
,
they
departed
the
Town
discontented
,
and
without
seeing
one
another
,
and
never
after
saw
and
con●erred
together
.
The
fifteenth
,
The
Duke
of
Burgundy
displeased
with
this
occasio●
▪
and
won
,
partly
by
the
outcries
of
his
own
people
(
overwearied
with
wars
)
and
partly
by
the
general
councel
held
at
Arras
for
the
according
and
agreeing
of
the
two
Kings
,
joineth
with
the
French
King
.
The
sixteenth
,
The
death
of
the
Duke
of
Bedfore
,
who
being
a
man
throughly
acquainted
with
the
humors
and
wars
of
France
,
by
reason
of
his
long
continuance
in
the
one
,
and
conversation
with
the
other
,
died
the
fourteenth
year
of
Henry
the
6.
his
Reigne
,
and
presently
after
many
French
Noblemen
,
and
worthy
Souldiers
who
followed
the
said
Duke
,
with-drew
themselves
from
the
English
Faction
.
The
seventeenth
,
The
Duke
of
York
his
Successors
so
long
stay
in
England
,
occasioned
by
the
malice
of
the
Duke
of
Somerset
,
that
before
his
coming
into
France
,
Paris
,
and
many
other
good
Towns
of
France
had
yeilded
unto
the
Dolphin
.
The
eighteenth
,
The
sending
over
but
of
hundreds
,
yea
,
of
scores
,
where
before
thousands
were
sent
,
to
keep
Holds
not
comparable
to
Paris
,
and
other
such
like
places
.
The
nineteenth
,
An
unprofitable
marriage
concluded
betwixt
our
King
,
and
Margaret
daughter
unto
Rainer
king
of
Sicily
and
Ierusalem
,
by
the
means
of
the
Earl
of
Suffolk
,
corrupted
(
as
it
was
thought
)
by
money
:
for
the
King
had
nothing
with
her
,
but
delivered
for
her
the
Dutchy
of
Anjoyne
,
the
City
of
Mouns
,
and
the
County
of
Mayne
;
which
Countries
were
the
very
stayes
of
the
Dutchy
of
Normandy
.
The
twentieth
,
The
Earl
of
Arminack
(
with
whose
Kinswoman
the
King
should
have
married
)
by
reason
of
the
aforesaid
marriage
,
became
the
Kings
enemy
,
and
the
chief
cause
of
the
loss
of
the
Dukedom
of
Aquitain
.
The
one
and
twentieth
,
The
Queen
disdaining
that
the
King
her
husband
should
be
ruled
by
the
Duke
of
Glocester
,
never
left
till
she
had
brought
him
to
his
untimely
death
.
The
two
and
twentieth
,
The
Dukes
death
,
which
divers
French
Noblemen
hearing
of
,
revolted
from
our
King
;
whose
Realm
was
(
as
he
knew
)
divided
within
it self
,
because
Richard
Duke
of
York
,
allyed
by
his
wife
unto
the
chief
Peers
of
the
Realm
,
began
to
contemn
the
King
,
who
was
ruled
by
his
wife
,
and
to
lay
claim
privily
unto
the
Crown
,
whereby
mens
minds
were
not
attentive
unto
Forreign
affairs
,
but
wholly
given
to
prevent
and
keep
off
proffered
wrongs
at
home
.
The
three
and
twentieth
,
The
King
himself
,
who
being
more
given
to
a
purchase
of
an
heavenly
,
then
of
an
Earthly
Kingdom
,
regarded
not
the
matter
,
but
suffered
the
Queen
to
be
governed
by
ill
counsel
.
The
four
and
twentieth
,
The
sudden
,
and
as
it
were
in
a
manner
,
the
miraculous
coming
of
the
Virgin
of
Orleans
unto
the
Dolphin
,
who
wrought
him
very
strangely
to
leave
those
follies
whereunto
he
was
vainly
given
,
and
to
betake
himself
with
more
courage
and
diligence
unto
the
violent
pursuit
and
following
of
his
cause
.
And
because
as
of
a
few
sparkles
somtimes
ariseth
a
great
fire
,
so
of
very
light
occasions
,
now
and
then
come
wondrous
effects
;
I
will
briefly
declare
unto
you
the
history
of
this
Virgin
,
and
also
the
means
how
she
being
a
base
and
mean
Maiden
,
was
reputed
to
be
sent
from
heaven
,
to
work
such
wonders
as
I
may
say
in
some
manner
with
the
Dolphin
:
This
Maiden
was
a
poor
Shepherds
daughter
,
and
alwaies
brought
up
to
attend
and
keep
her
Fathers
Sheep
,
until
a
Gentleman
of
some
accompt
and
worth
,
dwelling
not
far
off
,
thought
it
expedient
,
by
reason
of
a
bold
spirit
which
was
seen
and
observed
to
be
in
her
,
somwhat
exceeding
the
common
courage
of
women
,
to
use
her
as
an
instrument
to
bring
the
Dolphin
,
who
lay
at
Borghes
,
besotted
with
the
love
of
a
very
fair
Damsel
,
and
careless
of
his
own
estate
,
and
of
the
honour
of
his
Realm
,
from
that
wretchless
security
,
unto
a
better
trade
of
of
life
,
and
a
more
earnest
desire
of
the
recovery
of
his
losses
:
First
he
made
the
Maiden
privie
to
divers
secret
qualities
of
the
Dolphin
,
which
he
being
an
ancient
and
continual
Courtier
,
had
observed
from
him
in
his
Infancy
:
Then
by
shewing
her
every
day
his
Picture
,
as
truly
and
lively
drawn
as
might
possibly
be
done
,
he
acquainted
her
so
well
with
the
form
and
shape
of
his
face
,
that
she
might
easily
know
him
,
although
he
were
never
so
much
disguised
amongst
a
number
of
other
Courtiers
:
And
thirdly
,
he
learned
her
many
other
things
far
beyond
the
reach
and
capacity
of
a
poor
simple
Maiden
,
and
taught
her
both
to
foretel
,
and
to
do
such
things
as
made
her
to
be
taken
for
a
very
wise
woman
in
the
Country
.
This
done
,
he
resorteth
to
the
Court
,
acquainteth
divers
Courtiers
with
his
purpose
and
intention
;
and
how
that
he
,
considering
that
many
other
policies
and
devices
had
failed
,
to
make
the
Dolphin
to
be
more
careful
of
the
present
lamentable
estate
of
France
,
had
with
much
labour
,
travel
,
and
study
,
invented
a
very
ready
way
to
stir
him
up
to
diligence
and
care
of
his
Realm
and
Country
,
and
to
enforce
or
perswade
him
to
forsake
those
pleasures
which
had
not
only
seduced
and
mis-led
him
,
but
also
the
most
and
better
part
of
his
Nobility
,
by
whose
negligence
France
was
already
fallen
into
bondage
,
servitude
,
and
thraldome
.
This
matter
,
saith
he
,
must
be
brought
to
pass
,
not
by
humane
policy
,
but
by
perswading
the
Dolphin
(
as
I
have
found
a
means
how
to
do
it
)
that
God
hath
sent
a
Virgin
as
it
were
from
heaven
,
to
be
his
Guide
and
Leader
against
his
enemies
,
whom
(
as
long
as
he
should
follow
)
he
should
undoubtedly
be
accompanied
with
good
and
fortunate
success
.
Having
won
divers
friends
of
his
to
allow
of
his
device
,
and
to
consent
to
the
putting
of
the
same
in
execution
,
he
and
they
spread
a
rumour
in
the
Dolphin's
Court
,
of
many
strange
things
which
they
said
had
been
already
done
by
this
Virgin
,
which
report
came
in
time
to
the
Dolphin's
ears
;
who
being
(
as
Princes
,
and
others
commonly
are
)
very
desirous
to
know
the
truth
of
this
report
,
sent
for
this
Gentleman
(
because
it
was
told
him
that
he
dwelt
very
nigh
unto
her
)
and
asked
him
what
wonders
she
had
wrought
:
He
verified
the
common
report
,
and
added
further
,
That
she
must
needs
have
some
secret
vertues
more
then
other
men
or
women
could
commonly
have
,
for
that
she
had
told
him
divers
secrets
of
his
own
,
which
he
never
told
unto
any
man
:
Which
seeming
somwhat
strange
unto
the
Dolphin
;
he
(
to
make
up
the
matter
)
assured
him
,
that
if
she
were
called
from
her
Fathers
poor
cottage
to
the
Court
,
he
would
not
think
any
thing
untrue
that
was
reported
of
her
;
for
I
dare
undertake
(
said
he
)
that
she
shall
tell
you
your
own
secrets
,
and
know
you
,
and
reverence
you
as
King
,
although
she
never
saw
you
in
her
life
,
and
albeit
you
disguise
your self
in
the
habit
of
the
meanest
Courtier
within
your
Court
:
And
further
,
I
have
heard
say
,
that
she
can
and
will
direct
you
a
course
,
how
you
shall
(
within
a
very
short
time
)
drive
the
Englishmen
your
enemies
out
of
France
.
The
Dolphin
somwhat
astonished
with
the
strangeness
of
this
tale
,
and
very
desirous
to
see
the
Maiden
,
caused
her
presently
to
be
sent
for
,
disguised
himself
in
a
mean
apparel
,
and
willed
one
of
his
chief
Noblemen
to
be
honoured
,
apparelled
,
and
accompanied
as
King
,
upon
whom
,
he
amongst
the
rest
attended
in
proper
person
.
The
Maiden
being
brought
to
Court
in
a
strange
attire
made
for
the
nonce
,
and
apparelleld
like
a
Souldier
,
and
instructed
in
some
points
of
Chivalry
by
the
Gentleman
before
she
came
thither
,
and
especially
in
the
fashions
of
the
Court
,
and
other
circumstances
of
the
same
,
so
demeaned
her self
,
that
it
may
be
said
of
her
,
Non
minuit
,
sed
auget
praesentia
famam
;
She
findeth
out
the
Dolphin
presently
in
the
midst
of
the
thickest
th●ong
,
yeildeth
him
reverence
due
and
usually
shewed
unto
a
King
:
Who
ravished
with
the
strangeness
thereof
(
for
that
it
was
certainly
known
that
she
was
never
in
the
Court
,
nor
had
at
any
time
seen
him
)
talketh
with
her
,
findeth
her
wise
in
her
answers
,
and
able
to
tell
●im
m●st
part
of
his
secrets
;
and
to
be
short
,
she
being
seconded
by
the
Gentleman
,
and
others
(
whom
he
,
and
the
pity
they
had
of
the
poor
estate
of
the
Country
,
had
made
willing
and
ready
to
joyn
with
her
in
such
petitions
and
motions
as
she
had
made
unto
the
Dolphin
)
setled
such
an
opinion
of
wisdom
and
holiness
in
him
,
that
he
presently
took
her
for
a
guide
sent
from
heaven
,
to
direct
him
in
all
his
doings
;
and
by
her
perswasions
,
left
his
Love
,
and
followed
this
maiden
to
the
wars
;
who
being
always
accompanied
with
good
Captains
,
and
counselled
by
them
what
directions
she
should
give
to
the
Dolphin
to
the
end
she
might
win
credit
with
him
▪
at
the
first
sped
very
well
in
many
things
which
she
attempted
,
and
especially
in
raising
our
siege
at
Orleans
,
where
I
have
seen
her
picture
in
brass
,
mounted
upon
a
very
large
brazen
horse
,
and
there
is
yearly
(
as
I
have
said
before
)
a
solemn
Feast
,
and
procession
kept
,
in
remembrance
of
her
,
that
she
drave
the
Englishmen
from
thence
.
The
Dolphin
being
thus
animated
by
her
,
and
encouraged
by
the
good
success
which
followed
her
for
a
while
,
proceeded
so
manfully
,
that
he
never
left
,
until
he
had
recovered
all
the
Kingdom
of
France
:
So
he
by
her
sped
not
ill
,
but
she
for
him
had
no
good
end
;
for
being
in
the
end
taken
by
the
Englishmen
,
and
arraigned
at
Roan
,
upon
divers
articles
of
witchcraft
,
was
found
guilty
,
and
there
burnt
for
a
witch
.
A
strange
metamorphosis
,
and
not
so
strange
as
ridiculo●s
.
But
if
you
consider
how
many
things
Scipo
perswaded
a
few
Roman
Souldiers
to
do
,
which
were
almost
impossible
to
be
done
by
a
few
,
only
by
telling
them
that
he
had
often
and
secret
conference
with
a
Goddess
,
who
counselled
him
to
put
those
things
in
execution
,
and
promised
him
good
success
in
those
enterprises
;
you
may
easily
think
that
his
policy
might
work
the
effect
which
it
wrought
.
It
is
written
of
Mahomet
the
God
of
the
Turks
,
that
he
grew
to
the
credit
and
reputation
of
a
God
,
It
is
written
again
of
Kemitius
King
of
Scotland
,
that
when
he
had
oftentimes
endeavoured
by
divers
ways
to
induce
his
Nobility
to
think
well
of
his
intended
Wars
against
the
Picts
,
That
they
were
Messengers
sent
thither
from
Heaven
,
to
tell
the
Scottish
Nobility
,
that
they
ought
to
hearken
to
the
advice
and
Counsel
that
Kemitius
their
King
gave
them
,
and
to
aid
and
assist
him
to
recover
his
Kingdom
out
of
the
hands
and
possession
of
the
Picts
:
When
they
had
thus
said
,
every
one
of
them
(
as
he
was
taught
)
hid
his
staff
under
his
Gown
,
and
gathering
the
fishes
scales
together
in
such
manner
,
that
it
seemed
unto
the
beholders
,
that
as
the
glittering
,
so
they
suddenly
vanished
away
.
In
the
morning
the
Nobility
met
together
,
and
every
one
of
them
telleth
the
King
what
he
had
seen
and
heard
that
night
;
he
wondred
thereat
,
as
though
he
had
not
known
thereof
,
telleth
them
he
had
the
like
vision
,
but
thought
not
good
to
acquaint
them
therewith
,
lest
that
they
glorying
too
much
in
the
special
favour
which
God
shewed
unto
them
,
should
by
revealing
the
same
,
before
it
was
time
,
unto
over
many
,
greatly
offend
his
heavenly
Majesty
;
but
that
he
meant
to
shew
unto
them
what
he
had
heard
and
seen
,
when
the
Wars
were
happily
undertaken
and
ended
.
The
Nobility
confirmed
in
the
opinion
of
the
Miracle
by
the
Kings
report
,
yeilded
presently
unto
his
Counsel
,
and
with
all
possible
speed
made
great
preparation
for
the
Wars
against
the
Picts
.
But
now
from
these
by-tales
again
to
my
purpose
,
which
I
might
dilate
and
beautify
with
examples
,
confirming
every
one
of
these
24.
Causes
to
be
sufficient
to
lose
a
Kingdom
;
but
your
own
reason
and
experience
is
able
to
assure
you
thereof
;
and
therefore
I
will
proceed
no
further
in
this
Point
;
Saving
that
I
have
thought
good
to
clear
one
thing
,
which
perhaps
may
seem
doubtful
unto
you
;
for
I
think
it
wil
seem
strange
unto
you
why
I
call
him
by
the
name
of
Dolphin
,
whom
the
French
Chronicles
call
Charls
the
seventh
;
you
know
that
our
Kings
eldest
Son
,
during
the
life
of
his
Father
,
ever
sithence
that
Wales
,
was
first
conquered
by
England
,
was
called
the
Prince
of
Wales
;
And
so
the
eldest
Sons
of
the
Kings
of
France
,
have
bin
called
Dolphins
of
France
,
since
that
Imbert
and
Humbert
dyed
without
Heir
,
and
gave
Dolphiny
unto
Philip
deValois
,
King
of
France
,
Don
Antonio
,
as
he
was
called
before
the
Kingdom
fell
unto
him
by
descent
;
and
the
Leaguers
call
the
now
King
of
France
,
not
by
the
name
of
King
of
France
,
but
King
of
Navarra
;
yea
the
Spaniards
(
as
I
have
said
before
)
considering
that
their
King
enjoyeth
a
great
part
of
that
Kingdom
,
The
first
point
whereat
they
wonder
is
,
why
the
King
of
Spain
(
whose
Predecessors
not
much
more
then
320
years
agoe
,
were
but
very
poor
Earls
of
Hapsburg
in
Swizzeland
,
until
that
in
the
year
1273.
Rodulph
Earl
of
Hapsburg
was
chosen
Emperour
)
is
grown
to
be
a
King
of
more
might
,
In
this
point
there
are
these
parts
to
be
considered
,
The
increase
of
the
house
of
Austria
,
and
how
it
came
;
The
continuance
thereof
,
and
whence
it
proceeded
;
The
fall
and
decay
of
the
Emperour
,
and
what
was
the
cause
thereof
;
Lastly
ours
and
others
losses
,
and
how
they
hapned
.
The
Spaniards
increase
is
rare
,
but
not
marvelous
;
because
few
Princes
have
been
blessed
with
the
like
fortune
;
not
marvelous
,
because
the
causes
thereof
are
ordinary
,
and
not
in
any
respect
strange
or
wonderous
,
for
that
very
many
mean
men
have
enjoyed
the
like
success
;
for
of
the
Kingdomes
,
Dominions
,
and
Seigniories
which
he
now
possesseth
,
he
came
by
some
justly
,
as
those
which
came
unto
him
by
succession
and
inheritance
;
others
valiantly
,
as
those
which
his
Ancestors
conquered
by
force
of
Armes
;
some
fortunately
,
as
those
which
his
Predecessors
got
by
marriages
;
others
most
wrongfully
,
as
those
which
he
or
they
usurped
unjustly
.
So
private
men
which
grow
unto
excessive
wealth
,
get
some
thereof
with
cunning
,
as
that
which
they
attain
by
deceit
and
policy
,
other-some
happily
,
as
that
which
cometh
unto
them
by
marriage
,
some
painfully
,
as
that
which
they
purchase
by
great
Industry
,
other
some
wrongfully
,
as
that
which
they
extort
from
their
Neighbours
by
violence
,
injury
,
wrong
,
or
oppression
.
It
is
and
hath
been
alwayes
usual
amongst
Princes
to
give
their
Kingdomes
and
chief
Dominions
unto
their
eldest
Sons
,
and
the
Appendancies
unto
their
younger
children
;
and
those
Princes
who
have
commonly
come
by
Election
unto
higher
dignity
then
ever
they
expected
,
have
likewife
always
accustomed
for
the
increase
of
their
greatness
,
and
the
advancement
of
their
house
and
family
,
to
bestow
whatsoever
falleth
void
in
the
time
of
their
Government
belonging
unto
the
same
,
upon
their
children
;
even
as
Bishops
,
Deans
,
and
other
Prelates
of
the
Church
,
in
these
dayes
,
grant
all
the
Leases
,
Coppy-holds
,
Farms
and
Tenements
which
belonging
unto
their
Bishoppricks
,
Deaneries
,
and
Prebendaries
,
fall
void
in
their
time
,
upon
their
children
,
or
their
neerest
kinsmen
.
But
betwixt
Princes
and
Prelates
there
is
this
difference
,
That
Princes
give
with
this
condition
,
that
for
default
of
Heirs
Males
of
their
bodies
unto
whom
they
give
,
their
gifts
should
return
from
whence
they
came
;
and
Prelates
for
the
most
part
give
for
term
of
life
,
or
for
certain
years
;
and
yet
those
Prelates
who
besides
their
prelacy
challenge
to
be
absolute
Princes
(
of
which
number
I
read
of
none
so
absolute
or
liberal
in
that
respect
as
the
Pope
of
Rome
)
grant
many
times
,
not
Seigniories
,
but
Kingdomes
and
Principalities
with
the
like
conditions
,
yea
and
impose
a
yearly
fee
and
pension
to
be
paid
unto
them
and
their
Heirs
,
unto
whom
they
give
out
of
the
See
of
Rome
,
from
whence
they
and
their
posterity
receive
the
same
gifts
:
Martin
of
Scala
,
the
cities
of
Verona
and
Vicenza
,
upon
William
Gonzega
,
Mantua
and
Rezzo
,
upon
Albertin
Corazza
,
Padua
,
and
the
Territories
thereof
,
upon
Obizes
Estenses
,
Ferrara
and
the
Dukedom
thereof
:
Geleotto
Malatesta
,
the
Regiment
of
Arminio
,
Pescar●
,
and
Fano
unto
Anthony
Mountefeltro
the
Dukedom
of
Urbine
,
and
the
Country
called
La
Marca
unto
Geytel
de
Veronio
,
the
Dukedom
of
Chamerino
unto
Guido
de
Polenti
,
the
city
of
Ravenna
unto
Cinbaldo
Ordelafy
,
the
cities
of
Furly
and
of
Cesena
unto
Iohn
Manfred
Faenza
,
and
unto
Lewis
Adolisti
the
city
of
Imola
:
So
there
was
a
time
when
as
Pope
Urban
gave
unto
Charles
Earl
of
Argiers
and
of
Provence
,
the
kingdom
of
Sicily
,
and
the
Dukedomes
of
Puglia
and
Calabria
,
There
began
his
house
:
Now
shall
you
see
how
it
came
to
further
advancement
.
His
States
,
some
are
within
his
native
Country
,
and
some
without
the
same
:
They
within
,
are
the
Kingdoms
of
Castile
,
of
Aragon
,
and
of
Lyons
,
&c.
twelve
in
number
;
somtimes
belonging
unto
so
many
several
Princes
,
and
in
process
of
time
united
and
appropriated
unto
one
.
So
was
France
in
ancient
time
divided
into
three
Kingdoms
;
Mets
,
Childebert
king
of
Paris
,
and
Clotarius
of
Soissons
:
So
in
the
year
514.
was
added
unto
these
three
Kingdoms
a
fourth
,
namely
Orleans
;
and
every
one
of
those
Kings
was
commonly
called
King
of
France
;
and
for
the
better
knowledge
of
them
,
and
difference
between
them
,
it
was
added
,
The
King
of
France
holding
his
Mansion
house
or
Royal
Court
at
Paris
,
at
Orleans
,
at
Soissons
,
or
at
Mets.
And
the
Soveraignty
of
Basemain
of
these
four
Kingdoms
was
due
only
unto
the
King
of
Paris
,
as
unto
the
chief
and
principal
King
,
until
in
the
year
618.
all
these
kingdoms
were
united
and
incorporated
into
one
.
So
was
England
divided
into
many
kingdoms
,
as
into
the
kingdom
of
Kent
,
of
Northumberland
,
&c.
So
the
three
sons
of
Brutus
,
as
Camber
,
Locrinus
,
The
States
without
the
limits
of
Spain
,
some
of
them
are
Kingdoms
,
as
of
Naples
,
of
Navarra
,
of
both
Sicilies
,
and
of
Portugal
,
together
with
the
many
Kingdoms
of
both
the
East
and
the
West
Indies
;
some
Earldoms
and
Dukedoms
,
as
of
Milan
,
Brabant
,
and
Flanders
,
of
Burgundy
,
and
briefly
of
the
seventeen
United
Provinces
:
How
he
came
by
all
these
,
it
will
be
more
tedious
then
wondrous
to
declare
.
The
Kingdoms
of
Naples
and
Sicily
have
been
the
butchery
of
most
Nations
of
Europe
;
For
the
Popes
challenging
to
be
Soveraign
Lords
thereof
,
In
the
year
1381.
Pope
Clement
crowned
in
Avignion
,
Naples
Sicily
,
and
Ierusalem
,
and
Duke
of
Cambria
,
and
Earl
of
Provence
.
This
gift
and
adoption
was
ratified
by
the
Pope
,
and
furthered
by
the
Frenchmen
for
these
respects
.
Clement
the
pope
having
a
Corrival
named
Urban
,
who
was
favoured
by
the
king
of
Castile
,
and
of
Hungary
,
thought
it
convenient
and
necessary
for
him
to
procure
the
help
and
assistance
▪
of
the
Frenchmen
for
the
better
maintenance
of
his
cause
(
as
divers
of
his
Predecessors
had
done
before
him
)
and
therefore
with
his
gift
and
donation
so
wrought
and
won
unto
him
the
said
Lewis
,
who
was
then
Regent
of
France
,
that
although
the
Kings
above-mentioned
had
sent
their
Ambassadors
unto
the
French
king
to
entreat
his
favour
and
furtherance
for
Pope
Urban
,
they
could
not
prevail
with
him
,
because
the
said
Lewis
,
who
governed
the
king
,
and
all
the
Realm
,
was
wholly
for
Clement
;
insomuch
that
through
his
favour
Clement's
Cardinals
had
all
the
best
Benefices
,
and
Ecclesiastical
promotions
of
France
,
without
any
respect
being
had
to
their
lives
,
to
their
learning
,
to
their
qualities
,
or
to
their
Religion
.
The
Frenchmen
aided
the
said
Lewis
in
this
quarrel
,
and
in
his
Wars
for
the
obtaining
of
these
Kingdoms
,
most
willingly
;
because
they
were
desirous
to
send
him
far
from
home
,
who
wearied
them
at
home
daylie
with
new
Taxes
,
and
unaccustomed
grievances
.
Pope
Urbane
,
on
the
contrary
side
to
gratifie
his
friends
,
and
to
be
assured
of
their
help
,
Conradin
,
What
Contentions
have
been
betwixt
divers
Families
of
Italy
,
and
divers
Houses
of
Naples
it self
for
those
Kingdoms
,
the
Chronicles
of
Italy
report
;
And
I
hasten
from
this
Nation
to
our
own
Country
,
because
it
may
seem
somewhat
strange
we
had
ever
to
do
so
far
from
home
;
and
what
quarrel
,
presence
,
or
title
we
could
lay
to
a
Kingdom
so
remote
and
far
distant
from
England
.
By
that
which
hath
been
said
you
may
easily
perceive
that
the
Popes
have
used
these
Kingdoms
,
and
their
pretensive
right
unto
them
,
for
the
only
means
and
instruments
to
furnish
themselves
with
friends
in
time
of
need
and
necessity
:
And
when
they
began
to
be
weary
upon
any
occasion
,
of
the
present
King
of
Naples
,
they
incontinently
set
upon
another
;
displaced
their
enemy
,
and
called
such
a
Prince
as
best
pleased
them
,
or
the
time
or
the
opportunity
made
fittest
to
hearken
to
their
perswasions
,
and
to
persecute
their
Adversaries
,
into
Italy
;
and
there
continued
and
cherished
him
for
a
time
,
until
they
likewise
grew
weary
of
him
,
or
he
could
no
longer
stand
them
in
stead
.
This
is
verified
by
many
Armies
that
have
been
especially
brought
out
of
France
,
and
by
sundry
Kings
and
Princes
of
that
Country
,
who
spent
their
time
,
travel
,
and
treasure
,
in
those
Wars
:
But
there
is
not
one
Example
that
confirmeth
the
same
more
apparently
then
that
which
our
Histories
report
of
Henry
the
third
,
King
of
England
.
This
King
by
reason
he
had
Reigned
many
years
,
saw
sundry
alterations
in
divers
Kingdoms
;
First
he
defamed
the
said
Conrade
,
accused
him
of
Heresie
,
layed
murther
to
his
charge
,
burthened
him
with
the
death
and
poysoning
of
his
own
Brother
,
thereby
making
him
odious
to
the
world
.
Then
not
thinking
it
sufficient
to
disgrace
and
discredit
him
(
for
that
the
Princes
neither
then
,
nor
in
those
days
did
easily
undertake
Wars
one
against
another
in
hatred
of
the
vices
which
possessed
them
,
but
in
hope
of
the
Kingdoms
which
they
enjoyed
)
he
,
to
encourage
our
King
the
more
,
gave
him
the
Kingdoms
of
Apulia
and
Sicily
,
and
entituled
his
Son
by
the
name
of
king
of
both
those
Countries
;
And
understanding
that
he
wanted
sufficient
men
to
imploy
in
that
service
,
Thus
you
see
that
Naples
and
Sicily
have
been
both
troublesome
and
chargeable
to
as
many
Nations
as
I
before
named
;
And
yet
you
see
not
how
they
came
directly
unto
the
house
of
Spain
,
nor
with
what
Right
and
Title
king
Philip
possesseth
them
at
this
day
.
To
the
end
therefore
that
herein
as
well
as
in
other
Points
,
you
may
be
fully
satisfied
,
I
will
let
you
understand
the
late
claims
and
challenges
layed
and
made
to
those
Kingdoms
.
Charls
the
eighth
,
The
Frenchmen
enjoyed
not
their
Conquest
many
years
;
for
Ferdinando
,
This
claim
of
Ferdinandos
was
furthered
by
Pope
Iulio
the
second
,
who
either
being
wearied
of
the
insolency
of
the
Frenchmen
,
or
desirous
to
follow
the
steps
of
his
inconstant
Predecessors
,
or
rather
willing
to
revenge
the
wrong
offered
unto
his
Predecessor
by
Charls
the
eighth
,
Civita
Vecchia
,
of
Forracina
,
and
of
Spoleto
,
to
hold
them
until
he
had
made
full
conquest
of
Naples
,
and
also
constrained
him
to
invest
himself
in
the
said
Kingdom
,
besought
Ferdinan●o
king
of
Aragon
,
to
undertake
the
defence
of
the
Church
,
Secondly
,
there
fell
such
a
disease
amongst
the
Frenchmen
,
by
reason
of
the
abundance
of
fruit
which
they
eat
daylie
,
Thirdly
▪
that
poor
and
small
remainder
that
was
lest
,
presuming
that
this
composition
should
be
held
inviolable
,
grew
so
negligent
and
careless
,
that
they
suffered
the
Spaniards
to
do
all
that
they
would
,
and
never
distrusted
them
,
until
it
was
too
late
.
Lastly
,
Gonsalvo
being
required
to
desist
from
Wars
because
there
was
a
peace
concluded
betwixt
the
Spanish
and
French
kings
,
in
regard
whereof
the
French
General
had
long
before
surceased
all
acts
of
hostility
;
answered
,
That
he
could
not
leave
off
his
wars
,
because
he
knew
not
what
authority
Don
Philip
(
who
was
the
Mediator
of
that
Peace
,
and
should
have
had
the
French
Kings
daughter
for
wife
to
his
son
Charls
)
had
from
the
King
and
Queen
of
Spain
to
conclude
the
said
Peace
:
And
the
said
King
and
Queen
hearing
of
the
good
success
which
their
General
had
daily
against
the
Frenchmen
,
permitted
him
to
proceed
as
he
began
,
and
disclaimed
all
that
was
agreed
,
or
yeil●ed
unto
by
the
said
Don
Philippo
,
saying
that
he
had
no
power
or
authority
from
them
to
make
any
such
agreement
.
But
Don
Philippo
seeing
his
credit
thereby
called
in
question
,
published
to
all
the
world
that
he
had
done
nothing
more
in
the
concluding
the
said
peace
,
From
Naples
and
Sicily
,
I
hasten
to
the
kingdom
of
Navarra
,
gotten
by
the
Spaniards
Predecessors
,
and
held
as
unlawfully
by
him
,
as
the
two
other
kingdomes
;
This
then
being
most
manifest
,
it
must
needs
follow
,
that
the
king
of
Aragon
did
most
wrongfully
invade
and
take
from
him
his
kingdom
;
and
so
consequently
the
king
of
Spain
withholdeth
the
same
from
the
present
king
of
Navarra
,
with
no
better
right
or
reason
then
he
that
detaineth
a
private
mans
lands
,
who
never
having
any
just
title
thereunto
,
justifieth
his
Tenure
by
no
other
reason
but
by
a
few
years
wrongful
possession
;
which
giveth
no
just
title
▪
especially
if
the
same
hath
been
continually
claimed
and
demanded
by
the
lawful
owners
thereof
,
as
without
all
doubt
the
kingdom
of
Navar
hath
been
;
for
the
present
king
and
his
Predecessors
did
oftentimes
require
restitution
thereof
of
them
which
did
wrongfully
detain
it
;
And
had
not
the
civil
wars
of
France
hindred
the
present
king
from
demanding
the
same
by
force
of
Arms
,
he
had
long
before
this
time
warred
upon
the
now
king
of
Spain
,
for
the
recovery
thereof
.
Now
to
the
Kingdom
of
Portugal
.
This
kingdom
as
Scotland
and
Navarra
are
members
of
the
kingdom
of
England
and
France
,
so
it
is
a
member
of
the
kingdom
of
Spain
;
Don
Antonio
,
and
no
lawful
king
of
Portugal
;
for
besides
that
the
chief
of
the
Nobility
of
that
Realm
were
either
cruelly
murthered
in
the
said
War
,
or
unkindly
held
in
extream
thraledom
or
servitude
by
the
Spaniard
,
their
natural
and
professed
enemy
;
the
rightful
King
was
most
wrongfully
driven
from
his
lawful
Inheritance
,
to
live
as
you
know
,
in
a
strange
Country
with
the
Princely
,
and
yet
slender
releif
that
her
Majesty
of
her
Royal
liberality
and
clemency
vouchsafeth
him
and
his
poor
Train
.
Emanuel
king
of
Portugal
married
first
Isabel
,
Don
Antonio
,
who
now
liveth
in
England
.
The
third
child
was
Ferdinando
,
who
married
a
daughter
of
the
Earl
of
Marialva
,
by
whom
he
had
two
Sons
,
who
dyed
before
their
Father
.
The
fourth
was
Alphonsus
,
who
was
made
Cardinal
,
and
departed
the
world
not
having
any
child
.
The
fifth
was
Henry
,
who
was
likewise
a
Cardinal
,
and
king
after
Don
Sebastian
,
and
died
also
without
issue
.
The
sixth
was
Edward
,
who
married
Theodosia
Dutchess
of
Burgantia
,
by
whom
he
had
three
children
,
that
is
to
say
,
Mary
,
who
married
Alexander
,
Prince
of
Parma
,
Katharine
,
who
took
to
husband
the
Duke
of
Burgantia
,
and
Edward
who
died
unmarried
.
The
seventh
was
Anthony
,
who
died
in
his
infancy
.
The
eighth
childe
was
Isabel
,
who
was
married
to
Charles
the
Emperour
,
and
had
issue
by
him
the
present
king
of
Spain
.
The
last
was
Beatrice
,
wife
to
the
Duke
of
Savoy
.
These
were
the
issue
,
now
follow
the
Competitors
;
they
were
five
.
Don
Antonio
,
lawful
son
,
(
as
he
proved
)
unto
Lodowick
the
second
heir
male
of
Emanuel
,
The
Prince
of
Parma
as
Tutor
unto
his
son
,
begotten
upon
the
eldest
daughter
of
Edward
,
the
sixth
heir
male
.
The
Duke
of
Bergantia
,
begotten
on
the
body
of
Katharine
,
the
second
daughter
of
the
said
Edward
.
King
Philip
begotten
of
the
body
of
Isabel
,
eldest
daughter
unto
Emanuel
.
And
the
Duke
of
Savoy
,
the
lawful
heir
of
the
youngest
daughter
of
the
said
Emanuel
.
Now
of
all
these
competitors
,
to
deliver
you
first
my
opinion
,
I
take
it
(
alwaies
salvo
meliori
judicio
)
that
none
of
them
all
could
lawfully
claim
the
Crown
of
Portugal
:
For
as
many
as
hold
the
marriage
of
Henry
the
eighth
king
of
England
,
with
the
Lady
Katharine
unlawful
,
because
she
was
married
unto
his
eldest
brother
Arthur
,
must
needs
hold
the
marriage
of
Emanuel
king
of
Portugal
far
more
unlawful
,
because
both
king
Henry
and
he
married
unlawfully
:
For
if
two
brethren
cannot
successively
marry
one
woman
,
truly
two
sisters
cannot
be
married
unto
one
man
:
And
the
reason
which
some
use
to
justifie
king
Henry
his
marriage
,
cannot
serve
for
the
justification
of
king
Emanuel's
matrimony
;
for
all
that
was
said
in
the
defence
of
the
Lady
Katharine
,
was
,
that
her
husband
never
knew
her
carnally
;
which
cannot
be
truly
said
for
king
Emanuel
,
because
he
had
a
son
by
his
first
wife
:
wherefore
if
all
these
nine
children
being
begotten
in
unlawful
wedlock
cannot
possibly
be
reputed
legitimate
,
and
therefore
are
not
lawful
heirs
to
their
reputed
fathers
,
much
less
can
any
of
they
who
descend
from
any
of
these
nine
children
be
esteemed
lawful
heirs
to
the
Crown
of
Portugal
.
But
grant
them
to
be
lawful
,
and
then
to
each
of
their
Titles
in
order
.
Don
Antonio
hath
sufficiently
justified
his
Title
in
his
Apologie
,
by
many
reasons
,
which
I
reduce
to
these
three
principally
.
First
he
proveth
his
Fathers
marriage
,
though
it
were
with
his
far
inferiour
,
to
be
lawful
,
notwithstanding
the
disparagement
,
in
regard
of
which
it
was
concealed
.
Then
he
fortifieth
his
Title
by
the
custome
of
the
people
of
Portugal
,
who
by
ancient
priviledge
challenge
a
right
,
in
case
of
controversie
for
the
Crown
,
to
make
choice
of
such
an
one
of
the
competitors
as
they
shall
have
a
special
liking
and
love
unto
.
Lastly
,
he
either
sheweth
,
or
might
shew
,
that
Bastards
have
succeeded
in
the
Kingdom
of
Portugal
;
and
that
therefore
although
Bastardy
had
been
fully
proved
against
him
,
yet
being
chosen
by
the
common
consent
of
the
people
,
it
was
no
sufficient
bar
,
or
lawful
exception
,
to
say
that
he
was
a
Bastard
,
especially
being
made
by
such
an
one
as
came
from
a
Bastard
himself
,
and
holdeth
his
own
Kingdom
by
right
derived
from
a
Bastard
,
as
doth
the
present
king
of
Spain
:
For
the
Chronicles
of
Spain
report
,
that
Henry
bastard
brother
unto
Peter
king
of
Spain
,
Hernan
Logeres
,
touching
the
discovery
and
conquest
of
the
Indies
;
for
it
were
too
long
for
me
to
tell
you
what
small
forces
went
thither
out
of
Spain
first
;
and
how
the
Leaders
of
those
slender
Armies
taking
advantage
of
the
divisions
which
they
found
betwixt
the
kings
of
those
Countries
,
did
easily
overthrow
some
with
the
help
of
the
other
.
There
you
shall
see
how
a
number
of
naked
men
fly
like
sheep
before
a
few
armed
souldiers
;
there
you
shall
read
,
that
even
amongst
those
barbarous
people
and
princes
,
there
wanted
neither
deceit
nor
policy
;
there
you
shall
find
,
that
the
Spaniards
being
far
from
their
Country
,
and
not
many
,
amongst
an
infinite
number
of
mortal
enemies
,
strived
and
contended
amongst
themselves
for
superiority
,
which
argueth
an
unsatiable
desire
of
rule
and
government
,
and
their
natural
proneness
to
mutiny
;
although
they
challenge
an
especial
praise
above
all
other
Nations
for
their
obedience
to
their
Superiours
:
there
you
shall
see
the
fruits
of
division
,
the
effects
of
tyrannie
,
the
force
of
terror
and
fear
,
and
the
vertue
of
good
and
expert
souldiers
fighting
against
rude
and
ignorant
multitudes
:
there
you
shall
observe
,
in
some
of
these
unchristian
Princes
,
more
loyalty
,
friendship
,
constancy
,
and
perseverance
in
their
honest
and
lawful
enterprises
,
then
hath
lately
been
found
in
many
Christian
Princes
:
there
(
briefly
)
you
shall
find
enough
to
satisfie
you
,
how
the
Spaniards
came
to
the
possession
of
the
Indies
;
if
withal
it
may
please
you
to
understand
,
that
Pope
Alexander
the
sixth
being
a
Spaniard
,
and
chosen
Arbitrator
betwixt
the
Kings
of
Spain
and
Portugal
,
at
what
time
they
were
at
variance
for
and
touching
the
division
of
the
Indies
;
the
said
Pope
shewed
himself
too
too
partial
unto
the
Spaniard
,
and
gave
him
much
more
then
the
Portugal
thought
that
in
reason
and
conscience
should
have
been
allotted
unto
him
.
Now
from
the
Indies
,
and
the
aforementioned
Kingdoms
,
unto
the
Earldoms
and
Dukedoms
;
And
first
to
the
Dutchy
of
Millan
;
a
State
which
hath
suffered
many
alterations
,
of
which
I
may
not
speak
without
digressing
too
much
from
my
purpose
;
and
because
I
hasten
unto
many
other
points
,
whereof
I
intend
by
Gods
grace
to
discourse
at
large
,
I
may
not
be
over-long
in
this
point
.
The
Dutchy
of
Milan
was
anciently
a
member
of
the
Empire
,
The
which
difficulty
may
be
cleared
in
this
manner
:
Let
the
Spaniard
shew
that
his
Fathers
Allegation
was
lawful
,
then
shall
it
follow
that
his
War
for
the
same
,
with
the
French
King
,
was
also
most
lawful
;
And
so
consequently
his
getting
the
same
by
force
of
Arms
likewise
lawful
:
Let
him
shew
that
it
was
gotten
with
the
Forces
and
Expences
of
the
Empire
;
then
it
shall
follow
that
it
belonged
unto
the
Empire
:
Let
him
shew
that
his
Father
,
having
purchased
his
Dukedom
in
right
of
the
Empire
,
and
at
the
costs
,
and
with
the
help
of
the
Souldiers
and
Captains
thereof
,
had
full
Authority
to
alienate
the
same
,
and
to
bestow
it
upon
him
his
lawful
Son
,
and
that
he
so
did
;
then
shall
it
follow
that
he
is
true
owner
thereof
:
But
I
fear
me
it
will
be
very
hard
and
difficult
for
him
to
shew
all
these
particulars
;
and
therefore
I
dare
not
deliver
it
for
any
sound
opinion
,
that
he
hath
right
thereunto
,
unless
he
shall
plead
the
Renunciation
,
and
Resignation
made
thereof
by
the
said
Francis
,
This
Duke
being
slain
(
as
is
above-said
)
in
an
unfortunate
time
for
the
house
of
Burgundy
,
and
for
a
very
small
occasion
(
for
the
Wars
wherein
he
was
slain
were
but
for
a
Cart
loaden
with
sheep-skins
)
left
issue
but
one
Daughter
,
whom
Maximilian
the
Emperour
married
,
and
had
by
her
issue
Philip
Arch-Duke
of
Austria
,
who
begat
Charls
the
Emperour
,
and
Charls
(
as
it
hath
often
been
said
)
this
present
King
of
Spain
.
Besides
Francis
the
first
(
who
before
that
time
was
(
as
all
his
predecessors
before
him
had
been
)
Soveragin
of
all
those
Estates
and
Countries
)
did
as
well
at
Madrid
in
Spain
,
whilst
he
was
Prisoner
there
for
his
own
Ransome
;
as
at
Cambray
,
after
he
was
set
at
liberty
;
for
the
deliverance
of
his
two
Children
,
renounce
all
his
Rights
and
Interests
to
the
Soveraignty
of
all
these
Countries
.
Thus
came
the
Spaniard
by
all
that
he
hath
.
Now
shall
you
see
how
he
hath
hitherto
conserved
all
this
his
own
possession
,
First
,
as
amongst
private
men
,
whosoever
attaineth
unto
great
wealth
,
is
reverenced
amongst
his
neighbours
,
honoured
by
his
friends
,
feared
by
his
adversaries
,
and
so
sought
unto
by
all
men
,
that
many
indeavour
to
please
him
,
few
or
none
dare
to
contend
with
him
;
even
so
amongst
Princes
,
he
that
exceedeth
the
rest
in
might
,
in
wealth
,
in
reputation
,
carrieth
such
credit
with
the
rest
,
beareth
such
sway
wheresoever
he
cometh
,
winneth
such
favour
in
all
that
he
attempteth
,
and
striketh
such
terrour
in
the
hearts
of
them
who
have
occasion
to
quarrel
with
him
,
that
they
had
rather
sit
down
losers
,
then
rise
up
in
Arms
against
him
;
they
suspect
his
secret
attempts
,
stand
in
awe
of
his
exceeding
power
,
doubt
the
aspiring
projects
of
his
ambitious
mind
,
and
are
presently
terrified
when
they
enter
into
consideration
of
his
strength
,
of
his
treasure
,
of
his
friends
and
confederates
;
provoke
him
think
they
,
and
you
heap
burning
coles
upon
your
own
heads
;
anger
him
,
and
you
awake
a
shrewd
sleeping
Dog
;
offend
him
,
and
you
displease
his
friends
;
contend
with
him
,
and
you
strive
against
the
stream
;
and
therefore
they
hold
it
for
extream
folly
to
incur
his
displeasure
,
and
for
singular
wisdom
to
continue
in
his
favour
.
When
the
Romans
were
in
the
highest
degree
of
their
prosperity
;
What
Prince
was
so
mighty
that
feared
not
their
power
?
What
Common-wealth
so
rich
that
stood
not
in
fear
and
awe
of
their
huge
Armies
?
What
commanded
they
that
was
not
obeyed
?
Or
whither
went
they
,
where
they
were
not
received
?
Was
there
any
Nation
so
far
from
them
which
heard
not
of
their
might
and
magnificence
?
Besides
,
as
they
,
in
all
places
of
Conquest
had
their
power
and
forces
to
hold
them
in
continual
awe
and
obedience
;
As
in
Germany
eight
Legions
,
Again
,
Lyons
,
Paris
,
and
other
places
of
France
(
which
only
respect
hath
moved
the
Florentines
to
be
far
more
friendly
and
better
affected
unto
the
French
King
then
unto
him
)
did
and
doth
borrow
as
much
money
as
he
could
or
can
possibly
get
into
his
hands
,
of
the
best
and
richest
Gentlemen
and
Merchants
of
that
city
;
to
the
end
that
fear
of
losing
their
money
may
always
retain
them
in
love
and
friendship
towards
him
.
It
is
written
by
the
said
Author
,
Besides
,
those
whom
he
placeth
as
Governours
,
or
men
of
any
Authority
amongst
them
,
do
cunningly
get
into
their
hands
the
chief
wealth
of
the
Country
,
whereby
the
inhabitants
are
greatly
impoverished
,
and
they
enabled
when
they
return
,
to
do
better
service
unto
their
Prince
and
Country
.
In
consideration
whereof
,
many
desire
their
places
as
soon
as
(
or
before
)
they
become
void
;
and
some
take
the
wealth
purchased
there
,
for
a
sufficient
recompence
of
their
many
and
several
services
done
at
other
times
,
and
in
other
places
.
But
it
may
be
said
,
that
the
Spaniards
cruelty
might
long
before
this
time
have
given
occasion
to
the
Indians
to
rebel
:
True
,
if
they
had
weapons
and
arms
wherewith
to
defend
themselves
,
and
offend
their
enemies
:
why
necessity
enforceth
the
old
wife
to
trot
,
and
putteth
divers
inventions
into
the
heads
of
malicious
and
desperate
men
,
to
find
out
fit
Instruments
for
the
accomplishment
and
performing
of
their
desires
.
Certainly
,
and
past
all
doubt
,
put
a
few
expert
souldiers
,
and
well
defended
Castles
bid
a
number
of
uncunning
and
ignorant
armed
men
.
Multitudes
most
commonly
prevail
against
a
few
,
and
sudden
rebellions
are
dangerous
and
terrible
:
No
man
can
deny
this
to
be
a
manifest
truth
;
but
multitudes
without
an
head
seldom
do
any
thing
worthy
their
labour
,
or
answerable
to
their
desires
,
hazards
,
and
perils
:
and
where
there
is
no
order
,
no
guide
,
no
governour
,
there
seldome
or
never
followeth
good
success
.
The
Romans
after
they
had
conquered
Capua
,
The
Spaniard
therefore
ruling
in
the
Indies
by
his
own
Nation
,
they
being
stronger
then
the
natural
inhabitants
;
and
the
people
of
the
Country
,
either
for
ignorance
not
being
able
,
or
for
want
of
authority
,
not
having
sufficient
power
to
govern
as
they
would
,
it
is
easie
for
him
to
rule
as
he
list
,
and
very
difficult
for
them
to
change
,
alter
,
or
subvert
the
manner
of
his
Government
,
although
it
be
hateful
,
prejudicial
,
odious
,
and
hurtful
unto
them
.
But
albeit
that
this
kind
of
administration
and
government
may
for
a
small
time
work
the
like
effect
which
a
far
milder
sort
of
rule
and
commandment
most
commonly
worketh
;
yet
common
experience
,
and
the
ready
disposition
of
the
Indians
to
revolt
from
the
Spaniards
,
when
as
Sir
Francis
Drake
was
lately
amongst
them
,
declare
,
that
they
would
willingly
,
if
they
could
securely
,
be
content
to
shake
off
the
yoke
of
the
Spanish
Government
.
In
like
manner
,
although
Naples
and
Milan
live
obediently
under
his
regiment
,
and
factions
are
not
in
this
age
as
rife
there
as
in
ancient
times
they
were
wont
to
be
;
yet
the
people
of
both
places
being
far
more
willing
to
be
governed
by
their
own
Country-men
then
by
meer
strangers
,
the
exactions
in
both
States
exceeding
by
very
much
the
old
and
ancient
tributes
,
imposts
,
and
contributions
,
by
what
name
soever
it
shall
please
you
to
call
them
;
and
the
Spaniards
sparing
them
no
more
then
they
do
the
poor
and
simple
Indians
:
It
is
to
be
supposed
,
that
if
there
were
a
Brutus
amongst
them
,
who
would
vouchsafe
to
undertake
the
restoring
of
his
Country
and
Countrymen
unto
their
former
and
ancient
liberty
,
he
should
not
fail
or
quail
in
his
enterprise
,
for
want
of
a
competent
and
sufficient
number
of
friends
and
followers
:
For
the
general
hatred
conceived
against
the
Spaniards
,
the
general
dislike
of
their
Tyranical
Government
,
the
common
desire
of
the
inhabitants
uttered
in
Table-talk
,
in
secret
conferences
,
in
open
assemblies
,
in
private
houses
,
and
in
all
places
where
they
may
boldly
speak
without
danger
,
argue
manifestly
that
they
lack
ability
,
and
not
good
will
to
rebel
.
But
he
provideth
such
Governours
in
both
places
,
as
are
not
only
true
and
faithful
unto
him
,
but
also
so
discreet
and
wise
,
that
they
both
foresee
and
prevent
all
occasions
of
rebellion
.
These
Governours
have
their
eyes
alwaies
open
and
watching
,
not
only
over
the
Subjects
committed
to
their
charge
,
in
holding
them
low
,
and
in
continual
fear
of
severe
punishment
for
every
small
offence
,
but
also
over
the
Princes
which
confine
with
the
Governments
,
in
keeping
them
from
all
opportunities
of
invading
their
States
.
These
Governours
are
assisted
by
grave
and
wise
Counsel
,
by
whose
advice
they
are
directed
in
matters
of
great
weight
.
These
Governours
are
accompanied
by
many
under-officers
,
who
are
employed
in
gathering
such
intolerable
taxes
as
are
layed
upon
the
common
people
;
upon
which
officers
the
fault
is
layed
,
if
any
offence
be
taken
against
the
extremity
of
the
taxes
;
and
somtimes
the
Governour
upon
complaint
made
unto
him
(
if
no
excuse
can
pacifie
the
complainants
)
mitigateth
the
rigour
of
the
exactions
,
or
sendeth
them
unto
his
and
their
king
for
relief
and
remedy
;
who
if
he
shall
see
no
other
way
to
content
them
,
or
to
continue
and
contain
them
within
the
bounds
of
their
wonted
obedience
,
yeildeth
somwhat
to
their
petition
;
and
so
laying
the
blame
either
upon
the
necessity
of
the
time
,
or
the
extremity
of
his
expences
,
or
the
severity
of
their
officers
,
dischargeth
himself
of
the
fault
which
was
imputed
unto
him
,
and
sendeth
the
Petitioners
away
in
some
measure
well
pleased
and
satisfied
.
But
I
shall
have
occasion
to
handle
this
point
more
largely
in
another
place
,
when
I
shall
speak
of
such
exactions
as
were
levied
in
particular
estates
in
this
our
age
.
And
therefore
reserving
the
residue
of
that
which
I
have
to
say
for
that
place
,
I
will
proceed
in
declaring
unto
you
other
means
which
the
Spaniard
useth
for
preservation
of
his
Estates
in
peace
,
in
quietness
,
and
in
dutiful
obedience
.
It
is
written
that
his
Father
Charls
the
fifth
,
fearing
that
Ferdinando
Duke
of
Calabria
,
and
the
only
remainder
of
Ferdinando
late
King
of
Aragon
,
might
in
time
find
some
friends
to
help
him
or
his
issue
(
if
he
should
so
marry
that
he
might
have
any
)
to
the
Crown
and
Kingdom
of
Aragon
,
married
him
unto
Germana
,
widow
unto
the
said
Ferdinando
,
but
barren
,
and
past
children
;
reaping
of
this
marriage
two
benefits
,
and
both
of
great
weight
and
consequence
:
For
whereas
the
said
Duke
,
by
refusing
the
Crown
when
it
was
offered
him
by
the
people
,
The
Spaniard
not
by
mariage
,
but
by
employment
of
the
late
Duke
of
Parma
in
such
wars
as
were
somwhat
pleasing
and
answerable
to
his
humour
,
kept
him
alwaies
so
busied
,
that
he
could
never
attend
to
the
conquest
of
Portugal
,
which
of
right
belonged
unto
his
Son
,
rather
then
unto
the
King
of
Spain
;
And
as
the
Emperour
rather
deprived
the
above-named
Ferdinando
,
by
giving
him
a
barren
wife
,
of
all
possibility
to
have
any
lawful
issue
,
and
so
consequently
of
all
earnest
desire
to
recover
that
Kingdom
,
which
should
end
in
himself
for
want
of
a
childe
to
whom
it
might
descend
;
So
the
Spanish
King
deprived
the
said
Dukes
son
of
all
hope
to
recover
his
right
in
Portugal
,
by
procuring
and
counselling
him
to
match
in
such
a
Family
,
as
never
can
be
able
to
yeild
him
any
competent
aid
for
the
recovery
of
his
said
right
.
Again
it
is
written
of
Richard
the
third
,
and
also
of
Edward
the
fourth
,
Kings
of
England
,
Don
Antonio
delivered
unto
him
,
and
hath
made
him
divers
great
and
fair
offers
of
great
livings
and
dignities
if
he
would
return
into
his
Country
,
and
acknowledging
him
for
King
,
live
under
his
obedience
,
but
he
could
never
prevail
;
and
God
knoweth
to
what
end
it
hath
pleased
the
Almighty
to
preserve
and
reserve
the
said
Don
Antonio
from
many
great
,
and
almost
inevitable
dangers
and
hazards
of
his
life
:
He
is
not
now
so
low
,
so
poor
,
so
bare
,
so
destitute
of
all
friends
,
so
void
of
all
hope
,
but
that
Henry
Earl
of
Richmond
was
in
all
degrees
and
measure
of
need
and
poverty
equal
unto
him
.
It
is
an
infallible
rule
in
policy
,
that
no
Usurper
hath
any
firm
hold
or
strong
assurance
of
his
Estate
,
as
long
as
any
pretending
right
thereunto
liveth
;
but
the
Spaniard
hath
sufficiently
foreseen
and
provided
for
any
manner
of
harm
or
detriment
that
may
arise
unto
him
,
or
unto
any
of
his
,
by
Don
Antonio
,
or
by
his
children
:
For
as
the
loss
of
the
Battel
at
Canna
,
deferred
the
Victories
,
that
Hannibal
might
have
had
against
the
Romans
,
and
his
abode
at
Capua
(
where
his
Souldiers
learned
to
be
eff●minate
,
and
forgot
to
be
right
Souldiers
)
took
away
all
hope
to
subdue
the
Romans
so
the
overthrow
received
by
D●n
Antonio
,
within
his
own
Kingdom
,
when
he
was
possessed
thereof
,
made
it
very
difficult
for
him
to
re-gain
or
recover
the
same
;
And
the
late
repulse
taken
at
Lisbona
,
when
he
was
before
the
Town
with
the
small
and
weak
Forces
of
England
,
hath
put
him
out
of
all
hope
to
attain
his
purpose
:
And
yet
it
is
held
for
a
sure
and
most
sound
opinion
by
many
martial
men
,
that
not
with
much
great
strength
then
he
had
then
from
hence
,
it
would
be
an
easie
enterprise
to
recover
that
Kingdom
;
which
opinion
I
list
not
to
controll
(
for
that
men
of
my
profession
may
not
conveniently
contend
with
Souldiers
,
especially
in
matters
concerning
martial
affairs
)
And
yet
I
fear
me
,
that
if
any
second
enterprise
should
be
attempted
against
Portugal
,
with
an
English
Army
of
greater
strength
,
of
better
provision
,
of
sounder
bod●es
,
and
of
more
convenient
furniture
then
the
last
was
;
the
Commanders
of
such
an
Army
should
be
subject
to
no
less
inconveniencies
then
the
other
was
;
and
so
long
as
those
incommodities
are
found
in
an
Army
,
so
long
the
like
success
(
as
hapned
unto
the
first
)
will
follow
the
latter
.
You
seldom
hear
or
have
read
of
any
Army
that
went
far
from
home
,
that
hath
not
been
subject
unto
many
casualties
,
unto
many
accidents
,
and
unto
unexpected
success
and
fortune
;
They
are
to
day
Conquerors
,
and
to
morrow
conquered
;
this
day
strong
,
to
morrow
weak
;
sometimes
in
health
and
prosperity
,
upon
a
very
sudden
in
sickness
and
penury
:
Their
Triumphs
are
Messengers
of
evil
fortune
;
their
Victories
forerunners
of
overthrows
;
their
abundance
,
tokens
of
Penury
;
and
their
conceived
hope
,
an
infallible
Prognostication
of
future
calamity
.
Was
there
ever
a
wiser
Captain
then
Hanniball
?
Was
there
ever
any
Army
compounded
of
so
many
and
diverse
Nations
?
Was
there
any
Souldiers
that
were
better
governed
?
or
any
Governor
that
was
more
carefull
of
his
Company
?
more
politique
to
win
and
purchase
unto
himself
the
favour
and
friendship
of
such
people
with
whom
he
had
any
manner
of
commerce
or
society
,
or
of
whom
he
stood
in
any
kind
of
need
?
And
yet
what
success
had
his
Providence
,
his
Prudence
,
his
Policy
?
Decayed
not
his
strength
daily
?
his
Souldiers
,
became
they
not
effeminate
?
his
fortune
,
did
it
not
forsake
him
?
his
faithful
friends
,
did
they
not
leave
him
?
the
Towns
he
got
,
did
they
not
revolt
from
him
?
And
briefly
,
lost
he
not
in
a
very
short
space
,
all
that
he
got
in
many
years
?
And
yet
since
Hannibal
his
time
,
there
was
never
any
Captain
,
General
,
Colonel
,
or
Leader
of
any
Army
(
call
him
by
what
name
or
Title
you
list
)
that
in
my
simple
conceit
might
compare
with
Hannibal
;
either
for
the
governing
of
his
Souldiers
,
or
for
temporizing
with
his
Adversaries
,
for
preventing
mischeifs
,
or
for
inventing
new
Stratagems
;
for
putting
in
execution
,
with
good
success
and
marvelous
fortune
,
of
all
his
attempts
and
enterprises
;
or
briefly
for
furnishing
his
Camp
with
all
things
necessary
,
or
keeping
his
Souldiers
in
awe
and
obedience
;
But
Hannibal
contended
with
the
mightiest
Adversary
of
the
world
:
Hannibal
had
secret
enemies
at
home
,
who
were
content
to
suffer
him
and
his
to
live
in
want
and
penury
abroad
;
Hannibal
pretermitted
many
occasions
of
good
fortune
,
which
being
taken
in
time
,
might
have
made
him
a
most
happy
Conqueror
:
Hannibal
suffered
his
Souldiers
to
dote
in
love
,
when
it
was
no
time
to
dally
in
Lechery
;
Briefly
,
H●nnibal
would
not
win
when
he
might
have
won
;
And
therefore
it
was
reason
that
Hannibal
should
lose
when
he
would
not
have
lost
.
In
later
times
Hannibal's
follies
have
made
wise
men
;
Hannibal's
evil
fortune
,
hath
taught
others
to
beware
of
the
like
Fortune
;
Hannibal's
losses
have
given
his
posterity
occasion
to
take
heed
by
his
examples
,
lest
following
his
steps
,
they
chance
to
fall
into
his
miseries
.
Now
Princes
measure
their
strength
by
their
adversaries
power
;
they
rate
their
charges
by
the
distance
of
places
into
which
they
are
to
convey
their
Armies
;
they
furnish
their
company
according
to
the
time
for
which
they
purpose
to
use
the
same
;
they
cast
their
accompts
before
they
enter
into
wars
;
they
consider
the
casualties
which
are
accustomed
to
follow
wars
;
they
note
the
dispositions
and
affections
of
their
neighbours
;
they
mark
and
observe
the
provision
of
their
enemies
;
they
provide
for
longer
time
then
they
intend
to
spend
in
wars
;
they
have
their
carriage
to
attend
upon
their
Armies
,
their
victuallers
to
follow
them
,
their
confederates
to
supply
their
wants
,
their
Messengers
to
bring
them
word
of
their
necessities
,
and
their
Officers
both
at
home
and
abroad
to
make
provision
as
soon
as
any
thing
is
found
to
be
defective
or
wanting
in
their
Armies
:
So
if
they
go
far
from
home
,
they
seem
always
to
be
at
home
;
if
they
want
,
their
wants
are
presently
supplied
;
if
they
chance
to
decrease
,
their
number
is
immediately
increased
;
and
although
they
may
happen
to
languish
,
yet
they
are
never
suffered
to
perish
:
True
it
is
,
that
other
mens
harmes
have
made
men
both
in
these
dayes
,
and
in
former
times
,
to
be
wise
and
wary
:
And
the
Prince
is
reputed
to
want
the
discretion
and
wisdom
requisite
in
a
Prince
.
who
undertaketh
wars
without
due
consideration
of
all
the
circumstances
above
mentioned
;
and
yet
neither
Hannibals
ill
fortune
,
nor
his
example
,
nor
common
experience
,
nor
fear
of
inevitable
accidents
can
make
men
so
wary
as
it
behoveth
them
to
be
,
but
in
later
times
they
have
been
and
will
be
subject
unto
the
self
same
Inconveniences
which
men
in
former
times
endured
.
Have
Armies
in
times
past
,
going
far
from
home
,
perished
in
their
journies
by
reason
of
the
intemperature
of
the
air
,
the
heat
of
the
weather
,
and
the
intemperance
of
the
Souldiers
,
who
seed
too
much
of
noisom
and
hurtful
fruits
,
or
drank
too
much
of
hot
Wines
in
hot
seasons
,
and
in
hot
countries
;
as
did
the
Army
which
Marcus
Antonius
led
from
Italy
to
Parthia
,
Paulus
tertius
,
The
Turk
,
the
princes
of
Italy
,
the
princes
of
Germany
,
the
French
King
,
and
the
Queen
of
England
:
Of
which
some
could
be
content
to
annoy
him
by
all
means
possible
,
but
they
want
ability
answerable
to
their
good
will
;
others
have
might
enough
to
prejudice
him
divers
ways
,
but
he
carrieth
so
watchful
an
eye
over
them
,
is
so
jealous
of
their
greatness
,
so
well
acquainted
with
their
counsels
,
determinations
and
purposes
,
that
all
their
intents
,
indeavours
,
and
enterprises
against
him
,
are
most
commonly
so
soon
prevented
by
his
careful
providence
,
as
they
are
intended
through
their
malice
and
indignation
.
But
it
is
not
sufficient
to
declare
thus
much
in
general
terms
;
you
shall
see
his
particular
proceeding
with
every
one
of
these
Princes
.
The
Turk
he
knoweth
to
be
a
Prince
greatly
to
be
feared
of
all
Christians
,
as
well
in
regard
of
his
great
power
,
First
,
if
in
conducting
his
Army
he
shall
avoid
and
decline
the
wide
plains
,
and
come
not
neer
unto
the
River
Danubius
;
of
the
commodity
whereof
,
the
Turk
by
reason
of
his
great
courage
,
standeth
alwaies
in
need
.
Secondly
,
If
he
shall
not
come
nigh
unto
such
places
where
the
Turk
may
have
convenient
use
of
his
Horsemen
,
and
innumerable
Footmen
;
with
the
excessive
multitudes
of
which
,
he
will
easily
oppress
and
suppress
a
Christian
Army
,
if
they
should
chance
to
encounter
in
those
Plains
.
Thirdly
▪
If
the
Christian
Prince
shall
arm
this
year
,
and
proceeding
slowly
on
his
journey
,
not
meet
with
the
Turk
,
but
fortifie
and
strengthen
such
places
as
he
shall
get
and
conquer
;
and
the
next
year
,
when
as
the
Turk
neither
is
wont
,
nor
can
arm
with
the
like
number
and
quantity
,
proceed
manfully
;
For
the
Prince
in
thus
doing
,
shall
compel
him
to
stand
continually
upon
his
Guard
,
and
alwaies
to
entertain
great
and
gross
Armies
,
which
he
should
not
be
able
to
endure
long
;
or
else
enforce
him
to
use
such
Forces
as
might
be
more
easily
conquered
,
and
so
consequently
drive
him
to
change
the
accustomed
course
and
custome
of
his
Wars
,
which
would
be
as
much
as
half
a
victory
gotten
against
him
.
Fourthly
,
If
the
Christian
shall
endeavour
to
draw
him
into
some
Streight
,
and
there
with
some
war-like
stratagem
enforce
him
to
a
Battel
,
and
with
a
Troop
of
well
ordered
Footmen
encounter
his
Janizaries
,
which
he
usually
reserveth
for
some
extremity
,
and
with
valour
,
and
some
unknown
and
unusual
exploit
,
drive
them
to
the
worst
,
or
put
them
out
of
their
array
and
order
;
there
is
no
doubt
but
with
the
strangeness
thereof
he
might
obtain
a
notable
victory
against
him
;
whose
horsemen
are
most
easily
overthrown
,
because
they
are
for
the
most
part
unarmed
.
Fifthly
,
If
he
shall
mark
and
observe
when
there
is
mutiny
,
sedition
,
or
secret
dissention
,
disturbance
,
or
discontentment
betwixt
the
Turk
and
his
Subjects
,
and
by
all
cunning
and
policy
entertain
the
same
,
maintain
the
procurers
and
heads
thereof
,
and
in
the
very
heat
of
their
tumult
be
ready
to
invade
them
.
For
indeed
,
the
especial
means
to
weaken
the
Turk
,
is
to
assault
him
when
he
is
otherwise
busied
in
wars
with
the
Sophi
,
or
with
any
other
enemies
,
or
when
his
successors
are
at
contention
for
the
crown
,
or
his
people
divided
amongst
themselves
,
or
he
did
lately
receive
some
notable
overthrow
:
for
he
tyrannizing
his
subjects
in
such
manner
as
he
doth
,
the
least
overthrow
that
can
be
must
needs
endanger
his
State
greatly
,
because
he
feareth
that
his
own
people
will
be
ready
to
give
entertertainment
,
aid
,
and
succour
unto
any
,
by
whom
they
may
have
certain
hope
to
wind
their
necks
out
of
the
yoke
of
that
intolerable
servitude
which
they
now
suffer
.
This
is
so
true
,
that
it
is
credibly
affirmed
by
the
best
Warriours
of
our
age
;
That
if
the
Christians
had
procceded
with
their
invincible
Navie
,
when
Don
Iohn
de
Austria
gave
the
Turk
the
famous
overthrow
(
for
which
all
Christendom
greatly
rejoyced
)
they
might
haply
have
gotten
Constantinople
,
and
have
recovered
most
part
of
the
Turkish
Dominion
.
Next
unto
the
House
of
Austria
is
the
State
of
Venice
;
which
although
it
be
far
inferiour
unto
many
Christian
Princes
in
power
and
strength
by
land
,
yet
it
yeildeth
unto
very
few
or
none
of
them
in
force
by
Sea
.
With
this
State
the
Spaniard
knoweth
also
that
it
is
very
good
and
convenient
for
him
to
entertain
peace
and
amity
:
For
albeit
they
have
many
Countries
confining
and
bordering
upon
the
Turk
(
for
the
which
they
pay
him
yearly
Tribute
)
and
that
their
Merchants
have
continual
entercourse
of
Trade
and
traffique
unto
Turky
,
and
likewise
the
Turks
with
them
(
which
bringeth
in
inestimable
wealth
and
benefit
unto
the
State
)
and
that
in
consideration
hereof
the
Turk
will
not
easily
offend
them
,
nor
they
willingly
displease
him
;
yet
the
Venetians
knowing
him
to
be
a
Turk
,
that
is
,
a
common
enemy
of
Christendom
,
the
devourer
of
other
mens
estates
,
the
disturber
of
the
common
peace
,
and
a
most
notable
breaker
of
all
League
,
Truce
and
Amity
;
as
often
as
he
stirreth
they
stand
in
continual
awe
of
him
,
and
notwithstanding
all
leagues
,
contracts
,
and
confederacies
with
him
,
are
content
to
joyn
with
the
Spaniard
at
any
time
against
him
,
and
to
use
the
utmost
of
their
power
to
annoy
and
molest
him
;
as
it
was
seen
by
the
great
aid
which
they
gave
unto
the
Spanish
King
,
when
as
Don
Iohn
de
Austria
gave
the
Turk
the
above-mentioned
overthrow
.
Thus
being
assured
of
the
Venetians
friendship
,
entertaining
perfect
and
perpetual
amity
with
the
House
of
Austria
,
and
having
the
rest
of
the
Princes
of
Italy
for
his
friends
,
he
hath
little
occasion
to
fear
the
Turk
:
And
yet
for
his
better
security
,
he
seeketh
to
live
in
league
and
amity
with
him
;
and
likewise
keepeth
continual
friendship
with
the
Turks
greatest
enemies
,
hoping
to
turn
them
upon
him
,
if
at
any
time
he
should
chance
to
attempt
any
act
of
hostility
against
any
of
his
States
and
Dominions
.
The
French
King
is
the
second
considerable
friend
or
enemy
the
Spaniard
hath
,
Appianus
Alexandrinus
,
who
lived
in
the
time
of
Adrianus
the
Emperour
,
in
his
History
of
the
Roman
Wars
writeth
,
That
in
his
time
,
the
Emperour
Adrianus
had
in
pay
200m.
Foot●men
,
and
500m.
men
at
Arms
,
3000.
Carts
and
Waggons
for
his
Wars
,
and
300m.
Armors
to
Arm
his
Soul●iers
withal
;
he
had
also
a
Navy
of
600.
tall
Ships
,
and
of
1500.
Gallies
,
with
many
other
Vessels
of
divers
sort
,
and
with
an
infinite
number
of
all
kind
of
Instruments
and
Weapons
for
Sea-fight
;
besides
80.
Ships
with
the
Prores
and
the
Poups
of
gold
for
a
shew
or
ornamen●
of
his
Wars
:
And
lastly
,
he
had
in
his
Treasure-house
,
150m.
Talents
in
ready
coyn
:
This
force
,
this
preparation
,
this
strength
and
wealth
,
seemed
unto
the
same
Author
so
great
,
that
in
the
proem
of
the
very
same
History
he
saith
,
That
all
the
Forces
of
Alexander
the
Great
,
of
the
Assirians
,
of
the
Medians
,
and
of
the
Persians
(
which
were
four
mighty
Emperours
)
were
never
able
to
attain
in
900.
years
unto
half
the
power
,
strength
and
greatness
that
the
Romans
had
.
Titus
Livius
had
the
like
opinion
of
the
Roman
power
;
For
he
saith
,
That
Alexander
King
of
Epirus
,
was
wont
to
say
,
That
all
the
Wars
which
Alexander
the
Great
ever
had
,
were
in
comparison
of
his
own
Wars
,
with
women
rather
then
with
men
;
And
that
all
the
life
of
Alexander
the
Great
would
not
have
sufficed
to
end
and
finish
one
only
War
with
the
Carthaginians
,
with
whom
the
Romans
,
in
the
first
Wars
against
them
,
fought
twenty
four
years
together
.
And
that
the
Romans
had
overthrown
above
1000.
sundry
Armies
,
the
least
of
all
the
which
was
far
greater
then
the
Armies
of
the
Macedonians
,
or
of
Alexander
the
Great
;
All
which
may
seem
to
be
true
,
because
Plutarch
in
his
Lives
of
the
Roman
and
Greekish
Worthies
,
reporteth
,
That
Iulius
Caesar
took
in
his
time
,
one
thousand
Cities
by
assault
;
overcame
more
then
300.
sundry
Nations
;
took
above
a
Million
of
men
prisoners
,
and
slew
better
then
another
Million
of
men
in
divers
Battels
;
for
if
one
General
of
the
Romans
wrought
so
many
worthy
Exploits
,
subdued
so
many
Regions
,
and
slew
so
many
Enemies
;
how
infinite
,
now
incredible
were
the
Armies
and
the
Victories
of
the
Romans
,
(
who
had
many
Captains
(
As
both
the
Scipios
,
Fabius
Maximus
,
Pompeius
Magnus
,
and
divers
others
)
not
much
inferior
to
I●lius
Caesar
?
Notwithstanding
all
this
that
is
said
,
I
must
needs
say
that
(
as
Iohn
Bodin
a
French
Authour
saith
,
in
his
Book
de
Republica
)
the
Romans
having
made
tryal
of
four
several
Estates
;
And
if
in
this
Point
concerning
the
annoying
of
the
Spaniard
in
Italy
,
I
prove
him
not
in
some
manner
equal
to
the
Romans
,
I
can
be
content
that
my
slender
Reputation
shall
suffer
any
manner
of
indignity
.
Titus
Livius
,
and
many
other
Authors
of
the
like
Authority
and
Credit
,
make
true
and
large
mention
of
the
harms
,
of
the
indignities
,
and
of
the
damages
which
the
Romans
sustained
by
Hannibal
;
They
report
how
he
passed
the
Alpes
with
great
difficulty
,
brought
in
forces
into
Italy
with
great
danger
,
ruled
his
Souldiers
with
great
dexterity
,
provided
things
necessary
for
them
,
with
singular
wisdom
and
providence
;
won
divers
Princes
of
Italy
to
join
with
him
and
them
,
with
great
Wit
and
Policy
;
Lastly
,
proceeded
on
his
journey
with
so
great
courage
and
magnanimity
,
prevailed
in
his
enterprises
with
so
good
success
and
fortune
,
terrified
and
daunted
the
invincible
hearts
and
stomachs
of
the
Romans
,
with
so
many
unexpected
and
notable
Victories
;
that
they
had
no
other
way
to
be
rid
of
him
but
to
send
Scipio
to
War
in
Affrica
,
and
by
besieging
Carthage
to
call
him
home
to
the
releif
of
Carthage
.
Now
for
the
better
proof
of
my
purpose
,
give
me
leave
I
pray
you
,
to
compare
the
Spaniard
and
the
Romans
,
the
French
King
and
Hannibal
together
;
a
Molehil
indeed
with
a
Mountain
;
an
Eagle
in
truth
with
a
fly
,
but
such
a
Molehil
,
and
such
a
fly
,
as
will
declare
the
greatness
of
the
Mountain
;
as
will
illustrate
the
might
and
vertues
of
the
Eagle
.
The
Romans
commanded
all
Italy
;
The
Spaniard
ruleth
most
part
of
Italy
;
they
had
no
man
in
Hannibals
time
,
that
durst
oppose
himself
openly
against
him
;
he
hath
few
or
none
in
our
Age
that
dareth
shew
himself
an
open
enemy
against
him
;
they
were
generally
feared
;
he
is
undoubtedly
redoubted
;
they
were
assisted
by
their
friends
against
Hannibal
;
he
would
likewise
find
friends
against
the
French
King
;
Briefly
,
they
stood
upon
their
guard
,
and
he
is
not
without
his
Garrisons
.
But
an
Hannibal
annoyed
them
when
they
were
almost
in
the
highest
period
of
their
pride
and
prosperity
;
And
why
may
not
a
French
King
work
him
annoyance
when
he
standeth
most
assuredly
upon
his
defence
?
Shall
he
not
be
able
to
hurt
him
because
the
Alpes
divide
France
and
Italy
,
and
maketh
the
passage
hard
and
difficult
?
But
Hannibal
passed
them
when
they
were
not
so
passable
as
they
are
now
;
And
how
many
times
have
the
Frenchmen
passed
them
since
Hannibals
time
?
Shall
he
not
find
means
to
work
him
dispight
and
hindrance
because
he
is
not
so
well
experienced
in
Wars
,
as
Hannibal
was
?
But
may
he
not
find
many
Captains
,
who
in
these
days
have
little
less
experience
then
Hannibal
had
?
Shall
he
not
be
sufficient
to
war
against
him
in
Italy
,
because
the
Country
is
far
better
fortified
then
in
Hannibals
time
?
but
late
experience
hath
taught
us
,
that
those
Fortifications
,
Holds
,
and
Citadels
,
could
not
stay
the
course
of
Charls
the
eighth
King
of
France
,
who
passed
through
all
Italy
as
a
Conquerour
,
until
he
came
to
the
Kingdom
of
Naples
,
which
he
also
subdued
?
Briefly
,
shall
he
not
prevail
against
him
in
Italy
,
because
the
Spaniard
is
in
League
with
most
of
the
Princes
hereof
?
But
Histories
afford
us
many
examples
,
that
the
Italian
Princes
have
oftentimes
broken
their
League
with
the
Emperour
and
other
his
Predecessors
,
whose
greatness
they
either
feared
or
enveighed
as
they
do
the
overgrowing
power
of
the
Spaniard
at
this
present
.
)
And
why
may
not
these
examples
move
them
to
do
the
like
,
when
as
the
like
occasion
of
fear
or
of
envy
is
offered
unto
them
?
Hannibal
counselled
(
as
you
have
heard
)
Antiochus
to
war
upon
the
Romans
in
Italy
,
when
they
were
far
stronger
then
the
Spaniards
is
and
no
man
had
better
experience
of
the
Romans
or
of
Italy
then
Hannibal
had
;
The
reasons
therefore
enforcing
Hannibal
to
give
that
Counsel
to
Antiochus
,
may
(
as
they
have
many
times
)
serve
to
move
the
French
King
to
follow
his
counsel
;
the
rather
because
experience
proved
it
to
be
true
;
and
Antiochus
failed
of
his
purpose
,
because
he
hearkned
to
Hannibal's
perswasion
.
But
this
difficulty
will
be
better
cleared
,
if
I
shall
let
you
understand
the
opinion
of
one
of
the
best
Warriors
of
our
Age
,
as
well
touching
the
wealth
,
Monsieur
de
la
Nove
(
who
dyed
but
a
few
years
past
,
and
when
he
lived
was
generally
reputed
and
esteemed
the
best
Captain
of
our
time
)
in
his
Book
of
Military
discourses
,
delivereth
that
the
French
King
,
Henry
the
second
,
levyed
yearly
by
ordinary
means
of
his
Subjects
,
fifteen
Millions
of
Francks
,
part
whereof
were
engaged
and
pawned
for
his
debts
;
and
yet
(
saith
he
)
our
King
levieth
no
less
at
this
day
.
Here
you
see
the
French
Kings
Revenues
were
in
some
measure
comparable
unto
the
Romans
:
For
Plutarch
in
his
before
mentioned
History
,
The
same
Mounsieur
de
la
Nove
,
in
his
twentieth
Military
Discourse
,
talking
of
the
might
and
puissance
of
the
French
King
,
deliver●th
,
That
he
may
very
conveniently
set
forth
an
Army
of
60.
Companies
of
men
at
Arms
,
of
20.
Cornets
of
light
Horse-men
,
and
of
five
Companies
of
Harquebusiers
on
Horseback
(
which
were
in
all
10000.
Horse-men
)
besides
4000.
Royters
,
and
100.
Ensigns
of
French
Foot-men
,
and
40.
Ensigns
of
Swizzars
,
and
yet
he
shall
leave
his
Frontier
Towns
sufficiently
well
armed
and
furnished
with
men
and
munition
,
as
well
to
defend
as
offend
the
enemy
.
Du
Haillan
,
Philip
de
Valois
,
when
as
he
warred
with
Edward
the
Third
King
of
England
,
for
the
Crown
of
France
,
had
an
Army
of
100m
m
fighting
men
.
The
same
Authour
in
his
sixteenth
Book
writeth
,
That
Charls
King
of
France
,
meaning
to
go
into
England
against
King
Richard
(
as
I
take
it
)
the
second
,
brought
to
the
Sluce
in
Flanders
,
a
Navy
of
128●
.
Ships
,
all
loaden
with
men
and
munition
,
which
I
have
thought
good
to
let
you
understand
,
to
the
end
you
may
see
,
that
if
the
Alps
should
be
made
unpassable
by
the
Spaniard
for
the
Frenchmen
(
which
was
the
Emperour
Charls
the
fifth's
purpose
and
intention
to
do
,
if
in
his
life
time
he
could
possibly
have
brought
it
to
pass
)
yet
the
French
King
is
not
unable
or
unfurnished
of
ships
to
convey
and
carry
(
as
his
Predecessors
have
done
)
a
sufficient
Army
by
Sea
into
Italy
.
Plutarch
in
the
life
of
Iulius
Caesar
recordeth
,
that
the
Frenchmen
came
with
an
Army
of
three
hundred
thousand
fighting
men
,
to
raise
Iulius
Caesars
Siege
before
Alexia
;
a
huge
number
,
and
such
a
number
as
the
Romans
never
used
the
like
against
any
Forrain
Enemy
;
as
the
same
Plutarch
testifieth
in
the
life
of
Fabius
Maximus
,
where
he
affirmeth
,
that
the
greatest
power
which
the
Romans
ever
had
against
any
enemy
whatsoever
,
was
but
eighty
eight
thousand
souldiers
:
Andreas
Ficcius
in
his
book
de
Repub.
reporteth
,
that
they
seldome
or
never
passed
the
number
of
forty
or
fifty
thousand
;
a
less
number
then
which
,
Charls
the
fifth
,
the
present
King
of
Spain's
father
,
held
to
be
sufficient
(
as
I
have
said
before
)
to
encounter
with
any
Christian
Prince
;
and
I
have
thought
good
to
repeat
,
because
hearing
what
you
have
heard
of
the
French
power
,
you
may
think
the
French
King
well
able
to
annoy
any
King
of
Christendom
:
For
although
I
should
grant
that
his
power
is
weakned
,
and
he
not
able
to
arm
such
multitudes
as
his
Predecessors
have
done
(
for
which
I
see
no
reason
,
if
he
were
freed
of
his
Civil
wars
)
yet
it
must
needs
be
granted
,
that
he
could
easily
make
an
army
of
that
number
,
and
therewith
greatly
prejudice
the
Spaniard
in
Italy
,
especially
since
a
Captain
of
valour
and
experience
will
adventure
to
set
upon
innumerable
multitudes
,
nothing
fearing
their
number
,
with
a
few
well
trained
and
experienced
souldiers
;
as
Alexander
the
great
did
upon
Darius
his
innumerable
hoste
,
and
Hannibal
did
upon
the
Romans
;
who
(
as
Polibius
testifieth
in
his
second
book
,
with
scant
twenty
thousand
,
feared
not
to
fight
with
the
Romans
in
Italy
,
Thus
,
as
in
Revenues
,
so
in
multitudes
of
Souldiers
,
at
the
leastwise
in
such
multitudes
as
they
commonly
used
,
you
see
the
French
King
is
in
some
measure
comparable
to
the
Romans
,
but
especially
in
no
respect
inferiour
unto
Hannibal
for
men
or
money
;
and
therefore
without
all
doubt
and
controversie
,
as
likely
and
able
to
war
with
the
Spanish
King
within
the
very
bowels
of
Italy
,
as
he
was
to
contend
with
the
Romans
when
they
were
strongest
,
as
all
Princes
are
most
commonly
within
their
own
Realms
and
Dominions
,
especially
if
they
have
(
as
the
Romans
had
)
the
same
wholly
and
entirely
to
themselves
.
But
although
this
point
touching
the
King
of
France
his
possibility
and
means
to
molest
and
trouble
the
Spanish
King
in
Italy
,
be
well
and
sufficiently
cleared
by
that
which
is
said
,
yet
I
cannot
so
leave
it
;
for
I
hold
it
convenient
to
let
you
know
the
opinion
of
his
Father
concerning
the
same
matter
.
He
therefore
considering
the
variable
affections
of
the
Princes
of
Italy
,
the
hidden
and
secret
malice
which
they
inwardly
bear
unto
all
strangers
and
forreigners
,
the
many
pretensions
which
the
French
King
hath
unto
Naples
and
Milan
,
together
with
sundry
prosperous
attempts
and
journeys
which
of
late
years
they
have
made
into
Italy
,
counselled
the
present
King
of
Spain
,
his
son
,
at
the
time
he
resigned
all
his
Kingdoms
unto
him
(
a
very
rare
and
commendable
act
)
to
carry
a
watchful
and
wary
eye
over
the
French
King
;
he
willeth
him
to
be
jealous
of
his
greatness
,
and
to
seek
all
means
possible
to
weaken
him
;
he
adviseth
how
to
war
against
France
,
and
how
by
his
own
examples
,
and
by
the
remembrance
of
his
own
mishaps
and
evil
success
,
he
might
fight
against
the
French
King
with
far
better
advantage
then
he
did
at
Marselles
;
he
exhorteth
him
to
shut
up
the
French
King's
passage
,
as
much
as
in
him
shall
lie
,
by
the
way
of
Turin
;
he
admonisheth
him
to
take
heed
lest
that
at
any
time
the
Frenchmen
give
him
some
overthrow
in
Italy
;
he
assureth
him
,
that
if
at
any
time
they
should
haply
obtain
any
victory
there
against
him
,
his
best
and
most
assured
friends
in
Italy
would
not
run
the
same
and
the
like
danger
and
fortune
with
him
,
but
presently
joyn
and
associate
themselves
with
his
Adversaries
;
briefly
,
he
warneth
him
above
all
other
things
,
to
look
and
foresee
,
that
there
be
no
league
of
amity
and
alliance
concluded
betwixt
the
French
King
and
the
Venetians
,
or
any
other
Prince
of
Italy
;
he
addeth
to
those
counsels
,
divers
other
wise
and
considerable
advertisements
;
as
,
to
inform
himself
throughly
of
the
contentions
and
strifes
that
are
or
may
be
betwixt
the
principal
Houses
and
Officers
of
France
;
he
counselleth
him
,
if
there
be
any
,
to
nourish
them
;
if
none
,
to
procure
and
set
some
forward
;
he
considering
that
the
Country
of
Piedmont
is
easie
to
be
subdued
by
the
French
,
and
of
great
profit
and
commodity
unto
them
,
either
by
Wars
,
or
by
marriage
,
to
keep
them
from
the
possession
of
all
,
or
of
any
part
thereof
;
assuring
him
,
that
it
will
not
be
so
beneficial
for
him
to
take
from
the
French
King
a
third
part
of
his
whole
Realm
towards
Flanders
,
as
it
will
be
to
shut
him
out
of
Piedmont
;
because
barring
him
by
that
means
of
an
easie
access
into
Italy
,
he
shall
live
in
good
assurance
of
his
Estates
there
,
which
are
the
chiefest
parts
of
his
strength
,
and
the
most
especial
pillars
of
his
greatness
.
This
counsel
hath
been
as
wisely
followed
and
executed
by
the
Son
,
as
it
was
warily
given
by
the
Father
:
for
it
is
better
then
thirty
years
ago
since
he
by
his
instruments
(
I
mean
the
Princes
of
the
House
of
Guise
)
hath
maintained
and
nourished
civil
dissention
in
France
,
whereby
the
Kings
thereof
in
all
this
time
have
never
been
able
to
make
wars
upon
him
in
Italy
.
It
is
likewise
many
years
agone
since
he
favoured
the
late
Duke
of
Savoy
(
who
by
the
French
King
was
driven
out
of
his
Estate
)
with
men
and
money
for
the
present
recovery
of
the
same
:
and
not
many
years
since
,
for
the
better
assurance
of
the
Savoyans
friendship
,
he
hath
given
his
second
daughter
(
a
match
fit
for
a
better
man
then
he
)
in
marriage
unto
the
Duke
of
Savoy
;
and
hath
holpen
him
as
much
as
he
could
possibly
,
in
all
his
wars
against
the
late
French
King
,
by
whom
(
if
God
had
spared
him
longer
life
)
he
had
long
before
this
time
,
been
driven
out
of
his
Country
.
I
shall
not
need
to
tell
you
in
what
terms
he
standeth
with
the
present
King
of
France
;
you
,
and
all
the
world
know
,
that
he
only
maintaineth
his
Rebels
,
not
for
any
love
towards
them
,
but
for
his
own
private
gain
and
security
.
And
therefore
from
the
French
King
I
will
now
come
unto
other
Princes
of
whom
the
Spaniard
maketh
any
reckoning
or
account
.
And
first
unto
the
Princes
of
Germany
,
Now
to
the
Princes
of
Italy
,
which
are
the
Pope
,
the
Dukes
of
Florence
,
Ferrara
,
Mantua
,
and
Savoy
,
and
the
Venetians
;
all
which
have
some
Town
or
other
,
neer
unto
the
Kingdom
of
Naples
or
Dukedom
of
Mlian
.
He
maketh
special
account
of
the
Pope
,
Next
unto
the
Pope
are
the
Venetians
,
with
whom
the
Spaniard
knoweth
that
he
may
very
easily
entertain
Love
and
Friendship
,
Corsu
,
Candia
,
Zant
,
and
other
places
,
as
he
did
suddenly
spoil
them
of
the
Kingdom
of
Cyprus
:
notwithstanding
because
the
Venetians
are
somewhat
jealous
of
his
greatness
,
and
fear
to
see
any
man
to
be
of
over-great
credit
and
authority
within
the
bowels
and
heart
of
Italy
;
the
Spaniard
hath
a
watchful
and
suspitious
eye
over
them
,
knowing
that
as
nothing
can
sever
or
seperate
them
from
the
Turk
,
unless
they
see
him
not
only
ready
to
decline
,
but
also
in
some
manner
thrown
down
;
so
they
have
always
,
and
will
still
be
most
ready
to
withstand
the
aspiring
ambition
of
any
Forreigner
that
should
seek
to
make
himself
great
and
mighty
in
Italy
.
Moreover
he
knoweth
that
the
Venetians
know
not
their
own
power
,
nor
can
tell
how
to
use
the
same
;
which
they
shewed
to
be
most
true
not
many
years
since
,
when
they
took
not
such
occasions
of
enlarging
their
Dominions
as
were
offered
unto
them
.
Again
he
considereth
,
that
they
having
lived
a
long
time
in
peace
,
are
grown
so
out
of
use
of
wars
,
that
they
have
in
a
manner
forgotten
all
military
discipline
;
and
therefore
if
they
should
at
any
time
give
him
occasion
to
fall
at
variance
with
them
,
he
might
undoubtedly
with
assaulting
them
upon
a
sudden
,
drive
them
to
some
great
inconvenience
,
especially
if
he
should
enter
with
his
forces
into
the
heart
and
very
center
of
their
Dominion
,
and
there
compel
them
to
put
strong
Garrisons
within
all
their
Forts
and
Towns
of
strength
,
whereby
they
should
not
be
able
to
keep
the
field
▪
and
in
so
many
holds
(
as
they
have
)
it
cannot
be
but
that
in
some
of
them
there
would
quickly
be
found
want
,
either
of
victuals
,
or
of
munition
,
or
else
some
means
to
corrupt
the
Garrison
or
the
Captain
,
or
the
Inhabitants
,
or
such
as
are
factious
;
of
which
quality
and
humour
there
are
many
,
in
very
many
of
their
cities
.
Further
he
knoweth
that
if
he
were
but
once
Master
of
the
field
,
all
that
is
not
strong
within
the
Seigniory
(
which
in
all
States
is
a
great
deal
more
then
the
strong
)
would
presently
yeild
unto
his
discretion
;
or
else
he
should
constrain
them
to
come
to
the
field
,
and
there
leave
the
Forts
and
Towns
without
sufficient
defence
,
or
else
not
to
be
able
to
continue
their
Garrisons
long
;
and
coming
once
to
the
field
,
they
will
easily
be
drawn
of
necessity
unto
a
Battel
,
wherein
they
can
hope
for
no
great
good
success
;
or
at
the
least
they
must
suffer
some
great
disadvantage
,
by
reason
of
the
want
of
experience
,
as
well
in
their
Souldiers
as
in
their
Captains
:
But
the
greatest
care
or
fear
the
Spaniard
hath
of
the
Venetians
is
,
lest
that
the
remembrance
of
their
good
usage
and
demeanor
towards
the
Neapolitans
,
and
of
their
mild
and
gentle
Government
wheresoever
they
chance
to
have
the
upper
hand
,
should
make
the
Neapolitans
willing
and
ready
to
further
their
Attempts
,
if
at
any
time
they
should
set
upon
the
Kingdom
of
Naples
:
This
care
maketh
him
entertain
friendship
with
them
,
and
also
putteth
him
in
mind
(
if
he
see
the
least
likelyhood
that
may
be
of
Wars
with
them
)
to
seek
all
the
means
possible
,
either
by
prevention
or
sudden
Invasion
to
divert
them
from
warring
against
Naples
.
Thus
liveth
he
either
in
peace
with
them
,
or
warreth
against
them
with
great
advantage
.
Now
from
them
to
the
other
Princes
of
Italy
,
the
which
are
of
such
strength
that
he
needeth
not
greatly
to
fear
them
;
only
of
them
he
hath
this
care
and
this
regard
;
That
he
suffereth
none
of
them
to
augment
and
increase
his
Estate
,
no
not
him
that
dependeth
most
upon
him
;
carrying
always
this
mind
,
That
it
behoveth
him
as
well
to
contain
his
best
friends
within
a
moderate
and
convenient
greatness
,
as
to
weaken
and
depress
his
enemies
:
For
he
assureth
himself
,
that
those
that
love
him
best
in
Italy
,
who
flatter
him
now
most
,
who
follow
him
with
all
favour
and
furtherance
,
would
quickly
forsake
him
,
if
his
Power
once
began
to
decline
:
For
the
Italian
lendeth
his
hand
to
his
enemy
to
help
him
up
;
that
is
but
up
to
the
chin
in
Water
;
and
putteth
his
foot
upon
his
head
to
drown
him
that
is
,
fallen
in
above
the
chin
:
And
because
he
knoweth
their
weakness
to
be
such
,
as
that
they
cannot
possibly
annoy
him
,
unless
they
chance
to
enter
into
League
and
Confederacy
against
him
;
he
entertaineth
their
divisions
,
maintaineth
his
credit
and
reputation
amongst
them
,
provideth
wise
and
discreet
Officers
to
govern
his
Subjects
there
,
useth
his
own
people
as
gently
as
he
can
;
and
lastly
,
foreseeth
that
they
shall
not
combine
themselves
against
him
;
This
is
all
that
I
shall
need
to
say
of
the
Princes
of
Italy
.
From
whom
I
must
come
to
the
Queen
of
England
,
But
I
have
taken
upon
me
to
make
a
full
Discourse
of
this
time
;
and
therefore
may
not
omit
the
principal
Actions
of
the
only
Princess
of
our
time
,
nor
obscure
her
Puissance
by
leaving
it
untouched
,
whose
power
is
invincible
,
because
it
was
never
touched
:
The
Maiden
whose
honesty
was
never
attempted
,
deserveth
the
name
of
a
true
Virgin
:
And
the
Prince
whom
no
man
dareth
to
molest
,
may
well
be
termed
invincible
:
The
Fort
that
never
parteth
,
is
seldom
taken
:
And
the
King
whose
Power
never
decreaseth
,
can
hardly
be
subdued
.
It
is
written
that
the
Frenchmen
seeing
the
innumerable
Armies
that
have
been
sent
out
of
England
into
France
;
I
might
here
take
just
occasion
to
trouble
you
with
a
long
recital
of
the
Forces
and
Armies
which
divers
of
our
Kings
have
led
and
carryed
,
either
under
their
own
,
or
under
their
Lievtenants
conduct
into
France
or
Flanders
,
into
Italy
or
Germany
,
into
Spain
or
Portugal
,
into
Turky
or
the
Holy
Land
;
but
our
Histories
and
other
Chronicles
are
full
of
them
,
and
you
carry
them
so
well
in
mind
,
that
I
hold
it
very
superfluous
to
refresh
your
memory
.
I
leave
the
prowess
of
Edward
the
third
undeclared
;
the
fortunate
Conquests
of
Richard
the
first
untouched
;
the
happy
Victories
of
Henry
the
fifth
unrepeated
;
and
the
strange
and
marvelous
fortunes
of
many
other
of
our
Kings
,
not
mentioned
:
I
list
not
to
boast
of
the
black
Princes
valour
,
of
the
Duke
of
Glocesters
boldness
,
of
the
Bishop
of
Winchesters
pride
,
who
being
but
Subjects
under
our
Kings
,
carried
out
of
our
Realm
divers
Armies
comparable
to
the
Forces
of
Kings
.
Old
Histories
are
reputed
for
Fables
;
Things
beyond
memory
are
not
thought
worthy
of
memory
;
And
what
our
Fathers
did
,
redoundeth
not
,
in
some
mens
opinions
,
to
our
praise
or
commendation
,
according
to
the
Poets
saying
.
Et
genus
&
Proav●s
&
quae
non
fecimus
ipsi
,
Vix
ea
nostra
voco
.
But
later
Years
have
held
many
Testimonies
of
our
strength
,
manifold
Arguments
of
our
valour
,
infallible
proofs
of
our
power
;
The
Spaniard
is
in
the
opinion
of
all
men
,
the
terrour
of
Princes
,
the
controller
of
Kings
,
the
Monarch
of
the
world
,
and
the
most
and
highest
Soveraign
of
all
Soveraigns
;
It
is
he
that
maketh
Italy
to
tremble
;
that
holdeth
Spain
in
great
awe
;
that
terrifieth
the
proud
and
invincible
Germans
;
that
molesteth
the
valiant
and
variable
Frenchmen
;
that
tyranizeth
over
the
effeminate
Flemmings
;
that
mastereth
the
ancient
and
warlike
Burgundians
;
that
captivateth
the
free
and
manly
Switzers
;
that
miscarrieth
the
populous
and
poor
Scots
;
that
bridleth
the
simple
and
untamed
Indians
;
that
ruleth
the
unruly
and
obstinate
people
of
Portugal
;
that
overlooketh
with
an
eye
of
ambition
,
with
a
heart
of
covetousness
,
with
a
desire
of
superiority
,
with
an
unsatiable
appetite
of
Soveraign
Authority
,
the
whole
face
,
and
the
large
precincts
of
Christendom
.
It
is
he
that
useth
his
wit
,
imployeth
his
strength
,
bendeth
his
power
,
armeth
his
people
,
directeth
his
Council
,
and
dedicateth
all
that
he
possesseth
to
the
lawful
or
unlawful
inlarging
of
his
Territories
.
It
is
he
that
taketh
of
his
Father
to
be
Ambitious
,
that
hath
learned
of
his
Ancestors
to
be
troublesome
,
that
thinketh
it
a
work
beseeming
a
Prince
,
and
becoming
a
King
,
to
vex
and
molest
all
Kings
.
It
is
he
that
dreameth
by
night
,
studieth
by
day
,
practiseth
at
all
times
how
to
let
no
time
pass
without
a
line
(
as
it
was
anciently
said
)
without
a
Stratagem
,
a
late
invented
policy
,
an
unknown
practise
,
and
a
rare
and
marvelous
enterprise
.
It
is
he
that
increaseth
in
ambition
as
well
as
in
years
,
in
covetousness
as
well
as
in
pride
,
in
rigour
as
well
as
in
morosity
;
Briefly
,
it
is
he
,
and
I
would
to
God
that
it
were
not
he
,
that
troubleth
the
peaceable
estate
of
Christendom
,
that
only
vexeth
the
Realm
of
France
,
that
disquieteth
Flanders
,
and
setteth
friends
at
jarrs
,
allies
at
variance
,
and
confederates
at
dissention
;
insomuch
that
it
may
well
be
said
of
him
,
Phi
-
malus
&
lippus
,
totus
malus
ergo
Philippus
.
Now
if
a
woman
hath
presumed
to
encounter
with
this
man
;
if
a
Queen
of
one
Island
hath
undertaken
to
bridle
a
Prince
of
so
many
Nations
;
if
her
sole
Forces
have
tamed
his
invincible
power
,
her
only
counsel
prevented
his
subtile
practises
;
her
good
will
,
withstood
his
ill-will
,
his
mischievous
practises
,
and
his
ambitious
desires
;
if
she
alone
hath
hindred
him
to
be
Lord
of
France
,
Ruler
of
Italy
,
and
Commander
of
all
the
rest
of
the
world
;
shall
he
not
err
that
compareth
Hercules
with
her
?
Or
can
any
man
deem
him
wise
,
that
taketh
her
in
any
respect
inferiour
to
Iulius
Caesar
,
mighty
Pompey
,
or
Alexander
the
Great
?
For
two
of
these
,
with
the
invincible
power
of
the
invincible
Romans
,
conquered
some
part
of
the
rude
and
unwarlike
people
of
the
world
;
and
the
third
and
fourth
are
famous
,
not
in
true
Histories
,
but
in
old
Fables
,
for
doing
such
exploits
as
are
more
pleasant
then
credible
,
more
praised
then
possible
,
and
much
more
admired
then
allowed
for
true
,
and
not
miraculous
:
But
if
any
man
shall
deny
her
to
be
wise
,
her
peaceable
Government
giveth
him
the
lie
;
if
her
might
and
power
shall
be
called
in
question
,
her
actions
in
Flanders
and
France
,
testifie
the
fulness
of
her
strength
;
if
her
justice
be
not
worthily
commended
,
her
motherly
care
over
the
present
King
of
Scotland
while
he
was
an
infant
,
her
pitiful
charity
extended
to
as
many
as
have
had
need
of
her
help
,
and
her
upright
and
just
proceedings
in
as
many
matters
forraign
and
domestical
as
have
been
referred
to
her
discretion
,
shall
convince
him
of
falshood
,
or
of
malice
,
that
shall
derogate
ought
from
her
innumerable
multitudes
of
her
everlasting
praises
.
I
wonder
when
I
hear
the
Romans
boast
of
their
Pompey
,
the
Grecians
brag
of
their
Constantine
,
the
French
report
wonders
of
their
Charlemaigne
,
and
the
Syrians
set
forth
the
praises
of
their
Antiochus
(
whom
every
one
of
these
Nations
baptized
with
the
sirname
of
Great
)
because
their
actions
were
somwhat
extraordinary
,
exceeding
the
common
success
of
other
Princes
,
and
the
usual
fortune
of
many
and
divers
Kings
;
for
if
a
woman
hath
gone
far
beyond
them
all
,
and
that
without
the
aid
of
any
Allies
,
without
the
help
of
Forrain
powers
,
and
without
the
strength
of
such
as
should
have
employed
their
whole
strength
to
the
furtherance
of
her
endeavours
;
are
not
their
praises
eclipsed
,
their
honours
blemished
,
and
their
renown
obscured
?
They
lived
in
an
age
of
ignorance
,
in
a
time
of
simplicity
,
in
a
season
of
cowardly
pusillanimity
;
she
ruleth
in
a
world
full
of
Machiavelists
,
pestered
with
deceitful
Hanibals
,
plentiful
of
warlike
Captains
,
and
rather
over-burthened
,
then
not
throughly
furnished
with
sufficient
Counsellors
:
and
yet
neither
the
policy
of
the
wisest
,
nor
the
deceit
of
the
craftiest
;
not
the
labour
of
most
warlike
,
nor
the
wisdom
of
the
best
and
most
sufficient
Counsellors
,
hath
ever
drawn
her
into
any
small
inconvenience
,
but
hitherto
either
wisely
or
happily
,
providently
or
fortunately
,
warily
or
worthily
she
hath
not
only
prevented
but
escaped
,
foreseen
but
overgone
,
forecast
but
overcome
the
most
secret
,
the
most
subtile
,
the
most
divelish
,
and
the
most
unnatural
and
inevitable
practises
,
devises
,
attempts
,
treasons
,
and
trecheries
of
her
adversaries
.
For
many
men
and
women
,
learned
and
unlearned
,
spiritual
and
temporal
,
noble
and
ignoble
,
courtiers
and
counsellors
have
sought
her
death
,
and
committed
treasons
against
her
:
Witness
the
late
Queen
of
Scots
,
Mrs
Arding
,
and
her
daughter
,
witness
Dr
Storey
,
Dr.
Parrey
,
and
Dr
Saunders
:
Witness
Campion
,
Sherwin
,
and
their
complices
:
Witness
the
Earls
of
Northumberland
,
Westmerland
,
and
Arundel
:
Witness
Babington
,
Throgmorton
,
Tilney
,
and
their
confederates
:
Witness
the
late
Duke
of
Norfolk
and
Perrott
,
both
Privie
Counsellors
of
great
account
,
wealth
,
credit
,
and
honour
,
both
greatly
loved
,
trusted
,
and
honoured
by
her
Majesty
,
both
bound
unto
her
Highness
for
many
favours
,
dignities
,
and
advancements
,
both
(
briefly
)
counselled
,
animated
,
encouraged
,
and
directed
in
their
treasons
by
the
wise
Counsellors
of
the
mightiest
Prince
,
and
the
greatest
enemy
that
her
Grace
had
in
the
world
:
Their
treason
was
plotted
abroad
,
and
intended
at
home
;
invented
in
Spain
,
and
should
have
been
executed
in
England
;
there
it
received
a
beginning
,
here
an
approbation
:
here
were
executioners
,
and
there
counsellors
;
here
practisers
,
and
there
patrons
;
here
the
traytors
were
blinded
with
ambition
,
there
the
abettors
were
transported
with
envie
;
here
reigned
pride
,
and
there
revenge
;
briefly
,
here
the
treasons
ended
,
but
their
malice
continueth
,
and
sendeth
forth
daylie
new
Conspirators
,
new
devises
,
and
new
practises
:
Since
therefore
her
Majesties
death
hath
been
so
often
intended
,
the
subversion
of
her
State
so
many
times
purposed
,
and
the
performance
of
both
so
desperately
undertaken
,
her
Highness
for
her self
,
and
we
for
her
Highness
,
are
greatly
bound
to
pray
to
the
Almighty
,
who
hath
so
many
ways
,
so
many
times
,
and
so
miraculously
preserved
her
.
Iulius
Caesar
was
so
fortunate
,
Go
thy
ways
,
thou
carriest
Caesar
,
and
Caesars
Fortune
;
and
yet
notwithstanding
it
was
his
fortune
to
be
killed
with
Bodkins
,
and
that
by
his
dearest
friends
,
yea
in
the
Senate
House
,
where
he
thought
himself
as
safe
as
in
his
own
Palace
,
as
sure
as
in
a
Castle
,
and
as
free
from
danger
as
a
Prince
invironed
with
a
strong
Guard
.
Pompeius
had
many
commendable
qualities
,
great
store
of
friends
,
infinite
followers
,
strange
fortunes
,
many
signs
of
Gods
blessings
,
sundry
tokens
of
more
then
ordinary
and
humane
felicity
;
and
yet
he
was
poysoned
or
done
to
death
by
his
professed
friends
.
Alexander
,
who
for
his
Prowess
,
was
surnamed
the
Great
;
for
his
fortune
was
one
of
the
Wonders
of
the
world
,
and
for
his
rare
faithful
friends
and
Counsellors
,
went
far
beyond
all
the
Princes
that
lived
either
before
or
after
him
;
neither
by
his
vertue
nor
valour
,
nor
by
his
fortune
and
good
hap
,
nor
by
his
friends
and
Counsellors
,
could
escape
the
fatal
poison
that
ended
his
days
,
before
he
attained
unto
those
years
which
be
the
forerunners
of
Age
:
So
as
in
others
,
so
in
this
Point
her
Majesty
far
exceedeth
Caesar
,
Pompey
,
and
Alexander
,
the
three
greatest
Princes
that
ever
lived
:
For
their
death
was
so
soon
performed
as
purposed
;
Her
life
hath
been
often
sought
(
but
God
be
thanked
therefore
)
not
shortned
;
they
escaped
not
the
malicious
Treasons
of
one
or
two
;
she
hath
been
preserved
from
the
wicked
treacheries
of
very
many
;
they
could
not
prevent
the
Conspiracies
of
their
friends
;
she
hath
withstood
the
open
and
secret
attempts
of
their
enemies
;
Briefly
,
they
dyed
before
they
became
old
,
she
hath
attained
unto
sixty
years
of
her
Age
;
and
the
rare
fortune
which
she
hath
hitherto
had
to
escape
so
many
and
marvelous
dangers
,
putteth
me
,
and
all
her
loving
Subjects
,
in
good
hope
,
that
it
will
please
the
Almighty
to
add
many
more
years
of
bliss
and
haappiness
to
her
days
:
neither
do
I
think
only
that
she
shall
live
beyond
the
ordinary
and
usual
years
and
age
of
other
Princes
;
but
I
am
fully
perswaded
,
that
her
Grace
is
preserved
and
reserved
to
great
fortune
to
some
marvelous
purpose
;
her
qualities
exceeding
other
Princes
conditions
;
her
fortune
being
more
then
ordinary
,
and
her
dangers
escaped
,
not
prudently
,
but
providently
,
not
by
humane
policy
,
but
by
divine
prevention
;
give
me
good
occasion
to
presume
,
that
he
that
disposeth
of
Kings
,
and
all
Kings
Actions
,
lengthneth
her
days
,
and
hath
dedicated
her
years
to
some
notable
accident
:
For
what
he
hath
intended
,
man
cannot
prevent
:
what
he
purposeth
,
Astiages
dreamed
that
his
Daughter
Mandana
made
so
much
water
at
one
time
as
filled
his
whole
City
,
Thou
toldest
me
(
of
late
)
I
was
drunken
;
Now
to
shew
thee
whether
I
be
,
or
no
,
I
have
here
an
Arrow
in
my
hand
,
which
if
I
do
shoot
so
rightly
,
that
I
do
hit
thy
Son
at
the
heart
,
thou
mayest
well
think
I
am
not
drunk
;
and
if
I
miss
his
heart
,
then
will
I
not
be
offended
at
thee
for
so
saying
of
me
:
He
shooteth
the
Arrow
,
and
striketh
the
child
at
the
heart
:
And
not
content
with
this
severe
revenge
,
commandeth
the
Father
to
sup
with
him
,
and
compelleth
him
at
Supper
to
feed
on
the
best
and
cheifest
parts
of
his
only
and
dearest
Son
,
baked
in
a
Pie
.
Harpagus
endureth
the
wrong
for
a
while
,
and
maketh
Astiages
to
continue
his
cruelty
,
consenteth
to
his
Marriage
with
his
own
Sister
,
bringeth
him
by
secret
means
,
and
his
own
leud
demeanor
,
into
the
hatred
of
his
Subjects
;
And
when
he
saw
that
it
was
time
to
begin
to
work
his
revenge
;
fearing
that
if
he
should
send
a
Letter
to
Cyrus
(
whom
he
meant
to
use
for
the
Instrument
of
his
revenge
)
by
ordinary
means
,
the
same
might
be
intercepted
,
and
so
both
he
and
Cyrus
endangered
;
taketh
an
Hare
,
openeth
his
Belly
,
within
it
encloseth
a
Letter
,
and
giveth
the
Hare
to
a
trusty
Messenger
to
carry
unto
Cyrus
,
willing
him
to
take
off
the
Hares
skin
;
And
to
the
end
the
matter
might
be
less
suspected
,
he
apparelleth
the
man
like
a
Hunter
,
giveth
him
Nets
in
his
hand
,
and
other
instruments
belonging
unto
Hunting
:
The
Letters
contained
,
That
Cyrus
should
dispose
the
Persians
to
revenge
the
wrongs
that
Astiages
had
done
unto
him
and
to
Cyrus
:
The
trust
that
Astiages
reposed
in
Harpagus
,
and
that
being
assured
to
be
made
cheif
Lievtenant
of
the
Median
Forces
which
should
be
sent
against
Cyrus
,
he
would
presently
revolt
unto
Cyrus
,
who
by
that
means
might
easily
overthrow
his
Grand-father
:
The
Plot
was
thus
layed
;
Cyrus
rebelled
,
Astiages
put
Harpagus
in
trust
with
all
his
strength
;
he
flyeth
unto
Cyrus
;
Astiages
is
delivered
into
the
hands
of
his
enemies
,
and
the
Empire
of
the
Medians
is
by
this
means
translated
unto
the
Persians
.
Amulius
to
rule
alone
,
killed
Numiter
,
Cambyses
,
Son
to
the
afore-named
Cyrus
dreamed
that
a
Messenger
brought
him
word
that
his
Brother
Smerdis
sitting
in
his
royal
seat
,
Gargoris
Rex
Curetum
,
These
examples
although
they
may
seem
to
be
untrue
,
and
incredible
,
yet
because
they
are
strange
and
wonderful
,
and
reported
by
such
Authors
whose
writings
deserve
no
small
credit
,
they
may
right
well
serve
to
put
us
in
mind
,
that
whatsoever
the
eternal
God
hath
decreed
,
it
lies
not
in
our
power
to
prevent
or
alter
his
determination
.
Astyages
could
command
his
daughter
to
marry
with
a
mean
man
,
he
had
power
to
will
the
fruit
of
her
womb
to
be
destroyed
,
he
might
entreat
or
enforce
Harpagus
to
procure
the
Infants
death
;
But
after
that
he
(
moved
with
compassion
)
spared
the
childe
,
and
committed
the
same
unto
the
custody
and
discretion
of
the
Shepherd
:
Astyages
authority
,
and
Harpagus
commission
expired
,
the
Shepherd
pitied
the
poor
Infant
,
and
it
pleased
the
Almighty
(
who
had
resolutely
determined
his
greatness
and
welfare
)
to
suffer
him
to
live
,
to
the
utter
ruine
and
overthrow
of
the
Grandfather
.
Amulius
,
as
a
wicked
Usurper
,
intended
to
deprive
Rhea
of
her
right
,
according
to
his
purpose
slew
her
father
,
and
dedicated
her
to
such
a
life
,
as
there
was
smal
hope
that
from
her
should
succeed
any
off-spring
to
spoil
and
deprive
him
of
his
Royal
Scepter
:
But
God
had
fully
resolved
that
out
of
Rheas
womb
should
proceed
the
scourge
of
her
fathers
iniquity
,
and
the
founder
of
the
Romans
Majesty
,
and
accordingly
of
her
came
Romulus
and
Rhemus
,
who
founded
that
worthy
and
famous
City
.
Cambyses
,
dismayed
with
a
dream
,
and
fearing
that
his
Brother
would
shorten
his
days
,
and
usurp
his
Crown
,
took
the
ordinary
means
that
Princes
use
to
take
in
such
occasions
;
but
he
had
no
sooner
killed
one
Smerdis
,
but
another
arose
and
rose
against
him
,
who
did
put
him
besides
his
royal
Diadem
.
Briefly
,
Gargoris
thought
by
adjudging
the
Son
which
he
begate
upon
his
own
daughter
,
somtimes
to
one
,
and
somtimes
to
another
kind
of
death
,
to
have
hidden
his
own
shame
,
and
to
have
debarred
the
poor
infant
from
his
right
:
But
he
that
righteth
all
wrongs
,
and
undertaketh
the
defence
of
the
innocent
,
would
not
have
it
to
be
so
,
would
not
suffer
wickedness
to
prevail
,
nor
permit
the
guiltless
blood
to
be
destroyed
.
I
may
therefore
infer
by
these
examples
,
and
by
the
rare
fortune
which
our
gracious
Queen
Elizabeth
hath
hitherto
enjoyed
,
that
it
lieth
not
in
the
ambitious
Spaniard
,
nor
in
the
proud
Prelate
of
Rome
,
her
mortal
enemies
,
her
sworn
and
professed
adversaries
,
to
shorten
her
days
,
but
one
day
,
or
one
minute
:
Their
wishes
are
on
earth
,
but
cannot
ascend
to
heaven
;
they
may
purpose
,
but
not
dispose
,
they
have
often
desired
,
but
could
never
prevail
;
they
have
suborned
many
,
but
never
found
,
nor
shall
find
any
that
shall
be
able
to
accomplish
their
desire
;
the
Axe
may
be
layed
to
the
root
of
the
Tree
,
but
it
shall
not
have
power
to
fell
it
;
the
Lyon
perhaps
may
go
about
to
seek
his
prey
,
but
he
shall
never
find
it
;
the
divel
(
as
a
divel
)
may
provoke
and
procure
his
instruments
to
be
ready
to
further
his
attempts
,
but
Gods
Angels
attending
on
her
person
,
having
a
care
of
her
health
,
and
a
special
charge
of
her
safety
,
will
not
permit
divellish
ministers
to
have
the
least
power
that
may
be
over
her
.
The
Rule
and
Government
of
Women
is
rare
;
and
omnia
rara
sunt
chara
:
Their
Sex
is
weak
,
and
the
Almighty
hath
promised
to
be
the
Protector
of
the
infirm
and
weak
;
Their
capacity
is
not
answerable
to
mans
policy
;
and
the
Lord
hath
said
,
that
his
elect
shall
not
be
confounded
with
humane
wisdom
;
he
hath
said
,
and
we
may
swear
,
That
heaven
and
earth
shall
sooner
perish
,
then
his
word
shall
fail
.
Why
then
do
the
Princes
rage
?
Why
then
do
the
Pope
and
the
King
of
Spain
fret
and
fume
against
the
Lords
Anointed
?
Against
his
chsen
Vessel
?
Against
his
dear
Virgin
?
Why
the
cause
is
the
Lords
,
and
he
will
try
it
,
he
will
end
and
determine
it
.
Is
it
because
she
upholdeth
and
defendeth
the
Spaniards
afflicted
and
oppressed
Subjects
?
Why
,
therefore
she
was
ordained
,
therefore
the
Lord
preserveth
her
.
Is
it
because
she
liveth
in
peace
,
and
they
in
wars
?
Why
,
the
Almighty
hath
blessed
the
Peace-makers
,
and
hath
vowed
to
be
the
Protector
and
Patron
of
as
many
as
love
peace
.
Is
it
because
her
subjects
rebel
not
against
her
,
as
theirs
do
?
Why
that
is
an
express
and
manifest
sign
of
their
evil
,
and
her
good
Government
.
Is
it
because
she
withstandeth
their
attempts
and
purposes
?
Why
she
medleth
not
with
their
doings
,
but
with
such
as
tend
to
her
hinderance
;
and
those
it
is
both
lawful
and
honourable
for
her
to
cross
and
prevent
.
Briefly
,
Is
it
because
the
wisest
Princes
and
Subjects
of
the
world
favour
her
more
then
them
?
Why
,
that
is
because
their
actions
are
not
in
any
respect
equal
or
comparable
unto
hers
;
for
they
pretend
one
thing
,
and
intend
another
;
her
thoughts
and
pretensions
do
alwaies
agree
together
:
They
would
seem
to
love
Peace
,
and
yet
dwell
continually
in
wars
;
she
seeketh
peace
and
embraceth
it
:
They
combine
themselves
,
and
employ
their
strength
and
Forces
against
Christian
Religion
,
she
useth
her
power
to
no
mans
detriment
or
destruction
:
Briefly
,
they
do
or
would
usurp
more
then
belongeth
unto
them
,
and
she
requireth
no
more
then
is
her
own
.
That
such
is
her
mind
,
desire
,
and
purpose
is
most
apparent
to
all
the
world
,
because
when
she
might
have
had
the
Soveraignty
and
universal
Government
of
Flanders
,
she
accepted
it
not
;
when
she
might
have
excluded
the
Spaniard
out
of
the
possession
of
his
rich
and
wealthy
Indies
,
she
deprived
him
not
of
them
;
And
when
as
her
Forces
are
sufficient
to
disturb
his
whole
Realms
of
Portugal
and
Spain
,
she
employeth
them
not
to
his
disturbance
:
But
In
magnis
voluisse
sat
est
:
She
hath
assaulted
the
Indies
;
attempted
the
conquest
of
Portugal
,
and
assayed
what
her
Forces
could
do
in
Spain
:
It
cannot
be
denyed
but
that
her
Majesty
hath
done
as
much
,
Francis
Drake
,
with
such
Forces
as
he
and
his
friends
with
a
very
slender
help
from
her
Highness
,
had
provided
,
happily
spoiled
part
of
the
Indies
,
and
returned
thence
with
no
smal
prey
,
if
he
had
gone
thitherward
somwhat
sooner
then
he
did
,
better
furnished
then
he
was
,
&
with
a
larger
commission
then
he
had
,
al
which
lay
in
her
Majesty
to
have
granted
him
,
undoubtedly
either
the
season
of
the
year
,
or
the
number
of
his
ships
or
the
largenes
of
his
Authority
,
would
both
have
encouraged
and
also
enabled
him
to
have
done
those
her
Highness
enemies
much
more
and
greater
despight
then
he
did
.
But
as
wise
men
going
about
a
great
piece
of
work
,
and
finding
when
they
have
begun
the
same
,
that
their
ability
will
not
serve
to
accomplish
it
,
sit
down
and
study
what
ways
to
take
,
and
how
to
put
those
ways
in
execution
,
for
the
full
perfection
of
their
enterprise
:
So
her
Highness
having
so
mighty
an
enemy
as
the
Spaniard
,
whose
Attempts
and
purposes
it
was
necessary
(
for
her
own
security
)
to
cross
and
prevent
.
And
finding
that
her
Treasure
was
not
comparable
to
his
wealth
,
especially
seeing
he
attempted
divers
ways
to
annoy
her
,
and
purposed
to
weary
her
with
length
of
time
,
and
variety
of
expences
,
resolved
with
her self
,
that
it
could
not
be
amiss
to
permit
her
loving
Subjects
to
adventure
some
part
of
their
wealth
,
and
a
small
portion
of
her
own
Treasure
,
in●hope
to
bring
from
the
Indies
much
more
then
they
carried
thither
:
The
which
her
Resolution
being
put
in
practise
,
found
the
same
event
which
was
expected
,
and
the
sequel
thereof
sufficiently
declared
;
that
a
greater
Navy
well
furnished
with
sufficient
men
,
and
good
store
of
Victuals
and
Munition
,
might
then
,
and
may
yet
,
put
her
Majesty
in
quiet
possession
of
the
richest
and
best
part
of
the
Indies
:
But
it
sufficeth
her
Highness
to
try
the
Forces
of
those
Countries
;
to
acquaint
her
Sea
men
and
Souldiers
with
the
way
thither
;
to
give
them
a
taste
of
the
Indian
wealth
;
and
to
make
her
power
known
as
well
unto
the
Inhabitants
of
those
remote
Countries
,
as
of
other
nearer
Regions
of
the
world
,
who
thought
too
basely
of
her
strength
,
and
carried
too
good
a
conceipt
of
her
Adversaries
might
and
puissance
;
And
finally
,
to
fetch
from
her
mortal
enemies
own
Dominions
some
Treasure
wherewith
to
withstand
the
Rancor
and
extremity
of
his
malice
.
Francis
Drake
,
and
his
Consorts
,
should
not
have
found
the
same
sufficiently
provided
to
make
such
resistance
as
was
needful
:
For
as
it
sheweth
courage
in
a
Prince
to
give
the
first
on-set
upon
his
enemies
within
his
own
Dominions
;
Now
as
touching
her
Majesties
Attempt
made
against
Portugal
and
Spain
;
The
manner
thereof
is
not
unknown
unto
the
world
,
the
cause
is
notorious
,
and
the
success
is
not
hidden
nor
secret
:
For
Mr
Anthony
Wingfields
,
and
Mr
Dr
Doylies
Books
;
the
one
in
English
,
the
other
in
Latine
,
set
down
the
order
,
motive
,
and
the
event
of
that
Attempt
,
so
truly
,
so
fully
,
and
so
plainly
,
as
I
shall
not
need
to
say
any
thing
thereof
,
especially
having
already
touched
his
Right
at
large
,
for
whose
cause
,
and
at
whose
instance
the
Voyage
was
undertaken
:
But
because
the
said
Books
make
but
a
plain
and
true
Narration
of
the
Journey
,
and
of
the
cause
and
success
thereof
,
leaving
the
Justification
of
the
same
cause
unhandled
,
and
you
desire
to
see
the
same
confirmed
and
strengthned
by
some
examples
declaring
the
equity
thereof
:
I
will
in
this
Point
somwhat
satisfie
your
desire
and
pleasure
.
Presupposing
therefore
Don
Antonion
his
Title
to
the
Kingdom
of
Portugal
to
be
just
and
right
(
as
his
own
Apology
can
,
and
doth
testifie
)
I
think
it
will
not
be
denyed
,
but
that
what
help
soever
was
,
or
shall
be
hereafter
yeilded
unto
him
for
the
recovery
thereof
,
was
,
and
will
be
both
warrantable
by
Law
,
and
justifiable
by
many
and
infinite
Histories
.
The
Law
be
it
of
Nature
or
of
Nations
,
warranteth
any
man
whatsoever
,
Vim
vi
repellere
,
to
repel
force
by
force
,
which
is
not
tyed
to
this
bare
sence
and
meaning
only
;
That
it
shall
be
lawful
for
him
to
defend
himself
only
against
him
that
assaulteth
his
person
,
or
endangereth
his
life
,
but
it
reacheth
further
,
and
giveth
him
leave
to
use
any
moderate
violence
,
yea
sometimes
to
kill
him
(
if
he
cannot
otherwise
retain
his
own
)
that
goeth
about
by
main
force
to
put
him
out
of
possession
of
his
lands
and
inheritance
,
or
to
take
away
his
goods
from
him
.
The
same
proceedeth
further
with
us
in
England
,
and
in
France
,
and
provideth
that
if
a
man
be
assaulted
,
and
others
stand
by
,
and
help
him
not
,
they
are
held
for
partakers
of
the
violence
that
is
offered
unto
him
;
and
if
a
man
be
robbed
upon
the
high-way
,
and
Hue
and
Cry
be
not
made
presently
after
the
Theeves
,
the
Town
,
Village
,
or
Hamlet
,
which
presently
pursueth
not
the
Malefactor
,
shall
answer
whatsoever
is
taken
from
the
party
that
is
robbed
.
The
reasons
of
this
Law
are
many
.
First
it
is
expedient
for
the
Common-wealth
to
conserve
the
lives
and
goods
of
the
Subjects
thereof
;
then
there
should
neither
be
Meum
nor
Tuum
,
if
this
Law
did
not
take
place
.
Next
,
the
first
and
especial
cause
of
assembling
Societies
together
,
and
of
making
and
fortifying
Villages
,
Towns
,
and
Cities
,
was
a
desire
and
care
which
men
had
to
live
together
in
safety
,
as
well
of
their
Goods
,
as
of
their
persons
.
Lastly
,
nature
detesteth
unlawful
violence
,
desireth
the
conservation
of
her
Creatures
,
tendreth
their
welfare
,
and
hateth
the
Procurers
of
her
harm
and
detriment
,
and
therefore
provided
Princes
that
should
minister
Justice
unto
all
men
indifferently
,
defend
the
innocent
valiantly
,
maintain
their
Subjects
in
peace
continually
,
and
duly
inflict
condigne
punishment
upon
the
breakers
and
perturbers
of
peace
and
tranquility
.
Now
because
Justice
loseth
her
name
and
majesty
unless
a
proportionable
Equity
be
observed
in
the
administration
and
exercise
thereof
,
as
private
mens
security
is
regarded
and
tendred
in
Justice
,
so
the
Law
must
likewise
have
the
indempnity
,
safety
and
commodity
of
Superiors
,
Magistrates
,
and
Princes
in
recommendation
,
otherwise
they
should
be
in
far
worse
case
then
their
own
Subjects
are
:
For
,
the
wrongs
that
are
done
unto
them
,
are
righted
by
their
Magistrates
;
and
therefore
it
standeth
with
good
reason
,
that
some
provision
be
made
,
and
some
care
had
for
the
reformation
of
such
injuries
as
are
offered
to
the
Kings
and
Princes
.
If
a
Subject
be
thrust
out
of
possession
of
his
proper
Inheritance
,
the
Law
provideth
that
he
shall
be
presently
restored
thereunto
.
And
if
a
king
be
wrongfully
driven
out
of
his
kingdom
,
shall
not
he
be
allowed
to
seek
a
restitution
thereof
?
He
shall
,
but
how
?
Forsooth
at
his
hands
who
hath
deprived
him
;
but
what
if
the
Usurper
will
not
yeild
to
his
petition
?
he
is
then
to
implore
the
help
of
other
Princes
,
and
they
on
his
behalf
are
to
pray
and
admonish
the
Usurper
to
make
restitution
of
all
that
he
detaineth
wrongfully
;
whereunto
i●
he
shall
not
hearken
after
due
admonition
given
unto
him
,
they
may
(
junctis
viribus
)
invade
his
Realm
,
and
by
main
force
inforce
him
to
restore
whatsoever
he
with-holdeth
unjustly
.
For
this
charge
lay
upon
the
Emperours
,
as
long
as
they
were
of
sufficient
force
and
authority
to
command
and
controll
the
Kings
of
this
world
:
But
now
that
the
Imperial
Majesty
is
somewhat
abated
,
and
Kings
have
freed
and
emancipated
themselves
from
the
Emperours
power
and
jurisdiction
it
remaineth
as
part
of
the
charge
of
Kings
,
to
see
that
no
violence
be
offered
unto
their
Colleagues
,
and
especially
unto
their
Confederates
.
Therefore
it
is
usual
amongst
Princes
to
enter
into
Alliance
together
,
with
express
conditions
to
take
the
Enemies
each
one
of
the
other
for
their
own
Enemies
,
and
not
only
to
defend
their
own
Estates
against
all
men
whatsoever
,
but
also
to
offend
him
,
whatsoever
he
be
that
shall
attempt
any
thing
to
their
prejudice
;
and
there
is
nothing
more
common
then
to
see
Princes
oppressed
to
fly
for
aid
unto
the
Oppressors
Adversaries
,
and
to
receive
help
and
succour
from
them
.
They
therefore
are
highly
commended
which
receive
and
harbour
a
distressed
Prince
,
It
is
written
in
the
Histories
of
France
,
that
Charles
the
seventh
having
upon
just
occasion
of
offence
and
displeasure
conceived
against
the
Dolphin
of
France
(
who
was
his
eldest
son
)
banished
him
out
of
his
Realm
,
Piero
Mexias
,
in
his
Book
of
the
lives
of
the
Roman
Emperours
,
reporteth
,
That
the
Emperour
Henry
the
third
,
The
King
of
Cochin
,
being
required
by
the
King
of
Calicut
not
to
harbour
his
enemies
which
were
fled
unto
him
for
succour
;
Answered
,
that
he
could
not
expel
them
out
of
his
Cities
,
having
received
them
upon
his
word
;
with
which
Answer
the
King
of
Calicut
being
highly
displeased
,
wrot
him
a
Letter
full
of
great
threats
,
whereat
the
King
of
Cochin
laughed
,
and
willed
the
Messenger
to
tell
him
,
that
he
would
not
do
that
for
fear
of
all
his
threats
,
which
he
vouchsafed
not
to
do
at
his
request
;
whereupon
the
King
of
Calicut
suddenly
prepared
a
great
Army
invaded
the
King
of
Cochins
Realm
,
drave
him
out
of
his
Kingdom
,
and
enforced
him
to
fly
unto
a
certain
Island
of
his
own
which
was
then
in
the
hands
of
certain
Portugals
,
by
whom
he
not
long
after
was
again
restored
unto
his
Kingdom
.
Our
Chronicles
report
,
That
both
Edward
the
fourth
,
and
Richard
the
third
,
The
same
Chronicles
testifie
,
David
distrusting
the
protection
of
God
,
Frederick
,
King
of
Naples
,
being
oppressed
by
his
Uncle
the
King
of
Spain
,
used
unto
the
French
King
,
unto
whom
he
made
grievous
complaints
of
the
Catholique
King
,
because
without
any
regard
of
the
kindred
and
consanguinity
that
was
betwixt
them
,
he
had
endeavoured
by
all
means
possible
to
deprive
him
of
the
Moity
of
his
Kingdom
.
Lewis
the
French
King
received
him
with
great
honour
and
courtesie
,
It
is
commonly
said
that
troubles
come
in
post
,
and
depart
by
leisure
;
And
who
so
seeketh
unquietness
shall
easily
find
it
,
and
therefore
considering
the
displeasure
that
is
done
to
the
adversary
of
him
that
is
received
into
another
Kings
Realm
and
protection
,
the
danger
which
the
Receiver
may
incure
,
and
the
manifest
wrongs
which
are
sometimes
done
unto
the
Receiver
by
the
received
,
together
with
their
most
unkind
and
unnaturall
Ingratitude
;
this
kinde
of
charitie
,
is
sometimes
termed
crueltie
;
this
pity
,
peril
,
this
favour
extream
folly
,
and
this
compassion
a
passion
not
agreeable
to
reason
and
Princely
policy
.
Some
Princes
therefore
weighting
the
perils
that
may
follow
the
receiving
of
such
Guests
,
or
the
aiding
of
Princes
who
were
expelled
or
banished
from
their
own
Dominions
,
would
neither
receive
them
,
nor
succour
them
,
unless
they
were
well
rewarded
for
their
labour
;
to
the
end
that
such
a
reward
might
recompence
the
costs
and
charges
which
do
necessarily
depend
upon
the
harbour
and
relief
which
is
given
unto
them
.
Alexis
,
sometimes
Emperour
of
Greece
,
being
deprived
of
his
Empire
,
could
not
obtain
any
manner
of
aid
from
the
Venetians
,
the
Marquess
of
Montferrat
,
and
the
King
of
France
,
until
he
had
faithfully
promised
to
pay
the
Venetians
debts
,
Macrinus
,
having
slain
the
Emperour
Bassianus
,
enjoyed
the
Empire
;
and
his
Son
Antoninus
Heliogabalus
lived
a
long
time
in
exile
,
until
his
Mother
Messa
,
Other
Princes
perhaps
terrified
with
the
perils
that
accompany
and
attend
upon
the
harbouring
of
such
distressed
Princes
,
when
they
have
once
received
them
,
either
restore
them
to
their
enemies
,
or
detain
them
as
lawful
Prisoners
,
or
cause
them
to
be
secretly
murthered
.
So
did
Alarick
,
So
did
Toleny
cause
Pompey
to
be
murthered
,
Iulius
Caesar.
So
did
Peter
King
of
Castile
murther
Rubaeus
King
of
Granado
,
So
did
Ptolomy
imprison
Antiochus
,
So
briefly
did
Henry
the
fifth
King
of
England
,
These
Examples
varying
much
from
the
former
;
And
these
Princes
observing
a
quite
contrary
course
unto
that
which
the
before-named
Kings
observed
,
maketh
this
question
very
doubtful
;
Whether
it
be
lawful
and
commendable
in
Princes
to
receive
and
harbour
another
Prince
who
flyeth
unto
him
for
succour
:
But
if
humanity
deserveth
always
more
commendations
then
cruelty
;
if
it
be
true
that
the
Poet
saith
.
Turpius
ejicitur
,
quam
non
admittitur
Hospes
.
If
Princes
were
first
ordained
and
instituted
to
yeild
relief
to
as
many
as
were
distressed
;
If
God
most
commonly
blessed
them
who
yeilded
such
relief
,
and
contrariwise
punished
those
who
exercised
no
kind
of
humanity
towards
them
.
Briefly
,
if
wiser
Princes
have
received
them
then
have
rejected
them
,
this
doubt
is
easily
dissolved
,
and
this
difficulty
quickly
removed
.
Now
that
humanity
which
is
incident
unto
men
,
is
to
be
preferred
before
cruelty
,
which
is
proper
unto
bruit
beasts
,
is
a
thing
so
apparent
to
common
sense
,
that
I
hold
him
for
senseless
that
doubteth
thereof
;
and
what
is
he
who
blameth
him
not
for
incivility
,
who
having
received
his
friend
into
his
house
,
and
being
very
well
able
to
relieve
him
,
excludeth
him
without
any
occasion
of
discontentment
offered
by
him
:
Or
who
is
so
ignorant
,
that
knoweth
not
there
is
nothing
more
answerable
unto
the
principal
cause
and
motive
of
the
first
institution
of
Kings
,
then
it
is
to
succour
as
many
as
have
need
of
their
help
:
And
our
Chronicles
do
testifie
,
that
God
plagued
the
posterity
of
Henry
the
fifth
,
for
his
extremity
used
unto
the
poor
distressed
Prince
of
Scotland
;
and
the
French
Histories
do
declare
,
that
God
never
prospered
Lewis
sirnamed
Oultremer
,
King
of
France
,
because
he
had
dealt
discourteously
and
unkindly
with
the
Infant
Richard
Duke
of
Normandy
,
Besides
(
as
the
world
is
now
adayes
)
Leagues
are
of
no
longer
continuance
then
there
is
some
profit
or
commodity
arising
or
proceeding
from
them
,
Ferdinando
and
Isabella
King
and
Queen
of
Spain
,
being
accused
by
the
French
King
,
that
they
had
unlawfully
broken
the
League
of
Friendship
which
was
straitly
concluded
betwixt
Spain
and
France
against
all
enemies
whatsoever
,
Edward
the
third
King
of
England
espying
a
time
of
great
advantage
to
invade
Scotland
,
because
he
might
be
the
less
blamed
if
he
should
take
the
same
occasion
,
The
Brittans
in
the
time
of
King
Arthur
,
Iulius
Caesar
although
the
Romans
were
in
League
with
the
people
which
were
anciently
called
Lingones
,
yet
he
held
them
,
yea
and
used
them
as
Enemies
,
because
they
aided
the
Helvetians
(
which
are
now
called
Swizzers
)
with
corn
and
other
provision
.
Other
Princes
have
taken
occasion
of
offence
against
their
Allies
and
Confederates
,
because
they
have
fallen
to
Agreement
with
their
common
Enemies
and
Adversaries
without
their
consent
of
privity
.
So
was
Pope
Sextus
the
fourth
highly
displeased
with
Ferdinando
King
of
Naples
,
Laurence
de
medicis
,
and
the
City
of
Florence
.
So
did
Lewis
the
twelfth
of
France
justly
complain
of
Pope
Iulius
the
second
,
Illescas
in
the
life
of
Pope
Leo
the
tenth
,
Prospero
Colona
,
one
of
the
Captains
of
the
Spanish
Army
,
did
not
presently
give
unto
them
Bressia
,
which
he
had
taken
from
the
French
King
,
and
should
(
as
it
seemed
)
have
been
restored
unto
the
Venetians
as
soon
as
it
was
taken
.
Sometimes
it
falleth
out
that
many
occasions
meet
at
one
time
to
move
a
Prince
to
relinquish
and
leave
the
side
and
party
of
his
confederate
:
Monsieur
Lotreth
,
Governour
of
Milan
,
because
he
did
not
only
molest
and
trouble
the
poor
Millanois
,
with
a
thousand
vexations
and
grievances
,
but
also
gave
all
the
Benefices
,
Bishopricks
,
and
other
Ecclesiastical
Livings
,
within
the
Dukedom
of
Milan
,
without
the
Popes
leave
and
licence
;
And
further
,
because
he
had
had
given
commandment
that
no
man
should
appear
upon
any
Citation
sent
from
Rome
,
nor
should
go
thither
to
follow
any
Suit
or
Process
begun
or
moved
there
.
And
lastly
the
remembrance
of
those
injuries
which
were
done
by
the
King
of
France
unto
his
Predecessors
,
and
especially
unto
Peter
and
Laurence
de
Medicis
,
his
Father
and
his
Brother
.
Here
you
see
the
Pope
(
whom
the
rest
of
Italy
most
commonly
followeth
)
partly
moved
with
a
just
hatred
against
the
Frenchmen
;
and
partly
fearing
their
overgrowing
power
in
Italy
;
to
prevent
the
hateful
increase
of
their
greatness
,
leaveth
them
,
and
joyneth
himself
unto
their
enemies
.
Now
you
shal
see
another
Pope
,
Francis
Sforza
,
who
promised
to
give
him
for
the
same
six
hundred
thousand
Ducates
,
and
to
marry
with
whomsoever
it
should
please
him
;
and
also
to
hold
the
Dukedom
at
his
devotion
;
And
further
,
conjecturing
by
the
on-set
which
he
gave
upon
France
,
and
by
the
great
Power
and
Authority
which
he
had
even
then
in
Italy
,
that
he
went
about
to
make
himself
Lord
of
the
most
part
of
the
world
;
And
seeing
that
Francis
the
first
,
King
of
France
,
had
lately
won
Milan
from
the
said
Emperour
,
they
entred
into
League
with
the
French
King
against
Charls
the
fifth
,
as
secretly
as
they
might
possible
:
You
have
heard
before
how
Leo
the
tenth
,
taking
the
kindness
shewed
unto
him
by
the
Emperour
,
at
the
Diet
of
Worms
very
kindly
,
was
moved
thereby
to
leave
the
French
party
,
and
to
become
one
of
the
Emperours
Faction
.
Now
you
shall
hear
how
Pope
Paulus
the
third
,
Marcello
Corvino
in
his
place
;
which
was
an
indignity
never
offered
unto
any
Prince
,
unto
whom
either
the
Embassadour
or
his
Majesty
bear
any
love
or
affection
.
This
evil
conceit
of
the
said
Paulus
Tertius
towards
the
same
Emperour
was
encreased
by
three
special
Causes
.
The
first
because
the
Emperour
to
strengthen
himself
against
the
above
named
French
King
,
had
lately
entred
into
League
and
Alliance
with
Henry
the
eighth
,
King
of
England
,
who
was
then
fallen
from
that
obedience
which
the
See
of
Rome
looked
for
at
his
hands
.
The
second
because
Caesar
had
so
quickly
forgotten
the
wrong
done
unto
his
Aunt
,
lately
divorced
from
the
same
King
.
The
third
because
the
Emperor
would
neither
sell
unto
him
the
Dukedom
of
Milan
,
nor
make
his
Son
Pier
Lewis
,
Duke
of
Parma
and
Placentia
.
I
might
proceed
in
the
recital
of
many
other
Examples
like
unto
these
,
but
from
these
you
may
sufficiently
gather
,
that
the
wisest
,
both
Popes
,
Emperors
,
and
Kings
,
that
ever
lived
of
late
years
,
have
made
it
a
matter
of
small
or
no
conscience
to
break
their
Leagues
for
very
small
occasions
,
especially
if
they
found
that
any
King
or
Emperour
,
by
reason
of
their
League
,
presuming
to
finde
no
resistance
able
to
withstand
his
intent
and
purpose
,
went
about
to
incroach
upon
other
Princes
,
and
to
make
himself
Lord
of
the
world
:
You
may
also
perceive
by
the
mutability
and
inconstancy
of
the
Princes
of
Italy
,
and
of
their
falling
from
France
to
Spain
,
and
again
from
Spain
to
France
;
how
greatly
they
fear
the
greatness
of
the
one
or
the
other
in
Italy
,
how
ready
they
have
been
to
supplant
him
that
waxeth
great
amongst
them
;
and
how
careless
,
negligent
and
secure
they
are
now
,
since
they
notwithstanding
(
not
as
their
predecessors
always
did
before
them
)
the
aspiring
Ambition
of
the
Spaniard
.
Moreover
these
Examples
may
teach
you
what
opinion
was
conceived
of
Charls
the
fifth
;
what
jealousie
and
suspition
other
Princes
had
of
him
,
and
what
an
high
and
aspiring
mind
he
carryed
;
The
which
having
left
as
an
Inheritance
to
his
Son
,
with
a
number
of
precepts
forged
in
so
dangerous
and
ambitious
a
conceipt
;
no
marvel
though
he
do
somewhat
imitate
his
Father
.
But
great
marvel
it
is
why
the
Princes
of
our
Age
do
not
foresee
and
fear
in
him
the
same
minde
,
the
same
desire
,
the
same
ambition
,
and
the
same
purposes
which
were
in
his
Father
.
But
the
more
careless
other
Princes
are
herein
,
the
more
commendations
our
Gracious
Soveraign
deserveth
,
who
for
better
then
these
thirty
five
years
hath
(
as
I
have
said
often
,
and
cannot
say
too
often
)
mightily
crossed
his
endeavours
without
the
help
of
any
other
that
ever
would
vouchsafe
to
joyn
with
her
Majestie
in
so
honorable
an
Action
.
Neither
may
it
be
imputed
to
her
Highness
as
a
fault
,
that
she
hath
forgotten
the
ancient
league
which
was
betwixt
the
house
of
Burgundie
and
her
Predecessors
,
but
rather
,
as
he
amongst
private
men
,
is
highly
commended
,
who
forsaketh
his
dearest
friends
in
their
unjust
causes
,
and
when
they
go
about
to
oppress
and
overthrow
their
Neighbours
,
so
her
gracious
Majestie
is
worthy
of
everlasting
praise
and
fame
,
because
it
hath
pleased
her
Highness
to
prefer
the
justice
and
equitie
of
good
causes
,
before
the
iniquity
of
any
League
or
confederacie
,
Besides
,
since
that
the
League
(
that
was
betwixt
England
and
Burgundy
)
was
(
as
it
may
be
gathered
by
the
Chronicles
of
both
Nations
)
rather
with
the
people
subject
unto
the
Princes
of
Burgundy
,
then
with
the
Princes
themselves
,
her
Majestie
continuing
in
Amitie
with
the
States
and
People
of
the
United
Provinces
,
and
being
ready
to
do
the
like
(
if
the
like
occasion
were
offered
)
with
the
other
of
the
seventeen
Provinces
,
doth
not
any
thing
in
the
prejudice
of
the
Antiquitie
of
that
League
,
but
as
her
Predecessors
have
done
before
her
,
(
as
namely
Edward
the
third
,
Brabant
,
Flanders
,
Zeland
or
Spain
,
were
dismissed
before
the
king
of
Spain
was
fully
satisfied
,
which
might
easily
be
done
;
the
very
Cloth
it self
which
was
transported
out
of
England
into
those
Countries
,
being
almost
worth
the
sum
that
was
pretended
(
God
knoweth
how
truly
)
to
be
taken
away
from
the
Sp●niard
:
For
although
we
should
grant
that
this
money
was
wrongfully
taken
and
detained
by
her
Majesty
;
yet
the
order
which
the
Duke
of
Alva
took
for
the
recovery
thereof
,
was
not
to
be
justified
:
He
ought
first
to
have
acquainted
his
Master
with
the
taking
thereof
;
Then
an
Embassadour
should
have
been
sent
from
him
into
England
to
demand
restitution
thereof
:
And
lastly
,
if
her
Grace
had
denied
the
restoring
of
the
same
,
or
not
sufficiently
satisfied
the
taking
of
it
,
the
course
which
was
taken
had
not
been
amiss
:
But
here
the
Cart
went
before
the
Horse
,
and
judgment
was
given
before
the
Cause
was
heard
.
Now
because
our
Merchants
lived
quietly
in
the
Low
Countries
,
as
well
before
as
after
the
taking
of
this
money
,
because
they
enjoyed
their
Priviledges
as
largely
as
ever
they
did
;
because
we
had
daily
Traffique
with
Spain
,
and
the
Kings
Embassadours
remained
then
and
many
years
after
in
England
;
(
All
which
are
Arguments
and
probable
Conjectures
,
that
there
was
peace
betwixt
us
and
Spain
)
the
intercepting
of
this
money
will
still
seem
unlawful
,
unless
it
be
shewed
that
the
Spaniard
hath
given
her
Majesty
some
just
occasion
of
discontentment
before
the
time
of
taking
thereof
.
Truly
it
cannot
be
denied
that
our
Merchants
had
Traffique
(
as
it
is
said
)
in
Spain
,
and
elsewhere
under
the
Spanish
Dominions
;
but
not
for
any
love
to
our
Prince
or
Nation
,
but
in
regard
of
the
great
benefit
that
they
brought
unto
the
King
and
to
his
Countries
,
which
could
not
well
stand
or
at
the
least
wise
(
as
late
experience
hath
shewed
)
flourished
as
they
did
without
them
:
Witness
the
misery
of
Antwerp
at
this
present
;
the
poverty
of
Burges
,
and
the
calamity
of
many
other
Towns
,
both
in
Brabant
,
and
in
Flanders
,
which
as
long
as
they
were
haunted
and
frequented
by
Englishmen
,
yeilded
to
few
Towns
and
Cities
of
Christendom
for
wealth
and
prosperity
.
Witness
again
Middleboroug
,
Vlushing
,
Amsterdam
and
other
Towns
in
Holland
and
Zeland
,
which
before
the
departure
of
our
Englishmen
from
those
Towns
which
are
now
under
the
King
of
Spain
,
and
before
their
Traffique
in
Holland
and
Zeland
,
had
not
the
tenth
part
of
the
wealth
or
resort
of
Merchants
thither
,
which
they
have
at
this
present
;
in
so
much
that
many
Towns
in
these
two
Provinces
are
of
late
years
made
larger
,
yea
twice
as
big
as
they
were
wont
to
be
.
Witness
lastly
,
the
great
wealth
,
power
and
strength
which
the
States
of
the
United
Provinces
are
grown
unto
since
they
have
cast
off
the
yoke
of
Spanish
Tyrannical
Government
,
entred
into
strait
League
with
our
most
gratious
Queens
Majesty
,
and
hath
had
Traffique
with
her
loving
Subjects
;
for
which
the
small
aid
which
they
have
had
from
us
(
small
indeed
in
comparison
of
their
great
charges
)
and
with
the
yearly
Revenues
which
they
gather
by
the
resort
of
Merchants
thither
;
it
is
seen
of
late
that
they
are
become
so
mighty
,
as
that
for
provision
of
Wars
,
for
strength
by
Sea
,
for
Munition
,
for
all
kind
of
furniture
for
Wars
,
both
by
Sea
and
Land
,
and
especially
by
Sea
,
they
may
almost
compare
with
the
mightiest
Prince
in
the
world
.
Have
they
not
of
late
years
boarded
the
Spaniard
?
did
they
not
when
he
sent
his
Invincible
Army
into
England
,
stand
us
in
great
stead
?
Have
they
not
won
many
Towns
which
were
lost
and
betrayed
in
the
time
of
the
late
Earl
of
Leicesters
being
there
,
when
they
had
far
greater
help
and
countenance
by
us
then
they
have
had
of
late
?
Briefly
,
have
they
not
,
and
do
they
not
carry
themselves
so
of
late
years
,
that
it
may
not
only
grieve
the
Spaniard
,
but
also
all
the
Princes
of
Christendom
,
that
he
hath
given
them
so
just
and
good
occasion
to
know
and
to
use
their
own
strength
.
For
,
if
the
chiefest
Towns
of
France
,
which
are
grown
to
such
an
humor
and
liking
of
encantonizing
themselves
,
as
it
hath
been
thought
meet
to
publish
many
reasons
in
print
to
shew
the
great
inconveniences
and
difficulties
which
they
should
incurre
and
find
in
so
doing
;
if
I
say
,
these
Towns
should
enter
into
consideration
of
the
wealth
and
prosperity
of
the
said
States
and
their
Subjects
,
and
after
due
examination
of
their
happiness
,
follow
their
examples
;
and
so
in
time
cast
off
the
yoke
,
servitude
,
and
obedience
,
which
time
out
of
mind
they
have
owed
,
and
most
dutifully
shewed
unto
their
Kings
;
would
it
not
be
a
very
ill
president
,
a
dangerous
imitation
,
and
a
most
pernicious
example
?
Should
not
other
Princes
have
just
cause
to
suspect
and
fear
the
like
change
and
alteration
in
their
kingdomes
?
And
were
it
not
greatly
to
be
doubted
and
feared
,
that
other
Subjects
would
be
as
ready
,
as
forward
,
as
desirous
as
they
of
liberty
,
of
alteration
,
and
of
a
new
kind
of
Government
?
Nay
,
was
there
not
a
time
,
when
almost
at
one
time
all
the
Subjects
of
Europe
,
not
seeing
so
much
as
they
may
now
see
,
jumped
so
well
in
one
desire
to
free
themselves
from
their
subjection
unto
Kings
and
Princes
,
as
that
all
Kings
and
Princes
were
enforced
to
joyn
together
in
strength
and
in
good
will
to
suppress
them
?
The
danger
therefore
of
this
inconvenience
only
,
being
well
and
wisely
considered
,
all
the
Princes
of
Europe
have
great
occasion
to
be
offended
with
the
Spaniard
,
who
by
his
unjust
severity
hath
in
some
manner
endangered
all
their
States
and
royal
Principalities
.
But
hereof
more
conveniently
hereafter
in
another
place
.
Now
again
to
my
purpose
.
The
Subjects
of
the
United
Provinces
travell
dayly
into
Spain
,
they
carry
thither
and
fetch
thence
many
commodities
,
they
only
abstain
from
carrying
and
bringing
of
things
necessary
and
profitable
for
the
maintenance
of
Wars
.
May
any
man
,
considering
the
premises
,
and
seeing
how
they
and
the
Spaniards
fight
dayly
one
against
another
at
home
,
and
within
their
own
Countries
,
say
truly
that
there
is
no
War
betwixt
them
?
No
verily
,
it
is
not
the
entercourse
of
Merchants
,
nor
the
residence
of
Leaguers
and
Embassadours
that
alwayes
proveth
peace
betwixt
Princes
:
The
one
is
permitted
and
entertained
for
commodities
sake
,
and
for
the
benefit
of
the
Subjects
on
both
parts
,
yea
,
for
the
better
maintenance
of
the
Wars
:
And
the
other
is
used
and
practised
for
his
great
advantage
,
whose
Embassadour
can
carry
himself
most
wisely
and
most
cunningly
.
for
Embassadours
are
(
as
Phil.
de
Comines
said
very
well
)
but
honourable
Espies
,
and
therefore
it
is
usual
to
let
them
remain
and
reside
in
Princes
Courts
,
not
only
after
the
rupture
and
breach
of
peace
,
but
also
sometimes
when
they
are
at
mortal
Wars
,
that
they
may
be
Mediators
of
peace
.
Send
therefore
saith
de
Comines
,
Embassadours
unto
thine
Enemies
,
even
when
thou
art
at
most
deadly
feud
with
them
:
For
,
though
thy
charges
in
sending
be
great
,
and
thy
Adversaries
be
wary
and
circumspect
in
foreseeing
they
shall
do
nothing
to
their
prejudice
;
yet
if
those
whom
thou
sendest
be
wise
,
they
cannot
chuse
but
learn
somthing
that
may
be
very
beneficial
unto
them
,
and
countervail
their
expences
,
The
reading
of
Histories
hath
taught
me
,
that
Embassadours
are
sent
from
one
Prince
to
another
even
in
the
hottest
times
of
their
Wars
,
sometimes
to
demand
a
convenient
place
of
parley
.
So
Caesar
sent
unto
his
enemy
Ariovistus
to
require
him
to
appoint
some
The
taking
of
the
fore-mentioned
money
is
the
matter
that
is
most
urged
,
For
a
Servant
and
Counsellor
may
offend
as
well
in
being
too
forward
,
as
in
being
too
●low
in
his
Masters
business
,
as
I
shall
have
occasion
to
shew
more
at
large
hereafter
;
the
which
when
I
shall
handle
,
will
give
light
unto
this
matter
,
and
fully
and
throughly
cleer
the
same
.
Now
to
the
proof
that
the
King
of
Spain
did
before
the
intercepting
of
this
money
,
give
her
Majesty
just
occasion
to
●eize
upon
the
same
,
and
to
detain
it
,
although
it
had
been
much
more
then
it
was
,
for
her
own
use
and
benefit
.
It
is
since
the
taking
of
this
money
some
four
and
twenty
years
agoe
,
and
therefore
if
it
may
be
proved
that
long
before
that
time
the
Spaniard
hath
dealt
more
like
an
enemy
then
a
friend
with
her
Majesty
;
I
think
it
will
follow
that
she
might
justly
have
done
him
,
even
then
,
and
before
then
,
far
greater
despight
then
ever
she
did
.
When
the
late
French
King
suffered
the
Duke
of
Alencon
,
First
,
It
is
not
unknown
(
as
I
have
said
before
)
all
the
Treasons
and
Conspiracies
which
have
been
attempted
,
intended
and
practised
against
her
Majesty
,
ever
since
her
first
coming
to
the
Crown
,
have
had
their
beginning
or
their
comfort
,
their
counsel
or
their
furtherance
,
their
countenance
,
or
their
invention
from
Spain
;
Witness
(
to
omit
others
of
lesser
moment
,
and
yet
of
most
dangerous
consequence
)
the
Treasons
of
the
late
Duke
of
Norfolk
,
since
whose
death
it
is
better
then
twenty
years
,
and
more
then
forty
since
he
first
began
to
be
a
Traytor
.
Is
it
not
more
then
twenty
one
years
ago
that
Robert
Rudolphy
,
a
Florentine
Merchant
(
who
had
lived
many
years
in
England
)
departed
out
of
England
,
for
fear
that
the
Duke
being
committed
to
prison
,
should
reveal
the
practises
and
means
which
he
had
used
by
the
solicitation
of
the
King
of
Spain
,
and
of
the
Pope
,
to
draw
the
Duke
unto
those
Treasons
which
he
afterwards
intended
,
and
had
executed
,
had
he
not
been
happily
discovered
?
did
not
the
same
Redolphy
go
from
hence
to
Rome
?
and
there
communicated
with
the
Pope
how
the
Duke
was
apprehended
,
and
thereby
their
Plot
and
device
broken
and
prevented
?
Was
he
not
sent
from
Rome
into
Spain
,
there
to
make
the
same
relation
,
and
to
consult
with
the
Spanish
king
what
means
might
be
used
for
the
liberty
of
the
said
Duke
,
and
if
that
might
not
be
happily
wrought
and
effected
,
for
some
other
kind
of
of
annoyance
to
be
done
to
England
?
Was
it
not
publiquly
noised
,
and
certainly
beleeved
,
that
the
Duke
of
Alva
should
have
joined
with
the
said
Duke
,
and
have
done
us
more
wo
then
I
may
boldly
speak
of
,
and
my
heart
can
even
without
extream
grief
to
relate
or
remember
?
Witness
again
the
most
unnatural
practises
of
the
late
Queen
of
Scots
;
unnatural
,
because
she
was
a
Queen
as
her
Majesty
was
,
because
she
was
her
neer
kinswoman
,
and
her
Vassal
beholding
unto
her
Highness
for
her
life
,
and
for
the
life
of
her
own
only
child
,
which
unto
good
and
loving
Parents
is
always
more
dear
then
their
own
life
.
Lived
not
this
unthankful
,
ungracious
,
and
unfortunate
Queen
,
more
then
twenty
years
prisoner
in
England
?
and
which
of
all
those
years
lived
her
Majesty
free
from
some
Treason
or
other
?
But
hereof
in
another
place
.
Now
let
it
suffice
that
it
is
apparent
to
all
the
world
that
she
had
secret
Messengers
,
secret
help
and
counsel
from
Spain
,
as
well
before
as
after
her
Imprisonment
,
to
animate
,
encourage
,
and
set
her
forward
in
all
her
mischievous
endeavours
and
purposes
against
our
gracious
Sovereign
,
and
her
Realms
.
Is
not
then
the
Spaniard
a
deceitful
friend
unto
England
?
Is
he
not
then
,
by
his
own
confession
,
more
to
be
feared
,
and
more
to
be
disliked
then
an
open
enemy
?
Or
are
not
we
so
wise
as
the
Spaniard
,
to
see
and
perceive
such
deceitful
proceedings
?
and
seeing
them
shall
it
not
not
be
lawful
for
us
to
think
of
him
as
he
thought
of
the
king
of
France
?
and
to
deal
so
with
Spain
,
as
he
dealt
and
dealeth
with
France
?
such
justice
as
a
Magistrate
useth
unto
others
,
such
must
he
expect
himself
,
saith
the
Emperour
Iustinian
:
He
that
seeketh
dayly
to
increase
his
own
power
,
purchaseth
to
himself
envy
and
batred
;
So
Said
Sabellicus
,
The
Prince
that
desireth
Cities
that
are
far
off
,
cannot
but
covet
those
which
are
near
at
hand
;
So
said
Leo
Aretinus
;
and
it
is
hard
and
difficult
to
beware
of
such
friends
which
secretly
play
the
part
of
enemies
;
So
said
Dionifius
Hallicarnesus
.
If
therefore
the
king
of
Spain
hath
nourished
civil
dissention
in
France
;
if
he
hath
been
so
ready
to
maintain
the
Rebels
thereof
against
their
King
,
that
rather
then
the
Realm
should
be
without
troubles
,
he
hath
relieved
and
succoured
the
very
Protestants
of
France
,
and
the
heads
of
their
Faction
against
their
Sovereign
,
and
other
their
professed
enemies
:
And
if
he
hath
done
all
this
to
the
end
the
French
king
might
not
be
able
to
encroach
upon
him
in
Italy
,
Flanders
,
or
any
other
of
his
Dominions
:
Why
may
not
our
Queen
,
who
as
a
woman
is
fearful
,
and
timerous
,
and
,
as
a
Prince
ought
to
be
,
careful
and
provident
for
the
safety
of
her
Realm
,
and
of
her
Subjects
,
relieve
the
States
of
the
United
Provinces
,
being
her
ancient
friends
and
Allies
,
to
the
end
that
he
Spaniard
being
busied
in
those
parts
,
in
Flanders
,
reporteth
,
That
when
the
King
of
Spains
Embassador
said
unto
the
late
French
King
,
that
it
was
neither
seemly
,
nor
convenient
for
his
Majesty
to
receive
the
States
who
were
Rebels
unto
his
Master
;
The
French
king
Answered
him
,
that
he
neither
received
nor
harboured
them
as
Rebels
unto
his
Master
but
as
men
wrongfully
oppressed
;
and
that
Christian
Princes
have
always
used
to
grant
and
give
help
and
succour
unto
the
oppressed
:
And
further
that
the
States
had
assured
him
,
that
they
had
oftentimes
sent
many
supplications
unto
their
King
,
therein
submiting
themselves
unto
his
mercy
,
and
humbly
beseeching
his
Majesty
to
remit
their
offences
,
and
to
receive
them
into
his
favour
;
yea
,
and
when
they
might
have
any
commodity
,
they
delivered
themselves
such
supplication
unto
the
Kings
own
hands
,
but
could
never
have
any
reasonable
Answer
from
him
.
And
that
therefore
it
was
lawful
for
them
to
appeal
from
him
that
denyed
them
justice
;
and
to
seek
aid
against
him
,
where
they
might
hope
to
find
the
same
.
If
then
the
king
of
France
,
a
Prince
of
contrary
Religion
unto
the
States
;
a
Prince
of
as
neer
Alliance
,
and
of
later
Affinity
,
unto
the
Spanish
king
,
then
our
Queen
is
;
a
Prince
that
in
his
own
Realm
could
never
endure
Protestants
,
because
he
thought
it
very
dangerous
to
suffer
two
Religions
in
one
Kingdom
,
held
it
the
part
of
a
Christian
Prince
to
succour
the
oppressed
,
and
to
be
their
Protector
,
unto
whom
justice
was
openly
denyed
:
Why
should
it
be
a
fault
imputed
unto
our
Queen
,
that
she
releeveth
her
oppressed
neighbours
,
since
she
doth
it
not
in
malice
towards
the
Spaniards
,
but
in
mercy
towards
the
afflicted
;
not
so
much
to
offend
him
,
as
to
defend
them
,
not
to
enlarge
her
Dominions
,
but
to
preserve
her
Realms
and
Subjects
;
for
how
can
she
think
that
the
Spaniard
desireth
not
her
Kingdoms
,
who
sheweth
many
and
manifest
signs
that
he
affecteth
the
Rule
and
Empire
of
all
the
world
?
Why
should
she
not
envy
and
hate
him
who
seeketh
to
encrease
his
power
,
to
the
end
he
may
be
the
better
able
to
annoy
her
?
And
how
can
she
be
too
wary
,
too
circumspect
,
too
wathful
over
such
a
friend
(
if
he
will
needs
be
taken
as
a
friend
)
who
watcheth
and
snatcheth
,
every
little
and
great
,
secret
,
and
coulourable
occasion
,
to
play
her
the
part
of
a
deadly
and
a
mortal
enemy
?
Shall
she
take
him
for
a
friend
,
that
seeketh
to
murther
her
person
,
to
estrange
her
Subjects
,
to
destroy
her
Realms
?
The
first
,
confirmed
by
the
Treasons
before
mentioned
:
The
second
proved
by
the
pernitious
and
detestable
Book
published
by
Dr
Allen
,
wherein
he
exhorteth
,
teacheth
,
and
licenseth
her
Subjects
to
rebel
against
her
,
and
had
for
his
labour
a
Cardinalship
,
procured
by
the
Spaniard
:
The
last
lately
verified
,
and
manifested
by
the
hostile
attempt
and
violence
of
his
invincible
Navy
,
gathered
together
in
seven
years
space
,
compounded
of
all
Nations
,
and
reported
to
have
conquered
before
it
came
to
the
place
where
it
meant
to
conquer
;
and
yet
by
our
Might
,
and
the
Almighties
assistance
,
happily
and
speedily
conquered
.
It
is
truly
written
,
or
wisely
fained
,
That
Hercules
(
a
man
exceeding
common
mens
stature
;
a
man
blessed
with
more
then
ordinary
good
fortune
;
a
man
of
rare
vertues
,
and
of
admirable
force
and
strength
)
went
up
and
down
the
world
walking
with
a
mighty
Club
in
his
hand
,
and
wandring
from
place
to
place
,
only
to
subdue
and
chastise
Tyrants
;
and
this
true
History
,
or
wise
Fiction
,
tendeth
to
no
other
purpose
,
is
reported
for
no
other
cause
,
but
to
signifie
that
oppression
is
hateful
,
and
oppressors
hated
;
that
affliction
craveth
compassion
,
and
afflicted
persons
are
worthy
of
mercy
;
and
that
to
subvert
the
one
is
laudable
,
and
to
succour
the
other
is
lawful
:
Then
if
(
as
Cornelius
Tacitus
saith
)
other
men
direct
their
counsels
to
things
that
they
think
may
and
will
be
profitable
unto
them
;
but
Princes
are
and
must
be
of
another
condition
,
because
all
their
actions
must
tend
to
the
affectation
and
purchasing
of
Fame
and
Renown
;
The
Prince
that
succoureth
the
oppressed
,
and
seeketh
to
supplant
the
oppressor
,
worketh
a
deed
of
Charity
,
an
action
of
Piety
,
a
work
of
commendation
;
and
in
working
thereof
,
bendeth
his
counsels
,
and
directeth
his
actions
unto
the
attaining
of
true
honour
and
everlasting
fame
:
Then
(
if
as
Polibus
saith
)
he
that
hath
not
compassion
of
other
mens
harms
,
must
not
hope
that
any
man
shall
have
pity
of
his
miseries
;
Princes
,
because
there
is
quaedam
rerum
vic●ssitudo
,
and
fortune
was
never
at
all
times
favourable
,
although
they
be
in
the
highest
degree
of
felicity
,
must
not
presume
too
much
on
their
own
good
fortune
,
nor
condemn
those
that
are
in
miseries
,
lest
that
if
they
chance
to
fall
,
no
man
will
vouchsafe
to
help
them
up
again
:
Then
if
(
as
Thucidides
saith
)
he
is
not
only
a
Tyrant
that
enforceth
his
Subjects
to
live
in
bondage
and
servitude
,
but
he
also
that
may
withstand
another
mans
violence
,
and
do
not
withstand
the
same
:
Princes
which
see
their
neighbours
violently
oppressed
,
and
as
idle
lookers
on
yeild
them
no
manner
of
reliefe
and
succour
when
they
may
conveniently
help
them
,
and
in
danger
to
be
esteemed
and
reputed
Tyrants
;
Then
if
(
as
Zenophon
saith
)
it
be
not
lawful
to
break
faith
with
him
that
falcifieth
his
word
and
promise
;
Princes
that
withhold
not
their
helping
hands
from
the
oppressed
,
because
they
have
been
and
are
in
League
with
the
Oppressor
,
who
hath
violated
his
faith
unto
them
,
and
unto
others
,
are
not
to
be
condemned
of
wrong
and
iniquity
;
Then
if
(
as
Iosephus
saith
)
patience
and
long
suffering
of
an
injury
maketh
the
wrong-doer
most
commonly
ashamed
of
his
actions
;
the
Prince
that
cannot
be
intreated
to
leave
off
his
wrong
doing
may
well
be
ashamed
thereof
;
Then
if
(
as
Bartholomeus
Facius
saith
)
women-kind
,
the
weaker
and
more
fearful
it
is
,
the
readier
it
is
to
beleive
any
credible
report
,
her
Majesty
is
not
to
be
blamed
for
crediting
the
just
complaints
of
the
oppressed
States
,
unto
which
the
late
King
of
France
did
(
as
you
have
heard
)
give
open
ear
,
and
would
(
as
it
is
credibly
reported
)
have
vouchsafed
sufficient
relief
,
had
he
not
been
letted
by
domestical
dissentions
and
wars
,
nourished
and
maintained
of
purpose
by
the
Spaniard
because
he
should
not
be
able
to
yeild
them
relief
and
succor
.
Then
though
it
belong
unto
private
men
to
conserve
and
retain
their
own
,
and
unto
Princes
to
contend
and
strive
for
other
mens
Goods
(
as
ambitious
minds
do
affirm
and
desire
)
yet
must
they
remember
,
that
the
desire
of
Rule
passeth
all
other
affections
;
yet
must
they
not
forget
that
some
things
resembling
vertues
are
scant
commendable
,
but
rather
hateful
and
odious
;
as
too
too
great
and
obstinate
severity
,
and
a
mind
nothing
flexible
or
relenting
,
at
the
sight
,
at
the
remembrance
of
another
mans
misery
:
Then
though
Princes
be
of
power
to
begin
Wars
,
and
to
oppress
their
Subjects
,
yet
ought
they
to
consider
that
it
is
not
always
expedient
to
do
all
that
a
man
may
or
can
do
,
that
a
wise
man
must
first
try
all
other
means
,
then
use
the
tryal
of
Armes
;
that
as
it
is
commendable
to
be
valiant
against
the
enemy
,
so
it
is
praise-worthy
to
use
clemency
and
gentleness
towards
them
that
are
meek
and
penitent
,
that
they
which
offend
by
force
,
and
not
of
purpose
,
by
constraint
and
not
of
free-will
,
and
use
Armes
for
their
liberty
,
and
not
o●
malice
,
deserve
pardon
,
and
not
hard
dealing
,
favour
and
not
cruelty
,
life
,
and
liberty
,
and
not
death
and
servitude
;
Then
to
be
short
,
if
every
one
of
these
reasons
shall
not
be
available
unto
the
Queen
of
England
,
and
the
oppressed
Flemmings
,
yet
let
all
avail
her
and
them
;
so
shall
she
and
they
be
justified
,
and
the
Spainiard
condemned
;
so
shall
their
and
her
actions
be
approved
,
and
his
doings
be
reprehended
;
so
shall
no
man
have
just
occasion
to
envie
their
and
her
prosperity
,
and
all
Princes
good
cause
to
fear
and
suspect
his
over-growing
authority
;
so
briefly
shall
it
appear
,
that
the
Spaniards
unkind
dealing
deserveth
no
kindness
of
her
Majesty
,
and
that
although
she
hath
hitherto
spared
him
,
yet
she
hath
no
occasion
to
favour
●im
.
And
now
I
will
make
it
appear
,
that
not
withstanding
his
many
Kingdomes
and
great
power
,
it
lay
in
her
power
long
sithence
to
have
overthrown
him
.
For
if
it
had
pleased
her
Highness
to
have
sent
greater
strength
in
Flanders
then
she
did
,
and
of
late
years
to
have
aided
the
United
Provinces
with
huger
Armies
then
she
ever
sent
thither
,
those
Countries
which
are
now
partly
in
h●s
possession
,
and
partly
freed
from
his
bondage
,
had
all
before
this
time
rejected
him
for
their
Lord
,
and
not
any
of
them
ever
returned
to
his
Subjection
.
But
the
fear
which
she
had
of
him
and
his
power
at
home
,
the
supplies
which
she
sent
into
France
,
and
the
upholding
of
her
friends
in
Scotland
,
together
with
the
repressing
of
her
Rebels
in
Ireland
,
never
gave
her
leave
to
bend
her
whole
forces
against
him
in
the
Low
Countries
.
True
,
and
that
is
one
of
the
principal
reasons
why
he
hath
by
all
means
possible
laboured
to
sow
discord
,
and
to
maintain
factions
in
all
and
every
one
of
the
Countries
,
thereby
disabling
them
to
send
out
any
forces
sufficient
to
annoy
him
,
and
diverting
her
from
using
the
uttermost
of
her
power
,
to
his
prejudice
;
and
yet
,
to
conclude
this
point
,
considering
the
weakness
of
these
his
Neighbours
,
by
reason
of
their
domestical
divisions
,
and
her
Graces
whole
strength
,
because
her
Realm
is
not
divided
,
it
cannot
be
denied
that
she
hath
far
better
ab●lity
then
any
other
Christian
Prince
to
weaken
his
power
,
and
to
abate
his
pride
;
and
truly
he
that
shall
well
look
into
his
State
,
such
as
it
is
,
shall
find
that
it
is
far
different
from
that
which
it
is
supposed
to
be
:
For
,
although
he
be
Lord
and
King
of
many
Dominions
and
Kingdomes
,
although
the
Indies
,
in
some
mens
opinions
,
furn●sh
him
with
abundance
of
Treasure
,
yet
in
truth
neither
is
his
power
greatly
to
be
feared
,
not
his
wealth
far
exceeding
her
Majesties
and
other
Princes
substance
.
For
first
,
Iulius
Caesars
time
,
and
are
still
,
in
the
beginning
of
a
conflict
more
then
men
,
in
the
end
thereof
less
then
women
;
neither
may
I
so
much
derogate
from
the
Italians
,
or
from
the
Frenchmen
,
but
that
I
must
of
necessity
grant
,
that
many
of
the
Captains
who
have
done
the
Spanish
King
greatest
service
,
have
been
Italians
;
and
the
unprofitable
Journies
which
Charles
the
fifth
made
divers
times
into
France
,
with
full
intention
and
assured
hope
to
conquer
the
same
;
and
also
the
late
dishonours
received
by
the
Prince
of
Parma
and
other
his
Lieutenants
sent
into
the
same
Realm
,
with
a
purpose
and
resolution
to
do
much
more
then
was
effected
,
do
argue
that
the
French-men
yeild
not
greatly
unto
them
in
valour
or
in
discipline
.
Then
if
he
cannot
make
an
Army
of
many
natural
Spaniards
,
and
they
when
they
are
strongest
,
be
it
in
number
or
experience
,
are
easily
to
be
matched
,
and
many
times
over-matched
by
men
of
less
experience
,
practise
and
exercise
then
they
,
why
shall
his
natural
strength
be
feared
,
which
cannot
be
great
,
unless
he
will
disfurnish
his
Garisons
,
which
were
to
overthrow
himself
,
and
to
lose
his
best
and
richest
Countries
?
Or
why
should
a
Prince
fear
his
mercenary
Souldiers
,
or
hirelings
?
who
fight
no
longer
then
they
have
money
,
and
when
they
are
ready
to
go
to
the
Battel
,
either
abandon
their
Master
for
want
of
pay
,
or
fly
to
the
enemy
in
hope
of
reward
;
or
when
they
are
in
the
conflict
,
behave
themselves
cowardly
,
faintly
,
and
so
indifferently
,
that
if
they
might
be
assured
of
their
lives
,
they
would
hardly
strike
one
stroke
.
This
is
briefly
his
power
.
Now
to
his
Wealth
.
It
cannot
be
denied
that
his
Revenues
far
exceed
the
Revenues
of
any
Christian
Prince
whatsoever
.
The
Treasure
that
cometh
from
the
Indies
,
sometimes
part
of
it
perisheth
by
the
Sea
,
part
is
intercepted
by
us
,
and
all
that
is
brought
home
,
doth
not
suffice
to
maintain
his
Wars
.
His
credit
is
not
in
any
measure
answerable
to
the
conceit
and
opinion
that
is
had
of
it
.
For
first
,
It
hath
been
published
in
French
Discourses
,
Printed
many
years
since
;
that
he
oweth
more
money
to
the
Merchants
of
Genoa
alone
,
then
ever
he
shall
be
able
to
pay
;
And
I
can
shew
,
whensoever
it
shall
please
you
to
require
the
fight
thereof
,
a
Letter
written
better
then
sixteen
years
ago
unto
him
by
his
Secretary
Escovedo
,
and
intercepted
by
the
States
,
wherein
he
signifieth
unto
him
,
That
his
credit
would
not
serve
,
(
the
which
Don
Iohn
of
Austria
affirmeth
by
another
Letter
unto
his
Catholique
Majesty
)
to
take
up
any
more
money
upon
the
Bourse
at
Antwerp
,
because
the
Merchants
would
first
be
paid
that
which
then
was
owing
them
,
before
they
would
lend
any
more
;
And
Don
Iohn
de
Austria
,
addeth
in
his
Letter
,
That
had
not
Escovedo
his
credit
(
by
reason
that
the
Merchants
held
him
for
a
man
of
great
wealth
,
and
of
great
care
to
maintain
his
credit
)
been
of
greater
worth
upon
the
Bourse
,
then
the
Kings
,
their
necessities
had
not
been
supplyed
;
and
therefore
in
the
end
of
his
Letter
,
he
beseecheth
his
Majesty
to
have
an
especial
care
of
the
payment
of
those
small
sums
which
were
then
taken
up
,
lest
that
Escovedo
his
credit
failing
.
for
want
of
due
payment
,
they
might
fail
of
their
purpose
when
they
should
have
the
like
occasion
to
borrow
at
another
time
.
Besides
,
his
Father
,
by
reason
of
the
great
Charges
which
his
continual
Wars
put
him
unto
,
when
he
dyed
,
left
him
greatly
in
debt
;
and
he
himself
ever
since
his
Fathers
death
,
hath
been
at
exceeding
great
charges
,
either
by
building
Castles
and
Citadels
,
or
by
making
houses
of
pleasure
,
and
Monastries
,
or
by
maintaining
continual
Wars
,
or
by
keeping
many
Garrisons
,
or
by
buying
and
building
Ships
to
withstand
our
Navy
,
or
by
paying
part
of
his
Fathers
debts
,
or
by
entertaining
our
Fugitives
,
or
by
upholding
the
Rebels
of
France
:
Now
as
private
men
being
left
in
debt
by
their
Parents
,
and
living
always
at
great
charges
,
cannot
not
possibly
be
rich
and
wealthy
:
So
Princes
being
not
only
charged
with
their
Fathers
debts
,
but
also
overcharged
with
ordinary
and
extraordinary
Expenses
,
cannot
have
great
store
of
wealth
in
their
Treasure-houses
;
And
Alphonsus
Duke
of
Ferrara
(
as
Paulus
Iovius
reporteth
in
his
life
)
held
opinion
,
But
,
to
the
end
that
all
which
I
have
said
touching
this
last
Point
,
may
carry
the
more
likelyhood
of
truth
and
probability
,
I
take
it
not
to
be
amiss
to
let
you
understand
the
proportion
of
some
Princes
expences
,
in
their
Wars
;
in
their
Buildings
,
and
in
other
occasions
,
by
which
you
may
conjecture
what
the
Spanish
King
hath
expended
of
late
years
voluntarily
and
necessarily
,
beyond
his
usual
and
ordinary
charges
.
The
Bishop
and
Town
of
Colen
,
Philip
de
Comines
avoucheth
.
The
Florentines
in
their
Wars
against
the
King
of
France
,
undertaken
by
the
Commandment
of
Pope
Leo
the
tenth
,
spent
eight
hundred
thousand
Ducates
,
in
the
taking
of
the
Dukedom
of
Urbin
;
In
their
Wars
against
Caesar
,
six
hundred
thousand
;
and
in
other
occasions
depending
upon
the
Wars
against
France
,
after
the
said
Pope
Leo
his
death
,
three
hundred
thousand
Ducates
;
Paul
Iovius
reporteth
.
Paulus
tertius
consumed
in
fifteen
years
,
in
needless
Wars
,
above
twenty
Millions
of
gold
;
Cosmus
de
Medicis
,
being
first
a
private
man
,
and
then
Duke
of
Florence
,
spent
in
private
and
publique
buildings
,
better
then
forty
Millions
of
Crowns
,
and
ten
Millions
in
Gifts
and
Rewards
;
Paulus
Iovius
averreth
.
Edward
the
Third
,
King
of
England
,
spent
in
an
idle
Journey
into
France
,
nine
hundred
thousand
pounds
;
Mathew
Paris
saith
in
his
Chronicles
.
But
to
come
more
neer
to
our
purpose
:
The
King
of
Spain
offered
unto
Don
Iohn
Duke
of
Austria
,
three
hundred
thousand
Crowns
every
Moneth
,
to
maintain
his
Wars
in
the
Low
Countties
,
Marco
Antonio
Arrayo
David
Chaytraeus
reporteth
.
Now
,
if
mean
States
in
small
and
short
Wars
;
if
petty
Princes
in
private
and
publique
buildings
;
if
the
French
king
in
the
maintenance
of
a
few
Ships
,
but
for
a
few
Moneths
;
if
our
Kings
in
idle
Journeys
;
if
the
duke
of
Alva
in
building
one
Castle
;
if
the
State
of
the
Low
Countries
in
their
Wars
;
and
if
the
king
of
Spain
himself
so
many
years
ago
,
spent
so
much
as
is
before
mentioned
;
What
have
his
Citadels
,
his
Castles
,
his
Monasteries
,
his
Journeys
,
his
provisions
by
Sea
,
his
Ships
,
and
his
Wars
,
not
in
one
place
,
but
in
many
,
not
against
one
Prince
,
but
against
divers
,
not
for
short
time
,
but
of
long
continuance
cost
him
?
And
as
these
wonderful
Expences
are
Arguments
that
he
had
much
;
so
they
be
witnesses
that
he
now
wanteth
:
And
as
his
long
and
continual
Wars
in
Flanders
do
shew
that
he
is
malicious
,
prone
to
revenge
,
and
desireous
to
recover
his
own
;
so
they
prove
that
his
might
,
his
puissance
,
and
his
power
,
is
not
so
great
as
it
is
taken
to
be
.
For
,
he
that
withal
his
strength
cannot
master
one
poor
Nation
;
that
in
many
years
cannot
recover
his
own
Patrimony
;
shall
any
man
take
him
to
be
able
to
bring
to
pass
all
that
he
attempteth
?
Shall
we
deem
him
sufficient
to
subdue
others
Countries
?
common
sence
and
reason
teacheth
us
,
that
he
which
is
not
able
to
do
little
things
,
is
far
unable
to
bring
to
pass
matters
of
great
weight
.
Titus
Livius
divideth
men
into
three
sorts
;
Some
are
so
wise
that
they
counsel
themselves
and
others
;
Others
be
not
wise
enough
to
advise
themselves
,
and
yet
to
conceive
and
follow
such
advice
as
is
given
them
:
And
the
third
sort
can
neither
take
nor
give
good
counsel
:
So
some
Princes
are
able
to
help
themselves
and
others
;
Others
can
defend
themselves
,
but
not
assist
their
friends
;
And
there
is
a
third
kind
that
can
neither
defend
their
own
States
nor
others
.
I
know
not
in
which
of
these
three
sorts
to
place
the
king
of
Spain
:
The
last
sort
too
base
for
him
;
the
second
not
high
enough
;
and
the
first
in
truth
scant
fit
for
him
;
for
he
that
cannot
help
himself
,
how
may
we
judg
him
sufficient
to
succour
others
?
and
yet
we
see
that
there
are
no
Wars
where
he
hath
not
somewhat
to
do
,
where
he
sendeth
not
some
helps
,
either
of
men
or
money
,
or
of
both
;
which
argueth
that
he
loveth
to
be
always
doing
,
although
he
do
nothing
worthy
his
labour
,
always
troublesome
,
although
his
troubles
avail
him
little
or
nothing
;
always
desirous
to
embrace
many
things
,
although
he
holdeth
not
safe
any
thing
.
But
of
Princes
I
had
rather
deliver
unto
you
other
mens
judgments
then
mine
own
opinion
.
You
have
heard
what
the
Spanish
Kingdoms
are
,
and
by
that
which
hath
been
said
you
may
easily
conjecture
that
his
principal
force
and
strength
cometh
from
Spain
and
Italy
,
Countries
as
far
different
in
conditions
and
qualities
,
as
they
are
distant
in
place
and
scituation
:
Of
the
force
of
these
two
Countries
you
shall
therefore
hear
what
a
learned
Writer
,
and
what
I
(
who
am
not
worthy
to
write
)
hath
set
down
for
his
resolute
opinion
.
I
have
told
you
long
since
,
that
Guicciardine
termeth
the
Footmen
of
Italy
,
Infamia
della
militia
;
And
now
to
the
same
purpose
(
because
it
falleth
out
very
fit
for
my
purpose
)
I
may
not
forbear
to
tell
you
,
that
the
same
Authour
in
his
ninth
Book
of
the
same
History
,
useth
of
the
Infantry
of
Italy
,
these
words
following
;
All
Princes
that
can
be
served
with
High
Dutchmen
,
Spaniards
or
Swizzers
,
refuse
the
service
of
Italian
Footmen
,
because
they
are
neither
acquainted
with
the
Customs
and
Orders
of
other
Nations
,
nor
accustomed
to
continue
long
in
the
field
.
The
same
Writer
considering
that
some
kingdoms
naturally
are
better
able
to
defend
themselves
then
offend
their
enemies
;
delivereth
for
his
opinion
,
that
the
Spanish
King
is
far
better
able
to
defend
his
Kingdom
from
any
Invasion
to
be
made
by
the
King
of
France
,
then
to
offend
or
annoy
the
said
King
;
By
which
two
judgments
I
may
boldly
conjecture
,
and
prove
my
conjecture
by
Nicholaus
Machiavelli
,
(
who
hath
written
a
whole
Chapter
upon
this
Argument
)
that
not
only
the
Spanish
King
,
but
also
any
other
Prince
whatsoever
,
being
driven
(
when
he
hath
occasion
to
offend
or
invade
an
enemy
)
to
use
forrain
power
,
and
mercenary
Souldiers
,
is
not
to
be
esteemed
a
strong
and
mighty
Prince
:
and
that
such
is
the
state
and
condition
of
the
king
of
Spain
,
is
manifestly
proved
by
the
places
before
alledged
out
of
Guicciardine
.
For
,
if
his
Italians
(
the
principal
forces
of
an
Army
always
consisting
of
Footmen
)
be
not
fit
for
that
service
;
and
his
Spaniards
are
better
able
to
maintain
his
Realm
at
home
,
then
to
molest
his
enemies
abroad
;
who
can
justly
esteem
him
strong
,
whose
chiefest
strength
dependeth
wholy
upon
these
two
Nations
?
And
now
to
leave
the
Italians
,
as
men
in
this
respect
not
worthy
to
be
had
in
any
great
reckoning
,
and
to
proceed
more
largely
in
the
discovery
and
declaration
of
the
Spanish
valour
.
True
it
is
that
(
as
I
have
said
before
)
continual
use
and
daily
experience
in
Martial
affairs
,
have
made
them
of
late
years
very
famous
:
It
is
also
most
certain
and
manifest
,
Titus
Livius
testifieth
)
of
an
unquiet
and
contentious
disposition
,
and
always
affecting
change
and
alteration
;
if
you
call
to
mind
that
(
as
Paulus
Iovius
reporteth
)
they
have
minds
evermore
thirsting
for
Rule
and
Government
;
whereunto
if
they
once
attain
,
they
bend
their
whole
force
and
thoughts
unto
the
purchasing
of
further
and
higher
Authority
;
Lastly
,
if
you
weigh
and
remember
,
that
(
as
Piero
Mexias
,
a
Spanish
Historiographer
saith
)
they
cannot
endure
to
be
governed
by
a
stranger
;
you
must
needs
think
that
the
before
mentioned
vertues
may
be
either
obscured
or
hindred
by
these
later
vices
:
For
let
them
meet
with
a
Nation
not
so
timerous
as
those
with
whom
they
had
to
deal
of
late
;
let
them
follow
their
natural
disposition
,
and
so
fall
at
variance
amongst
themselves
;
let
them
still
cover
and
affect
Authority
,
and
so
when
they
should
jointly
help
one
another
against
their
enemies
,
proudly
disdain
to
be
ruled
by
their
own
leaders
,
as
they
have
done
of
late
years
:
Lastly
,
let
them
contemn
a
stranger
,
as
they
did
the
late
Duke
of
Parma
,
or
not
agree
with
strangers
,
as
they
did
in
Flanders
;
what
fruit
may
be
expected
of
their
service
?
or
what
profit
can
proceed
of
their
valour
?
It
is
imputed
unto
the
Germans
for
a
great
fault
,
that
when
they
are
ready
to
join
with
their
enemies
in
battel
,
they
oftentimes
refuse
to
strike
a
stroke
before
they
have
their
due
and
monethly
pays
;
and
for
this
one
fault
Princes
make
no
great
account
of
them
;
and
yet
the
Spaniards
,
who
are
subject
to
this
fault
as
well
as
they
,
are
commended
for
their
loyalty
and
obedience
;
in
so
much
that
some
men
write
,
that
they
were
never
discontent
for
want
of
their
pay
:
But
if
you
read
either
the
Indian
History
,
or
the
Writers
of
their
late
Wars
in
Flanders
,
you
shall
find
that
they
have
oftentimes
revolted
for
lack
of
their
pay
;
yea
they
have
banded
against
their
Captains
,
and
their
best
Souldiers
have
resisted
the
commandment
of
their
Generals
.
This
I
could
prove
by
many
Examples
,
but
one
notable
Example
shall
suffice
for
those
many
.
At
what
time
it
was
agreed
betwixt
the
King
of
Spain
,
and
the
States
of
the
Low
Countries
,
that
all
Spaniards
shall
depart
thence
;
It
was
thought
convenient
and
necessary
by
Don
Iohn
de
Austria
,
who
was
the
General
for
the
King
in
Flanders
,
to
appoint
some
principal
and
chief
Captains
to
have
the
leading
and
conducting
of
them
into
Italy
;
Whereupon
Don
Iohn
gave
express
commandment
unto
the
Kings
Secretary
Escovedo
,
to
assemble
the
Counsel
of
War
in
the
Town
of
Antwerp
,
and
there
to
consult
and
deliberate
what
man
was
meetest
for
that
purpose
.
This
Councel
assembled
,
made
special
choise
of
Don
Alonso
de
Vargas
,
who
willingly
accepted
the
charge
;
but
Iulian
Romero
,
a
man
of
great
worth
,
and
no
small
experience
,
openly
re●u●ed
to
be
commanded
by
Don
Alonso
,
alledging
for
the
only
reason
of
his
disobedience
,
that
it
would
be
a
great
dishonour
for
him
to
go
into
Italy
under
such
a
Leader
;
because
that
he
being
Master
of
the
Camp
,
Don
Alonso
had
been
his
Souldier
;
and
De
Vergas
as
boldly
protested
,
that
since
he
had
been
thought
worthy
by
the
Counsel
to
govern
,
he
would
not
be
governed
nor
guided
by
Iulian
Romero
.
The
Councel
acquainted
Don
Iohn
with
this
contention
;
he
fearing
to
discontent
either
Romero
or
Vergas
,
and
doubting
that
if
they
should
be
discontented
,
some
great
inconvenience
might
follow
thereon
;
commanded
the
Councel
to
chuse
a
third
man
,
which
was
the
County
of
Mansfield
;
Whereat
Don
Alonso
so
stormed
,
that
he
complained
of
Don
Iohn
de
Austria
,
a
Danderas
displagad
,
with
Banners
displayed
,
as
the
same
Don
Iohn
termeth
it
in
his
Letters
to
the
king
of
Spain
;
yea
it
seemed
that
he
was
so
displeased
therewith
,
and
so
resolute
to
signifie
his
grief
and
discontentment
unto
the
King
,
that
Don
Iohn
de
Austria
in
his
Letter
unto
the
King
is
fain
to
intreat
his
Majesty
that
if
Don
Alons●
,
moved
with
the
same
passion
which
possessed
him
when
he
chid
hand-smooth
with
him
,
should
so
much
forget
himself
as
to
write
,
Alganalibertag
,
some
unbeseeming
speech
unto
his
Majesty
,
Como
la
ha
hecho
a
mi
,
as
he
hath
done
(
●aith
he
)
unto
me
,
it
might
please
his
Majesty
not
only
to
dissemble
,
but
also
to
comfort
,
favour
,
and
promise
him
some
high
reward
,
assuring
his
Majesty
,
that
whatsoever
recompence
his
Grace
should
bestow
upon
him
,
he
would
take
the
same
as
bestowed
upon
himself
;
yea
further
,
beseeching
his
Majesty
to
let
Don
Alonso
understand
what
he
had
written
in
his
behalf
,
and
that
his
commendations
hath
not
a
little
availed
him
;
to
the
end
(
saith
he
)
Salga
de
la
opinion
que
ya
concedido
,
he
may
conceive
no
more
so
evil
an
opinion
of
me
as
he
hath
done
.
Was
not
this
,
think
you
,
a
point
of
great
disobedience
in
a
base
Souldier
,
as
Don
Alonso
had
been
?
Was
it
not
a
bold
part
of
a
Souldier
to
rail
at
his
General
unto
his
face
?
Was
it
not
a
fault
severely
punishable
,
to
refuse
to
march
under
a
Leader
chosen
by
consent
of
an
whole
Councel
at
War
?
Was
not
that
General
in
an
evil
case
,
who
was
constrained
to
flatter
so
mean
a
Souldier
?
Or
can
that
king
be
thought
to
have
obedient
and
loyal
Souldiers
,
who
must
of
necessity
be
inforced
,
not
only
not
to
punish
,
but
also
to
pardon
,
and
not
to
tolerate
alone
,
but
also
to
recompence
a
rebellious
and
insolent
Captain
,
for
fear
of
some
inconvenience
that
might
follow
of
his
discontentment
or
punishment
?
But
this
was
not
all
,
And
Don
Alonso
alone
shewed
not
himself
discontented
;
Sancho
de
Avila
,
the
Colonel
Mudragon
,
the
Captain
Monteselega
,
the
Colonel
Verdugo
,
the
Castellan
Francisco
,
Hermandes
de
Avila
,
and
many
other
of
the
most
especial
Captains
of
that
time
,
were
likewise
so
displeased
,
and
uttered
their
discontentments
in
such
manner
,
as
that
Don
Iohn
was
compelled
(
as
he
testifieth
in
the
same
Letter
)
to
pacifie
them
,
not
only
by
granting
them
their
whole
pays
out
of
Wars
which
they
had
in
Wars
,
but
also
by
promising
them
that
they
should
have
the
like
charges
and
Offices
in
the
Dukedom
of
Milan
,
as
they
had
in
Flanders
.
Now
whereas
the
wisest
,
best
,
and
most
serviceable
Captains
shew
manifest
signs
of
undutiful
carriage
,
and
intolerable
arrogancy
;
may
the
meaner
Souldiers
be
justly
blamed
if
they
fall
into
the
like
offence
?
Or
can
that
Nation
be
worthily
commended
for
loyal
and
obedient
Souldiers
,
whose
chief
Officers
do
so
highly
forget
and
neglect
their
duty
?
especially
in
a
matter
of
such
weight
and
importance
as
the
departure
of
the
Spaniards
out
of
Flanders
was
at
that
time
unto
the
King
;
but
this
kind
of
disobedience
is
not
usual
;
and
whereas
there
be
good
Masters
,
there
most
commonly
be
likewise
good
servants
;
So
the
Spanish
King
being
better
furnished
with
notable
Captains
then
any
other
Prince
in
Christendom
,
he
must
likewise
have
sufficient
and
good
Souldiers
;
And
because
it
hath
been
said
,
that
not
the
number
and
multitude
but
the
goodness
and
valour
of
Souldiers
maketh
their
Kings
victorious
,
it
must
needs
follow
as
a
necessary
consequent
,
that
the
King
of
Spain
,
whose
Captains
pass
the
Captains
of
all
other
Princes
,
both
in
number
and
experience
,
cannot
be
without
good
Souldiers
,
and
therefore
is
strong
enough
to
encounter
with
any
Adversary
whatsoever
:
To
this
Argument
it
is
easily
answered
;
that
although
the
valour
of
Souldiers
is
better
to
be
regarded
then
the
number
,
yet
that
Prince
who
hath
valiant
Souldiers
,
not
being
able
to
bring
into
the
field
a
proportionable
and
equal
number
unto
his
enemies
,
especially
such
enemies
as
rather
excel
then
yeild
unto
his
Subjects
in
valour
and
Chivalry
may
undoubtedly
be
held
and
reputed
a
Prince
of
no
great
strength
and
pui●sance
.
If
then
you
remember
(
as
you
cannot
forget
)
that
the
Christian
Adversaries
with
whom
the
king
of
Spain
hath
any
great
contention
;
are
,
the
king
of
France
,
and
the
Queen
of
England
,
(
the
Subjects
of
either
of
which
Princes
are
neither
inferiour
unto
the
Spaniards
in
number
or
in
valour
)
you
cannot
chuse
but
perceive
and
see
,
that
the
King
is
not
of
might
and
power
sufficient
to
contend
at
once
with
both
these
Princes
.
This
was
well
known
unto
his
Father
,
who
(
as
it
hath
been
said
before
)
so
carried
himself
in
all
his
life
time
,
that
when
he
had
England
for
his
enemy
,
France
was
his
friend
;
and
when
he
fell
at
variance
with
France
,
he
presently
procured
the
friendship
and
alliance
of
England
;
Besides
there
is
nothing
more
usual
then
to
make
conjectures
of
things
to
come
by
things
that
are
past
,
and
to
measure
the
present
forces
of
Princes
by
their
own
or
their
Predecessors
strength
and
power
at
other
times
;
for
although
a
Kingdom
be
at
sometimes
more
populous
then
at
others
;
yet
because
man
in
reason
hath
a
better
regard
of
that
which
is
commonly
and
dayly
seen
,
then
of
that
which
happeneth
very
seldom
;
he
cannot
greatly
be
deceived
that
measureth
a
new
raigning
Princes
might
and
power
,
by
his
own
and
his
Predecessors
former
puissance
:
But
before
I
enter
into
the
due
consideration
hereof
,
it
shall
not
be
amiss
to
let
you
understand
whence
it
cometh
to
pass
that
the
Spaniards
are
lately
become
so
famous
as
they
are
:
you
know
that
in
this
our
corrupt
Age
,
as
men
are
friended
,
so
they
are
favoured
,
that
they
who
are
highest
in
Authority
,
are
most
commonly
as
high
in
praise
,
as
they
are
in
preheminence
;
that
all
men
covet
to
win
favour
with
the
Mighty
;
that
no
man
can
so
securely
,
as
perhaps
boldly
,
derogate
the
least
jot
that
may
be
,
from
their
credit
and
reputation
,
who
in
common
opinion
are
held
praise
worthy
.
Common
same
is
by
Law
a
certain
kind
of
proof
;
and
our
common
Proverb
saith
;
That
it
may
be
an
untruth
which
two
or
three
report
;
but
that
can
hardly
be
untrue
which
all
or
most
men
affirm
to
be
certain
and
manifest
;
yea
such
is
the
force
of
common
same
,
that
whensoever
it
proceedeth
first
from
grave
and
honest
personages
,
it
carrieth
great
credit
,
and
he
shall
hardly
be
credited
that
shall
venture
to
gainsay
or
control
the
same
.
Since
therefore
divers
Authors
of
great
Antiquity
,
of
marvellous
gravity
,
of
singular
learning
,
and
rare
wisdom
,
have
attributed
in
their
speeches
,
in
their
conferences
,
in
their
writings
,
more
praises
,
and
far
greater
commendations
unto
Spain
,
then
unto
any
other
Country
;
many
for
fear
to
be
reputed
unwise
,
if
they
should
not
subscribe
to
their
opinion
;
some
to
follow
the
new
received
custome
of
open
and
intolerable
flattery
;
and
others
for
affection
(
which
easily
deceiveth
very
wise
men
)
have
of
late
years
either
thought
it
a
duty
,
or
a
degree
and
step
to
preferment
,
to
concur
in
opinion
,
both
openly
and
privately
,
with
as
many
as
have
dedicated
their
Studies
,
and
devoted
themselves
and
their
uttermost
endeavours
,
to
the
setting
forth
,
maintenance
,
and
augmentation
of
Spain
,
and
of
the
Spanish
Kings
honour
and
reputation
;
Thence
it
cometh
to
pass
,
that
divers
learned
men
in
their
Writing
,
striving
to
yeild
more
praises
to
Spain
then
it
deserveth
;
make
mention
of
such
commodities
to
be
as
yet
in
Spain
,
which
many
years
before
our
great
Grand-fathers
time
were
never
seen
nor
found
therein
.
So
doth
Iohannes
Vasoeus
,
Sicilians
,
Libians
,
and
Romans
;
for
they
found
their
silver
in
such
great
quantity
,
that
one
man
called
Bebelo
,
gave
daily
unto
Hannibal
,
there
thousand
Crowns
:
The
same
Authour
proceeding
in
one
and
the
same
manner
of
commendation
,
affirmeth
our
of
Iustin
,
That
Spain
may
compare
for
fertility
of
soil
,
with
France
,
Affrica
and
Italy
,
for
that
these
Countries
never
help
Spain
,
but
Spain
oftentimes
holpe
them
with
Corn
,
and
all
other
kind
of
Victuals
.
The
same
Authour
Hyperbolishing
still
in
one
manner
,
calleth
Spain
the
most
warlike
Nation
of
the
world
;
the
Teacher
of
Hannibal
to
war
,
the
Nurse
of
Souldiers
,
and
the
Province
which
knew
not
her self
,
nor
her
strength
,
before
she
was
overcome
;
and
that
she
troubled
the
Romans
more
then
any
other
Nation
of
the
whole
world
.
The
same
Authour
always
continuing
one
course
,
preferreth
Spain
for
Antiquity
of
true
Religion
,
and
for
faithful
obedience
to
her
Soveraign
Kings
and
Governours
,
before
all
other
Nations
,
attributing
the
first
foundation
of
their
faith
and
profession
of
Christ
,
unto
Paul
the
Apostle
,
and
Iames
the
son
of
Zebedeus
,
and
extolling
their
loyalty
,
because
they
have
not
only
been
always
true
unto
their
own
Kings
,
but
also
to
forraign
Princes
and
Leaders
;
As
Hannibal
,
Pompey
,
Iuba
King
of
Numidia
,
Sertorius
,
a
notable
Roman
Rebel
,
reposed
greater
trust
and
confidence
in
Spaniards
then
in
their
own
Nations
:
Lastly
,
the
same
Authour
striving
to
exceed
all
others
in
flattery
,
equalleth
Spain
for
learned
men
and
women
,
with
the
most
learned
Nations
of
Europe
.
And
Sebastianus
Foxius
in
his
Book
de
Institutione
Historiae
,
with
a
Spanish
brag
,
speaking
by
way
of
a
Dialogue
,
more
arrogantly
then
wisely
of
himself
;
giveth
such
praises
unto
himself
for
eloquence
,
as
T●lly
the
father
and
founder
of
eloquence
,
would
or
did
ever
challenge
;
And
yet
Tullies
Verse
(
O
fortunatam
natam
me
Consule
Romam
,
argueth
that
he
was
somewhat
proud
and
arrogant
.
Now
to
avoid
the
just
reprehension
of
hatred
or
malice
,
I
will
forbear
to
confute
their
Assertions
at
large
;
and
briefly
,
impugn
them
,
not
by
mine
own
,
but
by
other
mens
Testimonies
,
who
shall
not
be
inferiour
but
equal
to
Vasoeus
for
learning
and
sidelity
:
Munster
therefore
shall
tell
you
,
that
Spain
now
yeildeth
no
golden
or
silver
Mines
,
but
that
all
the
Mines
it
hath
are
of
Lead
and
Tin
;
which
may
perhaps
in
time
turn
into
Gold
and
Silver
,
if
we
may
beleeve
Raymundus
Lullius
,
and
other
Alchimists
of
his
opinion
,
which
if
it
should
chance
at
any
time
as
many
Historiographers
as
write
of
England
,
would
tell
you
that
England
should
not
then
go
behind
Spain
for
gold
and
silver
.
The
same
Authour
shall
likewise
tell
you
,
how
likely
it
is
that
Spain
should
excel
Affrica
,
France
and
Italy
,
in
fertility
of
soil
,
since
(
as
he
saith
)
Spain
lieth
barren
,
waste
and
desolate
in
many
places
;
and
late
experience
sheweth
,
that
Denmark
,
Holland
and
England
,
have
many
times
supplied
Spains
wants
of
Corn
and
other
Victuals
:
How
warlike
a
Nation
Spain
hath
been
,
let
not
only
Terapha
,
a
Spanish
Chronocler
,
and
better
witness
for
Spain
then
Vasoeus
a
Flemming
;
but
also
reason
and
daily
experience
testifie
,
both
which
telling
us
(
as
you
shall
hereafter
hear
)
that
Spain
hath
been
conquered
by
more
sundry
Nations
then
any
other
Nation
in
the
world
do
by
necessary
inference
conclude
,
that
Spain
yeildeth
unto
all
those
Nations
in
Prowess
and
Chivalty
;
And
all
Historians
of
former
times
,
and
of
this
present
Age
,
will
undoubtedly
controll
as
many
as
shall
presume
to
affirm
,
that
France
and
England
troubled
not
Rome
much
more
then
Spain
did
,
before
they
could
be
conquered
,
for
where
was
Caesar
in
greater
danger
then
in
England
?
Where
was
there
a
Prince
that
durst
challenge
him
to
a
single
Combat
but
in
England
?
And
what
hold
had
he
of
his
Conquest
after
he
had
conquered
England
?
No
better
then
Vasoeus
might
have
of
a
wet
Eel
by
the
tail
.
But
to
proceed
to
the
confutation
of
the
rest
;
Terapha
in
some
manner
agreeth
with
Vasoeus
touching
the
Antiquity
of
Religion
;
for
he
saith
,
that
during
the
Raign
of
Claudius
the
Emperour
,
Iames
the
Apostle
travelled
over
all
Spain
,
and
not
long
after
Paul
came
to
Narbona
:
but
how
many
won
Iames
to
profess
the
Gospel
,
by
travelling
over
all
Spain
?
Forsooth
but
poor
nine
Disciples
,
as
Ter●pha
reporteth
;
a
small
number
for
so
great
a
Travel
,
or
for
Vasoeus
to
boast
and
brag
of
,
much
less
for
him
to
pre●et
Spain
in
this
respect
before
all
other
Nations
;
for
I
know
not
why
for
Antiquity
of
Religion
,
England
should
yeild
unto
Spain
;
because
the
same
Iosephus
which
buried
the
body
of
Christ
,
not
alone
,
as
Paul
and
Iames
came
into
Spain
,
but
with
great
company
arrived
into
England
,
and
not
he
alone
,
but
divers
of
his
society
,
converted
not
poor
nine
,
but
infinite
many
,
and
not
to
profess
Christ
Jesus
,
but
to
be
baptized
:
And
if
a
Spaniard
may
carry
equal
credit
with
a
Flemming
(
which
a
Spaniard
will
rather
die
then
not
do
)
our
little
English
Island
professed
Christ
long
before
Spain
.
For
Dr.
Illescas
in
his
Ponti●ical
History
reporteth
,
that
Pope
Elutherius
sent
Fugacius
,
Augustinus
Militus
,
and
that
Iohn
which
Pope
Gregory
the
first
sent
into
England
,
Rome
,
Defender
of
the
Catholique
faith
;
and
that
the
Switzers
for
their
service
done
unto
the
same
Pope
Leo
the
tenth
,
Helpers
and
Protectors
of
the
Ecclesiastical
Liberty
;
a
Title
in
no
respect
inferiour
unto
that
of
Spain
:
And
lastly
,
that
Clouis
King
of
France
,
above
nine
hundred
years
before
their
Ferdinando
the
fifth
was
honoured
with
the
Title
of
The
most
Christian
King
:
A
Title
as
for
Antiquity
,
so
for
worthiness
better
then
the
other
,
because
the
French
Kings
,
for
the
worthiness
and
multitude
of
their
deserts
towards
the
See
of
Rome
,
are
called
Prim●geniti
Ecclesiae
,
the
eldest
Sons
of
the
Church
of
Rome
:
Now
from
their
faith
towards
God
,
to
their
fidelity
towards
their
Princes
,
a
matter
sufficiently
handled
,
and
therefore
needless
,
and
not
requiring
any
other
confutation
,
then
the
advantage
that
may
be
taken
of
Vasoeus
his
own
words
;
for
if
they
have
been
faithful
unto
forrainers
and
strange
Princes
,
and
have
submited
their
necks
unto
many
several
Nations
,
it
argueth
inconstancy
,
fellow-mate
to
levity
,
which
is
either
a
Mother
or
a
guid
unto
disloyalty
;
because
light
heads
are
quickly
displeased
,
and
discontented
minds
give
easie
entertainment
unto
rebellious
and
treasonable
cogitations
.
To
conclude
then
this
Point
with
their
learning
,
let
me
oppose
a
Spaniard
unto
a
Flemming
;
a
man
better
acquainted
with
the
vertues
and
vices
of
his
own
Country
then
a
stranger
,
a
man
who
giveth
his
Testimony
of
Vasoeus
,
and
of
the
cause
of
his
writing
of
the
Spanish
History
:
Iohn
Vasoeus
a
Elemming
,
seeing
the
negligence
of
the
Spaniards
,
and
how
careless
they
were
to
commit
to
perpetual
memory
the
worthy
exploits
and
actions
of
their
own
Nation
,
began
of
late
years
to
set
forth
a
small
Chronicle
:
Why
then
the
Spaniards
are
negligent
,
they
are
careless
of
their
own
commendation
;
so
thought
Vasoeus
,
or
else
he
had
not
written
their
History
;
so
saith
Sebastianus
Foxius
,
the
man
whom
I
bring
to
confute
Vasoeus
;
the
man
who
by
attributing
(
as
you
have
heard
)
more
unto
himself
then
any
modest
man
(
unless
it
were
a
bragging
Spaniard
)
would
do
,
giveth
me
occasion
to
think
that
he
will
not
derogate
or
detract
any
thing
from
the
praises
due
unto
his
own
Country
:
This
man
therefore
in
his
before
mentioned
Book
speaketh
thus
of
the
learning
of
Spain
:
Our
Country
men
(
saith
he
)
both
in
old
time
and
in
this
Age
having
continually
lived
in
forrain
or
domestical
Wars
,
never
gave
their
minds
greatly
unto
study
;
for
the
rewards
of
learning
in
our
Country
are
very
few
,
and
they
proper
unto
a
few
paltry
Pettyfoggers
;
and
our
wits
being
high
and
lofty
,
could
never
brook
the
pains
that
learning
requireth
,
but
either
we
disdaining
all
kind
of
study
,
give
our selves
presently
to
the
purchase
of
Honours
and
Riches
,
or
else
following
our
studies
for
a
small
while
,
quickly
give
them
over
,
as
though
we
had
attained
to
the
full
and
absolute
perfe●tion
of
learning
,
so
that
very
few
or
none
are
found
amongst
us
,
who
may
compare
for
learning
with
the
Italians
,
or
have
shewed
the
ripeness
and
sharp
maturity
of
their
wits
in
any
kind
of
any
kind
of
study
.
You
have
heard
two
contrary
opinions
touching
the
Spaniards
learning
;
I
leave
it
to
your
discretion
to
follow
and
beleeve
which
of
them
you
please
;
and
withal
to
consider
by
the
way
what
manner
of
Ecclesiastical
Discipline
and
Government
we
should
have
,
if
the
Spanish
ignorant
and
unlearned
Clergy
might
,
as
they
have
a
long
time
both
desired
and
endeavoured
,
prescribe
Laws
and
Orders
unto
all
the
Churches
of
Christendom
.
The
favourable
Assertions
in
the
behalf
of
Spain
being
thus
briefly
refelled
,
it
remaineth
now
to
make
a
conjectural
estimate
of
the
Spanish
present
Forces
,
by
an
Historical
Declaration
of
the
power
thereof
in
times
past
;
and
because
it
were
over
tedious
to
trouble
you
with
the
recital
of
such
forces
as
Spain
hath
imployed
many
hundred
years
ago
,
in
her
own
defence
,
or
in
disturbance
of
her
forrain
enemies
abroad
,
I
will
restrain
my self
unto
such
a
time
as
is
within
the
memory
of
man
,
and
especially
unto
the
Raigne
of
Charls
the
fifth
;
For
(
as
I
take
it
)
Spain
was
never
,
for
this
many
hundred
years
,
so
strong
,
as
when
the
said
Charles
was
both
King
thereof
and
Emperor
.
And
albeit
Piero
Mexias
,
in
the
life
of
Gratianus
the
Emperor
attributeth
so
much
unto
Spaniards
,
as
that
he
more
boldly
then
truly
affirmeth
;
that
the
Emperor
flourished
more
under
Spaniards
,
then
under
any
other
Nation
whatsoever
;
and
alledgeth
for
proof
of
his
Assertion
,
the
flourishing
Estate
thereof
,
under
the
before
named
Charles
the
fifth
.
Yet
I
think
that
the
Empire
being
added
unto
Spain
,
rather
beautified
Spain
,
then
that
Spain
being
conjoyned
with
the
Empire
,
did
any
thing
at
all
illustrate
the
majesty
of
the
Empire
;
because
as
little
Stars
give
no
light
or
beauty
unto
the
Moon
,
but
receive
both
from
the
Moon
;
so
a
lesser
dignity
being
joyned
to
a
greater
,
addeth
no
reputation
thereunto
,
but
is
greatly
honoured
and
beautified
by
the
conjunction
thereof
,
neither
redoundeth
it
much
(
in
my
simple
opinion
)
unto
the
honour
of
Spain
,
or
of
the
Empire
,
that
Charles
the
fifth
was
Emperor
.
Spain
is
not
greatly
honoured
thereby
,
because
Charles
the
fifth
was
a
Flemming
,
and
no
Spaniard
;
and
Spain
came
unto
him
(
as
I
have
said
)
by
marriage
with
the
heire
of
the
Kingdoms
of
Arragon
and
Castile
;
and
the
Empire
was
rather
disgraced
then
honoured
by
the
said
Charles
,
because
he
being
born
in
Gaunt
,
was
not
onely
a
vassal
,
and
natural-born
subject
unto
the
King
of
France
,
but
also
unto
the
See
of
Rome
,
for
all
the
Dominions
,
Lands
and
Seigniories
which
he
had
in
possession
,
saving
those
which
he
held
of
France
and
the
Empire
.
But
Charles
the
fifth
,
such
an
Emperor
as
he
was
(
and
undoubtedly
he
was
a
very
mighty
,
wise
and
politick
Prince
)
never
brought
into
the
Field
against
any
of
his
Enemies
whatsoever
,
so
great
forces
,
and
so
mighty
an
Army
,
as
might
worthily
be
called
invincible
(
by
which
name
the
proud
and
bragging
Spaniards
baptized
their
late
Army
against
England
)
This
Emperor
being
(
as
you
may
conjecture
and
perceive
by
that
which
hath
been
already
said
)
both
Ambitious
and
Warlick
,
had
in
his
life
time
many
wars
with
divers
Princes
,
but
none
more
notable
,
famous
,
and
worthy
of
perpetual
memory
,
th●n
his
wars
in
France
,
Italy
,
and
Germany
:
For
the
wars
which
he
had
against
the
Turk
are
not
properly
to
be
termed
his
,
because
his
Forces
alone
were
not
imployed
therein
,
but
the
aid
and
help
of
the
best
and
most
part
of
Christendom
.
His
Forces
in
Germany
were
not
above
9000
Horsemen
,
and
50000
Footmen
,
as
Lewis
Guicciardine
testifieth
in
his
Commentaries
:
And
although
he
used
in
these
wars
all
his
wit
and
policy
to
increase
his
own
power
,
and
to
weaken
and
diminish
the
strength
of
the
Protestants
;
performing
the
one
by
drawing
into
League
with
himself
,
and
unto
his
aid
,
the
Pope
,
and
other
Princes
of
his
own
Religion
:
And
effecting
the
other
(
as
Sleidan
writeth
)
by
great
cunning
,
and
policy
used
in
distracting
many
Princes
concurring
in
opinion
touching
matters
of
Religion
with
the
Protestants
,
from
their
side
and
Faction
;
yet
the
Protestants
Army
,
consisting
of
10000
Horsemen
,
and
90000
Footmen
,
was
far
greater
then
his
in
number
,
and
had
undoubtedly
gotten
the
day
against
him
when
they
joyned
battel
together
,
had
not
divers
of
their
Confederates
left
and
abandoned
them
before
the
battel
was
fought
;
Or
had
not
the
Duke
of
Saxony
committed
a
gross
error
in
joyning
battel
with
him
.
His
Armies
brought
into
France
were
many
,
but
none
greater
then
at
Laundresy
and
Marcelles
:
In
the
first
he
was
aided
by
our
King
;
And
in
the
second
,
by
most
of
the
Princes
of
Italy
,
and
other
his
confederates
,
Insomuch
that
the
King
of
France
,
who
had
been
first
overthrown
by
him
in
Italy
,
was
constrained
to
implore
the
help
of
the
Turk
against
him
:
For
when
he
came
to
Marselles
he
had
(
as
Dr.
Illescas
reporteth
in
the
life
of
Paulus
tertius
)
in
his
Army
about
25000
Almains
,
8000
Spaniards
,
and
ten
or
twelve
thousand
Italians
;
the
Almains
ga●hered
within
the
Dominion
of
the
Empire
,
the
Spaniards
within
his
own
Realm
of
Spain
,
and
the
Italians
not
onely
in
the
Kingdom
of
Naples
,
and
the
Dukedom
of
Milan
,
but
also
in
the
Dutchy
of
Savoy
,
and
in
other
parts
of
Italy
,
At
Laundresey
,
reckoning
therein
the
Forces
which
he
had
out
of
England
,
his
whole
Army
came
not
to
above
50000
(
as
the
said
Guicciardine
affirmeth
.
)
These
were
the
greatest
Strengths
that
ever
he
gathered
together
;
and
these
are
not
so
great
,
but
that
our
Queen
,
without
the
help
of
any
other
Allie
or
Confederate
,
hath
oftentimes
brought
far
greater
Forces
into
the
Field
,
as
both
our
Histories
,
and
the
French
and
Scotish
Chronicles
do
witness
.
And
Mr.
de
la
Noüe
,
his
opinion
before
mentioned
,
sheweth
,
that
the
French
King
of
himself
is
very
well
able
to
raise
a
far
greater
Army
,
then
any
of
these
were
,
against
any
of
his
Enemies
.
I
shall
not
therefore
need
(
as
I
might
conveniently
do
in
this
place
)
confer
the
Forces
of
England
or
of
France
with
the
strength
of
this
Emperor
,
who
had
never
gotten
the
happy
victory
,
which
he
obtained
against
Franci●
the
first
,
King
of
France
,
had
not
the
Italian
Captains
,
whom
the
French
King
put
in
trust
,
deceived
him
by
taking
pay
for
many
more
Souldiers
then
they
had
in
their
bands
;
(
a
fault
too
much
used
in
our
Modern
Wars
)
had
not
the
Switzers
,
when
there
was
most
need
of
them
,
departed
to
their
own
homes
;
had
not
the
French
King
given
himself
too
carelesly
to
pleasures
,
which
caused
his
Forces
to
decrease
and
diminish
daily
;
or
had
not
the
said
King
very
unadvisedly
attempted
in
the
cold
Winter
to
besiege
Pavia
:
Now
if
this
Emperor
,
in
these
Wars
,
(
the
worst
of
which
was
far
more
just
,
then
the
best
which
the
King
of
Spain
hath
lately
undertaken
)
could
with
the
help
and
furtherance
of
all
his
Allies
and
Confederates
make
no
greater
Forces
,
then
are
before
mentioned
;
nor
with
his
Forces
should
ever
have
had
so
good
success
as
he
had
,
if
his
Adversaries
had
been
so
wise
and
wary
as
they
might
have
been
:
Why
shall
his
son
King
Philip
be
thought
able
to
bring
more
men
into
the
Field
,
then
were
in
those
Armies
,
or
worthy
of
so
good
fortune
as
his
Father
had
,
since
his
strength
is
in
no
respect
comparable
unto
his
,
and
his
Actions
and
his
Enterprises
have
not
the
like
colour
and
shew
of
Wisdom
,
or
of
Justice
,
as
the
Emperor
had
?
That
the
Father
excelled
the
Son
in
strength
,
all
men
will
confess
,
saving
those
wich
carry
a
partial
and
prejudicate
opinion
of
the
present
greatness
of
Spain
:
for
albeit
the
son
hath
lately
added
the
kingdom
of
Portugal
unto
those
Realms
and
Dominions
which
his
Father
possessed
and
left
unto
him
;
although
the
Empire
hath
continued
for
these
many
years
,
and
is
likely
to
●emain
still
in
the
House
of
Austria
,
and
his
very
neer
kinsmen
;
in
regard
of
whose
Affinity
and
kindred
he
may
boldly
rest
in
as
great
hope
and
assured
confidence
of
the
Aid
and
Assistance
of
the
Empire
,
as
he
might
if
himself
were
Emperor
:
Yet
having
so
governed
in
Flanders
,
that
by
reason
of
the
long
and
continual
Civil
Wars
,
those
Countries
cannot
yeeld
him
such
Aid
of
Men
and
●oney
,
as
they
did
unto
his
Father
,
who
in
all
h●s
Wars
,
(
as
Lewis
Guicciardin●
in
the
second
Book
of
his
Commentaries
affirmeth
)
had
greater
help
both
of
Men
and
money
from
them
alone
,
th●n
from
all
the
rest
of
his
Dominions
;
he
hath
greatly
impaired
his
strength
,
and
made
it
far
inferiour
unto
his
Fathers
,
or
unto
that
same
which
he
himself
was
like
to
make
before
,
or
at
the
first
beginning
of
his
Civil
Wars
.
For
to
omit
that
he
can
now
hardly
make
such
strength
as
the
Duke
of
Alva
,
or
Don
Iohn
de
Austria
have
had
in
their
Armies
in
Flanders
,
whereof
the
first
had
at
one
time
6000
horse
,
and
30000
foot
,
and
the
other
as
many
footmen
,
and
4000
horsemen
more
;
The
decrease
and
diminution
of
his
strength
doth
manifestly
appear
in
this
,
that
the
Low-Countries
are
now
reduced
unto
that
poverty
,
and
to
such
a
penury
of
men
,
that
he
cannot
possibly
fetch
any
reasonable
great
number
thence
to
imploy
them
in
forreign
services
,
but
he
is
fain
to
bring
in
Strangers
to
defend
his
Towns
against
the
united
Provinces
.
Iacobus
Meyerus
in
the
sixth
book
of
his
Chronicles
of
Flanders
,
reporteth
that
Philip
King
of
Flanders
in
the
year
1181
having
Wars
against
the
French
King
,
had
200000
Men
in
his
Army
:
and
Adrianus
Barbadus
,
in
the
Chronicles
of
the
Dukes
of
Brabant
,
recordeth
,
that
the
Bishop
of
Utritch
is
able
,
upon
any
urgent
occasion
,
to
arm
40000
Men.
The
first
of
these
reports
sheweth
what
the
force
of
Flanders
hath
been
;
and
the
second
giveth
me
occasion
to
conjectu●e
and
think
,
that
the
strength
of
the
United
Provinces
cannot
but
be
great
,
since
a
Bishop
of
one
Town
could
readily
and
conveniently
Arm
so
many
Men.
It
is
written
that
the
chiefest
cause
of
displeasure
and
contention
betwixt
Philip
,
sirnamed
The
Fair
,
king
of
France
,
and
Pope
Boniface
the
eighth
,
was
,
because
the
said
Philip
would
not
,
at
the
request
and
intreaty
of
the
Pope
,
restore
Guido
Earl
of
Flanders
unto
his
Liberty
,
that
he
might
accompany
and
assist
the
Christians
in
their
Wars
in
the
Holy
Land
,
where
the
said
Guido's
Predecessors
had
done
better
service
then
any
other
Prince
of
Christendom
;
and
the
Pope
held
an
opinion
,
that
Guido's
presence
would
avail
the
Christians
much
more
then
the
society
of
all
the
other
Princes
.
What
a
loss
then
hath
the
king
of
Spain
by
the
Low
Countries
poverty
,
as
well
of
money
as
of
men
,
since
the
same
Countries
were
of
late
years
more
populous
,
far
richer
,
and
better
inhabited
then
they
were
in
times
past
.
It
is
a
worlds
wonder
to
see
the
Riches
,
the
beauty
,
the
Pride
,
and
the
jolity
of
those
Citi●s
before
the
late
C●vil
Wars
;
And
it
will
make
any
mans
heart
bleed
(
as
we
say
)
within
his
body
,
to
behold
the
poverty
,
desolation
,
ruine
and
calamity
of
them
at
this
present
.
Neither
is
the
weakness
of
Flanders
so
prejudicial
or
hurtfull
unto
the
Spaniards
,
as
the
obstinate
continuance
of
the
United
Provinc●s
in
their
disobedience
against
him
.
For
,
considering
the
extremity
of
his
malice
against
England
,
it
must
needs
be
very
grievous
unto
him
,
that
there
is
so
fast
a
League
of
friendship
betwixt
us
and
them
;
And
he
cannot
but
be
sorry
in
heart
as
often
as
he
remembreth
what
aid
they
yeelded
us
against
his
invincible
Navy
,
wh●reby
the
same
was
more
easily
subdued
and
overthrown
:
But
if
he
should
look
considerately
upon
their
Strength
by
Sea
,
and
the
multitude
of
their
Mariners
and
Sea-fa●ing
m●n
,
whereof
he
hath
more
need
then
of
any
other
people
whatsoever
,
〈◊〉
cannot
but
utterly
despair
to
attain
unto
his
desires
,
or
to
satisfie
his
revengefull
minde
,
so
long
as
those
P●ovinces
shall
continue
in
Amity
with
us
.
It
will
seem
inc●edible
that
I
have
heard
reported
of
the
multitude
of
the
natural
Inhabitants
in
such
a
Country
,
where
most
part
of
their
Martial
men
are
imployed
in
forreign
Garrisons
,
and
the
people
remaining
at
home
are
scant
fit
to
make
soulders
;
For
that
every
man
that
hath
an
aff●ction
and
liking
to
be
trained
up
in
Armes
,
desireth
to
be
sent
into
some
such
place
where
he
may
have
the
use
of
Armes
;
It
is
an
ancient
custom
amongst
Princes
,
if
one
hath
an
occasion
to
passe
with
an
Army
through
anothers
Country
,
to
take
Pledges
and
Hostages
that
he
shall
passe
without
any
kinde
of
Annoyance
:
And
if
caution
be
thought
necessary
when
a
multitude
goeth
but
through
a
Forreign
Dominion
,
how
can
a
Prince
be
too
watchfull
,
provident
,
and
circumspect
over
an
infinite
number
of
Forreigners
residing
within
the
limits
of
his
Kingdom
,
where
although
they
be
not
armed
,
yet
they
may
arm
themselves
at
any
time
?
although
they
be
dispersed
,
yet
they
may
congregate
and
unite
themselves
together
at
their
pleasure
:
although
they
want
Guides
and
Governours
to
direct
them
in
any
malicious
enterprise
;
yet
if
any
Army
of
their
own
Nation
should
attempt
any
manner
of
Hostility
against
the
Prince
within
whose
dominion
they
live
▪
they
may
watch
and
wait
for
some
good
opportunity
to
joyne
with
their
Countrymen
,
and
so
endanger
his
Estate
that
harboureth
them
:
And
sometimes
Strangers
of
a
few
,
grow
to
so
great
a
multitude
in
other
Princes
dominions
,
that
they
become
both
terrible
and
dangerous
unto
the
Countrey
which
they
inhabit
.
There
was
a
time
when
certain
wicked
Rebels
cruelly
murthered
Charles
Earl
of
Flanders
;
of
England
vouchsafed
them
a
simple
dwelling
place
in
a
little
Island
of
Ireland
,
called
Gherma
,
where
in
a
few
years
they
so
multiplied
and
encreased
,
that
in
the
year
1287.
they
presumed
to
wage
war
against
the
said
King
Edward
;
but
being
happily
subdued
by
him
,
the
greatest
part
of
them
were
slain
,
and
the
residue
which
escaped
became
Sea-Rovers
,
and
spared
not
to
pill
and
poll
any
Nation
whatsoever
,
th●t
chanced
to
fall
into
their
hands
.
This
example
may
warn
all
Princes
to
take
heed
of
strangers
,
and
especially
of
such
as
have
been
Traytors
unto
their
own
Princes
;
and
whosoever
considereth
well
every
circumstance
thereof
,
and
of
many
others
like
unto
it
,
may
boldly
presume
to
say
,
that
the
Prince
,
whose
Country
is
replenished
with
strangers
,
and
especially
with
such
as
have
b●en
Traytors
unto
their
own
Princes
,
hath
great
occasion
to
live
in
great
doubt
of
his
own
security
,
and
of
his
subjects
safety
.
But
I
speake
not
this
against
such
strangers
as
are
fled
into
England
,
or
any
other
Country
for
their
conscience
sake
,
to
avoid
the
tyranny
of
the
Spaniards
.
I
know
that
God
ordained
Cities
of
refuge
,
whereunto
it
was
lawful
for
●nnocents
and
men
wrongfully
oppressed
,
to
fly
for
safety
;
and
yet
even
over
such
strangers
it
cannot
be
amiss
to
have
a
watchful
Eye
,
as
well
to
Cherish
t●em
,
if
living
well
,
and
under
Law
,
they
be
wronged
by
the
natural
subjects
of
his
Country
where
they
live
,
against
the
course
of
Law
,
as
to
foresee
,
that
neither
all
,
nor
part
of
them
be
induced
by
the
natural
or
professed
Enemies
of
the
State
in
which
they
are
harboured
,
to
attempt
any
open
Hostility
,
or
secret
Treason
against
him
that
vouchsafeth
to
harbor
them
.
You
have
heard
what
may
be
said
against
the
present
strength
of
the
Spanish
King
;
Now
it
remaineth
,
that
you
hear
what
can
be
objected
against
his
wisdom
and
justice
in
Civ●l
Government
:
For
as
necessary
are
Justice
and
Prudence
for
a
peaceable
regiment
,
as
Force
and
Policy
in
time
of
Wars
.
To
censure
his
wisdom
,
will
argue
small
wisdom
in
me
,
who
do
both
know
and
acknowledge
it
to
be
my
duty
to
think
well
(
as
I
have
said
)
of
all
Princes
,
and
not
to
examine
their
actions
,
nor
look
into
the
mysteries
of
their
secret
enterprises
;
And
yet
because
his
favorites
and
friends
spare
not
to
report
whatsoever
their
wicked
hearts
can
imagine
against
our
Sovereign
,
I
may
boldy
presume
to
commit
to
your
secret
view
what
others
have
published
in
prejudice
of
his
wisdom
and
justice
,
especially
since
I
intend
not
to
discover
any
hidden
oversights
,
but
such
as
are
known
to
the
world
for
most
manifest
errours
.
These
unto
him
that
hath
leasure
to
enter
into
considerations
of
them
all
,
would
fall
out
to
be
very
many
;
but
my
purpose
is
at
this
time
but
to
acquaint
you
with
four
,
and
of
these
four
I
will
deliver
you
my
opinion
in
this
manner
.
For
although
a
Magistrate
loveth
vertue
,
and
hateth
vice
,
embraceth
justice
,
and
disliketh
oppression
,
possesseth
all
good
qualities
,
and
entertaineth
scant
any
kinde
of
ill
disposition
;
yet
if
he
cannot
accommodate
himself
unto
the
nature
of
those
subjects
which
are
committed
unto
his
charge
,
instead
of
Peace
and
tranquility
,
he
shall
occasion
and
nourish
among
them
discord
and
diss●nsion
:
For
proof
whereof
I
shall
need
to
alledge
no
other
examples
,
but
the
troubles
and
civil
wars
,
which
in
these
few
years
have
(
as
I
have
said
)
turned
the
prosperity
,
wealth
and
riches
of
Flanders
into
Poverty
,
Ruine
,
and
desolation
.
For
whosoever
will
considerately
look
into
the
causes
of
th●se
tro●●les
,
shall
finde
that
they
have
proceeded
principally
from
the
contrari●ty
of
the
natu●es
and
dispositions
of
the
Spaniards
,
and
of
the
Flemings
,
because
the
one
never
learned
to
command
with
a
spirit
of
meekn●ss
and
lenity
,
and
the
other
could
never
endure
to
be
ruled
by
proud
and
arrogant
Officers
,
but
have
alwayes
been
far
better
governed
by
the
Courtesie
and
Clemency
of
Women
,
then
by
the
severity
and
rigour
of
Men.
And
truly
,
although
Nimrod
began
his
reign
with
cruelty
and
violence
,
as
the
Scriptures
testifie
;
and
it
hath
been
,
and
it
is
a
question
disputable
,
Whether
it
be
better
that
the
Ministers
of
Kings
and
Princes
should
be
severe
and
cruel
,
or
gentle
and
courteous
;
yet
the
wiser
sort
are
of
opinion
,
that
Humanity
and
Gentlenesse
is
both
more
commendable
and
necessary
;
especially
where
the
People
that
is
to
be
governed
is
milde
by
Nature
,
gentle
in
condition
,
and
no
way
inclined
to
conceive
well
of
cruelty
.
And
certainly
whosoever
shall
busie
himself
in
reading
many
Chronicles
,
shall
undoubtedly
finde
in
them
,
that
more
Kingdoms
,
Dominions
and
Seigniories
have
been
overthrown
and
ruinated
by
the
cruelty
of
under-Officers
,
then
by
the
severity
of
the
higher
Powers
:
For
in
Histories
men
shall
see
,
that
even
those
people
who
lived
many
yeers
in
peace
,
without
knowing
what
belonged
to
the
besieging
of
a
Town
,
to
the
maintaining
of
a
Camp
,
or
to
the
entertaining
of
any
Domesticall
sedition
,
have
been
enforced
by
the
barbarous
and
Cruel
Tyranny
of
wicked
Officers
,
to
prefer
Wars
before
Peace
,
and
the
effusion
of
blood
,
before
the
conservation
of
their
lives
.
The
Province
of
Graecia
,
after
that
it
had
sought
and
gained
many
Battels
,
subdued
sundry
Nations
,
and
triumphed
over
infinite
Enemies
,
was
at
the
last
overthrown
and
destroyed
by
the
wickednesse
and
cruelty
of
their
Governors
.
The
iniquity
and
cruelty
of
Appius
Claudius
shewed
unto
Virginius
his
Daughter
,
changed
the
state
of
Rome
,
and
was
the
onely
cause
that
their
form
and
manner
of
Civil
Government
was
altered
.
The
Ancestors
of
the
same
Flemmings
,
which
of
late
years
have
born
Arms
against
King
Philip
of
Spain
,
not
being
able
to
brook
and
endure
the
Indignities
and
Injuries
of
those
Officers
which
king
Philip
of
France
(
sirnamed
The
Fair
)
set
over
them
,
took
out
of
Prison
a
poor
Weaver
,
and
made
him
their
Head
,
rebelled
against
their
king
,
and
killed
all
the
Frenchmen
that
were
in
Flanders
.
The
People
of
sicilie
,
moved
thereunto
by
the
barbarous
cruelty
of
such
French
Governors
as
Tyrannized
over
them
,
slew
in
one
night
all
the
Frenchmen
that
were
in
that
kingdom
,
and
opened
the
bellies
of
as
many
women
of
their
own
Nation
as
were
with
childe
by
Frenchmen
,
onely
to
destroy
the
fruit
of
their
womb
.
How
many
times
have
the
People
of
England
,
the
Subjects
of
France
,
and
the
Inhabitants
of
Spain
rebelled
for
the
same
occasion
?
Yea
,
in
the
time
of
the
Emperor
Charles
the
fifth
,
whose
Predecessors
were
driven
out
of
all
that
ever
they
had
in
Switzerland
,
for
the
great
Tyranny
which
was
used
by
him
whom
they
placed
for
their
Lieutenant
.
And
in
truth
,
less
grievous
and
offensive
are
the
Injuries
which
Princes
themselves
do
unto
their
Subjects
,
then
those
which
proceed
from
the
enmity
and
malice
of
their
Officers
;
and
certainly
much
more
dangerous
to
a
Princes
State
are
the
Extortions
,
Cruelties
and
Exactions
of
inferiour
Magistrates
,
then
of
those
unto
whom
as
well
the
Magistrates
as
the
Subjects
are
accomptable
.
This
is
first
proved
by
the
force
and
efficacie
of
Reason
it self
,
because
every
particular
man
can
better
endure
to
be
wronged
by
the
Master
then
by
the
Servant
;
for
that
the
Indignitie
and
base
Condition
of
the
wrong-doers
many
times
increaseth
the
grief
and
discontentment
which
is
conceived
upon
occasion
of
an
Injury
sustained
.
S●condly
the
Common
People
hating
alwaies
much
more
the
evill
and
tyrannical
Government
of
an
Inferior
Magistrate
,
then
of
the
Superior
Powers
,
think
it
far
better
to
have
a
bad
Prince
,
who
wil
be
Governed
and
directed
by
good
Counsellors
,
then
to
live
under
wicked
Officers
authorised
to
Rule
and
Govern
them
by
a
good
and
vertuous
Prince
.
For
,
say
th●y
,
a
wicked
Prince
liveth
at
ease
in
his
Kingly
Palace
,
giveth
himself
unto
pleasure
,
followeth
his
delights
,
and
rejoyceth
in
the
Company
of
his
vain
and
foolish
Favorites
;
and
these
are
most
commonly
the
worst
things
that
he
doth
;
But
the
wicked
Magistrate
studie●h
continually
,
how
to
commit
Violence
,
to
invent
new
Exactions
,
to
trouble
and
torment
the
common
People
,
to
clipp
their
Wings
,
to
de●●owre
their
Children
,
to
dishonest
their
Wives
,
and
to
seize
upon
their
Goods
,
to
withhold
their
Lands
,
and
to
violate
and
break
their
Priviledges
.
These
are
the
harmes
that
proceed
from
the
bad
Magistrate
,
the
remembrance
of
which
is
most
greiv●us
,
the
pain
excessive
,
the
beginning
odious
,
and
the
end
ex●crable
.
The
consideration
whereof
maketh
me
think
not
onely
ours
,
but
all
other
Estates
and
Kingdomes
most
happy
,
which
are
governed
by
such
Princes
as
are
borne
in
the
same
Kingdoms
which
they
Govern
;
And
those
contrariwise
most
unfortunate
,
and
subject
unto
infinite
miseries
,
which
are
ruled
by
Forain
Princes
:
The
consideration
whereof
made
many
kingdoms
not
to
accept
and
acknowledge
for
their
Kings
the
lawful
Children
of
their
deceased
Soveraignes
,
because
they
were
born
in
Fo●rain
Countries
.
The
which
consideration
(
as
it
seemeth
)
had
sometimes
place
in
England
,
because
am●ngst
other
Statutes
of
this
Realme
,
there
is
one
to
enable
and
make
the
Child●en
of
our
Kings
which
are
born
in
other
Countries
capable
of
the
Crown
of
England
.
Lastly
the
consideration
whereof
moveth
many
grave
and
wise
Polititians
to
be
of
opinion
,
that
the
Princes
are
not
overwise
and
discreet
which
labour
all
the
daies
of
their
lives
to
Conquer
and
subdue
Forain
Kingdoms
;
For
after
that
they
have
attained
the
desired
Fruits
of
their
desired
Labour
and
Travaile
,
what
have
they
gotten
worthy
of
their
pain●s
and
charges
?
They
have
added
somewhat
to
their
former
Reputation
,
They
have
increased
their
yearly
Revenues
of
their
Crown
,
They
have
(
as
it
becometh
good
Husbands
)
augmented
the
Talent
which
God
bestowed
upon
them
;
And
what
is
all
this
,
but
a
thing
that
glistereth
and
is
no
Gold
?
a
shew
of
Reputation
,
that
is
no
true
Glory
?
and
a
Representation
of
great
profit
than
can
have
no
long
continuance
?
For
if
this
happie
and
glorious
Conqueror
shall
leave
his
natural
Country
,
and
govern
in
person
his
new
Conquered
Kingdome
,
what
sorrowes
,
what
inconveniences
,
what
troubles
,
dangers
and
vexations
will
follow
thereof
?
His
natural
Subjects
will
complain
that
they
are
forsaken
,
and
the
●onquered
will
not
long
like
of
his
Government
;
The
former
will
find
Fault
with
his
Deputies
,
and
the
later
will
desire
his
room
,
rather
then
his
presence
;
The
one
will
not
think
him
worthy
to
enjoy
his
own
,
and
the
other
will
esteem
all
that
he
getteth
theirs
,
because
they
presume
that
it
is
gotten
with
the
goods
and
wealth
of
the
Country
which
they
call
theirs
;
So
he
becometh
a
stranger
unto
his
own
,
and
being
daily
amongst
his
own
,
his
own
will
not
know
him
;
And
that
which
is
most
greivous
,
if
his
own
chance
to
rebell
,
as
many
have
done
in
their
Soveraignes
absence
,
he
is
fain
to
imploy
strangers
to
suppress
them
;
And
if
his
Strange●e
happen
to
revolt
,
he
mu●t
either
make
a
Butchery
of
his
own
,
to
subdue
them
,
or
lose
in
a
few
daies
that
which
was
gotten
in
many
years
:
I
shall
not
need
to
stand
upon
the
proof
hereof
,
I
have
cleared
that
by
many
examples
,
in
the
beginning
of
this
discourse
;
And
therefore
I
will
now
come
unto
the
second
Error
not
inferior
,
but
rather
greater
then
the
fi●st
.
It
is
an
usuall
Policie
amongst
Princes
,
Poland
,
Swedland
,
Denmark
,
France
,
Scotland
,
and
England
;
together
with
the
Common-wealth
,
Dukedoms
,
Principalities
,
Counties
Palatinates
,
and
other
Dominions
and
free
cities
of
Switzerland
,
Savoy
,
Wittenberge
,
and
other
Provinces
of
Germany
,
fell
from
Popery
unto
the
profession
of
Gods
true
Religion
,
they
desired
of
their
King
that
they
have
liberty
of
conscience
;
and
without
danger
of
a
Spanish
inqu●si●ion
profess
that
Religion
wherein
they
were
fully
resolved
to
live
and
die
;
But
the
King
thinking
it
not
convenient
,
or
beseeming
the
Royall
Majesty
of
a
Prince
,
to
yeild
unto
any
extraordinary
Petition
,
were
it
never
so
humble
or
reasonable
,
of
his
Subjects
,
refuseth
to
satisfie
this
request
;
For
which
his
refusing
,
as
many
as●favor
him
,
or
his
cause
,
alleage
these
reasons
,
First
that
Men
of
two
Religions
can
hardly
live
in
Peace
and
quietnes
together
in
one
Estate
.
Secondly
,
that
these
suppliants
have
been
and
are
still
the
cause
of
all
troubles
and
seditions
in
the
Low-Countries
.
Thirdly
,
that
he
had
faithfully
promised
the
Popes
holiness
never
to
entertaine
or
maintaine
any
other
then
the
present
Roman
Religion
,
within
any
of
his
Kingdoms
or
Dominions
.
Fou●thly
,
that
such
a
toleration
as
was
demanded
by
his
Subjects
,
cannot
be
war●anted
by
the
example
of
any
K●ngs
or
Princes
of
later
or
former
times
:
Fifthly
,
that
the
King
of
France
,
and
the
Queen
of
England
having
had
the
like
motion
made
unto
them
by
their
natural
and
most
loving
Subjects
,
could
never
be
moved
to
condiscend
to
their
humble
Petitions
.
And
lastly
,
that
it
was
not
seemly
for
his
Majesty
to
be
directed
by
other
Princes
what
to
yeeld
or
not
to
yeeld
unto
his
Subjects
,
especially
since
he
both
held
and
knew
himself
to
be
very
well
able
to
enforce
his
rebellious
and
heretical
Subjects
to
submit
themselves
unto
the
profession
of
that
Religion
which
his
Subjects
in
Spain
and
in
other
his
dominions
do
profess
.
These
are
in
briefe
all
the
reasons
that
ever
I
could
heare
alledged
by
any
man
for
the
justification
of
his
refusal
;
and
to
the
end
that
his
error
may
not
be
coloured
or
maintained
by
the
shew
and
shadow
of
these
simple
reasons
,
I
will
briefly
confute
every
one
of
them
in
order
.
True
it
is
that
there
is
no
streighter
tie
,
no
surer
stay
,
no
stronger
hold
to
co●joyn
and
knit
the
hearts
of
Subjects
together
,
then
is
the
conformitie
and
unitie
of
religion
;
and
that
the
readiest
way
to
sever
and
separate
their
Affections
is
to
set
them
at
strife
and
variance
for
Religion
;
In
regard
whereof
diverse
wise
men
and
grave
counsellors
have
advised
their
Kings
to
take
heed
that
no
kinde
of
heresie
creep
into
their
kingdoms
,
to
resist
the
first
beginni●g
of
any
heresie
whatsoever
,
and
to
foresee
that
no
new
opinion
enter
into
the
hearts
of
their
Subjects
;
and
if
any
by
chance
happen
to
finde
never
so
small
entrance
,
to
labor
by
all
meanes
possible
to
remove
the
same
.
For
variety
of
opinions
easily
ingendred
,
findeth
meanes
to
increase
without
great
difficulti●
,
and
having
once
penetrated
,
into
the
interior
cogitations
of
mens
hearts
,
so
ravisheth
their
senses
,
blindeth
their
eyes
,
and
obscur●th
their
judgements
,
that
they
can
neither
see
,
nor
discerne
the
truth
from
falshood
,
nor
the
light
from
darkness
,
but
so
cleave
and
hold
fast
on
their
opinions
,
that
they
will
almost
as
soon
and
as
willingly
depart
from
their
lives
as
from
their
heresies
.
But
if
by
reason
of
not
opposing
and
withstanding
the
beginning
and
increase
of
opinions
,
the
number
of
Subjects
professing
a
Religion
contrary
to
their
Kings
,
be
once
grown
to
be
equall
or
greater
then
the
multi●ude
of
those
which
agree
with
him
in
opinion
,
there
are
but
two
waies
to
reforme
and
order
this
disorder
.
The
one
to
command
(
as
Dagabert
King
of
France
did
)
that
all
they
that
profess
not
the
same
religion
which
their
King
doth
,
shall
by
a
certain
time
appointed
,
depart
out
of
his
Realme
;
and
that
those
who
remaine
within
the
limits
of
his
kingdome
,
beyond
the
day
prefixed
,
shall
be
held
as
Enemies
unto
the
State
,
and
therefore
be
reputed
〈◊〉
worthie
of
present
death
.
The
other
,
to
permit
them
to
continue
in
their
Country
,
and
to
enjoy
liberty
of
conscience
:
The
which
way
because
it
draweth
nighest
unto
humanitie
,
seemeth
unto
mee
best
to
bee
followed
:
For
since
mens
consciences
ought
to
be
free
and
at
libertie
,
since
no
man
may
rightfully
be
deprived
of
the
benefit
and
●ommoditie
of
his
Conntry
,
without
some
off●nce
committed
worthy
of
ban●shment
;
since
the
life
and
wellfare
of
their
Subj●cts
is
recommended
unto
Princes
;
since
the
fault
that
is
committed
by
their
Sufferance
cannot
be
well
punished
without
great
prejudice
unto
their
honor
and
reputation
,
and
briefly
since
the
life
may
be
more
beneficial
then
the
death
of
such
Subjects
unto
their
Kings
,
it
should
undoubtedly
be
great
Tyranny
to
deprive
them
either
of
their
lives
or
of
their
Country
.
But
we
are
commanded
in
the
Scriptures
to
r●ject
him
that
is
an
Heretick
after
one
or
two
admonitions
:
Wee
are
told
,
that
he
that
will
not
be
obedient
unto
the
Church
,
must
be
unto
us
as
an
Heathen
man
,
or
a
Publican
.
And
we
are
willed
to
take
heed
〈◊〉
no
man
deceive
us
,
and
that
we
keep
not
company
with
such
men
;
how
then
shall
the
religious
converse
with
the
Reprobate
?
How
shall
the
Papist
live
with
the
Protestant
?
And
how
can
a
Prince
maintain
both
in
one
Kingdome
,
in
one
City
,
in
one
Town
,
in
one
house
?
This
is
all
that
can
be
alleaged
against
us
out
of
the
word
of
God
,
and
by
these
words
the
Protestants
are
not
commanded
to
shun
the
Papists
,
nor
the
Papists
to
avoid
the
Protestan●s
;
only
we
are
all
in
general
taught
to
beware
of
vain
Philosophers
,
of
men
delighting
in
many
speeches
,
of
such
as
with
vanity
of
words
excuse
sins
,
and
mock
at
at
the
Menaces
and
judgements
of
God
;
we
are
forbidden
to
give
any
credit
to
their
Philosophie
,
and
humane
reasons
,
to
put
any
confidence
in
their
Traditions
in
their
Fables
,
to
be
moved
any
thing
at
all
with
their
Miracles
,
to
participate
with
them
in
their
Doctrine
and
Ceremonies
,
and
to
admit
them
to
conference
or
communication
with
us
;
this
commandement
stretcheth
not
unto
men
varying
somwhat
from
us
in
Religion
;
these
words
forbid
not
the
true
worshippers
of
God
to
converse
with
them
that
worship
God
truly
,
but
not
in
the
●●me
manner
in
all
respects
as
they
do
;
For
if
this
were
a
general
commandement
,
then
all
men
not
being
well
instructed
or
perswaded
in
Religion
,
should
not
be
admitted
into
the
company
of
Christians
.
The
Church
of
God
from
the
beginning
hath
withstood
and
infringed
this
commandement
;
yea
our
Saviour
Iesus
Christ
should
seem
to
have
given
contrary
commandements
●nto
his
Apostles
,
unto
his
Disciples
:
For
,
when
he
willed
them
to
go
and
preach
his
word
unto
all
Nations
,
as
well
unto
the
Iewes
as
unto
the
Gentiles
,
unto
the
b●leivers
as
unto
the
unbeleiving
,
Is
not
this
Commandement
contrary
unto
the
former
?
Or
could
they
as
they
were
commanded
,
teach
the
Infidels
,
or
instruct
the
ignorant
without
conversing
with
them
?
did
not
he
,
whose
word
is
a
Lanthon
unto
our
Feet
,
whose
life
must
be
our
guide
,
whose
Actions
must
be
our
imitation
,
daily
converse
with
Publicans
,
with
Pharises
,
with
Sadduces
,
with
all
sorts
of
people
,
never
having
respect
of
men
,
nor
careing
of
what
profession
they
were
,
because
the
end
of
his
coming
was
to
save
the
Sinner
,
and
to
conver●
the
Infidel
?
And
hath
he
not
said
,
that
two
shall
be
in
one
bed
,
whereof
the
one
shall
be
received
,
and
the
other
rejected
?
And
doth
not
this
saying
import
that
the
true
Christians
shall
converse
with
the
Schism●ticks
of
the
world
?
Did
not
Abell
live
with
Cain
untill
he
was
murthered
by
Cain
?
Did
not
Seth
and
Enoch
,
both
beleiving
in
God
,
dwell
amongst
the
other
Children
of
Adam
,
who
lived
without
Religion
,
without
any
knowledge
of
God
?
Abraham
was
commanded
by
God
to
leave
his
native
Country
,
and
to
go
to
seek
a
new
Habita●ion
amongst
men
not
knowing
nor
worshiping
of
God
;
Isaack
swore
friendship
and
Alliance
with
Abimelech
an
Infidel
,
and
Iacob
dwelt
with
Laban
an
Idolator
.
●ut
these
and
the
Prophets
of
God
were
men
so
well
instructed
in
Gods
word
,
so
affected
thereunto
,
so
willing
to
observe
every
Precept
thereof
,
and
so
unwilling
to
give
any
occasion
of
offence
in
what
Company
soever
they
came
,
that
they
lived
in
peace
with
all
men
,
they
exhorted
all
men
unto
peace
;
and
there
was
no
man
so
ungodly
that
could
receive
any
loss
,
detriment
,
scandal
,
or
offence
by
their
company
:
Men
are
not
so
in
these
daies
;
And
therefore
the
like
effects
will
not
follow
of
their
company
:
And
yet
in
these
dai●s
the
unbeleiving
may
not
onely
,
but
are
also
commanded
to
abide
with
the
believers
;
and
the
believers
are
enjoyned
to
dwell
with
the
unbelieving
;
for
the
woman
that
hath
an
husband
that
believeth
not
,
if
he
be
content
to
dwell
with
her
,
let
her
not
(
sai●h
the
Scripture
)
forsake
him
;
for
the
unbelieving
husband
is
sanct●fied
by
his
wife
,
and
the
unbelieving
wife
is
sanctified
by
the
husband
,
becau●e
t●e
Faith
of
the
believer
hath
more
power
to
sanctifie
Mariage
then
the
w●ckedness
of
the
other
to
pollute
it
:
And
the
Scripture
goeth
further
,
saying
,
what
knowest
thou
O
wife
,
whether
thou
shalt
save
thy
husband
?
Or
what
knowest
thou
O
man
whether
thou
shalt
save
thy
wife
?
Why
then
there
cometh
a
benefit
by
suffering
the
Reprobate
to
converse
with
the
Religious
;
the
Faith
of
the
one
may
sanctifie
the
other
;
and
the
b●l●ever
may
chance
to
save
him
that
believeth
not
;
and
were
it
not
th●n
impious
,
wicked
and
irreligious
to
deprive
the
one
of
the
societie
,
and
of
the
instructions
of
the
othe●
?
But
they
will
not
live
together
in
p●ace
and
quietness
.
How
know
you
that
?
or
what
shall
cause
variance
betwixt
them
?
forsooth
the
varietie
of
their
Religion
.
But
may
not
they
be
forbidden
to
argue
of
matters
of
Religion
?
and
take
away
all
kinde
of
dispu●ation
and
argument
;
and
do
you
not
therewithall
remove
all
cause
of
cont●ntion
?
know
you
not
that
knowledg
comet●
partly
by
hearing
?
and
if
they
should
heare
one
another
with
mildness
and
modestie
,
would
not
the
Faith
of
the
believers
be
able
to
confound
and
confute
the
Infidelitie
of
them
that
beli●ve
not
?
the
prayer
of
a
righteous
man
availeth
much
,
as
it
was
seen
by
Elias
,
who
being
a
man
subject
to
the
like
Passions
as
we
are
,
prayed
earnestly
that
it
might
not
raine
,
and
it
rained
not
on
the
Earth
for
three
years
and
six
months
,
and
he
prayed
againe
,
and
the
Heaven
gave
Raine
and
the
E●●th
brought
forth
her
Fruit.
The
prayer
of
Fai●h
shall
save
the
sick
,
and
the
Lord
shall
raise
him
up
,
and
if
he
have
committed
any
sin
it
shall
be
forgiven
him
.
If
then
by
prayer
raine
is
staied
,
and
raine
may
be
procured
;
if
by
prayer
he●lth
be
restored
,
and
sin
be
forgiven
,
shall
not
the
prayer
of
the
faithfull
availe
much
?
or
shall
not
the
Infidel
be
benefited
or
saved
by
their
prayer
?
faith
is
the
g●ound
of
things
that
are
hoped
for
,
and
●he
evidence
of
things
that
are
not
seen
.
By
faith
Abell
offered
unto
God
a
greater
Sacrifice
the
Caine.
By
faith
Enoch
was
taken
away
that
he
should
not
see
death
.
By
faith
Noah
,
being
warned
of
Go●
,
of
the
things
that
were
as
yet
not
seen
,
moved
with
reverence
,
prepared
the
Ark
to
the
saving
of
his
Household
.
By
faith
Abraham
obeyed
God
,
when
he
was
called
to
go
into
a
place
which
he
should
afterwards
receive
for
an
Inheritance
.
By
faith
Sarah
received
strength
to
co●ceiv●
Seed
,
and
was
delivered
of
a
Child
when
she
was
past
Age.
By
faith
Moses
forsook
Egypt
.
By
faith
he
with
his
people
passed
through
the
red
Sea
as
on
dry
Land
.
By
faith
the
Walls
of
Iericho
fell
downe
after
they
we●e
compast
about
seven
dayes
.
And
by
faith
●he
Prophets
subdued
Kingdoms
,
stopped
the
mouthes
of
Lyons
,
quenched
the
violence
of
Fire
,
escaped
the
Edge
of
the
Sword
,
of
weak
were
m●de
strong
,
waxed
valiant
in
Battaile
,
and
turned
to
Flight
the
Armies
of
the
Aliens
.
Then
since
faith
is
of
this
force
,
and
efficacy
,
shall
not
the
faithfull
bee
able
to
convert
them
,
by
whose
conversation
they
shall
reape
no
small
benefit
?
for
if
any
man
hath
erred
from
the
truth
,
saith
St
Iames
,
and
some
men
hath
converted
him
,
know
that
he
that
hath
called
the
sinner
from
going
astray
out
of
his
way
,
shall
save
a
soul
from
death
,
and
shall
hide
a
multitude
of
sins
.
And
is
it
not
a
thing
commendable
before
men
,
acceptable
unto
God
,
and
worth
the
l●bours
of
any
good
Christian
to
save
a
soul
,
and
to
hide
a
great
multitude
of
sins
?
But
to
leave
these
Divine
arguments
,
and
to
come
unto
humane
reasons
,
because
they
are
more
pleasing
and
acceptable
to
children
of
this
world
,
whom
(
mee
thinketh
)
it
should
suffice
for
proof
that
Papists
and
Protestants
may
live
in
peace
and
quietness
together
,
because
that
in
Poland
where
there
are
many
Religions
professed
,
you
seldome
heare
of
any
civil
contention
;
and
in
Switzerland
▪
in
many
Townes
thereof
,
the
Papists
and
Protestants
eate
together
,
lye
in
bed
one
with
another
,
marry
together
,
and
that
which
is
most
strange
,
in
one
Church
you
shall
have
a
Mass
and
a
Sermon
,
and
at
one
Table
upon
Fish
dai●s
,
Fish
and
Flesh
,
the
one
for
Papists
,
the
other
for
Protestants
.
And
whosoever
shall
look
upon
the
present
State
of
Spaine
,
or
the
present
Government
of
Italy
in
this
Age
,
in
which
Countries
there
is
but
one
Religion
professed
,
shall
finde
no
greater
peace
,
no
more
assured
Friendship
,
no
streighter
League
of
Ami●ie
amongst
them
then
there
is
amongst
the
people
of
Poland
,
Switzerland
,
and
other
Nations
which
give
Friendly
entertainment
unto
pluralitie
of
Religions
;
neither
can
any
m●n
say
with
reason
,
that
the
Protestants
of
Flanders
have
been
the
occasion
of
the
unnaturall
variance
and
civill
dissention
which
now
troubleth
their
Country
:
For
there
is
no
man
that
reverenceth
the
Magistrate
,
obeyeth
the
Laws
of
God
and
man
,
or
fulfilleth
the
true
sense
and
meaning
of
bo●h
Laws
more
willingly
then
they
,
as
their
Supplications
,
their
Le●ters
,
their
Apologies
do
testifie
.
It
is
not
they
,
but
their
Enemies
;
not
they
but
their
evill
Governors
;
not
the
Inhabitants
of
their
Country
,
but
the
Strangers
sent
into
the
Country
,
and
del●ghted
wi●h
the
pleasures
and
the
profits
thereof
,
that
have
occasioned
these
Troubles
.
Neither
is
it
to
be
thought
that
so
many
Princes
,
as
the
King
of
France
▪
the
Queen
of
England
,
the
Archduke
of
Austria
,
and
the
late
Duke
of
Anjou
,
being
all
strangers
unto
them
,
would
ever
have
undertaken
their
defence
and
p●otection
,
if
they
had
thought
or
seen
that
the
principal
c●use
of
Sedition
might
justly
be
imputed
unto
them
.
It
was
the
Tyranny
of
Don
Iohn
de
Austria
,
the
Crueltie
of
the
Duke
of
Alva
,
the
intolerable
Pri●e
of
the
Spaniards
in
general
,
the
unreasonable
exaction
of
the
Hundreth
,
the
Twentieth
,
and
the
Tenth
Penny
of
●v●ry
mans
substance
,
together
with
other
Causes
mentioned
in
the
b●ginning
of
this
discourse
,
that
caused
the
forcible
distraction
of
them
from
the
usuall
and
dutifull
Obedience
.
Devotion
,
service
,
and
observance
of
their
Prince
.
I●
the
time
of
Philip
the
Fair●
King
of
France
,
as
now
in
the
Raigne
of
Philip
the
second
King
of
Spaine
(
whereby
it
may
appeare
that
the
name
of
Philip
hath
been
fatall
unto
this
Country
)
there
were
the
like
troubles
is
Flanders
as
there
are
now
;
and
as
now
,
there
were
some
of
the
Country
it selfe
that
favoured
Spaine
more
then
their
owne
libertie
;
so
then
there
were
many
Liliari
that
tendred
the
French
Kings
Factions
more
then
the
safetie
of
their
owne
Conn●ry
;
and
as
now
,
so
then
those
Liliari
together
with
the
King
of
●●ance
imputed
the
cause
of
the
Troubles
and
Wars
unto
the
peevish
will●ullness
of
the
poor
Flemings
,
and
not
to
the
perverse
obstinacy
and
obdurate
malice
and
crueltie
of
the
French
King
and
his
Councellors
.
Moreover
,
as
now
,
so
then
,
diverse
flourishes
and
sh●wes
of
peace
were
made
unto
the
Flemings
;
not
because
they
that
offered
those
conditions
of
peace
meant
to
performe
them
,
but
to
make
the
world
believe
that
they
were
desirous
of
Peace
;
whereas
indeed
their
tender
of
peace
was
but
to
save
themselves
from
the
hazard
of
a
Battel
;
when
they
saw
there
was
no
way
but
to
take
it
either
with
some
great
disadvantage
,
or
to
forsake
it
with
great
dishonour
:
Such
offers
of
peace
were
those
that
have
been
lately
made
unto
the
United
Provinces
;
and
such
were
they
that
were
tendered
many
years
ago
,
by
which
the
Spaniards
received
alwaies
some
benefit
;
sometimes
he
got
a
Town
,
a
Hold
,
or
a
Castle
;
sometimes
he
distracted
some
of
the
Nobility
from
the
Prince
of
Oranges
faction
,
and
at
other
times
he
avoided
some
eminent
danger
which
could
not
otherwise
be
escaped
.
This
will
appear
most
true
and
manifest
unto
as
many
as
shall
read
divers
Apologies
set
out
by
the
Prince
of
Orange
and
the
States
of
the
Low-Countries
.
And
therefore
I
know
not
with
what
conscience
,
or
with
what
shew
of
truth
,
the
cause
of
this
Civil
Discord
may
be
ascribed
unto
the
Subjects
of
Flanders
,
and
not
unto
the
king
of
Spain
and
his
evil
Officers
.
The
first
and
second
Reasons
are
sufficiently
refuted
;
Now
to
the
third
.
He
hath
promised
the
Popes
Holiness
not
to
admit
any
other
Religion
but
his
in
any
part
of
his
kingdoms
or
Dominions
.
How
is
his
promise
proved
?
What
ground
hath
it
?
Upon
what
Reasons
standeth
it
?
He
is
in
some
manner
subject
unto
the
Pope
;
Be
it
;
he
holdeth
all
or
most
of
his
kingdoms
and
dominions
of
him
:
Let
it
be
so
;
he
beareth
the
title
of
the
Catholick
king
,
as
an
especial
gift
from
him
or
his
Predecessors
;
It
shall
not
be
denied
.
Lastly
,
it
is
he
whose
friendship
and
amity
●is
father
willed
him
to
embrace
and
entertain
;
this
must
also
be
granted
:
But
what
of
all
this
?
He
may
not
break
promise
with
his
Holiness
.
True
,
if
the
promise
be
possible
;
for
no
man
is
bound
to
things
impossible
.
And
is
this
promise
impossible
?
It
is
;
or
at
least-wise
like
to
a
promise
that
standeth
upon
●mpossibilities
;
●r
whatsoever
cannot
be
done
by
a
Prince
without
offence
●o
God
,
without
effusion
of
blood
,
without
ruin
of
his
Estate
,
and
without
manifest
and
great
prejudice
unto
his
honour
and
dignity
,
that
may
in
some
respect
be
esteemed
impossible
;
and
whosoever
maketh
any
such
vow
or
promise
,
first
,
it
had
been
very
good
that
he
had
never
made
it
;
and
next
▪
it
were
very
convenient
never
to
put
the
same
in
execution
;
b●cause
the
sin
that
hurteth
but
one
man
alone
,
is
much
more
tolerable
then
that
which
may
endanger
many
.
This
promise
therefore
,
if
it
were
never
made
,
but
suggested
,
requireth
no
performance
;
and
if
it
were
once
made
,
it
likewise
ought
not
to
be
performed
,
because
it
is
impossible
,
and
cannot
be
maintained
without
great
effusion
of
blood
,
without
hurt
unto
many
,
and
prejudice
unto
a
whole
estate
.
From
this
promise
therefore
unto
t●e
fourth
Reason
,
a
Reason
almost
as
easie
to
be
refuted
as
to
be
repeated
.
For
the
Emperor
Constans
maintained
the
Corps
and
Colledge
of
Arrianus
,
not
for
any
affection
that
he
ba●e
unto
them
,
but
because
he
thought
it
part
of
his
charge
and
duty
to
conserve
and
preserve
the
life
of
his
Subjects
.
Theodosius
sirnamed
the
Great
,
Mantua
,
Ferrara
,
Florence
,
and
Baviera
,
together
with
the
Seigniory
of
Venice
suffer
Iewes
to
live
in
their
Country
.
And
the
Kings
of
Poland
and
Moscovia
vouchsafe
to
suffer
a
number
of
Tartarians
and
Mahometists
to
lead
their
lives
in
their
Countries
,
Imitating
therein
the
example
of
Constantine
the
great
,
who
after
that
he
had
established
Christian
Religion
in
Rome
,
excluded
not
any
Pagans
and
Infidels
out
of
Rome
.
In
the
Kingdom
of
Poland
,
the
Greek
and
Roman
Religion
was
at
one
time
a
long
whi●e
professed
;
And
now
there
are
many
Lutherans
,
Catholiques
,
Anabaptists
and
Calvinists
.
Lastly
it
cannot
be
denied
(
and
this
methinketh
should
move
the
King
of
Spain
most
of
all
)
that
his
Father
Charles
the
5
after
that
he
had
fought
a
long
while
with
the
Princes
of
Germany
which
profess●
.
Lu●herasme
,
being
aided
in
the
same
Warrs
by
the
Pope
and
all
the
Princes
of
Italy
,
granted
at
the
length
that
Peace
unto
the
Protestants
which
is
called
the
Pe●ce
of
Aubspurge
.
Considering
therefore
,
that
al
these
Popes
,
Emperors
,
Kings
,
Dukes
,
Princes
and
Barons
,
having
no
less
regard
then
the
King
of
Spain
,
of
their
Soules
health
,
&
hoping
to
have
no
worse
part
then
he
in
the
kingdom
of
Heaven
did
permit
&
do
yet
permit
the
professed
and
sworn
Enemies
of
Christ
and
of
his
Gospell
,
namely
the
Jewes
,
to
live
,
nay
to
be
born
,
and
to
enrich
themselves
within
their
kingdomes
,
Dominions
,
and
Principalities
;
What
Shame
,
D●shonor
,
or
prejudice
can
it
be
unto
the
King
of
Spains
Catholick
Majesty
,
to
give
leave
unto
his
loving
and
trustie
Subjects
to
adore
and
worship
the
same
Go●
,
which
he
himself
honoreth
and
reverenceth
in
such
forme
and
manner
as
they
desire
?
I
know
not
what
should
be
the
cause
that
he
,
who
is
so
desirous
in
all
other
things
to
follow
his
Fathers
〈◊〉
,
Examples
,
and
Counsells
,
doth
not
vouchsafe
to
imitate
him
in
this
Toleration
,
which
will
be
acceptable
unto
his
Subjects
,
answerable
●nto
their
desires
,
agr●e●ble
unto
Gods
word
,
and
very
pro●itable
for
the
Adv●ncement
of
his
own
reputation
.
It
is
(
to
come
unto
the
fift
Reason
)
because
the
Queen
of
of
England
and
the
King
of
France
will
not
yeeld
unto
any
such
Toleration
in
the●r
several
kingdoms
?
Ala●
▪
neither
the
example
of
the
one
,
nor
the
other
can
serve
to
strengthen
his
cause
.
For
he
hath
not
the
like
Authority
in
Flanders
as
they
have
in
France
and
England
:
They
are
free
,
and
he
is
bound
;
They
are
tied
to
no
conditions
,
and
he
is
fastened
unto
many
;
and
especially
unto
these
,
not
to
break
their
ancient
Priviledges
,
nor
to
innovate
any
thing
without
the
consent
of
the
States
of
the
Country
,
by
whom
he
is
to
be
directed
in
all
matters
of
great
counsel
and
importance
.
Besides
there
must
needs
follow
farr
greater
Inconv●nience
unto
him
then
unto
her
,
by
denying
Liberty
of
conscience
unto
their
Subjects
:
For
,
his
are
so
many
that
require
the
same
,
that
above
30000
departed
at
●ne
time
out
of
Flanders
because
he
refused
their
humble
Request
;
and
the
number
of
Traditioners
in
England
is
so
little
,
that
all
that
were
of
any
note
and
name
amongst
them
,
were
heretofore
and
are
at
this
present
reduced
,
into
one
little
Island
,
nay
into
no
great
house
of
a
little
Island
;
But
the
late
King
of
France
,
who
was
esteemed
one
of
the
wis●st
Princes
of
Europe
would
not
in
any
wise
suffer
two
Religions
to
be
professed
in
his
kingdom
;
but
because
he
would
plant
one
onely
there
,
he
made
wars
a
great
while
against
his
own
subjects
,
destroying
their
houses
,
wasting
their
Fields
,
ruinating
their
Cities
,
and
Massacring
their
persons
.
But
who
gave
him
Counsel
so
to
do
?
Was
it
not
the
King
of
Spain
,
or
his
Pensioners
?
And
what
advantage
got
he
therefore
?
Truly
no
other
but
the
ruin
and
desolation
of
his
Country
:
And
what
end
had
he
of
his
war
before
he
died
?
Forsooth
such
an
end
as
made
him
to
repent
that
ever
he
undertook
those
wars
:
And
what
continuance
had
these
wars
?
Certainly
they
lasted
above
thirty
years
,
and
the
Protestants
are
now
stronger
then
ever
they
were
.
And
what
issue
is
come
of
these
French
troubles
?
Undoubtedly
the
issue
was
such
,
that
whereas
the
Realm
was
divided
but
into
two
Factions
,
a
little
before
the
Kings
death
there
were
three
;
and
of
those
three
the
last
was
most
unjust
,
pernitious
,
and
execrable
;
For
in
the
same
one
Papist
killed
another
,
the
son
bore
Arms
against
the
father
,
the
brother
against
the
seed
of
his
mothers
womb
,
and
the
subjects
(
being
in
their
opinion
of
a
good
Religion
)
against
their
King
,
whose
Religion
was
as
good
or
better
then
theirs
.
It
is
not
then
the
French
kings
examples
that
moveth
him
;
It
beseemeth
not
his
Cathol●ck
Majesty
to
be
directed
by
other
Princes
what
to
grant
or
what
to
deny
to
his
subjects
:
This
is
the
last
,
and
in
effect
the
best
of
his
Reasons
.
For
it
is
usual
amongst
Princes
,
and
therefore
no
shame
to
crave
counsel
,
advice
and
direction
one
of
another
,
in
matters
of
great
weight
and
moment
;
and
happy
ha●h
that
Prince
been
alwayes
accompted
who
could
and
would
follow
such
advice
as
h●s
faithfull
Friends
abroad
gave
him
:
Thence
it
cometh
that
Princes
send
Ambassadors
one
unto
another
,
that
they
crave
conference
one
with
another
,
that
they
have
oftentimes
Interviews
and
solemn
Meetings
;
and
according
to
this
custom
he
either
dissembleth
egrediously
,
or
meant
truly
,
that
the
Ambassadors
sent
by
the
Emperor
,
the
Queen
of
England
,
and
other
Princes
of
late
years
to
Cullen
,
should
have
ended
all
contentions
and
controversies
betwixt
him
and
his
Subjects
.
Again
,
this
was
no
direction
but
an
admonition
,
no
counsel
but
a
request
,
and
such
a
request
as
might
rather
have
honoured
then
disgraced
him
:
For
had
it
not
been
a
great
glory
and
commendation
unto
him
,
not
onely
to
have
listened
,
but
also
to
have
submitted
himself
unto
the
motion
and
final
judgment
of
so
many
Honourable
and
Princely
Intercessors
?
Was
it
,
think
you
,
a
dishonour
unto
Alphonsus
King
of
Castile
,
and
to
Garsias
King
of
Navarre
,
that
they
referred
the
contention
betwixt
them
for
the
bounds
and
limits
of
their
Kingdoms
unto
the
judgement
and
decision
of
Henry
the
second
,
King
of
England
?
Wise
Princes
rather
then
they
will
enter
into
wars
,
or
being
at
wars
continue
therein
,
do
usually
commit
their
controversies
sometimes
to
the
determination
of
their
equals
,
and
sometimes
to
their
far
inferiours
;
and
although
the
cause
be
far
greater
,
and
of
more
weight
then
the
controversie
betwixt
the
Spanish
King
and
his
Subjects
was
,
yet
they
have
been
content
to
stand
to
their
doom
and
judgement
.
The
contention
betwixt
Artobazenes
and
Zerzes
,
was
one
of
the
most
famous
and
intricate
questions
that
hath
been
betwixt
Prince
and
Prince
;
Artobazenes
challenged
the
Kingdom
of
the
Medians
,
There
are
few
or
no
Historiographers
of
France
,
Iohn
Ballioll
,
Robert
Bruse
,
and
Iohn
Hastings
,
Husbands
unto
the
three
Daughters
of
David
King
of
Scotland
,
and
Co-heirs
of
that
Kingdom
after
the
death
of
their
Brother
Alexander
;
and
by
common
consent
of
all
Historians
,
this
rare
and
strange
contention
was
referred
unto
Edward
the
first
,
King
of
England
,
who
chose
forty
,
or
some
say
eighty
,
the
one
half
English
men
,
and
the
other
half
Scotish-men
,
who
having
throughly
discussed
every
mans
right
,
gave
sentence
for
Iohn
Balliol
,
who
discended
of
the
eldest
Daughter
of
the
King
of
Scotland
;
which
Award
was
confirmed
by
the
King
.
The
Chronicles
of
Flanders
,
Then
to
the
third
Error
.
Seeing
that
his
purposes
failed
him
in
Flanders
,
Paulus
Tertius
,
who
in
less
then
fifteen
years
wasted
25
millions
of
Gold
;
or
spare
the
same
thriftily
to
buy
some
estate
for
their
children
,
as
did
Gregory
the
13th
;
so
that
what
with
prodigal
spending
,
what
with
extream
covetousness
tending
to
the
advancement
of
their
posterity
,
the
Popes
have
not
much
money
otherwise
to
help
their
Allies
and
Confederates
.
Moreover
,
who
so
shal
consider
that
their
yearly
Revenues
are
mightily
decreased
,
by
by
reason
that
Bohemia
,
Hungary
,
Denmark
,
Sweden
,
Scotland
,
Holland
,
England
,
and
most
of
France
,
Flanders
and
Germany
,
are
fallen
from
their
Obedience
,
and
vouchsafe
not
to
send
them
yearly
such
Tributes
,
Pensions
,
Tenths
and
other
Commodities
as
they
were
wont
to
receive
from
them
,
must
needs
understand
and
confess
,
that
there
can
arise
no
great
profit
from
their
Alliance
and
Confederacy
:
The
terrour
of
their
interdictions
,
of
which
some
Princes
,
more
Religious
then
wise
,
have
in
times
past
made
some
small
accompt
;
The
regard
of
their
Authority
,
of
which
when
their
vertues
were
more
then
now
they
are
,
greater
reckoning
was
made
then
is
at
this
present
;
&
the
converting
of
their
Crociados
which
were
wont
to
be
imployed
in
holy
Wars
,
into
profane
uses
,
are
the
onely
means
and
benefits
wherewith
they
are
now
able
to
pleasure
their
best
friends
.
Leaving
them
therefore
to
their
passions
and
extreme
sorrows
conceived
for
the
small
hope
which
they
have
to
recover
their
losses
,
which
is
in
no
respect
answerable
to
the
extremity
of
their
desire
,
I
will
descend
unto
the
●rinces
of
Italy
as
from
a
mountain
unto
a
Molehill
.
These
Princes
if
they
were
to
give
aid
and
succour
unto
a
King
of
France
,
unto
an
Emperor
,
or
to
any
other
Prince
or
Potentate
pretending
some
Right
.
Title
,
or
Interest
un●o
some
Dukedom
of
Estate
of
Italy
,
may
perhaps
yeeld
such
help
and
Assistance
as
happily
may
further
such
a
Princes
Enterprise
:
France
,
Italy
and
Spain
,
that
whenas
the
Emperor
Charles
the
fifth
intending
to
honour
the
Duke
of
Burbon
,
who
had
revolted
from
his
King
unto
his
service
,
prayed
one
of
the
chief
and
principal
Dukes
of
Spain
to
lodge
him
in
his
Palace
;
the
Duke
shewing
himself
therein
a
greater
Enemy
to
Traitors
,
then
a
Friend
to
Treason
,
answered
the
Emperor
,
that
both
he
and
his
house
were
at
his
Majesties
commandment
;
but
if
that
it
pleased
him
to
lodge
the
Duke
therein
,
he
would
set
fire
thereon
as
soon
as
the
Duke
should
be
out
of
it
,
as
on
a
house
infected
with
the
Treason
of
Burbon
.
But
Francis
the
first
King
of
France
used
the
like
help
of
the
Turks
and
Infidels
to
be
revenged
upon
his
Enemies
;
and
Lewis
Sforza
Duke
of
Milan
to
make
himself
the
better
able
to
withstand
their
violence
which
went
about
to
deprive
him
of
his
Estate
,
brought
an
Army
of
Turks
into
Italy
;
and
it
is
commonly
said
,
that
the
Queen
of
England
was
in
the
League
with
the
Great
Turk
;
Why
then
may
not
the
king
of
Spain
implo●e
and
use
the
help
of
his
Friends
in
France
,
of
whom
because
they
are
Christians
and
Catholicks
,
he
may
have
far
better
assurance
and
confidence
then
of
Turks
and
Infidells
?
Truly
,
I
have
heard
the
befo●e
mentioned
French
king
greatly
blamed
for
entring
into
League
with
the
Tu●k
,
and
his
honour
and
reputation
hath
been
,
and
still
is
so
much
blemished
thereby
,
that
a
very
wise
and
grave
Author
of
our
time
,
to
cover
his
fault
with
some
honest
pretence
,
hath
been
enforced
to
distinguish
how
and
in
what
manner
a
Christian
Prince
may
be
at
league
with
the
Turk
;
The
causes
for
which
a
Christian
Prince
may
(
as
he
saith
)
enter
into
League
and
Amity
with
this
common
Enemy
of
Christians
,
are
either
to
obtain
Peace
or
Truce
,
or
to
end
a
conten●io●
and
qu●rrel
for
any
Dominion
or
Seigniory
,
to
have
reparation
and
amends
for
wrong
done
unto
him
,
or
to
entreat
leave
for
his
Subjects
to
trade
&
traffick
i●to
his
Countries
,
and
not
to
yeeld
him
any
aid
against
his
Enemies
:
And
the
same
Author
addeth
,
that
the
said
Francis
being
continually
assaulted
by
the
Emperor
Charles
the
5th
and
by
the
king
of
England
within
his
own
Realm
,
and
not
being
able
to
make
his
party
good
against
them
and
other
enem●es
,
who
at
their
instigation
and
request
did
put
him
ofttimes
in
great
&
manifest
danger
to
lose
his
whole
estate
,
was
counselled
by
his
wisest
Friends
for
his
better
defence
to
joyn
in
amity
with
Sultan
Solimon
,
who
was
better
able
then
he
to
interrupt
and
cross
the
violent
course
which
Charles
th●
5th
took
to
make
himself
Lord
and
Monarch
of
all
the
world
.
Necessity
therefore
enforced
Francis
the
first
to
enter
into
this
League
,
without
the
which
he
had
been
in
great
p●rill
and
hazard
of
losing
his
whole
Kingdom
;
For
conservation
whereof
I
read
in
Histories
,
that
a
Predecessor
of
the
Spanish
King
called
Peter
,
confeder●ted
himself
with
the
King
of
Bellemarine
,
The
great
and
large
Priviledges
which
belong
unto
Princes
appointed
by
God
to
rule
and
governe
his
people
,
make
me
forbeare
to
say
so
much
as
I
might
say
in
this
place
;
and
yet
I
may
not
spare
to
reprehend
and
condemne
the
bad
Consciences
of
those
Consciousles
Councellors
who
have
perswaded
the
King
of
Spain
to
forget
and
forgo
his
honour
,
his
Reputation
,
his
blood
,
and
his
Parentage
,
to
joyne
himself
with
those
who
may
increase
the
number
,
but
not
the
Forces
of
his
Allies
.
I
have
oftentimes
heard
say
that
the
end
honoureth
all
the
rest
of
a
mans
life
;
And
undoubtedly
the
Guisards
of
France
have
no
other
Credit
,
strength
or
reputation
then
that
which
hath
been
derived
and
given
unto
them
by
the
late
French
King
and
his
predecessors
,
the
which
in
time
will
decay
and
returne
unto
the
place
and
person
from
whence
it
came
;
even
as
rivers
returne
unto
the
Sea
,
from
whence
they
have
their
first
original
and
being
.
I
may
therefore
boldly
say
,
that
the
King
of
Spain
hath
carried
himself
very
indiscreetly
in
entring
into
League
with
these
Guisards
for
four
principall
causes
.
The
first
because
the
shame
and
dishonour
which
will
arise
thereby
shal
alwaies
continue
,
The
second
,
because
the
profit
arising
thereby
will
be
of
small
con●inuance
.
The
third
because
the
quarrel
betwixt
him
and
France
proceeding
thereof
will
be
both
dangerous
and
immortall
.
The
fourth
,
because
the
hatred
ingendred
by
this
quarrell
will
rekindle
the
fire
of
old
dissentions
,
and
revive
the
memorie
of
ancient
rights
,
titles
and
Interests
which
the
Crown
of
France
pretendeth
unto
diverse
States
lately
fallen
unto
the
house
of
Spain
.
For
the
dishonor
which
is
gotten
by
wicked
waies
,
cannot
so
be
buried
in
silence
but
that
it
will
alwaies
be
reported
by
the
Father
unto
the
child
,
And
it
is
and
alwaies
hath
been
the
nature
of
man
to
remember
one
only
error
,
evill
deed
or
oversight
of
a
Prince
far
better
then
many
of
his
vertues
,
valiant
exployts
,
or
wise
and
discreet
Actions
;
Witness
the
common
consent
and
accord
of
all
Historiographers
as
wel
of
ancient
time
as
of
our
Age
,
who
although
in
other
things
they
be
oftentime●
very
contrary
the
one
unto
the
other
,
yet
they
agree
very
well
in
this
point
,
that
they
all
as
it
were
with
one
mouth
and
one
voyce
,
speak
ill
in
their
writings
of
the
wisest
Philosophers
;
Orators
,
Emperors
,
Kings
,
Princes
and
Captains
that
ever
were
in
the
world
.
So
the
Author
that
greatly
busied
himself
in
commending
Alcibiades
,
Marcus
Cato
,
a
notable
Sen●tor
of
Rome
would
not
conceale
that
he
had
lett
out
his
money
at
Interest
,
that
he
became
so
severe
in
time
that
he
took
a
very
young
damsell
descended
of
base
Parantage
to
Wife
,
when
he
was
of
such
years
as
required
not
marriage
.
So
Plutarch
recounting
the
Valor
,
Magnanimitie
,
and
vertues
of
Titus
Quintus
Flaminius
and
of
Philopaemon
,
two
notable
Captains
,
was
so
bold
as
to
say
,
that
the
one
was
Ambitious
,
Turbulent
,
and
easie
to
be
displeased
;
and
the
other
conceited
,
opinionative
,
and
very
hard
and
difficult
to
be
pleas●d
.
So
Cajus
Marius
,
by
the
s●me
Author
,
who
for
his
valor
was
called
the
son
of
Mars
,
for
his
delicacy
and
effeminate
behavior
was
sirnamed
the
Child
of
Venus
so
Alexander
the
great
who
is
commended
by
many
Authors
for
the
greatest
and
mightiest
Conqueror
of
the
World
,
is
reprehended
by
as
many
for
that
he
was
somwhat
hateful
for
his
vain
glory
,
and
imitated
therein
those
vain
Souldiers
who
are
never
well
but
when
they
are
comm●nding
themselves
;
So
Cicero
who
for
his
excellency
deserved
to
be
called
the
Orator
,
was
disgraced
in
this
,
that
he
was
fearfull
and
timerous
as
well
in
the
field
as
in
his
Pleadings
,
and
it
is
written
of
him
that
he
never
beg●n
to
speak
but
with
great
fe●r
and
●●●mbling
.
So
Pompey
sirnamed
the
great
,
who
had
these
qualities
to
make
him
well
beloved
,
Temperance
in
his
Life
,
Dexterity
in
Armes
,
Eloquence
in
his
Speech
,
Faith
and
loyaltie
in
his
Word
,
good
Grace
in
his
behavior
,
and
an
Amiable
Carriage
towards
all
men
that
had
to
deale
with
him
,
was
hated
,
and
in
the
end
ruinated
,
because
he
would
endure
no
Superior
.
So
Iulius
Caesar
,
who
hath
this
commendation
,
that
he
took
a
thousand
Cities
by
Assault
,
subdued
more
then
300
sundry
Nations
,
took
above
a
Million
of
Men
prisoners
,
and
slew
better
then
an
other
Million
in
the
Field
(
the
least
of
which
things
the
best
Captain
of
our
Age
never
was
nor
will
be
able
to
do
)
is
greatly
blamed
,
not
only
because
he
was
indebted
above
700000
Crowns
before
he
bore
any
Office
in
Rome
,
but
also
for
that
he
could
not
endure
to
have
any
companion
in
t●e
administration
of
the
Roman
Commonwealth
:
So
to
be
short
,
and
to
come
to
the
Princes
of
our
Age
,
diverse
men
spare
not
to
speak
very
ill
of
Charles
the
fift
(
although
he
was
a
most
wise
,
ve●tuous
,
and
valiant
Prince
)
because
he
took
the
Pope
prisoner
at
Rome
,
and
shewed
himself
very
hard
and
severe
unto
Francis
the
first
of
France
,
when
he
was
his
prisoner
at
Madrill
;
And
for
so
much
as
it
becometh
not
any
Prince
to
debauch
and
estrange
the
Subjects
of
another
Prince
from
their
obedi●nce
unto
their
King
,
the
Spanish
King
shall
in
his
life
time
,
or
after
his
death
be
reprehended
,
for
that
he
hath
perswaded
and
induced
the
French
men
to
rebell
against
their
Prince
and
Country
,
the
which
Frenchmen
were
wont
(
as
I
shewed
you
long
sithence
)
to
be
counted
and
reputed
the
most
true
and
loyall
Subj●cts
of
the
world
.
Is
it
likely
think
you
,
that
any
man
will
spare
him
when
he
is
dead
,
since
during
his
life
we
reade
in
some
histories
,
that
his
own
Sonne
,
his
French
wife
,
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
the
Counts
of
Edmond
and
of
H●rne
,
the
late
Duke
of
Alencon
,
the
Admiral
of
France
the
Prince
of
Condy
,
the
Queen
of
Navarre
,
and
the
last
King
of
France
with
many
other
Princes
and
Po●entates
have
been
unnaturally
Murthered
,
cruelly
Poysoned
,
wrongfully
done
to
Death
,
and
horribly
Massacred
by
his
consent
and
Counsell
,
Commandement
or
Approbation
?
It
is
common
in
every
mans
mouth
that
he
maketh
no
Conscience
to
rid
his
hands
of
his
enemies
by
any
manner
of
Wickedness
,
be
it
never
so
execrable
and
impious
.
His
la●e
in●ent
to
poyson
our
gracious
Soveraign
(
whose
life
God
long
preserve
)
testifieth
thus
much
;
and
as
many
as
shall
hear
of
his
purpose
of
Dr.
Lopes
and
his
Complices
,
cannot
but
esteem
his
worthy
of
everlasting
Ignominy
.
But
now
to
declare
unto
you
that
this
League
cannot
be
of
any
long
continuance
,
I
will
use
these
few
demonstrations
.
First
,
as
many
as
have
read
either
Ancient
or
Modern
Histories
,
shall
easilie
perceive
by
them
,
that
Fortune
,
or
rather
the
Eternal
,
never
gave
unto
Rebels
any
long
Continuance
of
their
prosperitie
.
Next
,
the
Common
People
which
easilie
forsake
the
heads
and
chief
of
their
Rebellion
,
depart
from
them
so
soon
as
they
perceive
that
their
strength
decayeth
;
then
feare
,
jealousie
,
suspition
,
distrust
,
and
diffidence
alwaies
attend
upon
Rebels
to
dismay
,
daunt
and
terrifie
them
.
And
lastly
,
these
great
and
Archtraytors
are
beset
with
so
many
d●fficulties
that
it
is
impossible
for
them
to
attain
unto
their
pu●pose
.
For
if
there
be
many
that
are
equall
in
Authoritie
,
credit
and
reputation
,
the
one
alwais
distrusteth
the
other
;
And
if
there
be
but
one
upon
whom
the
rest
do
depend
,
he
must
of
necessitie
please
him
that
cometh
nighest
unto
him
in
Authoritie
,
least
that
he
make
the
way
hard
and
difficult
for
him
to
worke
his
desire
and
pleasure
.
He
must
content
the
common
People
,
sati●fie
the
Gentlemen
,
and
accommodate
himself
to
the
Nature
,
Covetousnes
and
Avarice
of
the
common
Soldiers
,
matt●rs
of
gr●at
difficultie
,
hardness
and
impossibilitie
,
because
the
desires
of
the
Nobilitie
,
People
and
Soldiers
are
most
commonly
contrary
,
and
tend
to
diverse
purposes
,
the
first
seeking
for
advancement
,
the
second
for
Peace
,
and
Tranquillitie
,
and
the
third
Coveting
nothing
more
then
the
continuance
of
War
.
Moreover
whereas
the
wisest
amongst
them
begin
to
consider
that
they
have
violated
the
Lawes
,
offended
their
Kings
Majestie
,
born
Armes
against
their
Prince
and
Country
,
against
their
neer
kinsmen
and
their
own
●amilies
,
and
that
instead
of
one
King
(
which
perhaps
fleeced
them
)
they
are
now
subject
unto
many
Princes
who
fleece
them
more
,
instead
of
ordinary
charges
,
they
are
now
charged
with
new
expences
and
unsupportable
Subsidies
,
instead
of
Cl●mency
,
Justice
,
and
Mercie
,
they
are
now
exposed
unto
I●justice
,
Crueltie
and
Briberie
;
they
lose
by
little
and
little
th●ir
Indign●tion
and
Fury
,
and
seek
by
all
meanes
possible
to
reenter
,
into
the
good
grace
and
favor
of
their
Leige
Lord
and
Soveraign
.
The
chiefe
consp●●at●rs
therefore
fearing
to
be
forsaken
and
abandoned
by
their
companions
and
●ellowes
in
Armes
,
in
the
end
are
constrained
to
submit
themselves
unto
their
Princes
discretion
.
And
the
common
People
which
at
their
instigation
was
too
pron●
and
readie
to
rebell
against
their
Soveraign
,
do
sometimes
after
due
consideration
of
the
indignitie
of
their
unnaturall
disobedience
,
become
so
desirous
to
recover
the
Kings
favor
and
good
likeing
,
that
to
the
end
the
way
to
attain
thereunto
may
be
made
the
more
easie
,
they
kill
the
fi●st
Authors
of
their
Rebellion
,
or
els
deliver
them
into
the
hands
of
their
Prince
;
If
therefore
they
shall
begin
to
want
money
,
of
which
they
canno●
chuse
but
stand
in
great
need
quickly
,
because
they
are
poor
,
and
cannot
at
all
times
and
on
all
occasions
have
present
supplies
from
their
Allies
,
or
if
the
Parisians
(
whose
custom
it
hath
been
always
to
be
quickly
discontented
,
and
●asily
to
repent
themselves
of
their
Folly
)
depart
suddenly
from
their
League
and
Amitie
;
if
the
King
of
Spain
who
sh●ll
have
so
much
to
do
on
every
side
,
that
he
shall
hardly
be
able
to
defend
his
own
Countries
,
do
not
continually
send
them
fresh
relief
of
men
and
money
.
If
the
King
of
France
chance
to
be
Superior
to
his
Adversaries
in
number
of
Soldiers
and
of
all
things
necessarie
for
the
m●intenance
of
his
Wars
;
lastly
if
the
Princes
of
the
blood
shall
begin
joyntly
to
put
their
hel●ing
hands
to
the
suppressing
of
those
Rebels
,
I
cannot
see
how
they
can
possibly
hold
out
long
.
And
although
fortune
should
show
herself
so
favorable
unto
these
Traytors
,
as
that
they
might
,
in
process
of
time
,
effect
and
accomplish
their
desires
;
yet
considering
that
the
murderers
of
Princes
are
most
commonly
murdered
,
that
those
who
have
ascended
unto
the
royall
dignity
of
Kings
by
Treason
or
Rebellion
,
are
thrown
down
againe
the
sam●
way
which
served
them
for
a
Ladder
to
mount
and
clime
up
thereunto
;
that
when
the
Vsurper
shall
divide
the
prey
and
spoile
betwixt
them
●hat
have
aided
and
assisted
him
,
they
fall
presently
unto
contentious
brawlings
and
quarrels
;
and
briefly
,
that
of
such
Controversies
oftentimes
followeth
th●
ruin
and
destruction
of
him
that
held
himself
well
assured
of
his
new
gotten
kingdom
;
It
is
much
more
to
be
doubted
,
then
to
be
hoped
,
that
whosoever
shall
be
declared
King
amongst
them
,
cannot
continue
long
in
his
place
which
is
purchased
by
force
and
violence
,
and
must
needs
not
only
be
subject
unto
the
inconstancy
and
varietie
of
fortune
,
but
also
unto
the
diversite
of
humors
of
men
that
are
inconstant
,
light
,
and
very
ready
to
change
and
alter
their
opinions
.
I
could
alleage
infinite
examples
to
prove
all
that
I
have
said
,
but
I
forbeare
for
brevities
sake
,
to
trouble
you
with
a
superfluous
and
needless
enumeration
of
such
examples
,
and
let
you
understand
that
these
Rebels
had
long
since
been
suppressed
and
overthrown
,
had
not
the
late
King
committed
divers
oversights
after
his
resolute
murder
of
the
Duke
of
Guise
.
For
had
he
not
killed
the
Cardinal
of
Guise
,
For
after
that
the
Duke
of
Guise
had
driven
the
King
from
Paris
,
many
prognosticated
,
that
either
the
Duke
would
destroy
the
King
,
or
that
the
King
would
murther
the
Duke
;
For
there
was
no
hope
and
less
likelyhood
,
that
so
foule
an
Indignitie
offered
unto
a
King
both
of
great
might
and
notable
valor
,
would
bee
put
up
at
the
Dukes
hands
without
a
revenge
;
And
after
that
day
all
that
the
Duke
did
,
was
begun
without
providence
,
continued
without
justice
,
and
in
end
,
had
a
bad
●nd
;
For
when
he
had
mounted
almost
up
to
the
top
of
his
desi●es
,
by
force
and
violence
,
he
a
thinking
that
the
Nobilitie
of
France
would
be
highly
displeased
with
his
audacious
Insolency
,
and
insolent
Attempt
,
seeketh
meanes
to
pacifie
the
King
,
and
to
reenter
into
his
good
grace
and
favor
.
This
poor
Prince
blinded
with
ambition
,
and
b●so●ted
with
the
love
of
a
kingdom
,
thought
that
a
Prince
being
so
injuriously
dealt
with
all
as
the
King
was
,
would
by
the
goodness
of
his
nature
be
reconcile●
,
and
he
believed
that
he
might
easily
find
the
meanes
to
perswade
the
K●ng
to
resign
his
Crown
,
or
to
induce
the
People
to
inforce
him
thereunto
:
But
the
King
was
fully
resolved
to
have
his
revenge
;
hee
assembled
ther●●ore
the
Estates
of
France
thinking
to
find
sufficient
credit
and
●u●horitie
in
that
Assembly
to
bring
the
Duke
to
his
death
by
Sentence
and
Judgment
;
And
the
Duke
on
the
contrary
side
supposed
,
that
in
that
Assembly
he
should
find
friends
enough
to
deprive
the
King
of
his
Scepter
;
But
the
King
failed
of
his
purpose
,
and
the
Duke
missed
his
marke
,
and
yet
the
King
within
a
small
while
after
effected
his
desire
;
but
committed
other
errors
besides
the
above
mentioned
,
of
which
the
Leagu●rs
took
present
hold
and
advantage
;
they
thought
that
the
Kings
negligence
and
the
hatred
of
the
People
conce●ved
against
him
for
the
Dukes
death
,
gave
them
fit
opportunity
to
deprive
h●m
of
t●e
Crown
;
But
withall
they
considered
not
how
unwort●y
th●
best
of
them
was
to
weare
the
same
;
and
how
unable
to
keep
it
when
it
was
upon
his
head
.
Again
,
when
they
saw
that
the
Dukes
death
had
rather
fortified
then
weakened
their
partie
,
they
supposed
that
all
was
gotten
,
that
nothing
remained
to
be
conquered
,
that
they
needed
to
take
no
more
paines
,
but
to
give
themselves
unto
delights
,
and
to
make
partition
amongst
themselves
of
the
kingdoms
and
when
they
came
to
deliberate
who
should
be
their
King
,
they
could
not
agree
amongst
themselves
upon
any
certain
person
;
whereas
if
they
had
presently
resolved
to
make
the
Duke
De
Mayne
,
it
migh
easily
have
been
effecte●
;
but
the
competitors
were
many
,
and
there
began
a
debate
and
emulation
betwixt
the
Duke
and
the
Marquis
Du
pont
;
his
cosen
the
Duke
of
Aumale
wo●ld
not
give
his
head
for
the
washing
,
and
the
Dutchesses
of
Montpensieur
and
of
Nemurs
put
in
for
their
best
friends
,
the
later
for
her
Son
of
Nemurs
,
which
began
to
win
credit
amongst
the
people
,
and
the
first
for
her
brother
who
began
to
lose
his
reputation
;
and
the
Duke
De
Mayne
foolishly
gave
over
the
name
and
hope
of
being
a
King
,
and
accep●ed
the
Title
of
Lieutenant
of
the
Crown
;
besides
,
whilst
this
contention
was
rife
amongst
the
Nobles
,
and
whilest
they
busied
themselves
in
framing
a
Process
against
the
late
King
,
which
Process
endured
some
eight
or
nine
Monthes
,
the
people
perceiving
how
pleasant
a
thing
it
was
to
be
subject
unto
no
man
,
and
the
chief
cities
being
glad
that
they
had
cast
off
the
yoak
of
a
Monarchie
,
would
not
endure
any
speaking
of
a
new
King
,
but
to
free
and
emancipate
themselves
as
well
from
the
Authoritie
of
a
Prince
,
as
of
an
high
Cou●t
of
Parliament
;
by
the
imitation
of
Paris
,
they
establ●shed
in
every
City
a
Council
of
certain
persons
of
mean
and
base
qualitie
,
into
whose
hands
they
pu●
all
kind
of
Authority
,
and
they
presumed
to
limit
the
Duke
of
Maynes
Authoritie
,
and
to
set
certain
controllers
over
them
.
T●is
breedeth
a
dislike
betwixt
the
Nobilitie
and
the
Peop●e
;
and
especially
the
Officers
of
the
Crown
,
as
the
Officers
of
the
Privie
Seale
,
of
the
Parliament
,
of
the
Exchequers
,
the
Judges
,
the
Treasurers
,
and
all
the
Servitur●es
of
the
Monarchie
were
highly
displeased
therewith
,
and
would
not
give
place
to
,
nor
go
after
the
Magistrates
that
were
c●e●ted
by
the
People
.
Lastly
the
King
of
Spain
,
their
chief
Patron
and
upholder
,
dealeth
but
faintly
with
them
,
and
is
not
so
readie
to
help
them
as
they
supposed
he
would
be
.
So
they
are
enforced
to
threaten
him
that
they
would
yeild
to
the
King
before
they
could
obtain
such
help
as
they
expected
from
him
.
For
although
he
sent
the
Duke
of
Parma
and
others
to
relieve
them
in
their
Necessities
,
yet
he
st●ndeth
in
doubt
,
that
if
he
should
send
any
great
supplies
,
and
God
should
bless
them
with
any
extraordinary
Fortune
,
that
the
Duke
of
Mayne
should
be
chosen
King
;
he
seeth
that
they
were
too
strong
to
yeild
unto
his
motions
;
hee
perceiveth
that
he
must
keep
them
low
and
in
continual
need
of
his
help
;
and
therefore
when
he
hath
once
succoured
them
,
he
withdraweth
his
forces
and
leaveth
them
somtimes
in
such
distress
that
the
Duke
of
Mayne
is
constrained
to
forget
that
he
is
Lieutenant
General
of
the
Crown
of
France
,
and
to
his
great
shame
and
dishonor
is
driven
to
go
seek
for
Aid
of
the
Duke
of
Parma
,
which
carried
the
●itle
but
of
a
Lieutenant
unto
his
Master
in
one
Province
.
And
truly
it
is
reported
that
the
King
of
Spain
took
not
the
loss
of
his
men
at
the
battaile
of
Iury
,
where
he
received
a
great
overthrow
,
so
grievously
,
but
that
he
was
right
glad
to
see
his
partakers
reduced
to
so
great
an
extremitie
,
as
that
they
were
enforced
to
present
him
a
Blank
,
and
to
offer
to
subscribe
to
any
thing
that
he
should
demand
.
These
faint
proceeding
of
the
King
,
of
Spain
,
these
apparent
coutentions
betwixt
the
Leagu●res
themselves
;
and
this
general
discontentment
of
the
common
people
might
have
shortned
the
Warrs
in
France
,
if
the
now
King
had
been
of
sufficient
power
to
take
and
make
his
advantage
of
them
:
But
I
shall
have
occasion
to
shew
why
this
advantage
was
omitted
and
not
taken
,
in
another
place
;
And
therefore
to
proceed
according
to
my
purpose
.
If
you
consider
that
the
Etolians
and
Arcadians
warr●d
a
long
time
together
for
a
wild
Boare
;
that
the
Carthaginians
held
long
Warrs
with
the
People
of
Piraca
for
a
Sea-Rovers
ship
;
that
there
were
mortall
W●rrs
betwixt
the
Scots
and
Picts
for
a
few
Doggs
which
the
one
Nation
had
taken
from
the
other
,
And
that
the
wars
betwixt
Charles
Duke
of
Burgondy
and
the
Switzers
began
but
for
a
cart
loaden
with
sheep
skins
which
Mr.
de
Romont
took
from
a
Switzer
who
passed
therewith
through
his
ground
:
France
;
Philip
Augustus
denounced
wars
against
France
unto
Iohn
king
of
England
,
because
he
killed
his
Nephew
Arthur
:
And
Clovis
,
the
first
of
that
name
,
warred
with
Alurick
king
of
the
Visgots
,
because
he
harboured
and
received
the
Exiles
of
France
,
and
had
suborned
certain
men
to
come
and
kill
the
French
king
within
his
own
Realm
:
And
hath
not
the
king
of
Spain
deserved
much
more
then
all
these
the
hatred
and
hostility
of
the
present
king
of
France
?
since
he
sendeth
aid
not
to
the
Enemies
,
but
to
the
Subjects
of
the
king
of
France
;
since
he
hath
not
taken
but
given
money
to
others
to
make
wars
against
him
;
since
he
hath
not
killed
his
Nephew
,
but
his
own
Son
;
since
he
not
onely
receveth
the
Exiles
of
France
,
but
counselleth
the
good
Subjects
thereof
to
become
bad
,
and
the
most
obedient
to
rebel
against
their
king
,
and
hireth
not
strangers
,
but
his
own
natural
Subjects
to
come
and
murther
the
French
king
in
his
own
Palace
.
But
it
may
be
said
that
the
Spanish
king
hath
taken
a
good
course
to
keep
the
Frenchmen
out
of
his
kingdom
,
To
this
I
answer
,
By
whose
Example
,
if
the
Guisards
,
being
now
so
weakned
as
they
are
,
Hugh
Capet
,
who
(
as
you
have
heard
)
was
made
King
by
shewing
unto
the
Pope
and
the
People
of
France
,
that
in
choosing
a
King
,
the
man
that
is
present
ought
to
be
preferred
before
him
that
is
absent
;
he
that
governeth
in
Person
,
before
him
that
ruleth
by
a
Deputy
;
he
that
is
both
carefull
and
vertuous
,
before
him
that
is
careless
and
vicious
.
But
what
manner
of
imitation
is
this
,
unless
you
call
it
an
imitation
when
as
a
man
doth
all
things
quite
contrary
to
his
Actions
whom
he
proposeth
to
himself
to
follow
and
imitate
?
For
he
that
was
deposed
by
Hugh
Capet
governed
by
his
Lieutenant
,
and
the
present
King
of
France
ruleth
by
his
own
person
;
he
was
hated
by
reason
of
his
great
negligence
,
and
this
King
was
beloved
for
his
great
pains
and
diligence
:
He
was
insufficient
to
Govern
,
and
this
King
hath
given
many
Experiments
of
his
great
wit
and
sufficiency
;
And
to
be
short
,
This
Hugh
Capet
,
who
is
proposed
as
a
man
worthy
to
be
imitated
by
the
Arch-Traitor
that
would
make
himself
king
of
France
,
used
as
his
most
principle
reason
this
Argument
to
shew
that
Charles
Duke
of
Lorrain
,
and
Uncle
unto
Lewis
the
fifth
,
deserved
not
to
be
chosen
king
,
because
that
in
all
controversies
that
fell
out
in
his
time
betwixt
the
Empire
and
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
the
said
Charles
shewed
himself
more
affectionate
and
friendly
unto
the
Emperor
then
unto
the
French
King
.
How
blinde
then
are
those
Guisards
,
who
cannot
see
that
when
they
shall
desire
the
people
to
make
choice
of
one
amongst
them
to
be
their
King
,
the
greater
part
will
hardly
yeeld
to
their
motion
?
they
will
cry
out
that
their
King
is
yet
alive
,
that
it
is
not
reason
to
take
the
crown
from
his
head
,
and
to
put
it
upon
a
Strangers
,
or
upon
one
of
his
inferiour
Vassals
;
that
many
can
witness
,
that
in
all
contentions
betwixt
.
France
and
Spain
,
they
have
alwayes
shewed
themselves
more
favourable
unto
Spain
,
then
unto
their
own
Country
;
And
lastly
,
that
the
Duke
of
Lorrain
because
he
was
a
Prince
of
the
Empire
,
had
more
Reason
to
favour
the
Emperor
then
the
Guisards
have
to
befriend
the
Spanish
king
,
whom
they
should
hate
and
abhorre
,
because
he
loveth
not
their
Country
.
They
lay
to
their
late
kings
charge
,
that
he
was
an
Heretick
,
a
Parricide
,
a
wicked
and
impious
despiser
of
God
,
a
Tyrant
,
and
Hypocrite
,
a
perjured
Prince
,
and
a
man
given
over
to
all
kinde
of
vice
and
wickedness
.
They
charge
him
further
,
that
he
wasted
the
Revenues
of
the
Crown
,
and
that
he
committed
many
other
follies
long
since
mentioned
.
To
all
these
,
Now
to
omit
other
matters
,
testifying
his
great
zeal
and
affection
unto
the
Roman
Catholicks
before
he
was
king
of
France
,
I
will
prove
the
same
by
four
principal
Arguments
.
First
,
it
is
apparent
unto
the
world
,
that
he
was
one
of
the
chief
Authors
of
the
Massacre
of
Paris
,
which
was
general
through
Erance
,
and
practised
with
a
great
hope
utterly
to
extirpe
all
the
Protestants
in
France
:
Next
,
it
is
certain
that
no
Prince
living
could
shew
greater
hatred
,
stomach
,
or
courage
against
men
of
a
contrary
Religion
unto
himself
,
then
he
did
at
the
●iege
of
Rochel
,
before
which
he
lay
,
until
he
was
fetcht
thence
into
Poland
.
Thirdly
,
it
is
notorious
unto
as
many
as
know
any
thing
of
his
Election
unto
the
Kingdom
of
Poland
,
that
there
was
nothing
that
more
estranged
the
Affections
of
the
Electors
from
him
,
then
his
great
hatred
shewed
against
the
Protestants
,
both
in
the
time
of
the
massacre
,
and
also
at
the
siege
to
Rochel
;
Insomuch
that
Mr.
of
Valence
,
who
was
his
Ambassador
unto
the
Electors
,
was
fa●n
to
publish
a
Book
,
wherein
he
more
cunningly
then
truly
derived
the
fault
and
crime
of
that
M●ssacre
from
him
unto
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
who
took
the
same
in
so
evil
part
,
that
after
the
king
was
est●blished
in
Poland
,
the
said
Duke
published
an
other
book
wherein
he
cleared
himself
,
and
layed
the
chief
blame
upon
the
late
French
king
.
Lastly
,
whenas
he
had
ruled
a
while
in
Poland
and
saw
the
diversities
of
Religions
there
,
he
loathed
the
Country
,
detested
their
opinions
,
and
could
hardly
be
brought
to
take
the
Oath
which
bound
him
to
permit
and
tolerate
a
plurality
of
Religions
in
that
kingdom
.
But
it
may
be
thought
,
that
as
many
Princes
have
shewed
themselves
honest
,
In
the
refuting
of
this
Objection
,
I
shall
have
occasion
to
confound
many
of
his
Actions
together
,
The
first
thing
that
was
decreed
,
was
,
that
the
Nobles
should
mourne
for
him
,
in
the
same
manner
,
and
with
the
same
solemnities
that
they
usually
observe
in
mourning
for
their
own
Kings
,
whereby
they
signified
their
great
love
which
they
bore
him
.
The
next
matter
that
was
resolved
,
was
to
dispatch
a
present
Messenger
into
France
,
with
Letters
of
Credit
unto
the
Queen
his
mother
,
requiring
her
for
him
to
take
upon
her
the
Regency
of
France
,
untill
his
returne
.
And
the
third
Conclusion
of
their
consultation
was
,
to
call
a
general
Assembly
of
the
States
,
and
therein
to
deliberate
and
consult
what
might
be
best
for
the
King
to
do
,
whether
to
returne
into
France
,
or
to
continue
and
remaine
in
Poland
.
In
this
interim
,
he
calling
to
minde
the
trubulent
Estate
of
France
,
the
young
years
of
his
Brother
,
and
the
Ambitious
and
aspiring
minds
of
divers
of
the
French
Nobility
:
And
li●●wise
understanding
,
that
the
Peers
of
Poland
fearing
his
suddain
departure
,
were
about
to
take
some
order
for
preventing
the
same
,
determined
with
himself
to
depart
thence
before
his
going
should
be
known
,
aswell
because
he
would
not
have
the
same
hindred
and
crossed
by
the
Nobilitie
;
as
for
that
he
knew
it
would
be
very
dangerous
for
him
to
pass
homeward
through
the
Countries
of
divers
Princes
that
bore
him
no
great
good
will
,
if
he
should
depart
thence
as
that
they
might
have
any
foreknowledg
and
intelligence
of
the
time
of
his
departure
,
and
of
the
way
which
he
went
in
returning
into
France
.
This
resolution
thus
taken
,
he
writeth
a
letter
with
his
owne
hands
unto
those
in
whome
he
reposed
greatest
confidence
,
and
signified
unto
them
,
that
since
the
time
of
their
last
conference
,
he
had
received
such
Intelligence
out
of
France
,
as
gave
him
just
occasion
to
hasten
thither
in
Poste
,
and
not
to
attend
the
general
Assembly
of
the
States
of
Poland
;
he
promiseth
to
returne
so
soon
as
he
could
conveniently
;
prayeth
them
to
excuse
his
suddain
departure
unto
the
rest
of
the
Nobilitie
;
And
for
such
matters
as
his
leisure
would
not
permitt
him
to
committ
unto
his
Letter
,
he
desireth
them
to
give
credit
unto
a
faithfull
Counsellor
of
his
,
whom
he
left
behinde
him
with
further
instructions
for
them
:
The
Nobilitie
understanding
by
his
owne
Letter
,
and
these
mens
reports
(
marke
the
love
they
bore
him
,
and
the
care
which
they
have
of
him
)
sent
presently
a
Nobleman
in
Poste
after
him
,
to
beseech
him
to
returne
;
and
wrote
their
Letter
un●o
the
Emperor
to
certifie
his
Majestie
,
that
his
hastie
returne
into
France
proceeded
not
of
any
offence
given
unto
the
King
by
them
,
nor
of
any
evil
opinion
conceived
by
the
King
against
them
,
but
of
some
urgent
occasion
requiring
his
presence
in
France
:
They
rested
not
here
;
but
when
they
saw
that
he
returned
not
in
such
time
as
they
looked
for
him
,
they
wrote
a
large
Letter
unto
him
wherein
they
declared
how
lovingly
they
consented
to
choose
him
before
a
number
of
other
P●●nces
that
were
competitors
with
him
;
how
honorably
they
sent
for
him
into
France
,
how
royally
they
received
him
;
how
dutifully
they
carried
themselves
towards
him
;
how
carefully
they
provided
for
the
safety
of
both
his
kingdoms
,
aswell
of
that
which
came
unto
him
by
discent
,
as
of
that
which
he
received
from
their
Election
;
how
greatly
he
was
honoured
by
their
choice
,
and
how
dangerously
he
had
forsaken
them
:
they
prayed
his
returne
if
it
might
stand
with
his
good
liking
,
if
it
mig●●
be
to
his
benefit
;
if
not
,
they
humbly
besought
him
to
consider
in
what
danger
they
stood
of
Forreine
Enemies
,
what
troubles
hung
over
their
heads
by
reason
of
the
hatred
and
quarrels
that
were
betwixt
them
and
the
Princes
of
Walachia
,
Scythia
,
and
Muscovia
,
and
how
needfull
and
necessary
it
w●s
for
them
not
●o
be
long
without
a
King
,
whose
presence
might
comfort
them
,
whose
counsel
might
advise
them
,
whose
experience
might
direct
them
,
whose
Authoritie
might
govern
them
,
and
whose
Credit
might
countenance
them
.
They
forgot
not
the
Inconveniences
that
had
hapned
unto
them
since
his
departure
,
nor
the
difficulty
and
impossibility
to
provide
for
their
redress
,
and
their
owne
safetie
without
his
presence
;
for
that
it
is
an
inviolable
Law
in
Poland
,
that
although
the
States
of
the
Country
have
decreed
Wars
against
an
Enemy
,
yet
it
can
neither
be
denounced
nor
prosecuted
without
the
consent
and
suffrage
of
their
King
.
These
necessities
being
thus
expressed
,
they
set
him
down
a
peremptory
day
within
which
to
returne
,
with
a
plaine
intimation
,
that
if
he
shall
not
returne
by
that
day
,
they
will
proceed
unto
the
Election
of
an
other
King
;
beseeching
him
not
to
thinke
that
they
will
choose
another
for
that
they
are
weary
of
him
,
or
desirous
to
forsake
him
;
there
is
no
such
conceit
lodged
in
their
hearts
,
no
such
Cogitation
entred
into
their
heads
;
but
they
and
he
must
consider
that
Poland
is
so
situated
,
that
barbarous
Enemies
do
environ
it
on
every
side
,
and
that
it
is
the
stay
of
all
Christendom
,
and
that
therefore
it
behooveth
them
to
be
carefull
when
others
are
negligent
,
and
to
watch
that
others
might
keep
in
quiet
without
danger
.
And
lastlie
,
that
these
premises
well
and
dulie
considered
,
such
a
kingdome
cannot
be
long
without
an
Head
,
without
a
Captaine
,
without
a
King
.
He
receiveth
these
Letters
,
and
they
receiving
no
such
Answer
from
him
as
might
assure
them
of
his
returne
unto
them
by
the
day
appointed
,
proceeded
to
a
new
Election
:
And
hence
his
Enemies
derive
their
best
Arguments
to
condemne
him
of
Infideltie
,
and
Heresie
;
Of
Infidelitie
,
in
that
he
returned
not
according
to
his
promise
;
and
of
Heresie
,
in
that
living
there
amongst
a
number
of
sundry
Sects
,
and
Sectaries
,
he
learned
to
bear
with
Heretiques
.
I
finde
in
the
Histories
of
Poland
,
that
when
the
States
had
agreed
upon
his
Election
,
the
Ambassadors
which
he
had
sent
into
Poland
about
those
Affairs
,
were
sworne
in
the
name
and
behalfe
of
their
Master
,
by
the
Archbishop
of
Cracovia
,
to
maintaine
,
uphold
,
conserve
,
and
increase
the
Ancient
Laws
,
Rights
,
Liberties
,
and
Immunities
of
the
kingdome
of
Poland
,
and
of
the
great
Dukedome
of
Lituania
.
The
which
Oath
being
thus
taken
,
the
Palatine
of
Cracovia
,
being
high
Marshall
of
the
Kingdom
of
Poland
,
and
the
great
Captaine
of
Samogitia
,
being
Marshal
of
the
great
Dukedome
of
Lituania
,
presently
proclame
him
King
of
Poland
,
and
Duke
of
Lituania
:
Here
is
no
promise
to
abide
with
them
for
ever
;
Here
is
no
Oath
not
to
returne
againe
into
France
;
Here
is
no
Bond
to
tie
him
to
continuall
Residence
:
And
though
he
promised
to
return
at
his
departure
,
yet
you
shall
understand
,
that
although
he
could
〈◊〉
would
have
return'd
,
yet
hee
had
small
occasion
to
return
unto
them
:
For
first
the
kingdom
of
France
is
farr
better
then
that
of
Poland
;
Next
few
Princes
have
ever
left
their
native
Countries
unto
the
Government
and
administration
of
a
Lieutenant
,
to
rule
themselves
in
a
Forreign
Dominion
:
Then
hee
found
his
own
kingdom
at
his
return
,
in
such
broyles
and
contentions
,
that
hee
c●uld
not
possi●ly
appease
them
to
return
into
Poland
at
his
day
prefixed
:
And
lastly
,
they
not
admitting
his
lawfull
excuses
,
chose
another
king
before
h●e
refused
to
come
back
unto
them
.
This
last
cause
is
sufficient
to
excuse
his
not
returning
into
that
kingdom
:
And
this
is
so
true
,
that
when
I
was
in
Italy
,
I
remember
that
it
was
a
fresh
news
that
the
Polacks
had
sent
an
Ambassador
unto
the
Pope
to
excuse
their
suddain
choise
of
their
new
King
,
and
to
do
such
ceremonies
unto
the
Pope
as
in
such
cases
is
required
.
This
Ambassador
p●ssed
by
Padua
,
where
I
saw
him
,
and
hee
staied
there
so
long
,
that
he
spent
all
the
money
that
was
allowed
for
his
Journy
to
Rome
and
home
again
,
before
he
went
thence
.
The
cause
of
his
long
stay
,
was
the
Protestation
that
was
made
by
the
French
Ambassador
residing
then
at
Rome
,
and
requiring
the
Pope
not
to
accept
of
the
said
Ambassador
,
as
an
Ambassador
sent
unto
him
by
the
lawfull
King
of
Poland
,
because
the
French
King
his
Master
had
not
resigned
his
Right
and
Title
unto
that
Crown
:
And
the
validity
of
this
exception
was
so
long
in
debating
,
that
intimation
being
given
to
the
Poland
Ambassador
not
to
proceed
any
further
on
his
Journy
towards
Rome
,
untill
the
same
question
was
fully
decided
,
he
was
enforced
to
continue
so
long
as
I
have
said
in
Padua
,
to
the
great
hinderance
of
himself
,
and
of
all
his
company
.
Besides
,
as
our
Kings
still
carry
the
Title
of
Kings
of
France
,
in
remembrance
of
their
Right
unto
that
kingdom
;
so
the
late
King
of
France
ca●sed
himself
to
be
called
King
of
Poland
untill
his
dying
day
,
in
token
that
he
never
had
resigned
his
Interest
and
claime
thereunto
.
This
Argument
brought
against
his
fidelitie
is
sufficiently
refelled
.
It
resteth
to
refute
the
exception
made
against
his
carriage
and
Government
in
Poland
.
This
shall
need
no
great
Confutation
,
because
it
appeareth
by
the
aforementioned
letters
of
the
Senato●s
unto
him
,
and
the
Emperor
after
his
departure
,
that
there
was
no
d●sl●ke
conceived
against
him
;
and
the
earnest
entr●aty
which
was
made
unto
him
to
return
,
testifieth
the
good
opinion
,
hope
,
and
confidence
which
they
had
to
be
well
and
wisely
ruled
by
him
.
Now
whereas
it
is
said
,
that
he
learned
to
bee
favourable
unto
Hereticks
in
Poland
:
It
may
be
that
he
conversed
with
some
of
them
whilst
hee
was
there
,
because
he
could
not
otherwise
do
(
their
generall
Assemblies
and
meetings
requiring
his
presence
,
and
consisting
of
such
Peeres
and
Nobles
as
were
of
diverse
Religions
)
But
it
appeare●h
by
his
letters
written
unto
his
especiall
Friends
of
that
kingdom
when
he
departed
thence
,
that
he
had
no
great
confidence
or
trust
in
them
that
were
contrary
unto
him
in
Religion
.
For
,
besides
the
letter
that
●e
wrote
to
the
Generall
States
of
all
the
Country
,
he
wrote
unto
certain
choice
men
,
as
unto
the
Bishop
of
Cinavia
,
unto
the
Palatine
of
Cracovia
,
●nto
the
Marshall
of
Eboronius
,
unto
the
Vice-Chancellor
Wotkins
,
unto
the
Castellan
of
Meymcimer
his
Vice-Chamberlain
,
and
unto
the
Marsh●l
of
the
Court
of
Lituania
,
all
which
were
very
zealous
and
earnest
Catholicks
,
and
the
o●ely
men
of
whom
●e
made
any
●eckoning
,
during
his
short
abode
in
Poland
.
Thus
I
have
freed
him
from
suspition
either
of
Heresie
,
or
of
any
favor
shewed
unto
H●reticks
whilst
he
was
abroad
:
Now
l●t
me
examine
his
li●e
at
home
,
and
see
whether
untill
his
dying
day
he
might
be
justly
●axed
or
touched
with
the
crime
of
Heresie
.
He
came
to
Lyons
about
the
9
of
September
,
in
the
year
1574
where
the
Que●n
his
Mother
,
the
Duke
of
Alencon
,
his
Brother
,
the
King
of
Navarre
,
Charles
Cardinal
of
Guise
,
and
others
met
with
him
:
The
10
of
September
,
(
a
short
space
of
recr●a●ion
and
solace
after
so
long
a
Journey
)
he
falleth
to
consult
with
all
those
before
nam●d
,
what
meanes
were
best
to
be
used
to
renew
Wa●rs
against
those
whom
they
termed
Hugonetts
;
he
beseig●th
Pusania
upon
the
Roane
,
and
taketh
the
same
the
5
of
October
,
assaulteth
Mombrim
,
laieth
seige
to
Lioron
,
and
never
left
in
the
dead
of
Winter
to
Warr
against
the
Protestants
,
untill
he
took
a
little
Truce
during
the
solemnitie
of
his
Coron●tion
:
Not
long
after
his
Coronation
,
there
came
Amb●ssadors
unto
him
from
the
Switzers
to
intreat
libertie
of
Conscience
for
the
Protestants
of
France
;
They
are
heard
with
small
favor
,
and
their
Petition
rejected
with
so
great
indignation
,
that
the
Quee●
Mother
was
fain
to
pac●fie
her
son
in
h●s
great
rage
and
fury
:
The
Protestants
require
ayde
out
of
Germany
:
Duke
Casimer
cometh
into
France
:
The
Prince
of
Conde
groweth
strong
;
the
king
of
Navarre
flieth
from
the
French
Court
unto
him
:
the
Catholicks
want
money
,
the
P●pe
sendeth
them
400000
Florins
.
The
Duke
of
Guise
is
sent
to
meet
with
Casimir
,
either
to
repell
him
with
force
,
or
to
deceive
him
with
policy
;
and
becau●e
they
feared
the
king
of
Navarre
,
diverse
waies
and
meanes
are
practised
●o
make
him
suspected
unto
the
Prince
of
Conde
;
immediatly
after
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
followeth
Mounsieur
the
kings
Brother
with
greater
troup●s
;
but
both
he
and
the
Duke
finding
themselves
not
able
to
encounter
with
the
P●ince
of
Conde
and
the
Duke
of
Casimir
,
Mounsieur
receiveth
the
Duke
with
great
Fri●ndship
in
Burgony
and
talketh
very
familiarly
with
him
.
To
be
short
,
the
king
and
Queen
,
and
Casimir
meete
;
a
Peace
is
concluded
;
all
offences
are
forgiven
,
and
liberty
of
conscience
is
granted
to
be
used
in
all
places
saving
Paris
.
The
Duke
Casimir
dep●rteth
;
and
hee
is
no
sooner
gone
,
but
the
Catholicks
cry
out
against
this
peace
;
the
Citizens
of
Paris
tread
the
Articles
thereof
under
their
feet
.
A
generall
Assembly
is
called
at
Bl●ys
.
The
king
of
Navarre
,
the
Prince
of
Conde
,
and
the
Mashal
Damule
come
not
to
this
Assembly
.
The
Articles
of
the
beforenamed
Peace
are
abrogated
,
and
a
full
resolution
is
taken
to
subvert
the
Prot●stants
,
or
to
enfo●ce
them
to
receive
the
Counsell
of
Trent
.
The
Decrees
of
this
Assembly
are
sent
to
the
Prince
of
Conde
,
This
is
the
kings
behaviour
and
carriage
before
the
holy
League
,
the
which
beginneth
in
the
year
,
1585.
Of
this
League
three
especial
causes
are
pretended
;
The
Troubles
of
France
,
the
kings
sterility
,
and
the
right
of
succession
,
which
belongeth
unto
the
king
of
Navarr
.
By
the
confederates
in
this
League
these
things
are
required
;
That
the
Catholick
Religion
,
and
the
Nobility
that
professed
the
same
,
may
be
restored
unto
their
ancient
dignity
;
That
a
Parliament
might
be
called
,
that
Tributes
may
be
gathered
for
the
king
and
the
kingdom
;
that
extraordinary
exactions
may
be
mitigated
;
that
ev●ry
third
year
a
Parliament
may
be
held
.
And
lastly
,
that
an
Army
of
16000.
footmen
,
and
3000
horse
may
be
gathered
and
maintained
with
the
kings
treasure
against
the
Hugonets
,
and
the
same
Army
to
be
lead
by
the
kings
own
person
,
or
by
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
as
his
Lieutenant
General
.
They
set
fo●th
an
Apology
containing
their
Griefs
and
these
Petitions
,
and
end
the
same
with
a
promise
to
lay
down
their
weapons
,
if
the
king
will
be
content
to
subscribe
to
these
Articles
,
and
to
overthrow
the
Protestants
.
The
king
of
Navarr
finding
himself
to
be
the
mark
whereat
these
Leaguers
shot
,
published
his
Apology
,
proveth
himself
to
be
no
Heretick
,
Apostate
,
Persecutor
,
or
Rebel
;
sheweth
that
the
Duke
of
Guise
is
the
onely
Perturber
of
the
peace
and
quiet
of
France
,
and
that
he
cannot
feel
the
wound
thereof
because
he
is
a
stranger
;
and
lastly
,
for
the
ending
of
all
troubles
without
more
effusion
of
blood
,
challengeth
the
combat
.
The
late
King
published
likewise
his
Answer
to
every
Article
,
and
promiseth
that
all
these
things
shall
be
done
answerable
to
Gods
Word
and
the
prescript
rule
of
Justice
;
praying
the
Leaguers
,
that
since
both
he
and
the
Queen
are
yet
young
enough
to
have
children
,
and
that
children
are
the
Gift
of
God
,
they
will
not
rashly
think
him
to
be
without
all
hope
of
children
.
Here
I
might
trouble
you
with
the
rehearsal
of
many
examples
of
many
Rebels
like
unto
these
,
who
when
their
demands
have
been
so
reasonably
answered
as
these
were
,
desisted
from
wars
,
or
had
but
an
evil
issue
.
But
I
must
restrain
my self
,
and
labour
to
be
short
,
otherwise
I
shall
be
both
too
long
and
tedious
.
What
could
a
king
,
nay
the
most
absolute
king
of
the
world
,
the
mightiest
king
of
Europe
,
do
more
then
this
king
did
?
Or
what
would
they
require
more
at
this
kings
hands
then
he
performed
?
He
entered
not
into
this
League
;
would
not
be
one
of
their
confederates
;
Hinc
nostri
fundi
Calamitas
;
But
he
seemeth
to
allow
the
proscription
and
disinheritance
of
Navarr
;
he
banisheth
all
Protestants
out
of
the
Realm
;
he
answereth
the
king
of
Denmark
,
who
becometh
a
sutor
for
them
,
that
he
neither
can
nor
will
have
Peace
with
them
;
he
writeth
to
the
Prince
of
Germany
,
who
likewise
intreated
his
favour
for
the
Protestants
,
That
he
knoweth
well
enough
what
to
do
without
their
counsel
,
and
marvelleth
that
they
have
so
great
leisure
as
to
meddle
with
other
mens
matters
,
and
especially
with
such
things
wherewith
they
have
nothing
to
do
.
This
is
not
enough
;
He
provideth
an
Army
against
the
Protestants
,
he
sendeth
to
encounter
with
the
Forces
of
Germany
that
were
coming
into
France
to
succour
them
;
The
Duke
of
Guise
overthroweth
them
;
and
the
kings
Brother-in-Law
,
the
Duke
of
Ioyesa
is
overthrown
by
the
king
of
Navarr
,
with
the
loss
of
his
own
life
,
and
of
12000.
of
his
Souldiers
.
The
Duke
of
Guise
made
proud
and
insolent
with
this
victory
,
and
having
gotten
above
120000
Crowns
by
the
spoiles
of
the
Enemies
returneth
to
Paris
,
boasteth
of
his
conquest
,
preferreth
himself
before
his
idle
&
loytering
king
,
(
as
he
termeth
him
discovereth
his
secret
intentions
more
openly
then
he
did
before
,
and
seeketh
how
he
either
might
make
away
the
king
,
or
thrust
him
to
a
Monastery
.
And
when
he
heard
that
his
secret
practices
were
revealed
unto
the
king
by
the
Duke
of
Espernon
,
he
is
sore
troubled
,
and
laboureth
to
free
himself
from
all
manner
of
suspition
;
What
way
taketh
he
to
bring
this
to
pass
?
Submitteth
he
himself
unto
the
king
?
Cleareth
he
himself
of
the
Accusations
laid
to
his
charge
?
Craveth
he
pardon
of
his
insolency
?
He
doth
;
But
how
?
Forsooth
,
in
such
manner
,
that
even
a
man
with
one
eye
might
easily
see
that
he
dissembleth
.
He
cometh
to
Paris
with
a
small
Troop
,
but
so
disposeth
his
Army
that
his
intention
to
carry
away
the
king
by
force
could
not
be
hidden
.
He
craveth
conference
with
the
king
,
is
admitted
to
his
presence
;
They
spend
three
whole
dayes
together
in
conference
;
he
so
playeth
his
part
,
that
the
king
leaveth
to
suspect
him
,
removeth
the
Duke
of
Espernon
from
the
Court
and
his
company
,
who
had
revealed
his
secrets
,
and
is
angry
with
the
said
Duke
for
accusing
him
wrongfully
.
What
followeth
?
God
who
knoweth
the
inward
thoughts
of
all
men
,
and
hath
an
especial
care
of
Princes
●afety
,
by
a
sudden
and
unexpected
accident
,
layeth
open
his
dissimulation
,
and
bewrayeth
the
Dukes
Treachery
.
The
king
seeing
that
armed
men
came
into
Paris
in
great
Troopes
by
night
and
day
,
setteth
his
Switzers
to
watch
and
ward
in
every
street
of
Paris
.
It
●ortuned
that
a
Switzer
by
chance
was
striken
by
a
Parisian
,
with
whom
he
had
some
private
quarrel
;
hereof
followeth
a
great
slaughter
.
The
Duke
of
Guise
committeth
the
Switzers
to
prison
,
besetteth
the
Lover
with
a
Garison
of
Souldiers
:
The
king
beginneth
to
be
afraid
,
he
fleeth
from
Paris
secretly
,
taketh
his
mother
thence
with
him
,
commende●h
the
Duke
of
Espernon
his
Faith
and
Loyalty
,
and
escapeth
the
danger
of
the
Lion
that
lay
in
wait
for
his
life
,
for
that
time
,
but
is
to
die
the
death
within
a
short
time
after
,
not
by
the
sharp
and
merciless
sword
of
the
proud
and
ambitious
Duke
(
which
had
been
more
Princelike
)
but
by
a
short
and
poysoned
knife
of
a
Jacobin
Fryer
,
which
was
too
base
a
death
for
the
greatest
Monarch
of
the
World
.
But
again
to
the
Duke
;
who
hearing
that
the
king
began
to
sound
the
depth
of
his
Treasons
,
and
to
suspect
all
his
proceedings
,
to
remove
his
many
doubts
,
and
to
recover
his
good
opinion
,
sendeth
certain
Ambassadors
unto
him
,
(
if
they
may
be
termed
Ambassadors
that
go
from
a
Rebel
unto
a
king
)
of
his
own
,
and
of
diverse
Cities
and
Provinces
which
he
had
drawn
to
his
own
Faction
,
and
had
alwayes
ready
at
hand
.
By
the
mouth
of
these
Ministers
(
sufficiently
instructed
what
to
say
)
he
protested
that
nothing
was
further
from
his
thoughts
then
to
seize
upon
the
kings
person
;
For
if
he
had
had
any
such
minde
,
any
such
intention
,
he
might
have
wrought
his
pleasure
upon
him
when
he
had
him
in
Paris
.
First
therefore
he
desireth
,
that
the
Duke
of
Espernons
malice
and
untrue
Accusations
might
carry
no
credit
,
at
the
least-wise
not
breed
any
disgrace
and
discredit
.
Next
,
that
whatsoever
hath
been
heretofore
done
,
or
said
,
might
be
buried
in
oblivion
.
Thirdly
,
that
the
Duke
of
Espernon
,
and
his
brother
Mr.
de
Valetta
might
be
banished
the
Court
disturbers
of
the
Common
Peace
.
Fourthly
,
that
the
Government
of
Normandy
might
be
given
unto
the
holy
League
.
Fifthly
,
that
his
Brother
the
Duke
of
Mayne
might
be
created
great
Master
of
the
kings
Pallace
,
and
the
Cardinal
of
Bourbon
made
Governor
of
all
France
.
Sixthly
,
that
two
Armies
might
belevied
,
and
maintained
at
the
kings
charges
against
the
Hugonets
,
and
one
of
them
to
be
sent
into
Picardy
,
under
the
kings
or
the
Duke
of
Guise
his
conduct
,
and
the
other
into
Dolphine
,
of
which
the
Duke
of
Mayne
must
be
General
.
Lastly
,
that
the
king
of
Navarr
,
with
all
his
Adherents
,
and
all
other
Hereticks
,
might
be
thrust
out
of
the
Court
and
utte●ly
destroyed
,
and
a
Parliament
presently
called
,
wherein
they
might
consult
of
matters
of
greater
weight
and
consequence
.
The
king
perceived
by
these
unreasonable
demands
that
their
pleasure
and
purpose
was
to
make
him
a
king
of
Poland
in
France
,
that
is
,
such
a
king
as
should
carry
the
bare
〈◊〉
and
Name
of
a
king
,
and
others
should
rule
,
thinking
it
high
time
to
call
his
wits
together
,
to
be
in
no
longer
subjection
,
and
to
begin
to
dissemble
with
them
who
go
about
to
deceive
and
subvert
him
by
cunning
and
dissimulation
;
he
therefore
yeeldeth
to
all
that
was
demanded
,
commandeth
an
Assembly
of
the
three
Estates
to
be
held
the
next
September
at
Bloys
,
exhortethall
his
Subjects
unto
a
general
Peace
,
and
devise●h
all
means
possible
to
supplant
the
Duke
of
Guise
.
To
this
Parliament
came
the
most
and
best
Peers
of
the
Realm
.
The
Duke
of
Guise
absenteth
himself
,
either
for
fear
,
because
his
guilty
conscience
accuseth
him
,
or
of
set
purpose
and
cunning
,
because
he
seeketh
to
be
intreated
.
In
his
absence
they
began
to
consult
of
great
matters
,
in
all
which
the
king
rule●h
not
,
but
is
●uled
;
he
signifieth
unto
the
Nobility
th●re
assembled
,
that
he
taketh
himself
greatly
bound
unto
them
for
their
good
and
wholesome
counsel
,
professeth
himself
to
be
unable
to
Govern
so
turbulen●
a
kingdom
any
longer
,
desireth
to
be
eased
of
s●
great
a
charge
,
and
thinketh
it
expedient
,
both
for
the
Common-wealth
,
and
for
himself
,
to
imitate
the
example
of
Charles
the
fifth
,
and
to
shut
himself
;
up
as
a
Penitentiary
in
some
Monastery
;
and
therefore
he
praye●h
them
to
consider
to
whom
he
might
best
surrender
his
Crown
.
But
if
his
judgement
might
be
of
any
fo●ce
and
weight
with
them
,
no
man
should
contend
for
it
.
For
no
man
was
equal
,
much
less
to
be
preferred
before
the
Duke
of
Guise
;
He
is
valiant
in
Arms
,
wise
in
Counsel
,
zealous
in
Religion
,
faithfull
to
h●s
Country
,
and
wanteth
nothing
requisite
in
a
king
but
the
name
of
a
king
;
He
is
heard
with
great
attention
,
beleeved
wi●hout
any
contradiction
,
and
the
Duke
is
sent
for
with
all
speed
possible
.
It
is
no
need
to
bid
him
come
,
he
flyeth
,
he
seemeth
to
be
in
Heaven
;
but
falleth
as
suddenly
as
Lucifer
did
down
to
hell
.
The
king
calleth
him
into
his
private
Chamber
,
pretending
to
have
some
great
occasion
to
confer
with
him
;
before
the
rest
of
the
Nobility
he
giveth
him
into
his
hands
certain
Letters
of
his
own
hand-writing
s●nt
unto
the
king
of
Spain
,
but
intercepted
,
by
which
he
is
convinced
to
have
●ought
the
kings
untimely
death
,
and
the
unlawfull
possession
of
his
Crown
:
He
●alleth
down
upon
his
knees
,
humbly
bes●echeth
the
kings
pardon
;
And
whiles
with
frivolous
Protestations
,
and
false
Oaths
he
laboureth
to
clear
himself
,
he
is
not
so
cruelly
as
justly
murthered
in
the
king
presence
.
The
Arch-Traytor
being
thus
executed
,
the
Queen
Mother
allowed
the
execution
,
praiseth
her
Sons
wisdom
,
thanketh
God
that
it
hath
pleased
him
to
put
that
counsel
into
the
Kings
head
,
and
to
give
him
grace
to
execute
the
same
;
and
now
(
saith
she
)
my
Son
playeth
the
king
indeed
.
The
Parisians
are
presently
certified
of
the
Dukes
death
;
there
is
weeping
and
gnashing
of
Teeth
;
the
Crochilers
have
lost
their
Countenance
,
the
Fac●ious
their
Father
,
the
Seditious
People
their
ambitious
Patron
,
and
the
Malitious
Sorbonists
their
Religious
Protector
.
What
followeth
?
Sudden
accidents
must
have
suddain
consultations
;
new
devises
,
hasty
resolutions
,
hastie
executions
,
and
the
new
year
must
begin
wi●h
new
Treasons
:
They
chuse
the
Duke
of
Aumale
for
their
Head
;
they
draw
the
kings
picture
in
the
durt
through
the
streets
;
they
rob
and
ransack
his
Exchequer
,
his
Palace
,
his
Store-houses
;
and
for
their
last
resolution
,
they
conclude
that
he
must
be
no
longer
their
king
.
According
to
this
conclusion
,
after
that
their
City
was
hardly
beset
,
and
they
had
almost
endured
as
hard
a
siege
as
the
Citizens
of
Ierusalem
,
they
send
out
a
desperate
Jacobin
Fryer
,
as
their
Iudith
to
behead
Holofernes
,
to
execute
their
doom
and
devillish
sentence
upon
the
Lords
anointed
,
and
their
lawfull
king
.
The
Fryer
goeth
to
the
kings
Camp
,
which
was
at
St.
Clovis
,
feigneth
to
have
Letters
of
great
weight
to
deliver
unto
the
king
;
he
is
brought
to
his
presence
,
kindly
received
,
(
for
the
king
alwayes
loved
those
Fryers
too
well
)
and
lovingly
willed
to
declare
the
cause
of
his
coming
;
he
delivereth
his
Letters
;
the
king
readeth
them
seriously
,
and
the
Jaobin
,
more
like
a
Iudas
then
a
follower
of
St.
Iames
,
seeing
the
kings
doublet
loose
about
him
,
aiming
at
a
place
where
he
might
be
sure
to
dispatch
him
,
whilest
he
was
busied
in
reading
the
Letters
,
thrusteth
a
poysoned
knife
into
his
Bowels
of
which
wound
he
died
within
a
few
hours
after
.
You
have
heard
his
Tragedy
,
his
Reign
,
and
his
End
,
and
what
can
you
finde
that
savoureth
of
Heresie
?
Was
it
Heretical
to
persecute
those
whom
they
call
Hereticks
before
he
Reigned
,
and
as
long
as
he
reigned
?
Was
it
Schismatical
to
proscribe
,
banish
,
and
massacre
them
?
Was
it
Apostatical
to
proclaim
and
make
Wars
against
them
,
whensoever
and
wheresoever
the
Guisards
required
him
?
Was
it
irreligious
and
hypocritical
for
him
in
a
Lent
time
,
when
men
use
to
be
penitent
for
their
Sins
,
to
whip
themselves
while
the
blood
followeth
,
by
his
own
Example
to
induce
the
Cardinal
of
Lorrain
,
and
others
his
chiefest
Counsellors
and
Courtiers
to
do
the
like
?
Was
he
a
despiser
of
God
,
who
with
consent
of
the
Popes
Holiness
,
to
shew
his
zeal
,
and
to
leave
an
Eternal
Monument
thereof
,
did
erect
a
new
order
of
Knighthood
of
the
Holy
Ghost
,
and
took
an
Oath
to
live
and
die
in
defence
of
the
Catholick
Faith
?
Was
it
impious
,
and
an
Act
not
beseeming
a
Christian
Prince
,
to
go
in
person
,
and
accompanied
with
most
of
the
Peers
of
his
Realm
in
Procession
bare-headed
and
bare-footed
?
If
none
of
these
things
be
Heresie
,
Apostacy
,
and
contempt
of
God
,
and
Religion
;
then
undoubted●y
the
late
French
King
,
having
done
all
these
things
,
was
no
Heretick
,
no
Apostate
,
no
Schismitick
,
no
despiser
of
God
,
but
a
Zealous
,
a
Religious
,
a
Catholick
,
and
a
most
Christian
Prince
.
But
the
Duke
of
Guise
his
death
is
the
matter
that
is
most
urged
,
Truly
the
Laws
of
France
,
Thou
shalt
do
no
murther
;
But
the
Laws
of
Nature
,
the
Laws
of
Nations
,
yea
,
the
Laws
of
Princes
say
,
That
it
is
better
to
kill
then
to
be
killed
:
The
Apostles
have
taught
,
that
the
testimony
of
two
or
three
witnesses
is
sufficient
in
any
Cause
;
but
the
Civil
Laws
require
sometimes
seven
,
other
times
five
,
and
commonly
they
are
contented
with
two
;
and
by
Canonical
constitutions
according
to
the
degrees
of
dignities
of
Ecclesiastical
persons
,
the
testimony
of
seventy
two
,
of
sixty
four
,
of
twenty
seven
,
and
of
seven
is
oftentimes
requisite
and
necessary
.
God
hath
commanded
every
man
to
do
according
to
his
conscience
;
but
the
Lawes
of
Princes
command
all
Judges
to
give
judgement
according
to
the
proofs
and
allegations
that
are
made
before
them
.
I
may
therefore
boldly
say
,
that
not
onely
the
Pope
,
(
unto
whom
the
Canonists
onely
attribute
this
power
and
authority
)
but
also
every
lawfull
secular
Prince
(
unto
whom
God
hath
commanded
that
every
soul
should
be
obedient
)
may
,
upon
good
occasion
,
and
consideration
of
some
circumstances
,
qualify
,
and
interpret
the
Lawes
of
God
.
He
that
striketh
with
the
sword
,
shall
perish
with
the
sword
,
sayeth
the
holy
Scripture
;
and
there
is
no
express
commandment
given
not
to
suffer
Malefactors
to
live
.
But
Humane
Policy
hath
thought
it
convenient
and
equitable
,
that
children
because
they
know
not
what
they
do
,
that
mad
men
because
they
are
deprived
of
the
use
of
Reason
and
Understanding
,
that
any
man
killeth
one
another
by
mischance
,
because
he
offendeth
through
ignorance
,
and
not
of
malice
:
And
lastly
,
that
an
honest
man
,
if
he
chance
to
kill
a
Thief
by
night
or
by
day
,
in
defending
his
own
person
or
goods
,
because
it
is
lawfull
to
repel
force
by
force
,
shall
not
be
condemned
to
death
,
although
his
crime
in
it self
,
in
strictness
of
Law
be
Capital
.
There
is
nothing
more
certain
then
the
commandment
of
God
,
not
to
swear
,
and
yet
it
is
lawfull
to
swear
,
yea
,
it
is
an
offence
not
to
swear
,
if
a
man
be
commanded
by
a
Magistrate
to
swear
;
and
if
a
truth
cannot
be
known
but
by
an
Oath
,
and
the
oath
that
a
man
hath
taken
must
be
inviolable
,
It
cannot
be
broken
;
and
there
is
no
mans
more
odious
,
no
crime
more
detestable
then
the
sin
of
perjury
;
and
yet
a
Judge
that
hath
taken
an
oath
to
keep
the
Statutes
of
his
Country
without
breaking
the
same
,
or
without
departing
from
the
true
sense
and
literal
meaning
of
them
,
may
violate
them
,
if
the
iniquity
of
the
time
will
not
give
him
leave
and
leasure
to
confer
with
his
superiour
,
or
to
ask
his
opinion
,
or
if
there
be
manifest
dangers
like
to
follow
of
the
delay
which
he
shall
use
.
Besides
if
a
Judge
be
commanded
,
yea
sworn
not
to
do
any
thing
against
the
L●wes
of
God
,
or
nature
,
or
of
his
Country
,
yet
if
he
be
urged
by
some
great
occ●sion
,
or
if
necessitie
enforce
him
thereunto
;
or
if
some
notable
danger
,
scandall
,
or
inconvenience
is
like
to
follow
of
the
strict
observance
of
those
Lawe●
,
he
may
lawfully
violate
them
.
And
shall
a
Judge
have
Authority
to
break
Lawes
,
and
shal
not
an
absolute
Prince
have
the
like
liberty
?
A
Provost
Marshal
taking
a
Theif
in
the
fact
of
committing
a
robberie
,
may
hang
him
up
presently
with
out
any
forme
of
Judgement
;
and
shall
not
a
King
cause
a
notorious
Traytor
to
be
murthered
without
a
solemn
Sentence
?
The
Governor
of
a
City
taking
an
Homicide
,
an
Adulterer
,
a
rav●sh●r
of
Women
upon
the
Fact
▪
may
chastise
and
punish
them
according
to
the
Rigor
of
the
Law
w●thout
any
forme
of
Law
;
and
a
King
taking
a
Traytor
be●ng
abou●
to
deprive
him
of
his
life
,
of
his
Crown
apd
Scepter
,
shall
he
not
do
him
to
death
without
asking
the
opinion
of
his
Judges
without
imploring
the
helpe
of
his
Magistrates
,
and
without
imparting
his
Treason
unto
his
Counsellors
,
or
unto
the
Friends
and
Allies
of
the
Traytors
,
especially
when
as
he
may
escape
whilst
these
things
shall
be
doing
,
when
bee
is
so
strong
,
so
backed
with
friends
,
so
guarded
with
Souldiers
,
that
if
he
be
not
executed
upon
a
suddain
,
the
respi●e
and
leisure
which
shall
be
given
him
,
shall
g●ve
him
time
and
meanes
not
only
to
escape
the
punishment
which
he
hath
deserved
,
but
also
to
put
in
great
hazard
the
life
of
his
Prince
,
and
the
weale
of
his
Country
;
to
be
short
,
when
either
the
Prince
or
the
Traytor
must
die
presently
?
It
is
written
of
Iehu
the
Judge
and
King
of
Israell
,
that
he
fearing
the
great
multitude
of
Baals
Priests
,
and
doubting
that
if
he
should
put
them
to
death
by
the
way
of
Justice
,
there
would
follow
some
great
Inconvenience
or
scandal
to
himself
;
he
feigned
that
hee
himself
wou●d
do
sacrifice
unto
God
Baal
,
and
by
that
pretence
and
colour
he
caused
them
all
to
come
together
,
and
when
they
were
all
assembled
,
hee
willed
them
all
to
be
murthered
.
Who
hath
heard
the
Historie
of
Ladislaus
king
of
Bohemia
,
commendeth
him
not
for
his
wisdome
and
discretion
in
dissembling
the
grief
which
he
took
to
see
the
Earle
of
Cilia
,
his
faithfull
and
assured
Friend
and
Vncle
,
killed
almost
in
his
presence
,
so
●uningly
that
he
not
only
seemed
not
to
be
grieved
with
his
death
,
but
also
to
think
that
he
was
lawfully
killed
,
because
hee
presumed
to
come
Armed
into
the
Court
where
all
others
were
unarmed
?
The
Bohemians
seeing
how
lovingly
hee
entertained
Ladislaus
Humiades
the
Author
of
this
Murther
,
how
kindly
he
used
his
Mother
,
how
wisely
hee
suffered
Ladislaus
and
his
Brother
Matthias
to
bring
him
into
Beuda
,
and
how
resolutely
when
he
had
him
where
hee
was
stronger
then
hee
,
he
commanded
him
to
be
done
to
death
for
the
murther
committed
on
his
Vncles
person
,
took
it
for
a
manifest
Argument
that
he
would
prove
(
as
ind●ed
hee
did
)
a
very
wise
,
just
,
and
valiant
Prince
,
si●ce
in
his
youth
he
was
so
subtile
,
and
so
resolute
,
and
gave
them
so
notable
an
Example
and
President
of
his
Justice
.
Who
hath
read
the
policy
which
Darius
king
of
Persia
used
in
revenging
the
injury
of
Oretes
,
who
was
grown
to
be
so
mightie
,
so
proud
,
and
so
well
backed
with
friends
,
that
hee
neither
could
nor
durst
do
him
to
death
by
the
ordinary
Course
of
Justice
,
and
prayseth
him
not
for
inventing
a
way
to
induce
30
of
his
Gentlemen
to
undertake
his
death
?
And
who
commendeth
not
the
Mag●animitie
and
resolution
of
Bageus
,
who
when
it
fell
out
to
his
lott
to
be
the
first
of
the
30
that
had
vowed
to
haza●d
their
live
;
foe
their
king
,
went
no
less
hastily
then
cuningly
about
his
enterprise
,
and
within
a
very
short
while
murthered
Oretes
,
who
had
bea●ded
and
braved
his
King
many
years
?
Briefly
,
who
readeth
and
alloweth
not
the
History
of
David
,
who
when
a
man
c●me
to
him
from
Saul
his
Camp
,
and
told
him
that
he
had
kil●ed
Saul
,
commanded
his
S●rvant
to
kill
him
presently
,
and
said
unto
him
,
Thy
blood
bee
upon
thine
ow●
head
,
for
thine
own
mouth
hath
spoken
against
thee
?
And
yet
every
man
knoweth
that
Saul
killed
himself
,
and
that
this
poor
simple
man
thought
to
have
had
a
reward
of
David
for
bringing
him
the
first
news
of
Sauls
death
.
These
premiss●s
therefore
being
duly
considered
,
it
must
follow
that
the
late
king
had
great
reason
a●d
just
cause
to
command
the
Duke
of
Guise
to
be
killed
.
But
his
friends
say
nay
;
They
have
caused
it
to
be
imprinted
that
he
was
one
of
the
Peers
of
France
;
one
of
the
greatest
of
that
Realme
,
one
of
the
best
beloved
Subjects
of
Europe
,
and
one
that
was
allied
unto
great
Kings
and
Princes
:
And
that
therefore
the
King
causing
him
to
be
murthered
,
as
he
was
mig●t
well
think
,
and
justly
feare
,
that
in
doing
him
to
death
,
he
should
highly
offend
his
best
friends
,
and
give
just
occasion
unto
as
many
as
suffered
any
loss
or
detriment
by
his
death
,
to
revenge
the
same
.
As
therefore
Iulius
Caesar
winked
at
the
Treason
committed
by
Dunorix
,
Truly
if
h●s
kingdom
should
have
received
no
greater
loss
or
dammage
by
the
Duke
of
Guise
his
life
,
then
the
commonwealth
of
Rome
received
by
Dunorix
,
the
king
should
not
have
greatly
done
amiss
to
have
suffered
him
to
live
:
But
since
that
the
Duke
did
alwaies
aspire
unto
the
Crown
,
and
since
he
desired
,
sought
and
laboured
by
all
meanes
possible
to
usurpe
the
same
,
the
King
played
(
as
his
Mother
said
)
the
right
part
of
a
King
,
wh●●●
as
he
resolved
and
ex●cuted
his
death
with
all
convenient
speed
.
For
▪
the
same
Caesar
which
had
pit●y
and
compassion
on
Dunorix
,
because
his
life
could
not
greatly
hinder
or
cross
his
d●signes
and
purposes
,
first
banished
,
and
afterwards
secretly
caused
his
near
kinsman
Lucius
Caesar
to
be
murthered
because
he
had
both
the
mind
and
the
meanes
to
withstand
and
prevent
his
intentions
:
and
Henry
the
4
should
have
had
good
occasion
to
repent
him
of
the
clemency
and
mercy
which
he
shewed
unto
the
before
named
Dukes
,
if
the
E●rle
of
Rutland
had
not
been
constrained
by
his
own
folly
to
reveale
unto
the
King
their
Treason
and
Conspiracy
against
him
,
for
which
afterwards
they
were
worthily
executed
:
Pitty
therefore
is
commendable
and
best
beseeming
the
Majesty
of
a
Prince
,
when
as
the
same
may
be
used
without
any
danger
unto
his
person
,
or
his
State
,
or
his
kingdom
;
but
when
as
he
seeth
manifestly
,
that
never
a
Province
,
never
a
City
,
never
an
house
of
his
kingdom
,
can
or
will
long
continue
in
good
estate
,
in
dutifull
obedience
,
in
naturall
affection
towards
him
,
and
his
Crown
,
unles
he
do
som●●imes
use
to
play
the
King
,
to
revenge
wrongs
,
and
to
punish
Treasons
;
hee
must
needs
change
his
na●ure
,
make
a
ver●ue
o●
neces●i●ie
,
and
accommodate
himself
unto
their
manners
and
their
merits
with
whom
he
hath
occasion
to
deale
.
France
n●v●r
had
any
King
that
was
more
gentle
,
kinde
,
and
curteous
then
that
Lewis
who
for
his
Curtesie
and
Clemency
was
●irnamed
The
Meek
;
And
yet
the
same
Lewis
(
as
you
have
already
heard
)
forgot
that
name
,
and
the
qualities
and
conditions
incident
thereunto
,
when
it
was
in
question
whether
he
or
his
Nephew
Bernard
should
rule
and
Reigne
.
For
then
knowing
that
a
Prince
cannot
live
in
any
good
assurance
of
his
Estate
and
kingdom
so
long
as
another
pretendeth
Right
and
Title
thereunto
;
and
having
wrongfully
been
kept
from
the
possession
thereof
he
pluckt
out
his
Eyes
,
kept
him
in
perpetuall
prison
,
and
in
th●
end
caused
his
head
to
be
cut
from
his
shoulders
.
Who
can
then
blame
the
late
K●ng
of
France
,
if
he
chose
rather
to
rule
,
then
to
be
ruled
;
to
kill
,
then
to
be
killed
;
to
murder
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
then
to
endanger
his
whole
Estate
and
Kingdom
?
The
Prince
that
〈◊〉
not
an
Iniury
that
is
done
unto
his
Commonaltie
,
or
to
a
private
person
,
is
in
danger
somtimes
to
lose
his
life
,
or
his
kingdom
●as
were
the
Romans
,
and
Philip
King
of
Macedania
;
he
because
he
punished
not
A●tilas
at
the
request
of
Pau
sanias
;
and
they
,
because
they
sent
not
the
French
men
those
which
in
the
battaile
betwixt
them
and
the
Citizens
of
Chynsie
,
forgeting
the
dutie
of
Ambassadors
,
were
found
in
the
forem●st
ranke
of
their
Enemies
fighting
against
the
French
men
:
And
is
it
necessary
that
a
King
shall
punish
or
revenge
a
wrong
done
unto
his
Country
,
or
unto
●
private
man
;
and
shall
it
not
be
lawfull
for
him
to
take
vengeance
of
the
wrongs
and
Indignities
which
are
done
unto
himself
?
May
he
command
a
Ju●g
to
proceed
Defacto
,
without
taking
full
knowledg
of
the
cause
,
and
every
circumstance
of
the
Subjects
cause
;
and
shall
it
not
be
lawfull
for
him
,
to
use
the
like
power
and
authoritie
in
his
owne
case
?
The
least
and
meanest
Judg
,
may
he
not
sometimes
give
judgment
hearing
no
other
proof
but
very
violent
presumptions
;
and
sh●ll
it
not
be
lawfull
for
the
King
,
from
whom
▪
he
same
Judg
receiveth
such
power
and
authoritie
,
to
do
the
like
?
We
say
and
confess
that
The●e
is
manifest
,
when
the
Theif
is
taken
in
the
Fact
;
and
shall
it
not
be
lawfull
for
a
Prince
to
take
that
Treason
for
notorious
which
the
Trayt●r
hath
Committed
▪
If
a
man
finde
a
stolle
●
thing
about
a
Theef
,
he
is
in
danger
of
death
;
and
if
a
man
finde
a
Traytor
armed
and
all
things
else
in
a
readiness
to
performe
and
execute
his
treacherous
Attempts
shall
he
not
be
reputed
a
Traytor
?
The
Law
sayeth
,
that
whatsoever
a
King
doth
,
it
seemeth
to
be
done
with
great
reason
:
If
he
comme●deth
any
thing
,
every
one
is
bound
to
beleeve
that
he
hath
good
occasion
to
commend
the
same
.
His
Actions
are
manifest
,
but
his
thoughts
are
hidden
and
secret
;
it
is
our
dutie
to
tolerate
the
one
,
and
not
to
murmur
against
the
other
,
nor
to
enquire
or
demand
the
Causes
,
Motives
,
and
Reasons
of
his
Commandements
;
his
pleasure
must
be
unto
us
as
a
Law
,
and
his
Will
hath
the
full
force
and
strength
of
reason
;
and
when
the
cause
of
that
punishment
which
it
pleaseth
him
to
inflict
is
notorious
and
manifest
,
his
Commandment
,
although
it
be
done
in
hast
,
and
without
great
advisement
,
yet
it
carryeth
no
less
force
and
moment
then
doth
a
sentence
that
was
dulie
examined
,
wisely
perused
,
diligently
considered
,
and
solemnly
pronounced
.
Why
then
shall
the
death
of
the
Duke
of
Guise
be
thought
unlawfull
,
since
the
King
commanded
the
same
,
not
for
hatred
to
the
Duke
,
but
for
securitie
of
himself
,
for
love
of
the
weal
publique
;
not
without
〈◊〉
Justice
,
but
according
to
Law
and
Equitie
,
(
because
a
Princes
pleasure
is
held
for
Law
)
not
without
example
▪
but
with
approbation
and
imitation
of
many
,
who
having
had
the
like
occasion
have
used
the
like
punishment
;
briefly
,
not
to
revenge
his
particular
quarrels
and
Jnjuryes
,
but
to
preserve
his
Right
and
his
Crowne
,
upon
which
the
wealth
,
the
life
,
and
the
wellfare
of
all
his
good
and
loyall
Subj●cts
do
depend
.
He
was
Allied
unto
many
great
Princes
which
are
displeased
with
his
death
,
and
will
not
leave
it
unrevenged
;
But
if
these
Princes
were
the
Kings
friends
before
the
Dukes
death
,
they
will
not
take
the
same
in
evill
part
;
and
if
they
were
his
Enemies
,
he
needs
not
to
care
for
them
,
or
to
feare
their
displeasure
more
then
the
universal
ruine
and
destruction
of
his
Subjects
.
He
was
one
of
the
Peers
of
France
:
But
honor
may
not
be
a
Priviledg
un●o
any
man
to
embolde●
him
to
offend
the
Laws
;
but
the
more
honor
a
Subject
receiveth
from
his
King
,
the
more
he
is
bound
to
love
and
f●are
him
.
But
grant
that
the
King
did
evill
in
causing
him
to
be
murther●d
;
shall
the
Subjects
be
grieved
therewith
?
shall
they
seek
Revenge
thereof
?
shall
they
bear
Arms
therefore
against
their
Prince
and
their
Country
?
May
the
son
arme
himself
to
kill
and
murther
his
Mother
?
And
is
he
not
held
for
an
ungracious
and
wicked
child
which
will
be
revenged
of
his
Father
although
he
have
done
him
great
wro●g
?
And
is
not
a
King
the
Father
of
his
Subjects
?
and
is
not
every
Country
the
Mother
of
the
naturall
Inhabitants
thereof
?
Or
may
they
war
against
their
Prince
wihout
seeking
the
lamentable
overthrow
,
Ruine
and
destruction
of
their
Country
?
Are
all
alterations
dangerous
in
every
well
governed
State
,
and
can
that
alteration
be
without
danger
which
transferreth
the
Crowne
from
the
right
heire
unto
an
Usurper
,
from
the
lawfull
King
to
an
ambitious
Subj●ct
?
But
it
is
onely
said
,
and
no
way
proved
,
that
the
Duke
of
Guise
had
any
such
int●n●ion
as
to
deprive
his
Sovereigne
,
and
to
crown
himself
;
it
may
be
suspected
,
but
it
is
not
notorious
.
This
must
appeare
more
manifestly
then
it
doth
,
or
else
all
that
is
said
will
be
to
no
purpose
.
To
manifest
this
therefore
I
will
briefly
examine
that
which
hath
been
already
said
,
and
by
his
own
Acts
and
Demands
convince
and
prove
his
intention
.
It
is
said
that
the
foot
shall
not
presume
to
rule
the
head
,
no
more
should
a
Subject
take
upon
him
to
controll
the
King
,
or
to
prescribe
unto
him
what
hee
shall
do
:
And
yet
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
not
once
,
but
many
times
rebuketh
his
Kings
proceedings
against
she
Protestants
,
blameth
him
of
Negligence
,
and
telleth
him
more
boldly
,
then
wisely
,
that
hee
must
not
spare
them
but
subvert
them
.
And
what
was
that
but
to
spoile
his
kingdom
?
The
Counsellor
is
commended
which
rather
refuseth
as
Office
and
charge
with
modesty
,
that
is
laid
upon
him
,
then
affecteth
the
same
before
he
be
thought
worthy
thereof
;
and
yet
the
Duke
of
Guise
staieth
not
untill
he
was
moved
by
the
King
,
but
n●med
himself
for
his
Lieutenant
:
And
what
was
that
but
to
appoint
the
Kings
Officers
?
Wee
read
of
Saul
,
that
it
grieved
him
greatly
when
it
was
said
that
David
had
killed
Twenty
thousand
Enemies
,
and
Saul
but
ten
Thousand
;
and
yet
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
after
that
he
had
overthrown
the
Germans
,
is
termed
an
other
Gideon
,
and
he
termeth
his
King
a
loiterer
;
and
what
was
that
but
to
disgrace
his
Soveraign
?
It
is
commonly
said
,
that
where
there
is
no
offence
committed
,
there
needeth
no
pardon
;
and
yet
the
Duke
of
Guise
would
seem
not
to
have
offended
,
although
hee
desireth
to
have
all
that
was
said
or
done
to
bee
pardoned
,
and
buried
in
Oblivion
:
And
what
was
that
bu●
to
betra●
a
guilry
conscience
,
and
an
unwilling
minde
to
acknowledge
and
confess
his
offence
?
The
Subject
that
armeth
multitudes
without
his
kings
commandment
,
when
there
is
no
fear
of
a
Forreign
Enemy
,
or
any
other
in
arms
within
a
Realm
,
giveth
many
presumptions
and
arguments
of
a
Rebellious
minde
;
And
yet
the
Duke
of
Guise
doth
not
onely
arm
Multitudes
,
but
also
prote●teth
,
that
he
and
they
will
lay
down
his
and
their
arms
until
the
king
yeeldeth
unto
his
demands
;
and
what
was
that
but
to
threaten
and
menace
his
king
?
The
Count
of
St.
Paul
,
High
Constable
of
France
,
was
held
a
Traytor
by
Lewis
the
eleventh
,
and
so
executed
,
because
he
betrayed
his
counsel
▪
and
kept
certain
Holds
and
Towns
of
strength
from
the
king
;
and
yet
the
Duke
of
Guise
must
be
no
Traytor
,
who
revealed
the
kings
secrets
,
and
withheld
many
Towns
and
Cities
from
him
,
and
drave
him
out
of
the
principal
City
of
his
Realm
.
Francis
the
first
proclaimed
the
Duke
of
Bourbon
to
be
a
Rebel
and
a
Traytor
because
he
fled
to
Charles
the
fifth
,
and
bore
arms
in
his
quarrel
against
him
;
and
yet
the
Duke
of
Guise
is
no
Traytor
who
favoureth
the
Spanish
king
more
then
his
own
Prince
,
and
bringeth
Spaniards
into
France
to
murther
and
massacre
the
kings
loving
Subjects
.
He
saw
that
his
conspiracies
and
secrets
were
discovered
by
the
Duke
of
Espernon
,
and
therefore
he
must
be
banished
the
Court
;
He
saw
that
the
king
of
Spain
prevailed
not
against
England
,
because
he
had
no
Towns
in
France
,
to
harbour
his
wearied
and
Sea-beaten
Souldiers
;
and
therefore
at
his
next
coming
he
must
have
Normandy
at
his
devotion
;
for
that
was
his
purpose
when
he
demanded
that
Normandy
should
be
given
to
the
holy
League
.
What
meant
he
when
he
required
that
his
brother
should
be
made
great
Master
of
the
Kings
Pallace
,
and
the
Cardinal
of
Lorrain
Governour
of
all
France
?
Why
demanded
he
no
office
for
himself
?
Forsoo●h
,
because
it
was
not
yet
time
for
him
to
say
he
must
be
king
.
France
could
not
brook
two
kings
.
The
late
king
must
be
first
deposed
;
and
was
it
not
his
meaning
to
procure
him
to
be
depo●ed
and
deprived
of
his
Crown
at
the
Parliament
which
he
required
to
be
presently
called
and
assembled
?
That
was
the
matter
of
great
wait
,
the
cause
of
such
consequence
whereof
they
must
consult
;
an
to
bring
the
matter
to
pass
there
must
be
two
great
Armies
in
readiness
(
the
one
in
Picardy
,
and
the
other
in
Dolphine
)
to
bridle
those
who
were
most
likely
to
withstand
h●s
Coronation
,
and
not
to
admit
and
receive
him
for
their
king
.
The
Hugonets
also
must
be
all
subverted
.
They
were
the
Orato●s
that
preserved
Athens
;
they
were
the
Ge●se
that
saved
the
Roman
Capitol
;
they
therefore
must
be
taken
away
,
or
else
he
must
fail
of
his
purpose
.
That
Nation
whose
king
hath
the
honour
to
be
called
the
most
Ch●istian
king
,
may
not
brook
an
Heretick
for
their
king
;
and
therefore
the
king
of
Navarr
must
be
taken
away
,
he
must
not
live
any
longer
;
the
Prince
of
Conde
next
heir
to
the
Crown
after
him
,
was
already
dispatched
by
poyson
,
and
his
young
infant
was
not
fit
to
rule
.
But
if
the
king
of
Navarr's
death
might
have
contented
him
,
if
his
overthrow
might
have
set
France
at
Liberty
,
and
utterly
have
subverted
the
Protestants
,
why
was
not
this
king
of
Navarr's
offer
accepted
?
Why
refused
he
the
combat
,
whereunto
he
was
challenged
?
Such
a
Champion
as
the
Duke
was
,
should
not
have
refused
such
a
challenge
;
such
a
Gideon
,
that
flew
so
many
Germans
,
should
not
have
been
afraid
to
encounter
with
one
Man
,
especially
with
such
a
man
as
forgat
the
name
and
state
of
a
King
to
fight
with
a
Rebel
,
as
debased
himself
to
contend
with
a
Traitor
,
as
if
he
won
the
battle
,
could
not
but
lose
some
of
his
honour
,
because
he
had
encountered
with
an
infamous
person
,
and
if
he
lost
the
field
,
lost
both
his
life
and
Scepter
.
Such
a
Father
and
Protector
of
his
Country
should
not
have
denied
to
hazard
his
life
in
such
a
quarrel
as
might
have
saved
the
lives
of
many
of
his
best
friends
,
who
have
been
killed
since
the
time
of
that
challenge
.
But
he
thought
it
best
to
sleep
in
a
whole
skin
,
and
he
knew
how
to
be
king
without
such
a
hazard
:
he
had
preferred
many
,
and
therefore
they
would
and
should
prefer
him
.
But
of
him
enough
.
And
from
him
to
the
rest
wherewith
the
late
king
was
more
vainly
then
truly
charged
.
It
followeth
in
the
Accusation
,
that
he
prodigally
wasted
the
Revenues
of
the
Crown
,
and
gave
himself
to
all
kinde
of
vice
and
wickedness
.
This
wastfull
spending
of
the
Revenues
of
the
Crown
,
is
a
fault
that
exceedeth
all
other
faults
;
a
fault
that
offendeth
a
kings
Subjects
much
more
then
any
other
vice
,
because
when
Princes
Treasures
are
wasted
,
they
flie
to
their
subjects
Coffers
,
and
empty
their
Chests
to
fill
their
own
Exchequers
.
Subjects
therefore
for
their
ease
require
that
their
king
should
be
a
good
husband
.
It
was
a
commendation
that
Tully
gave
to
king
Demetri●s
;
It
is
a
quality
that
is
required
in
a
good
Steward
;
it
is
a
property
by
so
much
more
requisite
in
a
Prince
,
by
how
much
his
charge
is
greater
then
other
mens
;
but
a
though
they
desire
that
their
Prince
should
be
thrifty
,
yet
they
would
not
have
them
covetous
;
and
as
they
can
be
contented
that
they
should
be
liberal
,
so
they
like
not
that
they
shall
be
prodigal
:
Thrift
maketh
them
able
to
live
with
their
own
,
Covetousness
enforceth
them
to
prey
upon
their
Subjects
.
Liberality
procureth
them
the
good
will
and
love
of
all
men
,
and
Prodigality
bringeth
them
to
Poverty
,
and
Poverty
teacheth
them
to
invent
and
practice
extraordinary
wayes
to
supply
their
ordinary
wants
.
But
I
must
not
stand
upon
such
a
king
as
Subjects
desire
to
have
:
I
hasten
to
the
Accusation
,
and
in
handling
thereof
I
mean
not
to
free
the
king
from
all
blame
,
but
to
lay
the
greatest
blame
upon
them
who
are
most
to
blame
.
True
it
is
,
that
the
Revenues
of
France
are
now
far
greater
then
ever
they
were
,
and
that
they
have
received
their
great
increase
of
late
years
;
yea
,
that
the
ancient
kings
never
did
nor
could
impose
such
subsidies
and
charges
upon
their
Subjects
as
have
been
lately
levied
in
France
.
For
Charles
the
seventh
was
the
first
king
that
got
and
begun
this
point
of
imposing
charges
upon
his
Subjects
at
his
own
pleasure
,
and
without
the
consent
of
the
States
of
his
Realm
;
and
yet
this
Charles
never
levied
more
of
his
Subjects
then
eight
hundred
thousand
Franks
by
the
year
,
a
smal
sum
in
regard
of
that
which
is
now
levied
.
After
him
succeeded
Lewis
the
eleventh
his
son
,
who
raised
the
Revenues
from
ten
hundred
thousand
,
to
forty
and
seven
thousand
,
and
yet
he
layed
up
nothing
at
the
years
end
into
his
Treasure-house
;
For
he
builded
more
Houses
,
and
fortified
more
Cities
then
all
his
Predecessors
did
before
him
;
It
is
written
of
Charles
the
eighth
that
he
purposed
to
have
reduced
his
subsidies
unto
twelve
thousand
Franks
,
and
to
have
the
same
sum
by
way
of
Ben●volence
from
his
Subj●cts
,
or
for
the
d●fence
of
his
Realm
,
meaning
to
defray
his
ordinary
charges
which
the
Revenues
of
his
Demesnes
,
which
together
with
all
Customs
and
Impositions
came
to
a
Million
of
Francks
.
But
sa●th
my
Author
Philip
de
comines
,
the
people
pay
now
but
two
Millions
and
one
half
,
a
great
increase
in
so
small
a
time
;
and
yet
no
increase
in
respect
of
that
which
followeth
For
you
have
heard
out
of
Mr.
de
la
Nove
,
that
Henry
the
second
,
the
la●e
kings
father
,
levied
by
ordinary
means
on
his
Subjects
fifteen
millions
o●
Franck●
by
the
year
,
which
are
five
millions
of
Crowns
:
And
another
of
〈◊〉
time
testifieth
,
that
the
Revenues
of
the
late
French
King
came
unto
ten
or
eleven
millions
of
Crowns
.
The
Book
called
The
Treasure
of
Treasures
of
France
,
setteth
down
at
large
how
the
Revenues
are
gathered
,
It
was
shewed
unto
his
Majesty
,
that
in
thirty
one
years
after
his
Grandfather
Francis
the
first
his
death
,
the
receipt
of
such
money
as
came
in
those
years
unto
the
Treasure
amounted
unto
more
then
400
millions
of
Crowns
,
and
the
expences
came
but
to
260
millions
.
It
was
shewed
that
besides
the
same
sums
which
entered
into
the
kings
Coffers
in
that
time
,
the
People
had
payed
to
the
king
use
fifteen
millions
of
millions
,
and
246
millions
of
Crowns
,
which
i●
as
much
money
as
423
thousand
Mules
are
able
to
carry
.
It
was
shewed
that
the
Pope
in
those
few
years
had
out
of
France
better
then
thirty
millions
of
Crowns
.
It
was
shewed
that
this
infinite
Treasure
was
not
wasted
by
the
Kings
of
France
,
but
by
their
Officers
;
That
there
were
above
two
hundred
seventy
four
Families
,
whereof
some
might
dispend
an
hundred
thousand
Francks
by
the
year
,
others
eighty
thousand
,
some
sixty
thousand
,
others
forty
,
thirty
,
twenty
▪
and
fifteen
thousand
,
of
which
the
best
could
not
dispend
above
nine
or
ten
thousand
Francks
,
and
some
not
above
two
or
three
hundred
before
they
had
the
collection
of
the
kings
Rents
and
Revenues
.
It
was
shewed
that
there
were
three
hundred
thirty
eight
Treasurers
,
of
which
some
were
worth
ten
thousand
,
others
twenty
thousand
,
some
thirty
thousand
,
some
forty
thousand
,
others
sixty
and
eighty
thousand
Crowns
.
It
was
shewed
that
some
began
but
with
three
hundred
Francks
a
year
,
whose
yearly
Revenues
came
now
to
sixty
thousand
,
or
eighty
thousand
Francks
,
and
they
were
worth
b●sides
thirty
,
forty
,
fifty
,
sixty
,
and
eighty
thousand
Crowns
in
ready
Money
,
Pla●e
,
and
Jewels
.
Lastly
,
it
was
shewed
,
that
whereas
the
k●ng
might
well
have
had
two
hundred
millions
of
Crowns
in
the
Treasury
,
he
was
indebted
above
thirty
millions
.
And
that
there
might
be
found
six
and
thirty
Ladies
in
France
,
whose
heirs
,
rather
then
they
would
be
called
to
an
accompt
,
would
willingly
pay
the
twentieth
part
of
the
debts
of
the
Crown
;
and
the
above
mentioned
Officers
might
think
that
they
escaped
very
well
if
they
might
be
freed
from
all
danger
by
paying
the
Residue
.
Now
considering
that
the
house
of
Guise
,
It
is
likewise
to
be
noted
,
that
Wars
are
much
more
chargeable
then
they
have
been
,
and
that
he
seldom
lived
out
of
Wars
;
not
through
his
own
folly
,
but
by
their
fault
who
can
blame
him
most
;
And
it
cannot
be
denied
but
that
he
gave
away
much
unto
his
Favourites
,
and
to
his
Minions
;
and
yet
his
Gifts
were
nothing
comparable
to
the
excessive
liberality
of
his
later
Pred●cessors
.
For
it
is
written
that
Lewis
the
11.
gave
to
his
physitian
in
five
months
Fifty
four
thonsand
Crowns
,
besides
the
Bishoprick
of
Amiens
for
his
Nephew
,
and
divers
Offices
and
Lands
for
himself
and
his
friends
.
Bodin
in
his
Book
De
Republica
reporteth
,
that
Charls
the
Ninth
King
of
France
his
Brother
,
gave
away
in
the
year
1572.
Two
millons
and
seven
hundred
thousand
Francks
,
and
the
next
year
two
millions
and
forty
four
thousand
Francks
,
and
in
the
last
year
of
his
reign
One
million
five
hundred
and
two
thousand
Francks
,
besides
certain
years
Pentions
,
which
amounted
unto
One
hundred
thousaud
Francks
.
But
grant
that
he
gave
much
more
then
he
did
;
Is
it
not
lawful
for
a
Prince
to
reward
his
Servants
?
Is
it
not
in
his
liberty
to
cast
his
especial
favour
upon
whom
it
pleaseth
him
?
And
is
there
any
thing
that
sheweth
a
Kings
greatness
,
procureth
him
faithful
Friends
,
and
eternizeth
his
Name
,
more
then
his
bounty
and
liberality
?
I
know
that
Nero
was
reprehended
,
because
that
in
Fifteen
years
he
gave
away
above
Fifty
five
millions
.
I
confess
that
Caligula
is
blamed
for
that
he
spent
in
one
year
Sixty
seven
millions
.
And
I
acknowledge
that
Dion
reporteth
it
for
no
praise
and
commendation
unto
Claudius
that
he
wasted
in
three
years
five
Miriades
of
Miriades
and
Seventh
usand
seven
hundred
and
eight
drams
,
or
as
some
report
,
One
thousand
seven
hundred
and
eight
miriades
.
I
allow
no
such
prodigality
,
and
yet
I
think
it
not
lawful
for
Subjects
to
rebel
against
their
Princes
if
they
be
over-prodigal
;
I
know
that
there
be
other
ways
to
be
used
to
restrain
their
excessive
liberality
.
I
read
that
the
Parliament
House
,
in
the
tenth
year
of
Richard
the
Second
of
England
,
considering
that
through
the
covetousness
of
the
Officers
by
them
displaced
,
the
Kings
Treasure
had
been
imbezelled
and
lewdly
spent
,
chose
Thirteen
Lords
to
have
the
oversight
(
under
the
King
)
of
the
whole
Government
of
the
Realm
.
And
I
finde
that
divers
Subjects
have
revolted
from
their
obedience
to
their
Princes
,
because
they
having
wasted
their
Revenues
,
they
over-charged
them
with
Subsidies
and
Impositions
.
But
I
see
that
their
rebellion
wrought
their
own
confusion
.
Now
from
the
late
Kings
Prodigality
,
briefly
in
a
few
words
to
his
other
vices
;
he
is
noted
to
have
been
somewhat
more
given
to
Venery
then
it
became
a
married
Prince
,
but
I
find
not
that
his
wantonness
was
outragious
;
and
sure
I
am
,
that
he
never
had
so
many
Concubines
as
Solomon
;
nor
caused
any
man
to
be
killed
that
he
might
enjoy
his
Wife
,
as
David
did
to
Urias
;
nor
made
away
with
his
own
Wife
to
have
another
,
as
it
is
said
the
Spanish
King
did
:
And
yet
Solomon
was
the
wisest
Prince
that
ever
lived
;
and
no
King
ever
pleased
God
more
then
David
did
;
And
the
Leaguers
held
King
Philip
to
be
the
mirror
of
the
Kings
in
our
age
.
Neither
did
the
late
King
of
France
delight
so
greatly
in
the
company
of
wanton
women
,
but
that
he
could
and
would
have
used
the
same
with
much
more
moderation
then
he
did
,
had
not
the
Queen-Mother
,
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
and
others
who
ruled
all
things
under
him
,
nourished
that
humour
in
him
,
to
the
end
that
he
following
of
his
delights
,
they
might
the
more
freely
govern
the
whole
Kingdom
at
their
own
will
and
pleasure
;
a
policy
borrowed
of
Cardinal
Wolsey
.
This
Wolsey
being
Henry
the
Eighth
his
Chaplain
,
and
brought
into
credit
and
favour
by
the
Bishop
of
Winchester
,
made
his
House
a
Paradise
of
all
kind
of
pleasure
,
and
oftentimes
invited
the
King
thither
,
and
so
fed
him
with
vain
delights
,
that
his
Majesty
during
the
greatest
time
of
his
younger
years
,
committed
the
Government
of
the
whole
Kingdom
into
his
hands
.
It
is
written
of
Lewis
King
of
Bohemia
,
that
if
he
had
had
a
good
Governor
in
his
youth
,
who
would
not
onely
have
had
a
care
of
his
health
,
but
also
have
given
him
good
instructions
,
he
would
undoubtedly
have
made
a
notable
Prince
;
for
he
had
a
very
good
Wit
,
and
a
natural
disposition
to
Vertue
and
Goodness
:
But
the
Marquess
of
Brandenburg
,
who
by
his
Father
was
left
to
be
the
Teacher
and
Informer
of
his
Youth
and
Manners
being
a
very
good
Prince
,
but
more
delighting
in
Banquets
,
Dancings
,
and
other
such
Sports
and
Pastimes
,
then
in
serious
and
grave
studies
befitting
a
Prince
,
brought
the
King
up
in
those
Vanities
,
wherein
he
took
such
pleasure
and
delight
,
that
he
cared
not
how
little
he
medled
with
matters
of
State
.
Good
Education
is
a
great
Jewel
for
all
men
,
but
especially
for
Princes
,
because
that
such
doctrine
and
disposition
as
Children
and
Young-men
receive
in
their
youth
,
such
they
retain
in
their
elder
years
.
The
blame
therefore
of
Henry
the
Third
his
wantonness
,
must
light
upon
them
who
were
the
Authors
of
his
folly
,
and
abused
those
good
Gifts
and
Graces
which
the
Almighty
had
bestowed
upon
him
,
which
were
Valour
,
Wisdom
,
Eloquence
,
and
the
use
of
divers
Languages
,
Qualities
not
so
common
as
commendable
in
a
Prince
:
His
Valour
is
proved
by
the
siege
of
Rechel
,
where
(
as
it
is
written
by
Historiographers
of
good
credit
)
it
was
impossible
for
a
Prince
(
for
such
was
he
at
that
time
)
to
shew
himself
more
truly
valiant
then
he
did
;
and
the
commendation
which
Sir
Henry
Cobham
(
a
discreet
and
wise
Gentleman
,
and
of
great
Judgement
and
Experience
)
when
he
was
Ambassador
for
her
Majesty
in
France
gave
him
,
upon
occasion
of
talk
at
his
Table
(
coming
from
such
and
so
able
a
man
as
was
)
may
serve
for
a
sufficient
proof
of
the
rest
of
his
good
qualities
:
For
I
well
remember
that
the
said
Sir
Henry
,
talking
with
his
Nephew
Mr.
Maximilian
Cobham
(
who
was
then
lately
come
out
of
England
into
France
)
of
the
late
King
said
,
that
he
had
been
imploied
as
Ambassador
for
her
Majesty
unto
the
Emperor
,
the
King
of
Spain
,
and
divers
other
Princes
,
but
among
them
all
,
he
never
heard
any
forein
Prince
that
delivered
his
mind
more
eloquently
,
readily
,
and
wisely
then
the
said
King
;
and
that
as
often
as
he
had
Audience
of
him
,
he
would
sometimes
speak
in
French
,
and
sometimes
in
Italian
;
and
although
he
Answered
him
fully
to
every
point
whereof
they
conferred
,
before
he
departed
from
him
,
yet
(
like
a
wise
and
discreet
Prince
)
he
would
always
require
him
not
to
take
it
for
his
full
and
resolute
Answer
,
untill
he
had
talked
with
his
Council
;
and
at
their
next
meeting
,
his
later
Answer
seldom
or
never
varied
from
the
former
;
a
manifest
Argument
of
his
great
Wisdom
,
who
was
able
to
answer
an
Ambassador
upon
the
sudden
,
and
that
not
at
one
Conference
onely
,
bnt
upon
as
many
and
as
great
occasions
as
he
the
said
Sir
Henry
had
to
confer
with
his
Majesty
,
in
the
space
of
three
or
four
years
,
so
well
and
so
wisely
,
that
his
greatest
and
gravest
Councellors
could
not
upon
deliberation
amend
his
sudden
and
extemporal
Answers
.
This
commendation
given
him
by
Sir
Henry
Cobham
is
confirmed
by
the
Siegneur
Darrennes
,
We
thank
God
that
it
hath
pleased
him
so
highly
to
favour
us
,
as
to
send
us
a
King
that
both
will
and
can
hear
himself
the
wants
and
complaints
of
his
Subjects
,
and
order
and
redress
the
same
according
to
his
good
pleasure
,
and
the
laudable
course
of
Justice
:
For
if
our
Writers
have
imployed
their
Labours
in
writing
to
blame
and
reprehend
those
Kings
which
hear
not
but
by
the
Ears
of
others
,
which
see
not
but
by
the
Eyes
of
others
,
and
speak
not
but
by
the
Mouthes
of
others
;
We
have
most
great
occasion
to
think
our selves
very
happy
and
blessed
,
unto
whom
God
hath
sent
a
King
so
gentle
,
and
so
loving
unto
his
Subjects
,
as
that
he
will
hear
all
our
causes
and
controversies
himself
;
and
a
King
of
so
rare
and
excellent
Wisdom
,
as
that
he
is
able
to
decide
and
determine
our
Contentions
.
This
commendation
given
him
by
Seigneur
Darennes
far
exceedeth
Sir
Henry
Cobhams
,
because
he
was
the
Ambassador
of
a
Prince
that
was
in
League
with
the
late
King
,
and
the
Siegneur
Darennes
of
a
Prince
that
not
long
before
had
born
arms
against
this
King
;
And
Sir
Henry
might
speak
for
favour
,
but
the
other
spake
as
he
thought
;
because
it
appeareth
by
the
rest
of
the
speeches
which
he
used
in
the
same
negotiation
,
that
he
neither
would
or
could
dissemble
:
And
because
this
praise
and
commendation
was
given
by
an
Enemy
rather
then
by
a
friend
,
it
cannot
but
be
void
of
all
partiality
,
assertion
,
or
flattery
.
Thus
you
have
heard
the
French
Kings
Vertues
and
his
Imperfections
;
the
Leaguers
folly
,
and
the
Spanish
Kings
indiscretion
.
Now
it
resteth
to
declare
unto
you
his
further
error
,
which
although
it
be
the
last
,
yet
it
is
not
the
least
;
and
I
fear
me
I
shall
have
occasion
to
enlarge
my self
more
of
it
then
I
did
of
the
other
three
.
It
is
not
unknown
unto
all
or
most
part
of
the
World
,
that
the
King
of
Spain
too
much
crediting
the
light
and
false
reports
of
certain
English
Fugitives
,
did
once
attempt
,
and
doth
still
intend
to
invade
and
subdue
England
.
This
attempt
and
this
intention
,
although
it
seemeth
to
be
grounded
upon
good
reasons
,
and
to
be
allowed
by
the
wisest
Councellors
;
yet
I
will
shew
that
it
was
neither
begun
with
wisdom
,
nor
is
continued
with
any
great
discretion
.
To
shew
this
,
it
shall
be
needful
to
examine
all
and
every
of
the
causes
which
moved
him
to
undertake
this
attempt
and
purpose
.
The
causes
are
many
,
and
some
of
them
are
already
sufficiently
declared
;
others
rest
,
first
to
be
discovered
,
and
then
then
to
be
confuted
:
It
hath
already
been
shewed
,
that
for
succouring
of
France
,
for
aiding
of
Flanders
,
for
intercepting
his
money
,
and
for
favouring
and
furthering
of
Don
Antonio
his
resolution
to
recover
the
Kingdom
of
Portugal
,
the
Spanish
King
had
no
just
occasion
to
be
offended
with
the
Queens
Majesty
.
It
remaineth
to
prove
that
the
Popes
Excommunication
,
That
the
false
and
sinister
reports
of
the
English
Fugitives
,
the
death
of
the
late
Queen
of
Scots
,
OF
the
sending
away
of
his
Ambassador
with
some
small
disgrace
out
of
England
,
giveth
him
no
just
occasion
to
trouble
her
Majesties
quiet
and
peaceable
Government
.
All
this
being
proved
,
his
indiscretion
shall
be
made
appear
by
three
principal
Reasons
.
The
first
,
because
he
took
no
good
course
for
the
accomplishment
of
his
enterprise
.
The
second
,
Because
that
although
his
course
had
been
good
,
yet
he
neither
was
,
nor
is
able
to
subdue
England
.
And
the
third
,
Because
albeit
he
should
chance
to
conquer
our
Realm
,
yet
he
could
not
hold
the
same
long
.
The
order
whereunto
I
have
tied
my self
,
requireth
that
I
begin
with
the
Popes
Excommunication
.
And
for
the
better
clearing
of
this
point
,
it
were
necessary
to
shew
what
Authority
he
hath
to
excommunicate
.
But
this
is
a
matter
that
requireth
a
whole
and
large
Volume
;
and
therefore
I
have
thought
good
not
to
medle
therewith
,
but
to
refer
you
for
your
better
instruction
unto
the
large
Apology
which
Marsilius
Paturius
wrote
above
266
years
ago
in
the
defence
of
the
Emperor
Lewis
of
Baviera
against
the
Pope
,
that
would
not
admit
or
allow
him
for
Emperor
:
There
you
shall
see
that
the
Pope
,
although
he
were
Christs
lawfull
and
indubitate
Vicar
,
(
a
point
which
never
was
nor
will
be
proved
)
yet
he
hath
no
more
Authority
then
Christ
himself
had
.
There
you
shall
read
,
All
this
being
true
,
as
in
that
Apology
you
shall
finde
it
learnedly
,
substantially
and
sufficiently
proved
,
not
by
humane
Reasons
,
which
may
be
erroneous
,
but
by
sacred
Scriptures
,
which
cannot
be
controlled
;
your
own
discretion
may
sufficiently
warrant
you
,
that
this
Excommunication
can
be
of
no
great
force
;
And
yet
because
many
of
our
Countrimen
attribute
too
much
unto
the
Popes
Authority
,
and
cannot
be
perswaded
but
that
he
came
unto
the
same
directly
,
and
holdeth
it
immediately
from
Christ
.
I
will
shew
you
as
briefly
as
I
can
,
how
the
Pope
of
Rome
attained
unto
that
great
Authority
which
he
now
enjoyeth
.
It
appeareth
by
Du
Haillan
in
the
French
Chronicle
,
that
in
the
time
of
Charles
the
Great
,
the
Popes
of
Rome
had
no
power
or
authority
in
Rome
it self
;
they
medled
but
onely
with
matters
of
Religion
,
with
Ecclesiastical
Discipline
,
and
with
points
of
Divinity
.
It
appeareth
also
by
Platina
,
Dr.
Illescas
,
and
Robert
Barnes
,
three
notable
Writers
of
the
Popes
lives
;
the
first
being
an
Italian
,
the
second
a
Spaniard
,
and
the
third
an
Englishman
,
that
many
years
after
Christs
passion
,
and
after
St.
Peters
death
,
they
were
cruelly
massacred
and
martyred
by
the
Emperors
of
Rome
.
It
is
also
notorious
and
apparent
,
by
the
testimony
the
same
Writers
,
and
of
many
more
,
that
they
were
wont
to
be
chosen
,
approved
,
and
confirmed
by
the
Roman
Emperors
,
insomuch
that
he
was
not
held
for
a
lawful
Pope
which
had
not
the
Emperors
approbation
;
Briefly
you
shall
find
in
the
Histories
and
Chronicles
of
France
,
that
three
Popes
being
chosen
at
one
time
,
they
came
into
France
(
the
Kings
whereof
were
then
also
Emperors
)
to
excuse
themselves
and
their
election
,
because
it
was
made
without
the
consent
or
privity
of
the
Emperor
,
and
to
stand
to
his
opinion
that
then
was
Emperor
,
which
of
the
three
should
be
Pope
;
but
now
there
is
a
great
alteration
,
and
a
marvellous
change
.
For
the
Servant
commandeth
the
Master
,
the
Subject
his
Sovereign
,
the
Inferior
his
Superior
,
the
Vassal
his
Lord
,
and
the
elegible
the
Elector
;
Whereat
so
many
marvel
,
that
it
was
never
more
necessary
or
expedient
then
it
is
now
,
to
declare
how
this
came
to
pass
;
you
shall
therefore
understand
that
there
was
a
time
when
as
the
Emperor
had
power
and
preheminence
over
all
the
Princes
of
Christendom
,
as
well
spirituall
as
temporal
;
and
as
long
as
this
power
and
prerogative
continued
,
so
long
the
name
of
the
Emperor
was
honored
of
all
men
,
his
Empire
was
large
and
ample
,
his
Dominions
great
and
excessive
,
and
his
credit
and
authority
was
marvellous
and
incredible
.
About
,
or
not
long
after
this
time
,
not
God
,
but
the
Devil
raised
up
a
man
,
The
Emperor
that
then
was
,
had
killed
his
Predecessor
,
had
usurped
his
Empire
,
and
had
need
of
one
to
tolerate
and
excuse
his
murder
,
and
to
countenance
and
allow
his
Usurpation
;
and
therefore
taking
the
Pope
to
be
the
fittest
man
that
then
lived
to
further
his
purpose
,
yeeldeth
to
his
demand
;
But
the
other
Bishops
,
which
before
that
time
never
acknowledged
any
Superiour
,
refused
to
receive
and
acknowledge
him
for
their
Head
,
who
was
wont
to
be
their
Equal
and
Companion
.
The
Bishops
contradiction
could
not
make
him
give
over
his
Suit
;
he
praieth
,
entreateth
,
beseecheth
,
and
never
leaveth
to
be
importunate
untill
Phocas
the
Emperor
granteth
his
Request
.
He
might
have
contented
himself
with
this
,
Grant
,
with
this
favour
;
But
as
covetous
men
,
the
more
they
have
,
the
more
they
desire
;
so
this
ambitious
and
proud
Prelate
studieth
presently
how
to
get
new
Dignities
,
how
to
purchase
new
Honors
;
wherein
he
findeth
not
only
Fortune
,
but
the
time
favourable
and
friendly
unto
him
.
For
whenas
the
Empire
began
to
decay
,
having
lost
France
,
England
,
and
Germany
,
the
Huns
conquered
Italy
,
the
Vandals
became
Lords
of
the
greatest
part
of
Africa
,
and
the
dissolution
and
loss
of
the
Empire
began
to
be
so
great
,
that
the
Emperors
were
fain
to
give
over
all
the
West
Countries
,
and
to
sea●
themselves
in
the
East
.
It
happened
not
long
after
,
that
there
fell
out
a
great
contention
betwixt
the
Pope
and
the
Emperor
touching
Images
;
the
one
commanded
them
to
be
pulled
down
,
and
the
other
to
be
raised
up
,
and
he
excommunicated
the
Emperor
for
withstanding
his
commandment
.
And
about
this
time
,
or
not
very
long
after
,
the
Lumbards
began
to
make
great
Wars
in
Italy
,
whose
Forces
the
Pope
(
who
was
then
very
weak
)
not
being
able
to
resist
,
was
forced
to
flie
for
Aid
to
the
King
of
France
,
by
whom
being
defended
from
the
force
and
violence
of
his
Enemies
;
were
it
to
be
revenged
of
the
Emperor
of
the
East
,
or
to
recompence
the
good
turn
and
pleasure
which
the
Frenchmen
had
done
him
in
debasing
the
pride
of
the
Lumbards
,
or
to
make
the
way
to
encrease
his
own
power
and
magnificence
more
ready
and
easie
,
considering
the
weakness
of
the
Eastern
Emperor
,
whose
power
began
daily
to
decrease
and
diminish
,
through
the
continual
and
cruel
Wars
which
were
between
him
and
the
Turk
,
he
presumed
to
declare
the
King
of
France
,
which
was
then
Charls
the
Great
,
for
rightful
Emperor
.
And
so
he
,
which
at
the
beginning
was
poor
aud
needy
,
feared
not
to
deprive
him
of
the
Emperial
Diadem
,
unto
whom
God
commanded
all
humane
creatures
should
be
obedient
,
and
to
chuse
the
Roman
Emperor
,
whose
election
belonged
in
former
times
to
the
people
or
the
Soldiers
of
Rome
.
But
what
were
the
fruits
,
what
the
effects
of
this
choyce
?
Forsooth
,
a
division
of
the
Empire
,
the
which
of
one
was
made
two
;
a
dangerous
contention
,
and
long
Wars
,
the
beginning
and
end
whereof
was
most
lamentable
;
For
the
Empire
having
continued
a
long
time
in
the
Race
of
Charls
the
Great
,
the
Princes
and
Pe●rs
of
Italy
began
to
grieve
and
grudg
thereat
;
Insomuch
,
that
entring
into
League
and
Confederacy
together
,
they
chose
Berengarius
Emperor
,
and
aided
and
animated
him
to
make
Wars
against
the
lawful
Emperor
who
was
then
Lewis
the
Third
.
This
Lewis
being
hated
of
his
own
Subjects
for
his
great
Pride
and
Tyranny
,
Othon
Duke
of
Saxony
went
into
Italy
with
a
great
Army
,
and
there
subdued
Berengarius
,
and
received
of
the
Pope
the
Emperial
Crown
for
his
guerdon
and
recompence
,
Lewis
the
right
and
lawful
Emperor
being
then
alive
:
The
Pope
that
then
was
being
Gregory
the
Fifth
,
and
this
Othon
,
whom
he
had
made
Emperor
,
were
both
Germans
,
and
naturally
hated
all
French
men
;
And
therefore
began
to
devise
with
themselves
,
how
they
might
take
away
all
possibility
for
ever
from
the
French-men
to
recover
the
Empire
.
The
Pope
shewing
himself
herein
wiser
then
the
Emperor
,
inventeth
these
means
.
He
thought
it
convenient
for
the
better
countenance
of
the
Emperor
,
that
he
should
be
assisted
and
alwayes
accompanied
with
certain
grave
and
wise
Personages
,
as
well
for
learning
as
for
honour
:
and
therefore
he
ordained
that
seven
Princes
of
Germany
should
have
full
power
and
authority
to
chuse
the
Emperor
,
whereunto
the
Emperor
consented
most
willingly
,
as
well
in
regard
of
the
hatred
which
he
bore
unto
France
,
as
for
that
there
were
like
to
rise
quarrels
and
debates
betwixt
the
Germans
themselves
touching
the
Election
.
What
doth
the
Pope
when
he
hath
gained
this
high
point
?
Seeketh
he
not
for
something
more
?
Thought
he
that
it
was
sufficient
honour
for
his
Pontifical
Seat
,
that
three
of
the
seven
Electors
of
the
Emperor
were
Bishops
,
and
all
of
them
sworn
to
be
obedient
unto
him
in
all
things
?
Approved
he
alwayes
their
Election
?
Beareth
he
any
respect
or
honour
unto
them
that
were
chosen
by
the
same
Elector
?
He
meaneth
no
such
thing
:
For
he
setteth
them
at
naught
,
seeketh
to
discredit
them
,
and
is
not
ashamed
to
command
them
to
swear
that
they
shall
alwayes
defend
,
keep
and
maintain
the
goods
of
the
Church
,
and
the
Popes
,
and
also
their
Dignities
,
their
Priviledges
,
their
Laws
,
and
their
Decrees
;
by
vertue
of
which
Oath
he
restraineth
their
Wills
,
abridgeth
their
Power
,
and
enforceth
them
to
be
at
his
devotion
.
True
it
is
,
that
the
Emperors
Frederick
the
third
and
second
,
and
Henry
the
fourth
,
not
vouchsafing
to
brook
their
Bravadoes
,
their
Threats
,
and
their
Outrages
,
opposed
themselves
against
all
their
audacious
Enterprises
;
but
they
care
not
for
the
first
,
set
as
little
by
the
second
,
contemned
the
third
,
and
excommunicated
them
all
.
They
rest
not
satisfied
with
these
honours
;
they
proceed
further
,
and
desire
more
;
commanding
that
no
secular
Prince
shall
take
upon
him
to
give
any
Spiritual
Living
,
any
Ecclesiastical
Dignity
;
they
excommunicate
as
well
those
that
give
such
Livings
,
as
those
which
receive
them
at
their
hands
;
having
obtained
this
advantage
,
they
covet
still
more
;
and
think
it
not
sufficient
to
be
Priviledged
themselves
,
but
all
the
Clergy
must
participate
and
taste
of
their
honours
.
All
Priests
and
Ecclesiastical
persons
must
be
exempt
from
all
charges
,
subsidies
,
and
impositions
;
no
man
must
be
so
bold
as
to
meddle
with
their
Rents
,
with
their
Revenues
;
The
Bishops
and
all
the
Clergy
are
bound
to
them
for
their
Liberality
:
In
requital
therefore
of
these
great
Priviledges
and
Immunities
,
it
behooveth
them
to
purchase
and
get
the
favour
,
and
good
liking
of
all
secular
Princes
;
of
some
,
to
get
as
much
by
them
as
they
can
possibly
;
of
others
,
to
have
their
help
against
their
enemies
,
and
against
those
that
will
not
yeeld
and
condiscend
to
all
their
demands
and
desires
.
They
deal
herein
so
cunningly
that
they
finde
some
so
ready
,
willing
,
and
desirous
to
help
and
succour
them
,
that
they
vouchsafe
to
imploy
their
Goods
,
their
Subjects
,
yea
,
their
own
lives
to
do
them
service
.
All
Histories
are
full
of
Wars
,
of
Battels
,
of
Victories
,
begun
,
fought
and
obtained
at
the
instance
,
at
the
request
,
and
in
the
behalf
of
the
Popes
.
I
shall
not
need
to
name
the
Princes
,
to
record
the
Battels
,
or
to
mention
the
victories
.
Our
Histories
,
and
the
Histories
of
all
other
Nations
remember
them
sufficiently
.
Our
forefathers
declared
them
unto
their
Posterity
,
and
we
may
have
heard
of
them
of
our
Fathers
,
of
our
Grandfathers
.
But
to
give
the
more
credit
unto
my
speech
,
and
occasion
unto
the
incredulous
to
beleeve
me
the
better
,
I
will
briefly
discover
unto
you
the
means
;
the
cunning
,
and
the
subtilty
which
they
have
used
to
attain
unto
their
greatness
,
and
height
,
and
to
the
continuance
and
perpetuity
of
their
Rule
and
Government
.
There
is
nothing
more
profitable
or
expedient
for
him
that
will
advance
himself
in
credit
,
reputation
and
authority
,
then
to
know
the
deliberations
and
purposes
of
his
Enemies
:
And
because
it
is
very
difficult
and
hard
to
attain
unto
this
knowledge
,
he
deserveth
gret
praise
&
commendation
,
that
can
behave
himself
so
cunningly
,
so
politickly
,
as
to
learn
all
his
secret
adversaries
intents
,
and
practices
;
and
it
is
not
only
necessary
to
understand
his
determinations
,
but
also
it
is
convenient
and
fitting
sometimes
to
foresee
and
prevent
them
;
yea
,
it
is
needfull
to
be
acquainted
with
his
Actions
,
and
not
onely
with
those
which
he
intendeth
to
do
presently
,
and
at
home
,
but
also
with
them
which
he
purposeth
to
do
hereafter
,
and
far
from
home
;
for
by
understanding
and
knowing
these
things
,
a
man
may
quickly
either
get
all
that
he
desireth
,
or
else
so
temporize
and
prolong
matters
until
the
time
fall
out
fit
and
favourable
for
his
purpose
.
All
Princes
therefore
,
to
have
a
certain
and
sure
knowledge
of
these
things
,
are
accustomed
to
have
their
Ambassadors
in
the
Courts
of
their
Friends
and
Confederates
,
who
do
not
onely
send
them
certain
news
of
the
intents
and
purposes
of
their
Friends
,
but
also
whatsoever
else
is
done
or
said
in
their
Courts
or
in
their
Councils
.
But
the
Pope
as
he
challengeth
unto
himself
a
Preheminence
above
all
other
Princes
,
so
he
far
excelleth
them
all
in
this
kinde
of
providence
.
For
besides
that
he
hath
his
Ambassadors
in
the
Courts
of
divers
Princes
,
he
hath
also
his
Espies
,
his
Favorites
and
his
sworn
men
.
There
are
many
Bishops
,
Abbots
,
Priors
,
and
Cardinals
which
are
Councellors
unto
Kings
,
although
they
have
sworn
to
do
nothing
in
prejudice
of
the
Holy
Church
,
to
condiscend
unto
nothing
that
shall
weaken
or
diminish
the
Popes
authority
;
to
learn
,
espy
,
understand
,
prove
,
attempt
,
foresee
,
and
practice
all
things
that
may
any
wayes
befit
or
advance
his
Pontifical
Dignity
.
Moreover
,
to
make
his
way
more
ready
and
easie
for
his
Ambassadors
to
understand
all
that
may
stand
him
in
steed
,
he
purchaseth
the
favour
and
good
opinion
of
Princes
Favourites
,
and
such
as
are
neerest
about
them
,
by
rewards
,
promises
,
bribes
,
and
corruptions
:
Unto
some
he
giveth
a
Cardinalship
,
unto
others
his
daughters
or
kinswomen
in
marriage
;
and
not
to
leave
the
Princes
themselves
uncorrupted
,
he
sufferth
them
sometimes
to
take
the
tenths
of
their
Kingdoms
,
to
make
their
profit
of
his
Croicadoes
;
and
to
procure
them
to
be
the
more
ready
to
do
him
pleasure
,
he
feedeth
them
with
fair
words
,
with
sweet
and
sugered
speeches
,
he
adorneth
them
with
new
titles
,
with
new
honours
and
dignities
,
that
are
more
gorgeous
in
shew
then
in
deed
;
calling
some
of
them
Catholick
Kings
,
others
most
Christian
Kings
,
some
Protectors
of
the
Sea
of
Rome
,
and
others
Defenders
of
the
Faith
:
and
when
he
hath
occasion
to
change
or
innovate
any
thing
,
then
he
helpeth
himself
with
a
specious
shew
of
a
zeal
of
Religion
,
with
the
report
and
remembrance
of
that
authority
which
he
challengeth
to
have
received
from
God
,
and
with
a
vain
flourish
of
that
honour
and
reverence
,
which
some
Princes
being
more
zealous
and
devout
then
wise
,
have
shewed
unto
him
,
endeavouring
to
perswade
others
by
their
examples
to
do
the
like
.
But
if
it
chance
,
either
by
the
iniquity
of
time
,
or
by
their
incredulity
whom
he
seeketh
to
make
his
Friends
,
that
they
will
not
give
ear
unto
his
perswasions
,
he
hath
presently
recourse
unto
the
decrees
and
constitutions
of
his
Predecessors
,
he
wresteth
the
Text
of
the
holy
Scripture
to
serve
his
purpose
,
and
forgetteth
nothing
that
hath
been
either
done
or
devised
,
and
decreed
for
his
advantage
.
He
putteth
them
therefore
in
mind
,
that
Boniface
the
eighth
made
a
Decree
,
That
as
many
as
would
be
saved
,
and
have
a
part
in
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
,
must
of
necessity
be
obedient
in
all
cases
and
in
all
places
unto
the
Pope
:
Wherein
he
doth
not
onely
resemble
,
but
make
himself
equal
to
,
and
better
then
his
Master
Christ
,
because
he
,
while
he
was
upon
the
earth
,
did
not
onely
shew
obedience
,
but
also
taught
his
Apostles
(
as
I
have
formerly
said
)
to
be
obedient
unto
Inferior
Magistrates
,
and
such
as
were
in
Authority
;
And
the
Pope
will
be
both
honoured
and
obeyed
of
the
greatest
Princes
and
Monarchs
of
the
World
;
Yea
,
if
all
the
Princes
of
Europe
,
if
the
sacred
and
general
Councils
of
all
the
Nations
of
the
World
should
make
a
Law
or
Ordinance
,
the
same
shall
be
of
no
force
,
strength
,
or
validity
,
if
he
do
not
approve
,
ratifie
,
and
confirm
the
same
;
and
if
any
Prince
being
more
bold
then
the
rest
,
presumeth
to
say
there
have
been
many
bad
and
evil
Popes
,
it
shall
be
answered
him
presently
that
he
ought
not
therefore
to
contemn
or
reject
their
pontifical
Authority
,
and
that
no
man
upon
earth
may
be
so
bold
as
to
examine
or
reprehend
,
or
censure
the
Popes
actions
.
I
have
acquainted
you
with
many
Devices
,
great
Subtilties
,
and
fine
policies
,
but
the
finest
deceits
are
yet
behind
;
For
is
it
possible
to
have
a
better
means
to
overthrow
and
ruinate
a
Princes
Enemies
,
then
to
make
them
perish
without
laying
hands
upon
them
,
without
effusion
of
blood
,
without
spending
of
money
,
without
imploying
his
own
Force
and
Authority
?
There
is
no
Victory
but
is
honourable
,
and
yet
of
all
Victories
that
is
most
commendable
which
is
purchased
with
least
effusion
of
blood
or
spending
of
money
.
The
Pope
therefore
aiding
himself
with
this
kinde
of
policy
,
whenas
some
Prince
or
other
being
mightier
then
he
,
will
not
bow
under
his
yoak
,
against
whom
he
dareth
not
make
open
Wars
,
he
seeketh
by
all
means
possible
to
bring
him
into
hatred
with
some
other
Prince
;
he
slandereth
him
,
spreadeth
evil
rumors
and
reports
of
him
,
taketh
away
his
good
name
,
scandalizeth
his
person
,
and
imploreth
the
Aid
and
Assistance
of
all
Christian
Princes
against
him
;
he
giveth
his
Kingdom
to
him
that
can
or
will
invade
the
same
,
he
declareth
him
to
be
an
Hereticke
,
he
depriveth
him
of
his
Scepter
,
he
taketh
all
his
Titles
from
him
,
he
commandeth
his
Subjects
not
to
obey
him
,
he
suborneth
his
own
Children
to
rise
up
in
Arms
against
him
,
he
procureth
his
Subjects
to
seek
his
overthrow
,
he
causeth
another
to
be
crowned
in
his
place
,
and
he
excommunicateth
both
him
and
his
Kingdom
.
And
if
neither
the
Forces
of
his
Enemies
,
nor
the
rebellion
of
his
Subjects
,
the
confederacy
of
many
Princes
against
him
,
nor
the
pollicies
whereof
we
have
spoken
be
able
to
supplant
and
suppress
him
,
then
he
procureth
some
one
or
other
to
kill
him
,
or
to
deliver
him
by
some
Treason
into
the
hands
of
his
Enemies
.
Truly
these
are
strange
policies
,
cruel
devices
,
and
such
kind
of
revenge
as
a
man
shall
hardly
find
to
have
been
practised
by
secular
Princes
;
and
therefore
that
my
words
may
carry
the
more
credit
,
since
they
tend
to
the
discredit
of
the
holy
Father
of
Rome
,
I
will
prove
by
the
Testimony
of
authentical
Histories
all
that
I
have
said
.
Boniface
the
eighth
,
sollicited
the
King
of
England
to
w●rr
against
Philip
the
faire
King
of
France
;
And
Pope
Benedict
,
who
cared
not
wh●t
it
cost
King
Philip
,
so
that
his
Popedome
might
bee
honoured
by
the
Holy
Warrs
,
which
the
said
King
had
promised
to
make
against
the
Turk
,
defamed
him
through
all
the
world
,
calling
him
disloyall
,
false
and
forsworn
Prince
.
Pope
Hildibr
and
sowed
great
dissentions
and
immortal
warres
betwixt
the
Princes
of
Germany
and
the
Emperor
Henry
the
4.
and
commanded
the
Electors
to
chuse
another
Emperor
in
his
place
;
and
when
that
would
not
prevaile
,
he
suborned
the
Son
to
beare
armes
against
the
Father
,
and
to
deprive
him
of
the
Empire
.
Alexander
the
third
procured
the
Millanois
and
other
Cities
of
Italy
to
rebell
against
Frederick
the
Emperor
;
and
Alexander
the
sixt
took
the
name
and
Title
of
most
Christian
King
from
Charles
the
eighth
of
France
,
and
gave
it
unto
the
King
of
Castile
.
It
is
written
that
Innocent
the
fourth
held
a
Councell
at
Lions
in
France
,
and
with
the
helpe
of
the
Frenchmen
thrust
Fredericke
the
second
from
the
Empire
,
and
caused
Henry
Landsgrave
of
Thuring
to
bee
chosen
in
his
place
.
And
we
find
in
diverse
true
Histories
,
that
Pope
Pascall
,
Gregory
the
7.
Victor
the
3.
and
Vrban
the
2.
had
great
variance
and
contention
with
the
Emperor
Conrad
and
Henry
his
son
for
the
Collations
and
Installations
of
Bishops
;
And
when
they
could
not
otherwise
hu●t
them
,
they
excommunicated
both
the
Father
and
the
Son
.
But
I
have
to
tell
you
a
more
strange
History
,
a
more
wicked
Action
,
and
such
a
one
as
beseemed
not
a
Christian
,
much
less
the
Pope
,
who
calleth
himself
the
Father
of
all
Christians
;
And
that
is
an
History
of
Alexander
the
3.
who
was
so
furious
,
indiscreet
,
and
frantick
in
prosecuting
the
hat●ed
which
he
bore
unto
the
Emperor
Frederick
Barbarossa
,
that
besides
other
malitious
and
wicked
meanes
by
which
he
sought
to
have
him
killed
,
whiles
the
good
Emperor
was
busied
in
warring
against
the
Turk
for
the
good
and
benefit
of
all
Christendom
,
he
sent
word
unto
the
Turk
,
that
he
should
look
for
no
peace
at
the
Christians
hands
so
long
as
the
Emperor
lived
,
and
that
therefore
it
behooved
him
to
look
for
some
meanes
to
surprise
and
kill
him
;
and
to
the
end
the
Emperor
should
not
escape
the
Turks
hands
,
unto
whom
hee
was
not
known
,
hee
sent
him
his
picture
,
whereby
the
Turk
found
a
way
within
a
small
time
after
,
to
t●ke
him
Prisoner
.
And
although
the
Emperor
feigned
himself
to
be
the
Emperors
Chamberlain
,
yet
that
could
not
helpe
him
.
For
the
Sultan
conferred
him
with
the
Picture
which
the
Pope
had
sent
him
,
and
thereby
knew
him
.
And
when
the
Emperor
was
sett
at
Liberty
,
not
without
great
charges
to
himself
,
and
greater
detriment
to
the
whole
State
of
Christendom
,
he
assembled
the
Princes
of
Germany
together
,
and
there
shewed
them
the
Pop●s
letters
,
and
likewise
the
Picture
which
he
had
sent
to
the
Sultan
.
There
wanted
no
good
will
in
Gregory
the
7.
that
the
Emperor
Henry
the
4.
was
not
killed
in
hearing
Mass
,
by
a
great
Stone
which
hee
had
caused
to
bee
●ung
so
cuningly
and
artificially
right
over
the
place
where
the
Emperor
should
heare
Mass
,
that
while
he
was
upon
his
knees
,
and
at
his
devotion
,
it
should
have
fallen
down
upon
his
head
;
but
it
pleased
God
to
preserve
the
Innocent
Emperor
,
and
to
suffer
the
Store
to
fall
upon
the
chief
Workemans
head
whiles
hee
was
making
tryall
of
his
skill
and
cunning
.
What
shall
I
speak
of
his
unsatiable
desire
of
Revenge
,
who
so
much
forgat
God
and
the
reverence
which
his
best
Predecessors
bore
unto
the
Sacrament
of
the
Altar
,
that
he
caused
the
same
to
be
poysoned
and
a
good
Emperor
to
be
poysoned
therewith
.
But
what
do
I
trouble
you
with
Forreign
examples
,
with
old
and
ancient
Histories
,
since
we
have
some
of
later
time
,
some
●igher
unto
us
,
some
domesticall
Testimonies
which
do
sufficiently
witness
the
Fury
,
Enmity
,
Hatred
,
Cruelty
and
Tyranny
of
Popes
?
Can
any
man
desire
a
better
proof
of
the
Popes
Avarice
then
the
History
of
King
Iohn
?
This
King
(
as
our
Chronicles
testifie
)
was
somewhat
too
severe
to
his
Clergy
,
and
over-hard
to
the
Nobility
of
his
Realme
,
insomuch
that
bo●h
rebelled
against
h●m
,
and
had
their
recourse
for
their
better
Ayd
unto
the
Popes
Holiness
,
who
presently
excommunicated
him
,
and
commanded
all
Christian
Princes
,
and
especially
the
King
of
France
,
to
invade
his
Country
.
The
French
King
obeyeth
this
commandement
,
and
sendeth
his
Son
Lewis
with
a
great
Army
into
England
,
where
he
is
received
with
great
honor
,
and
aided
by
the
rebellious
Barons
with
all
the
helpe
and
power
that
they
could
make
for
him
.
The
King
perceiving
that
he
was
too
weak
to
encouunter
with
his
own
Subjects
,
and
with
the
Forreign
supplies
that
were
sent
●h●m
,
and
thinking
that
it
was
best
for
him
to
seek
for
helpe
at
his
hands
by
whom
he
was
hurt
,
sent
presently
Ambassadors
unto
Rome
to
pacifie
the
Pope
,
by
making
his
kingdom
Tributary
unto
him
,
and
by
promising
to
hold
the
same
of
him
,
to
take
him
for
his
Superior
,
and
to
bee
obedient
unto
all
his
commandements
.
The
good
old
man
presently
changeth
his
mind
,
pacifieth
his
own
wrath
;
and
of
a
deadly
foe
,
becometh
the
Kings
great
friend
,
insomuch
that
he
revoketh
whatsoever
was
before
decreed
;
excommunicateth
the
King
of
France
for
robbing
the
Patrimony
of
the
holy
Church
,
and
commandeth
the
English
Subjects
to
return
presently
unto
the
dutifull
obedience
which
they
owe
unto
their
King
.
Is
there
any
Man
so
ignorant
within
this
Realme
,
that
hath
not
oftentimes
heard
how
many
times
the
later
Popes
of
Rome
have
sent
not
only
secular
Men
,
but
Seminary
Priests
into
England
to
murther
our
gracious
Soveraign
?
There
are
some
Widowes
and
Orphans
within
this
Kingdom
,
who
lament
even
at
this
day
the
death
of
their
husbands
,
and
of
their
Parents
which
have
lost
their
lives
because
they
would
have
deprived
our
mercifull
Queen
of
her
life
at
the
Popes
instance
and
instigation
.
It
were
to
be
wished
that
poor
France
had
not
lately
felt
the
great
miseries
which
follow
after
the
Popes
heavie
indignation
;
It
should
not
have
lost
within
the
space
of
15
years
14
hundred
thous●nd
men
,
not
Strangers
but
naturall
French
men
;
it
should
not
have
lost
in
so
small
a
time
above
142950.
French
Gentlemen
;
it
should
not
have
lost
in
so
unhapy
a
time
their
late
King
,
the
first
King
that
ever
was
murthered
by
his
owne
Subjects
in
France
;
it
should
not
complaine
that
the
Father
had
killed
the
son
,
the
child
h●s
parent
,
the
brother
the
seed
of
his
mothers
Wombe
,
and
the
kinsman
the
next
of
his
owne
kin
;
briefly
,
it
should
not
be
pestred
and
plagued
with
such
unnatural
Subjects
as
delight
in
the
slaughter
of
their
owne
Country
men
,
as
comment
and
approve
of
the
wicked
,
horrible
,
and
most
odious
and
detestable
Murther
of
their
owne
Leige
Lord
and
Soverraigne
.
Now
seeing
that
either
the
Approbation
of
murther
,
as
in
the
Emperor
Phocas
,
or
the
Allowance
of
unlawfull
usurpations
as
in
Charles
the
great
,
or
the
Toleration
of
wicked
Rebellions
,
as
in
Henry
the
son
against
the
Emperor
Henry
the
Father
;
or
the
maintenance
of
wrong
Titles
,
as
in
King
Pipin
of
France
;
or
the
practise
of
subtile
and
devillish
devices
,
as
in
the
before
mentioned
Popes
hath
caused
the
Advancement
of
Popes
:
It
must
needs
follow
,
that
they
have
not
lawfully
attained
unto
the
Authoritie
which
they
now
challenge
.
But
to
omit
all
that
might
here
be
conveniently
spoken
against
the
Succession
of
Popes
,
against
their
Authoritie
,
their
Pride
,
their
abuses
,
and
the
Iniuries
offered
unto
all
Nations
that
either
voluntarily
or
forcibly
have
lived
under
their
obedience
:
To
leave
to
tell
you
how
many
Catholick
Princes
they
have
excommunicated
as
Hereticks
,
how
many
Seditions
,
Tumults
and
Wars
have
been
raised
in
the
world
by
them
,
and
in
the
defence
of
their
causes
:
To
leave
to
declare
unro
you
,
Marsilius
Pativius
)
that
their
Authoritie
is
usurped
,
and
that
by
receiving
and
acknowledging
the
same
,
our
Realm
fele
many
inconveniences
,
and
many
Miseries
,
from
which
it
is
now
freed
,
no
man
should
think
her
Majestie
to
be
Lawfully
excommunicated
,
whome
the
Pope
hath
anathematized
for
not
reverening
him
,
and
his
Authoritie
,
whom
her
Prede●effors
long
since
rejected
.
There
was
a
time
when
as
our
Kings
,
blinded
with
the
same
zeale
and
affection
which
now
possess●th
the
hearts
of
those
Princes
which
are
wholie
devoted
unto
the
Popes
holiness
,
honored
him
as
those
Princes
now
do
;
then
there
was
no
Realme
comparable
to
ours
,
neither
for
number
,
nor
for
beautie
of
religious
houses
;
There
was
no
Country
that
yeilded
greater
Obedience
unto
the
Sea
of
Rome
,
no
people
that
was
more
readie
to
receive
and
entertaine
the
Popes
Legats
,
to
honor
and
reverence
them
,
and
to
fulfill
and
accomplish
whatsoever
they
required
at
our
hands
.
This
great
zeale
and
obedience
of
ours
,
whereas
it
should
have
purchased
us
especiall
favors
(
for
he
that
loveth
most
,
ought
to
be
required
with
most
love
)
procured
us
in
time
great
hatred
;
for
no
Nation
had
the
like
injuries
offered
unto
them
,
as
were
proffered
unto
us
.
Whence
this
hatred
proceeded
I
shall
not
need
to
relate
,
our
H●stori●s
ease
me
of
that
labour
and
paine
,
and
the
manifold
Abuses
which
are
suffered
will
manifestly
prove
the
same
.
There
is
nothing
that
derogateth
more
from
the
Majesty
of
a
King
then
to
be
ruled
by
Forrein
Laws
,
nor
any
thing
that
grieveth
or
offendeth
Subjects
so
much
as
to
be
drawen
from
home
into
remote
and
far
distint
places
to
prosecute
their
Right
and
Suits
in
Law
;
The
first
is
odious
,
because
it
disgraceth
the
Country
whose
Prince
endureth
that
Jndignitie
;
and
the
last
is
grievous
,
because
it
is
both
troublesome
and
chargeable
.
In
the
time
of
our
Superstitions
and
foolish
zeale
unto
the
Sea
of
Rome
,
Thomas
Archbishop
of
Cant.
was
slaine
in
his
Cathedrall
Church
by
William
Tracey
,
Reynold
Ursin
,
Hugh
Marvell
,
and
Richard
Britton
;
who
thinking
it
no●
convenient
that
a
proud
Prelate
should
prefer
the
Popes
Commandment
before
our
Kings
Authoritie
,
and
being
grievously
offended
with
the
great
Indignities
that
were
offered
unto
our
King
and
his
kingdom
,
for
his
superstitious
and
contentious
Bishops
sake
,
came
out
of
Normandie
of
purpose
to
end
by
his
death
those
troubles
and
vexations
,
from
which
they
thought
that
our
Realme
could
not
be
freed
so
long
as
he
lived
.
The
King
when●this
Murther
was
committed
in
England
,
was
in
Normandy
,
where
hearing
the
News
thereof
,
he
greatly
lamented
his
death
.
Clothed
himself
in
Sack-Cloth
,
confessed
himself
unto
Almighty
God
,
and
protested
before
his
divine
Majestie
,
that
he
neither
was
guil●ie
or
privie
to
the
Archbishops
death
,
(
unless
he
might
be
held
for
guil●ie
which
had
just
occasion
not
to
love
him
over
well
)
besides
Henry
the
second
(
for
he
was
then
King
)
having
for
this
Bishops
sake
,
tasted
somewhat
of
the
bitter
fruits
of
the
Popes
Indignation
,
and
fearing
that
when
his
death
should
be
known
at
Rome
,
he
should
incurr
his
further
displeasure
,
sent
presently
certain
Ambassadors
unto
Rome
to
excuse
him
,
and
to
signifie
his
Innocency
unto
the
Pope
;
but
his
Holiness
would
not
admit
them
unto
his
sight
,
untill
that
certaine
of
his
Cardinals
told
him
,
that
they
had
express
commission
from
their
King
,
to
signifie
unto
his
Holiness
,
that
he
would
stand
to
the
Popes
and
his
Cardinals
Iudgment
,
and
undergo
what
Penance
soever
it
should
please
him
and
them
to
lay
and
inflict
upon
him
.
The
Pope
sendeth
two
Cardinals
into
England
,
before
whom
the
King
sweareth
,
that
the
Murther
of
the
Archbishop
was
undertaken
and
performed
without
his
consent
and
privitie
;
And
yet
because
he
confessed
that
in
his
wrath
and
anger
he
had
spoken
some
words
that
might
perhaps
embolden
the
Malefactors
to
committ
the
same
,
he
could
not
be
Absolved
before
he
promised
to
give
the
Cardinals
so
much
readie
money
as
would
maintaine
200.
soldiers
for
a
year
in
the
Holy
land
,
and
also
that
all
his
Subiects
should
have
libertie
to
appeale
from
his
Courts
unto
Rome
;
a
great
punishment
for
a
small
offence
:
For
what
a
trouble
and
grief
was
it
thinke
you
unto
the
Subjects
of
this
Realme
,
to
have
all
causes
carried
unto
Rome
,
where
they
spent
their
travel
and
their
money
many
years
before
they
could
be
ended
,
and
received
no
indifferent
Iudgment
,
because
their
Contentions
were
for
the
most
par●
(
as
you
shall
heare
)
with
Italians
,
who
found
better
favour
,
either
for
money
or
for
love
,
then
our
Countrimen
,
which
were
meer
Strangers
unto
the
Judges
.
But
these
griefs
are
nothing
in
respect
of
those
which
we
endured
in
the
time
of
Henry
the
third
,
the
which
were
so
grievous
,
that
the
King
together
with
the
Clergie
and
Nobility
complained
thereof
unto
the
generall
Councell
which
was
held
in
Pope
Innocent
the
third
his
time
at
Lyons
.
They
complained
,
first
that
the
Pope
not
being
contented
with
his
Peter-pence
,
did
newly
exact
new
contributions
of
the
English
Clergy
,
and
still
intended
to
extort
more
and
more
from
them
,
contrary
to
the
ancient
Customes
and
Liberties
of
England
.
Next
,
that
the
Patrons
of
Churches
,
when
they
fell
void
,
could
not
present
fit
Clerks
unto
them
,
as
by
grant
from
the
Pope
they
might
do
,
but
their
Churches
were
collated
unto
Italians
,
who
understood
not
our
Mother
tongue
,
and
therefore
could
not
instruct
their
People
,
whose
Soules
for
lack
of
discipline
and
good
instructions
perished
.
Thirdly
,
they
complained
that
the
Pope
imposed
upon
their
Churches
more
Pensions
then
he
had
formerly
promised
to
take
of
them
,
and
leavied
divers
taxes
within
this
Realme
,
without
the
Kings
knowledge
or
consent
.
Fourthly
and
lastly
,
that
Italians
succeeded
unto
Italians
in
the
best
Benefices
and
Ecclesiastical
livings
of
England
.
Of
which
followed
these
Inconveniences
;
First
,
there
was
no
Hospitality
kept
for
the
releif
of
the
Poor
.
Next
the
word
of
God
was
not
preached
to
the
edifying
of
mens
Soules
,
their
divine
Service
was
not
celebrated
to
the
comfort
of
mens
consciences
;
and
lastly
church●s
were
not
repaired
to
the
benefit
of
their
next
Incumbents
.
It
was
further
shewed
,
that
the
Clergy
of
England
was
enforced
to
maintain
and
arme
,
some
Ten
Souldiers
,
others
five
,
and
others
fifteen
,
to
bee
sent
with
sufficient
Armor
and
horses
to
serve
the
Pope
,
in
what
place
soever
it
pleased
him
.
Again
it
was
declared
,
that
although
there
was
an
Ancient
priviledg
in
England
,
that
no
Legate
should
come
into
the
Realme
unless
the
King
required
and
allowed
him
;
yet
they
came
continually
one
after
another
,
and
the
later
still
exceeded
the
former
in
troubling
and
overcharging
the
Realme
.
Moreover
it
was
proved
,
that
besides
the
Popes
Tributes
and
Subsidies
,
Italians
held
Benefices
in
England
to
the
yeerly
value
of
60
Thousand
marks
;
and
transported
out
of
the
kingdom
t●e
most
part
of
that
money
,
to
the
great
impoverishment
of
our
Country
.
Neither
were
these
griefes
so
lamentable
,
but
that
it
grieved
all
estates
in
our
Country
much
more
,
that
our
best
wits
for
lack
of
such
preferment
as
was
due
unto
Learning
,
were
fain
to
leave
the
Universities
,
and
to
betake
themselves
unto
Mechanical
Trades
,
and
such
Occupations
as
were
not
fit
for
men
of
their
Gifts
and
capacities
,
whereby
our
Realme
was
almost
induced
unto
a
very
Barbarisme
.
The
Ambassadors
that
made
this
complaint
,
were
men
of
great
dignity
,
mature
Judgment
,
and
of
exceeding
great
learning
:
But
what
could
they
prevaile
in
a
Councell
where
the
Popes●
Faction
was
so
strong
,
that
at
the
very
self
same
time
he
deposed
the
Emperor
Frederick
,
and
sent
away
our
Ambassadors
greatly
discontented
:
For
he
gave
them
a
charg●
streightly
to
command
all
Bishops
in
England
to
set
their
hands
and
seales
to
that
detestable
Charter
which
King
Iohn
made
to
the
Pope
for
a
ye●rly
pension
to
be
paid
unto
the
Sea
of
Rome
;
unto
which
commandement
all
the
Bishops
(
more
indiscreetly
then
wisely
)
shewed
themselves
most
obedient
:
But
the
King
protested
that
although
the
Bishops
had
bowed
their
knees
unto
Baal
,
yet
he
would
stand
stoutly
in
the
defence
of
the
Liberty
of
his
Realme
,
and
would
never
pay
any
yearly
pension
unto
Rome
under
the
name
of
a
Tribute
.
I
might
here
take
occasion
to
tell
you
how
this
Tribute
grew
,
but
you
must
remember
that
I
have
already
touched
the
same
somewhat
,
in
all
that
may
be
said
in
the
behalf
of
the
Pope
;
and
for
the
maintenance
of
that
Pension
,
it
hath
been
lately
confuted
in
a
leamed
Treatise
called
Anti-Sanderus
;
I
might
also
proceed
in
declaring
other
inconveniences
which
our
Realme
hath
endured
by
our
voluntary
subjection
unto
the
Pope
:
But
these
may
suffice
to
commend
those
our
Kings
for
their
wisedome
,
and
magnanimitie
which
cast
off
that
yoke
,
amongst
whom
there
are
none
that
deserve
greater
commendation
then
the
Queens
Majesty
that
now
raigneth
,
and
her
Noble
Father
and
godly
Brother
:
For
some
of
their
predecessors
(
indeed
)
permitted
not
the
Pope
to
overcharge
their
Subjects
;
but
they
have
discharged
them
of
all
kind
of
Grievances
which
he
was
wont
to
put
them
unto
,
and
have
both
wisely
and
boldly
excluded
him
and
his
Authority
,
which
he
wrongfully
usurped
.
Whereat
both
his
Fatherly
reverence
and
our
Romish
S●ctaries
so
much
repine
,
that
they
cry
out
with
open
mouth
,
that
it
is
against
all
Reason
,
all
Divinitie
and
Scriptures
that
secular
Princes
should
have
and
arrogate
unto
themselves
any
manner
of
Authority
in
Ecclesiastical
causes
.
This
,
and
the
Substraction
of
such
Taxes
and
Impositions
,
as
the
Sea
of
Rome
was
wont
to
impose
upon
the
Engl●sh
Clergie
,
are
the
true
and
only
Causes
why
the
Pope
thundereth
his
Interdictions
and
Menaces
against
our
Gracious
Sovereigne
and
her
kingdom
;
although
he
pretendeth
that
her
dissent
▪
and
diversitie
from
his
Religion
only
moveth
him
to
excommunicate
her
Majesty
:
You
have
heard
sufficient
Reasons
to
just●fie
the
taking
away
of
those
duties
and
services
;
And
the
same
might
be
warranted
by
the
Examples
of
many
Forreine
Examples
,
who
upon
the
like
occasion
have
done
the
like
:
But
I
may
not
handle
every
matter
that
is
worth
the
handling
,
in
this
discourse
,
which
already
is
grown
to
be
far
large
then
I
thought
it
should
have
been
;
And
yet
considering
the
Impudency
of
our
Adversaries
in
denying
all
kind
of
Authority
unto
Temporall
Princes
in
spiritual
Causes
,
and
for
satisfying
you
somewhat
in
that
point
,
who
especially
Charged
me
to
yield
you
some
satisf●ction
therein
,
I
will
in
few
words
,
and
by
a
few
Examples
fetcht
from
the
holy
Scriptures
,
prove
unto
you
that
this
her
Majesties
proceeding
in
Ecclesiasticall
Causes
is
waranted
by
holy
Scriptures
.
Ioshua
King
of
Iuda
commanded
Heikias
the
high
Priest
of
the
second
Order
,
and
the
Keepers
of
the
Doores
to
bring
out
of
the
Temple
of
the
Lord
,
all
the
Vessels
that
were
made
for
Baal
,
and
to
do
any
manner
of
things
mentioned
in
the
23.
Chapter
of
the
second
Book
of
Kings
.
David
assembled
the
Sons
of
Aaron
and
the
Levites
to
bring
the
Ark
of
the
Lord
into
the
House
prepared
for
it
,
Commanding
them
to
sanctifie
themselves
;
And
David
had
a
Linnen
Garment
,
as
all
the
Levites
had
that
bear
the
Ark
,
And
upon
David
was
a
Linnen
Ephod
:
David
also
blessed
the
People
in
the
Name
of
the
Lord
,
and
appointed
Certain
of
the
Levites
to
be
Ministers
before
the
Ark
of
the
Lord
:
He
Likewise
divided
Offices
to
the
Levites
,
to
their
Preists
,
and
to
their
Sons
.
Solomon
set
the
Courses
of
the
P●iests
to
their
Offices
,
according
to
the
order
of
David
his
Fath●r
,
and
the
Levites
in
their
Watches
,
for
to
praise
and
Minister
befo●e
the
Priests
every
day
,
and
the
Portersby
their
Course
at
every
Gate
,
For
so
was
the
Commandment
of
David
the
Man
of
God
.
Iehosaphat
,
in
the
third
year
of
his
Raigne
sent
his
Princes
to
teach
in
the
Cities
of
Iudah
,
and
with
them
the
Levites
and
Priests
.
And
after
he
had
appointed
Judges
in
Civil
Causes
over
all
Iudah
,
the
set
in
Ierusalem
certaine
of
the
Levits
and
of
the
Priests
,
and
of
the
Chiefest
of
the
Fam●l●●s
of
Israel
for
the
Judgement
and
Cause
of
the
Lord
;
and
made
Amoriath
the
Priest
the
chief
over
them
in
all
matters
of
the
Lord
.
Ioash
Commanded
the
Levites
,
the
Preists
and
Iehoiada
the
Cheif
Preist
to
gather
Money
of
all
Israel
to
repair
the
House
of
the
Lord
.
Briefly
,
Hezekias
goeth
furthen
then
all
these
;
for
he
repaireth
the
Temple
of
the
Lord
,
and
commandeth
the
Levites
to
cleanse
themselves
,
and
to
sanctifie
the
House
of
the
Lord
.
He
commandeth
the
Preists
the
Sons
of
Aaron
to
offer
his
Sin
Offerings
upon
the
Altar
of
the
Lord
.
He
appointeth
the
Levites
in
the
House
of
the
Lord
with
Cymbals
,
with
Viols
,
and
with
Harps
;
He
willed
the
Levites
to
praise
the
Lord
with
the
words
of
David
,
and
of
Asaph
the
Seer
.
He
set
posts
through
all
Israel
and
Iudah
to
command
them
to
come
to
keep
the
Passover
with
him
,
and
to
turn
unto
the
Lord
;
He
appointed
the
Courses
of
the
Priests
,
and
of
the
Levites
by
their
turns
,
every
Man
according
to
his
Office
.
Bri●fly
he
commanded
the
People
of
Ierusalem
to
give
a
great
part
to
the
Priests
and
Levites
that
they
might
be
encouraged
in
the
Law
of
the
Lord
.
Since
therefore
the
Queens
Majesty
intermedleth
not
in
Ecclesiastical
Causes
somuch
as
these
Princes
did
,
or
any
thing
more
then
other
Kings
&
some
of
her
Predecessors
have
done
;
Since
,
when
her
Maj●sty
called
a
Parliament
to
Consult
of
temporal
matters
,
the
B●shops
and
Prelates
of
this
Re●lme
have
a
meeting
also
in
their
Congregation
House
,
where
whatsoever
they
decree
and
order
,
is
ratified
by
her
Highness
Royall
Assent
and
Approbation
;
since
not
her
Majesty
but
her
Graces
Father
was
the
first
that
assumed
unto
himself
(
not
without
just
occasion
)
the
Title
of
Supream
head
and
Governor
in
all
Causes
Ecclesiastical
within
his
Majesties
Realms
and
Dominions
;
And
Briefly
,
since
what
power
soever
the
Pope
had
over
England
,
was
lo●g
since
taken
from
him
,
This
sentence
of
Excommunication
against
her
Majesty
is
neither
warrantable
by
Law
,
nor
any
sufficient
cause
for
the
King
of
Spaine
to
invade
our
Realme
.
Now
to
the
false
Reports
of
our
English
Fugitives
who
(
as
all
other
Fugitives
have
accustomed
to
do
)
fill
the
King
of
Spains
ears
with
many
vain
Fables
,
seeking
thereby
to
exasperate
him
against
our
Realm
&
to
extenuate
the
Forces
thereof
,
to
the
end
he
may
think
the
Conquest
of
England
to
be
a
matter
of
no
great
difficultie
;
They
calumniate
her
Majesties
Justice
,
●ccuse
her
Government
,
and
blame
her
Proceedings
against
Seminaries
and
Romish
Priests
sent
into
this
Realm
from
Rome
as
out
of
the
Trojan
Horse
,
to
se●uce
her
Majesties
loving
Subjects
,
and
to
withdraw
t●em
from
th●ir
Obedience
.
These
grievous
Accusations
be
sufficiently
answered
in
a
little
and
very
learned
Treatise
Called
the
Execution
of
Justice
.
But
the
Chiefest
Point
which
they
reprehend
in
Her
Highness
Goverment
,
is
there
unanswered
,
and
therefore
I
have
thought
good
to
re●ell
it
in
this
place
.
They
signifie
unto
the
Spaniard
,
That
her
Maj●sty
had
,
before
the
Coming
of
his
Invincible
Navie
,
so
overcharged
her
Subj●cts
with
new
Subsidies
and
unaccustomed
Taxes
and
Impositions
,
that
they
nei●her
would
be
willing
nor
able
not
to
defray
so
great
charges
as
should
be
requisite
and
necessary
to
maintain
an
Army
by
Sea
,
and
an
other
by
land
;
This
Accusation
is
auggravated
,
because
her
Majesty
hath
called
a
Parliement
almost
every
fourth
years
since
she
came
to
the
Crown
;
and
in
some
of
them
h●th
not
been
cont●nted
with
a
single
Susidie
,
but
hath
charged
her
Subj●cts
with
a
double
Subsidy
;
A
matter
(
as
they
say
)
never
heard
of
in
any
of
her
Predecessors
times
,
nor
then
needfull
when
it
was
required
.
For
the
better
answering
of
this
obj●ction
,
I
must
run
over
the
whole
Raignes
of
some
of
her
Maj●sties
Predecessors
,
thereby
to
make
it
appear
that
they
called
Parliaments
and
levied
Subsidies
as
often
as
her
Highness
hath
done
;
And
because
it
would
be
tedious
to
trouble
you
with
many
,
I
have
restrained
my self
unto
two
only
,
namely
unto
Ed.
1.
and
Ed.
the
3.
The
Commons
granted
a
Subsidy
unto
Edward
the
First
in
the
third
year
of
his
Reign
,
and
another
within
two
years
after
;
then
having
no
extraordinary
expences
until
the
eleventh
year
of
his
Reign
(
which
was
six
years
after
)
he
obtained
another
Subsidy
;
And
when
he
had
reigned
two
and
twenty
years
,
the
Clergy
gave
him
the
half
of
their
goods
,
the
Inhabitants
of
the
Cities
the
sixth
part
,
and
the
rest
of
the
common
people
the
tenth
of
all
that
they
possessed
.
And
yet
within
two
years
after
,
he
levied
of
all
Towns-men
and
Citizens
the
Eighth
part
,
and
of
the
Country
people
the
Twelfth
part
of
their
goods
;
and
because
the
Clergy
refused
to
grant
him
a
Subsidy
at
that
time
,
they
were
all
excluded
from
his
favor
and
protection
;
for
the
recovery
whereof
,
some
by
themselves
,
and
others
by
their
friends
gave
him
the
Fifth
part
of
all
that
they
possessed
.
Neither
did
the
Liberality
of
the
Laity
,
nor
the
bounty
of
the
Clergy
so
free
them
from
further
Contribution
,
but
that
the
very
next
year
after
,
the
King
having
occasion
to
War
against
Scotland
,
the
common
people
gave
him
very
willingly
the
Ninth
part
of
their
Goods
;
the
Clergy
subject
unto
the
Arch-bishop
of
Canterbury
the
Tenth
,
and
the
Clergy
of
York
Diocess
the
Fifth
part
,
because
they
were
nearer
to
the
danger
and
invasion
of
the
Enemy
.
Edward
the
Third
had
a
Subsidy
of
his
people
the
sixth
year
of
his
Reign
,
and
another
the
next
year
after
,
and
within
four
years
after
the
Commons
granted
him
a
Fifteenth
,
the
Burgesses
of
Towns
and
Inhabitants
of
Cities
a
Tenth
,
and
the
Clergy
as
much
for
three
years
together
;
And
yet
the
same
year
,
the
City
of
London
was
charged
with
Two
hundred
armed
men
,
Canterbury
with
Forty
,
St.
Albans
with
ten
,
and
other
Towns
and
Cities
according
to
their
wealth
and
ability
.
Two
years
were
not
fully
ended
,
but
the
people
were
charged
again
,
and
so
almost
every
third
year
during
his
reign
,
,
until
that
in
the
Forty
fifth
year
thereof
he
levied
a
certain
sum
of
Fifty
thousand
Marks
of
his
Subjects
;
aud
within
six
years
after
,
he
charged
all
persons
of
his
Realm
,
as
well
men
as
women
that
were
fourteen
years
of
age
,
to
pay
him
Four
pence
a
peece
,
except
onely
such
as
went
a
begging
from
door
to
door
.
The
like
Subsidies
were
levied
by
Richard
the
Second
,
by
Henry
the
Fourth
,
and
Henry
the
Fifth
,
and
almost
by
all
the
rest
of
our
Kings
;
the
which
for
brevitie
sake
,
I
pass
over
with
silence
.
But
to
clear
her
Majesty
the
better
of
this
accusation
,
and
to
make
it
known
unto
her
Subjects
how
greatly
they
are
bound
unto
her
Highness
,
for
sparing
to
use
such
means
for
money
,
as
many
of
her
Predecessors
used
in
time
of
their
necessity
;
it
will
not
be
a
miss
to
acquaint
you
and
them
with
many
ways
that
our
Princes
have
practised
to
releive
their
wants
,
of
which
her
Majesty
,
although
her
occasions
to
use
money
were
greater
,
or
as
great
as
theirs
,
never
did
put
any
one
in
practice
.
In
the
recital
of
these
practices
,
I
will
not
name
our
Kings
in
order
as
they
reigned
,
but
relate
their
means
to
make
money
as
they
shall
come
to
my
memory
.
Edward
the
First
called
(
by
a
Writ
called
Quo
Warranto
)
all
together
that
held
any
Lands
of
him
,
to
shew
by
what
Title
they
held
their
Lands
,
who
recovered
much
money
of
the
meaner
sort
,
who
having
no
evidences
to
shew
,
durst
not
withstand
his
demand
,
untill
the
Earl
of
Surrey
,
called
before
the
Justices
to
the
same
effect
,
answered
,
That
he
and
his
Ancestors
entering
into
this
Realm
with
William
the
Conqueror
won
their
Lands
by
the
Sword
,
and
that
he
would
hold
his
by
the
Sword
;
which
stout
answer
made
the
king
surcease
his
demand
.
Henry
the
seventh
wanting
money
,
caused
all
penal
Statutes
to
be
examined
,
and
all
forfeitures
layed
upon
his
Subjects
by
them
,
to
be
strictly
and
severely
exacted
.
Which
exaction
cost
Richard
Empson
and
Edmond
Dudly
their
lives
.
Henry
the
first
,
in
a
Parliament
held
in
the
one
and
thirtieth
year
of
his
Reign
,
put
Priests
to
their
fines
who
lived
with
their
wives
still
in
house
with
them
.
Henry
the
second
,
Anno
1166.
ordained
a
Collect●on
on
to
be
made
through
all
his
Countries
and
Dominions
of
two
pence
in
the
pound
of
every
mans
Lands
and
Goods
(
Jewels
and
Apparel
onely
excepted
)
to
be
paid
the
same
year
;
and
for
the
space
of
four
years
next
ensuing
one
penny
of
every
pound
to
be
paid
yearly
;
and
those
that
had
not
the
worth
in
goods
and
lands
to
the
value
of
twenty
shillings
,
and
were
house-holders
,
and
had
any
offices
,
they
should
pay
a
penny
to
this
Contribution
.
And
those
that
departed
this
life
within
the
term
that
that
this
Collection
was
current
,
their
debts
being
paid
,
were
appointed
by
the
same
Ordinance
to
pay
the
tenth
part
of
all
the
residue
of
their
goods
unto
this
Contribution
.
Richard
the
first
,
to
make
money
for
his
voyage
against
the
Turks
,
levied
a
Tax
,
engaged
,
sold
,
and
let
to
Farm
his
Lands
,
his
Tolls
,
his
Customs
,
and
other
his
Revenues
,
with
certain
Countries
and
Offices
;
and
understanding
that
Hugh
Pudley
Bishop
of
Durham
had
great
store
of
ready
money
,
he
sold
to
him
the
Mannor
of
Seggesfield
,
with
the
Wapentake
belonging
unto
the
same
,
and
also
found
means
to
perswade
him
to
buy
his
own
Province
,
which
he
did
,
and
was
thereupon
created
an
Earl
by
the
King
for
the
same
,
and
was
Intitled
both
Bishop
and
Earl
of
Durham
:
He
had
likewise
great
sums
of
money
of
the
Citizens
of
London
for
Priviledges
granted
unto
them
.
Besides
he
had
licence
of
Pope
Innocent
to
dispence
with
such
as
pleased
him
for
their
vows
,
and
to
go
into
the
Holy
Land
,
although
they
had
taken
the
cross
on
them
for
that
purpose
,
and
of
those
he
took
abundantly
;
and
divers
others
he
compelled
to
fine
.
Also
he
feigned
that
he
had
lost
his
Seal
,
wherefore
he
commanded
a
new
to
be
made
,
and
willed
it
to
be
proclaimed
and
published
in
every
Country
,
that
those
to
whom
he
had
granted
any
thing
by
his
Deed
or
Charter
,
meaning
to
enjoy
the
same
in
surety
,
should
not
think
it
much
to
come
and
have
it
confirmed
by
his
new
Seal
,
least
afterwards
the
other
being
lost
,
their
lawful
Titles
might
be
called
in
question
.
Lastly
,
he
levied
the
tenth
part
of
all
the
moveable
goods
throughout
the
Realm
of
England
to
the
aid
of
the
Wars
;
and
this
Collection
passing
under
the
name
of
an
Alms
,
was
extended
upon
the
goods
of
Spirituall
men
as
well
as
Temporal
.
This
King
was
(
as
you
shall
hear
hereafter
)
taken
Prisoner
in
returning
from
those
Wars
▪
and
for
his
Ransom
order
was
taken
that
all
manner
of
persons
as
well
Spiritual
as
Temporal
,
should
give
the
fourth
part
of
their
whole
Revenues
due
to
them
,
for
that
year
toward
the
Kings
Ransom
.
The
same
king
after
his
retu●n
sold
the
Offices
of
Sheriffs
and
divers
other
Offices
,
and
procured
a
Subsidie
to
be
given
unto
him
of
two
shillings
of
every
●
lough-land
,
and
commanded
that
every
man
should
make
for
him
the
third
part
of
Knights
service
accordingly
▪
as
every
Fee
might
bear
,
to
furnish
him
forth
into
Normandy
.
The
same
King
by
vertue
of
a
Parliament
,
called
back
,
and
resumed
into
his
hands
all
Patents
,
Annueties
,
Fees
,
and
other
Grants
,
before
his
voyage
into
the
Holy
Land
,
by
him
made
,
or
otherwise
granted
or
alienated
.
And
because
it
should
not
seem
he
used
a
meer
extort
violence
herein
▪
he
treated
with
every
one
of
them
in
most
curteous
wise
,
bearing
them
in
hand
that
he
well
knew
they
meant
not
to
let
forth
their
money
unto
him
upon
usury
,
but
would
be
contented
with
such
reasonable
gains
and
profit
as
had
been
raised
to
their
use
in
the
time
of
his
absence
,
of
those
things
which
they
held
of
him
by
Assignation
in
way
of
loan
,
so
that
now
the
same
might
be
restored
unto
him
again
,
since
he
meant
not
to
sell
them
,
but
to
let
them
forth
as
it
were
to
Farm
for
a
time
,
as
all
men
might
well
understand
,
considering
that
he
could
not
maintain
the
port
of
a
King
without
receipt
of
those
profits
which
he
had
so
set
forth
;
And
hereunto
every
man
yeelded
,
although
no
man
had
received
a
third
part
of
the
principal
which
they
had
layed
forth
.
The
same
King
having
borrowed
a
great
sum
of
money
of
the
Merchants
of
the
Staple
,
called
the
Monks
of
Osteaux
,
gat
them
to
pay
the
same
,
telling
them
that
he
borrowed
it
of
certain
Merchants
beyond
the
Sea
,
upon
confidence
of
their
good
benevolence
.
The
same
King
caused
all
Offices
in
Aurmen
,
Poictou
,
and
Mayne
to
fine
with
him
for
their
Offices
.
The
same
King
seemed
in
appearance
to
be
offended
with
his
Lord
Chancellor
for
concluding
the
Truce
with
the
French
King
,
and
therefore
took
the
Seal
from
him
,
and
caused
a
new
to
be
made
,
proclaiming
through
all
his
Dominions
,
that
not
any
thing
sealed
with
the
old
Seal
should
stand
in
force
,
both
for
that
his
Councellors
had
wrought
more
indiscreetly
then
was
conven●ent
,
and
because
the
same
Seal
was
lost
when
his
Vice-Chancellor
was
drowned
;
wherefore
all
men
were
commanded
to
come
to
the
new
Seal
that
would
have
their
Charters
and
Writings
confirmed
.
The
same
King
having
levied
two
shillings
once
before
of
every
Hide
of
land
,
levied
5
s.
of
every
Hide
of
Land
for
a
Subsidie
,
rating
every
Hide
to
certain
hundred
acres
.
Lastly
,
the
same
King
caused
Turneys
to
be
exercised
in
divers
places
for
the
better
trayning
of
men
at
Arms
in
F●ats
of
Arms
,
whereby
he
raised
no
small
sums
of
money
for
granting
license
to
his
Subjects
so
to
Tu●ney
;
every
Earl
paid
for
his
license
twenty
Marks
,
every
Baron
ten
Marks
,
and
every
landed
Knight
four
Marks
,
and
those
that
had
no
land
two
Marks
.
Now
from
this
King
unto
others
;
King
Iohn
in
the
year
1204
levied
a
Subsidie
of
two
Marks
and
an
half
of
every
Knights
Fee
,
belonging
as
well
unto
Spiritual
as
unto
Temporal
men
;
the
which
exaction
must
needs
be
very
great
,
considering
that
there
were
better
then
forty
thousand
Knights
Fees
in
England
,
and
that
every
shilling
then
was
worth
three
shillings
in
these
dayes
,
according
to
the
rate
which
Sir
Thomas
Smith
maketh
in
his
Book
de
Republica
Anglorum
.
Henry
the
third
revoked
all
lands
granted
in
his
Minority
unto
his
Servants
,
and
called
to
an
accompt
all
his
Officers
,
displaced
some
,
fined
others
,
sold
his
Plate
,
and
borrowed
so
much
money
as
he
could
get
of
the
Londoners
,
of
Priors
,
Abbots
,
and
of
the
Jews
,
of
one
of
which
named
Aaron
,
it
is
written
that
he
had
at
one
time
above
30000
Marks
.
Henry
the
third
again
obtained
certain
Authentick
Seals
of
the
Prelates
of
England
,
and
sealed
therewith
certain
writings
and
instruments
▪
wherein
it
was
expressed
that
he
had
received
certain
sums
of
money
for
dispatch
of
business
pertaining
to
them
and
to
their
Churches
,
of
these
and
the
Merchants
of
Florence
and
of
Sienna
,
whereby
they
stood
bound
for
repaiment
by
the
same
Instruments
,
made
by
him
their
Agent
in
their
names
.
The
Pope
yeelded
his
consent
unto
this
shift
,
because
it
should
go
unto
the
discharging
of
the
kings
debts
into
which
he
was
run
by
bearing
of
the
charges
of
the
Wars
,
whereof
I
have
made
mention
in
another
place
against
the
king
of
Sicilie
.
The
same
Henry
caused
a
Proclamation
to
be
made
,
that
all
such
as
might
dispend
15
l.
in
land
should
receive
the
honour
of
Knighthood
,
and
those
that
would
not
,
should
pay
their
Fines
;
and
five
Marks
were
set
on
every
Sheriffs
head
for
a
Fine
,
because
they
had
not
distrained
every
person
that
might
dispend
15
l.
land
,
to
receive
the
order
of
Knighthood
,
as
was
to
the
same
Sheriffs
commanded
.
The
same
Henry
in
the
Forty
fourth
year
of
his
Reign
,
had
granted
him
a
Scutagium
or
Escuage
,
that
is
fourteen
shillings
of
every
Knights
Fee
.
The
same
Henry
,
in
the
second
commotion
of
the
Earl
of
Glocester
,
engaged
the
Shrines
of
Saints
,
and
other
Jewels
and
Relicks
of
the
Church
of
Westminster
for
great
sums
of
money
,
wherewith
he
got
Aid
out
of
France
and
Scotland
.
Briefly
,
the
same
Henry
caused
all
the
weights
and
measures
throughout
all
England
to
be
perused
and
examined
,
and
laid
great
Fines
on
their
heads
that
were
found
with
false
Weights
and
with
false
Measures
.
Edward
the
second
,
for
his
defence
against
the
Scots
had
the
sixth
penny
of
temporal
mens
goods
in
England
,
Ireland
,
and
Wales
:
And
Edward
the
Third
for
the
recovery
of
France
,
besides
other
Subsidies
,
took
the
ninth
Lamb
,
Fleece
,
and
Sheaf
of
Corn
through
England
.
Ri●hard
the
Second
had
a
Mark
of
the
Merchants
for
every
Sack
of
their
Woolls
for
one
year
;
and
six
pence
of
the
buyers
for
every
pound
of
Wares
brought
in
from
beyond
the
Seas
and
here
sold.
He
had
likewise
towards
his
charges
for
the
Wars
of
France
a
Noble
of
every
Priest
,
Secular
or
Regular
,
and
as
much
of
every
Nun
;
and
of
every
married
or
not
married
man
or
woman
being
sixteen
years
old
four
pence
,
and
forty
shillings
of
every
Sack
of
Wooll
;
of
which
ten
shillings
to
be
imployed
at
the
●ings
pleasure
,
and
thirty
shillings
to
be
reserved
for
his
necessity
.
In
the
24.
year
of
Henry
the
Eighth
his
Reign
,
when
his
Majesty
married
with
her
Highness
Mother
,
the
Lady
Ann
Bullein
,
Writs
were
directed
to
all
Sheriffs
to
certifie
the
names
of
all
m●n
of
40
l.
lands
to
receive
the
honour
and
order
of
Knighthood
,
or
else
to
make
a
Fine
.
It
is
written
by
Philip
de
Comines
,
that
our
Kings
when
they
wanted
money
,
were
wont
to
feign
that
they
would
go
into
Scotland
or
into
France
with
an
Army
;
and
that
to
make
great
sums
of
money
,
they
would
levy
men
,
and
pay
them
for
a
matter
of
two
or
three
months
,
within
which
space
they
would
again
dismiss
their
Armies
,
although
they
had
taken
money
of
their
Subjects
enough
to
maintain
them
for
a
whole
year
or
more
;
and
many
times
they
had
money
of
the
King
of
Scotland
or
of
France
towards
the
charges
of
their
Wars
.
It
is
written
by
du
Haillan
in
the
Tenth
Book
of
his
French
History
,
that
Iohn
King
of
England
being
in
great
want
of
money
,
enjoyed
for
six
years
together
all
the
B●nefices
of
his
Realm
,
and
all
his
Bishopricks
,
Abbeys
,
and
Monasteries
,
wherewith
he
defraied
the
expences
of
his
House
and
of
his
Armies
;
which
he
might
do
very
well
,
because
the
Revenues
of
such
Benefices
as
Italian
Priests
enjoyed
sometimes
in
England
,
came
by
just
computation
to
above
seventy
thousand
Marks
by
the
year
.
And
it
was
declared
in
a
Parliament
held
in
the
11.
year
of
King
Henry
the
Fourth
his
Reign
,
that
the
King
might
have
of
the
temporal
possessions
,
Lands
and
Revenues
which
were
lewdly
consumed
by
the
Bishops
,
Abbots
and
Priors
of
England
,
so
much
as
would
suffice
plentifully
to
finde
and
maintain
150
Earls
,
1500
Knights
,
6209
Esquires
,
and
an
hundred
Hospitals
more
then
were
at
that
time
.
The
same
King
Iohn
accused
sometimes
one
,
sometimes
another
Nobleman
of
England
,
that
they
lost
his
Towns
and
Cities
beyohd
the
Seas
by
their
negligence
,
and
fined
them
at
great
sums
of
money
.
Thus
I
have
with
as
much
brevity
as
might
be
,
waded
through
the
several
reigns
of
most
of
the
longest-lived
Kings
of
our
Realm
,
and
have
set
you
down
about
thirty
sundry
and
divers
kinds
of
ways
which
they
have
used
to
make
money
in
time
of
their
want
and
necessities
;
of
all
which
,
her
Majesties
greatest
enemies
cannot
truly
shew
or
prove
that
her
Highness
in
thirty
six
years
that
her
Grace
hath
now
reigned
,
ever
used
as
much
as
one
;
and
if
it
may
please
those
that
being
Fugitives
abroad
,
and
most
envy
and
malign
her
peaceable
and
quiet
Government
at
home
,
to
confer
the
necessities
of
her
Predecessors
with
the
urgent
occasions
that
her
Grace
hath
had
to
use
much
ready
money
,
they
shall
finde
that
her
Ancestors
never
had
so
just
occasions
of
necessary
expences
as
her
Majesty
had
of
late
years
,
yea
almost
for
the
whole
time
of
her
reign
.
For
albeit
her
Majesty
hath
not
had
continual
open
Wars
,
as
some
of
them
had
,
yet
her
charge
hath
been
nothing
inferior
unto
theirs
.
For
first
,
Wars
are
now
adays
(
as
I
have
said
)
far
more
chargeable
then
they
were
wont
to
be
.
Then
her
Grace
hath
had
no
other
Princes
to
contribute
towards
her
expences
as
her
Predecessors
had
.
Next
her
Loans
to
foreign
Princes
,
as
to
the
Kings
of
France
,
of
Navar
,
of
Scotland
,
to
the
late
Duke
of
Alencon
,
and
to
the
States
of
the
Low
Countries
have
been
very
great
.
And
lastly
,
her
charges
both
by
land
and
Sea
could
not
chuse
but
amount
yearly
to
infinite
sums
,
considering
how
many
times
her
Highness
hath
been
constrained
to
send
her
Navy
to
the
Seas
,
and
her
Land
Souldiers
forth
of
the
Realm
.
Besides
,
her
Predecessors
charges
were
for
the
most
part
voluntary
,
being
undertaken
to
conquer
,
and
not
to
defend
their
Realms
,
to
get
other
Princes
Dominions
,
and
not
to
conserve
their
own
;
to
revenge
forein
injuries
,
and
not
to
repulse
domestical
invasions
;
briefly
,
their
Wars
were
for
their
own
profit
,
and
hers
for
her
Subjects
benefit
;
considering
therefore
,
that
whatsoever
her
Grace
hath
levied
,
not
granted
unto
her
by
her
Parliament
,
without
any
contradiction
,
without
any
accusing
her
of
Prodigal●ty
,
w●thout
any
such
exception
taken
against
her
demands
,
as
hath
been
taken
against
other
her
Predecessors
,
without
any
suspition
of
h●r
evil
Government
,
therefore
without
any
consigning
the
managing
and
government
of
the
same
unto
others
,
then
unto
them
who
by
her
Majesties
appointment
have
the
custody
thereof
;
it
is
a
manifest
argument
,
that
her
Subjects
were
always
most
willing
to
yeeld
to
all
manner
of
contributions
that
her
Highness
in
her
Princely
Wisdom
and
Discretion
did
take
to
be
necessary
for
the
defence
of
her
Realm
.
And
if
these
malicious
Accusers
would
look
upon
the
governments
,
upon
the
Exactions
,
upon
the
extortions
of
such
Princes
in
whose
Realms
they
either
live
by
Alms
,
or
wander
up
and
down
as
Vagabonds
,
their
own
consciences
(
if
at
least
they
have
any
)
would
condemn
them
of
malice
,
of
untruth
,
or
of
gross
ignorance
;
for
the
wisest
amongst
them
may
and
are
well
able
to
make
large
volumes
of
such
Subsidies
,
Taxes
,
Impositions
and
Grievances
as
are
levied
in
France
,
Italy
,
&
Spain
,
of
which
the
hundreth
parts
are
unknown
,
much
less
practised
in
England
,
and
this
must
needs
appear
to
be
most
true
and
manifest
,
since
it
cannot
be
denied
that
in
some
Dukedoms
of
Italy
,
the
Circuit
of
which
is
not
comparable
unto
one
Shire
of
England
,
the
yearly
Revenues
of
the
Duke
far
exceed
the
Revenues
and
Rents
of
the
Crown
of
England
.
Moreover
,
if
it
may
please
this
Viperous
generation
of
Fugitives
to
call
to
mind
the
Interest
that
Princes
have
in
their
Subjects
Goods
,
and
the
great
power
that
is
given
unto
kings
in
the
Old
Testament
over
the
Lands
and
Possessions
of
as
many
as
live
under
their
Obedience
;
and
also
to
remember
,
that
Princes
,
the
longer
they
live
,
the
more
absolute
,
Imperious
,
and
self-conceited
they
are
in
the
Execution
of
their
Government
,
and
the
more
Experienced
in
their
proof
,
they
must
rather
commend
then
condemn
her
Majesty
,
whom
neither
continuance
of
time
,
nor
fulness
of
Authority
,
nor
presumption
upon
the
good
Wills
of
her
people
,
nor
confidence
upon
the
Equity
of
her
Cause
,
nor
the
consideration
of
her
Subjects
weal
,
wholly
depending
upon
her
welfare
;
nor
briefly
,
the
remembrance
of
her
gentle
and
sweet-Government
,
hath
ever
imboldened
to
be
over-chargable
unto
the
Realm
,
or
over-burthensome
unto
her
Subjects
.
This
grievous
accusation
is
more
truly
then
briefly
refelled
.
Now
leaving
the
rest
of
these
Fugitives
suggestions
unto
another
place
,
wherein
I
shall
have
occasion
to
handle
them
more
fitly
;
I
will
end
this
point
with
condemning
the
King
of
Spain
for
being
too
light
in
crediting
these
Rebels
in
two
principal
points
.
For
first
he
ought
to
have
considered
,
Richard
Shaw
,
that
was
hired
to
preach
at
Pauls-Cross
,
and
there
publickly
to
justifie
the
wrongfull
usurpation
of
Richard
the
third
;
to
resemble
the
Duke
of
Buckingham
,
who
neither
feared
nor
blushed
to
commend
the
same
cause
for
just
and
most
lawfull
in
the
Guildhall
London
;
to
imitate
Iohn
Petit
a
Preacher
of
France
,
who
for
a
far
less
bribe
then
a
Cardinalship
,
allowed
,
approved
,
and
commended
,
in
Pulpit
and
in
writing
,
the
most
horrible
murther
committed
by
the
Duke
of
Burgoigne
on
the
person
of
the
Duke
of
Orleans
:
And
lastly
to
follow
his
example
,
who
(
without
all
example
)
was
not
ashamed
to
write
a
large
volumn
against
the
late
king
of
France
,
and
therein
to
deduce
many
reasons
,
many
causes
,
for
and
by
which
he
maintained
that
the
said
King
might
be
lawfully
deposed
,
and
another
set
up
and
established
in
his
place
.
Secondly
,
he
might
have
considered
that
those
Fugitives
are
(
for
the
most
part
)
peevish
and
discontented
Schollers
,
fitter
to
mannage
a
Pen
then
a
Lance
,
to
dispute
of
Philosophy
,
then
to
discourse
of
War
,
to
be
partial
in
their
own
conceits
,
then
to
be
prodigal
in
their
assurance
;
briefly
,
to
be
ready
to
say
more
then
they
know
,
especially
when
they
are
either
assured
,
or
in
good
hope
,
by
saying
much
to
obtain
much
:
he
might
have
remembred
that
Iohannes
Viennensis
sent
into
Scotland
by
Charles
the
sixth
of
France
,
although
he
was
a
man
of
great
experience
,
a
Captain
of
long
continuance
,
aud
one
that
by
his
long
abode
in
Scotland
knew
England
and
her
Forces
far
better
then
our
Fugitives
do
,
deceived
his
King
at
his
return
out
of
Scotland
,
in
reporting
unto
him
the
strength
of
our
Nation
;
he
had
fought
with
many
of
our
Armies
,
had
seen
60000
Footmen
,
8000
and
Horsmen
of
ours
in
the
Field
,
was
of
opinion
that
our
Country
was
easie
to
be
conquered
within
the
Realm
,
howsoever
it
prevailed
and
conquered
abroad
;
And
lastly
,
he
both
knew
and
signified
unto
the
king
,
that
the
Duke
of
Lancaster
was
absent
in
Portugal
with
the
Flower
and
chief
Youth
of
England
.
These
reason
▪
moved
the
French
king
to
determine
to
invade
England
presently
,
to
carry
an
huge
Army
to
Sluce
in
Flanders
,
to
assemble
all
the
Nobility
and
Peers
of
his
Realm
for
that
voyage
,
and
to
pro●●se
unto
himself
an
assured
victory
against
England
.
But
what
event
had
this
Journey
?
What
effect
followed
of
this
perswasion
?
The
king
hearing
that
the
Duke
of
Lancaster
was
returned
out
of
Portugal
,
and
that
in
England
f●r
greater
Forces
were
prepared
to
resist
his
invasion
then
Iohn
of
Vienna
had
mentioned
,
withdrew
his
Forces
from
Sluce
unto
the
places
from
whence
they
came
;
and
as
the
Spaniards
would
cover
their
dishonour
received
in
their
attempt
against
England
by
the
Duke
of
Parma
his
not
joyning
with
them
in
convenient
time
,
as
it
was
decreed
in
Spain
before
they
departed
out
of
Spain
;
so
they
laid
the
fault
of
not
proceeding
in
the
journey
upon
the
Duke
of
Berry
,
who
knowing
the
Forces
of
England
(
as
undoubtedly
the
Duke
of
Parma
did
far
better
then
those
that
took
upon
them
to
make
report
thereof
)
came
not
unto
the
French
king
at
Sluce
until
the
dead
of
Winter
,
when
it
it
was
too
late
to
depart
thence
to
invade
England
.
And
as
the
Frenchmen
falsly
charged
the
Duke
of
Berry
that
he
had
received
Bribes
of
the
king
of
England
to
divert
his
king
from
his
intended
enterprise
against
England
;
So
the
Spaniards
more
indirectly
then
justly
,
blame
the
Duke
of
Parma
,
that
in
consideration
of
some
reward
either
received
or
promised
from
us
,
he
held
not
his
promise
to
joyn
his
power
with
the
Spanish
strength
against
us
.
And
lastly
,
as
of
the
French
vain
enterprises
and
all
the
preparations
thereof
,
there
came
nothing
else
into
England
but
certain
great
Tents
and
lodgings
of
Wood
,
capable
,
(
as
their
Authors
report
)
of
all
their
kings
huge
Army
;
So
of
the
Span●sh
invincible
Navy
,
and
of
their
mighty
Army
,
nothing
was
seen
in
England
but
the
spoil
of
their
strong
Armado
,
and
the
flags
of
their
tallest
ships
,
which
were
brought
to
Pauls●Cross
●Cross
and
there
shewed
unto
the
People
as
notable
monuments
of
their
wonderous
overthrow
.
Now
followeth
the
death
of
the
Queen
of
Scots
,
a
Queen
in
whom
God
had
joyned
some
vertues
with
many
vices
;
England
,
France
,
Flanders
,
and
Scotland
,
then
they
have
true
and
good
Noblemen
within
their
Realms
and
Dominions
.
Of
this
Queen
because
she
was
nobly
descended
,
and
the
mother
of
a
most
noble
King
,
I
forbear
to
set
down
what
Buchanan
hath
written
:
And
yet
because
her
Majesty
is
charged
to
have
done
her
to
death
wrongfully
,
I
cannot
but
relate
what
another
reporteth
of
her
;
Another
,
that
was
neither
an
Englishman
,
nor
a
Scot
,
but
a
German
:
Another
that
writeth
of
her
as
Cornelius
Tacitus
doth
of
his
Emperors
,
Sine
ira
&
studio
,
without
hatred
or
affection
;
for
she
was
unto
him
as
those
Emperors
were
to
Tacitus
,
neither
known
for
any
good
turn
that
ever
he
received
of
her
,
nor
hated
for
any
wrong
that
ever
she
did
unto
him
.
This
Queen
saith
my
Author
)
being
weary
of
her
second
husband
,
whose
life
was
often
sought
,
and
at
length
unhappily
shortned
,
not
long
after
his
death
married
James
Hepborn
Earl
of
Bothwel
,
whom
during
her
Husbands
life
she
had
used
most
fumiliurly
.
Certain
Noblemon
of
Scotland
,
being
greatly
moved
with
the
indignity
of
so
wicked
a
deed
,
and
desirous
to
revenge
so
horrible
a
Parricide
,
raised
an
Army
against
the
Queen
,
and
forced
her
to
resign
her
Kingdom
unto
her
young
Son
;
But
they
confined
her
unto
a
certain
Island
,
whence
escaping
the
next
year
by
corrupting
her
Keepers
,
and
the
Hamiltons
Forces
which
fought
in
her
defence
,
but
overthrown
by
the
Lord
Protector
of
Scotland
,
she
meaning
to
go
unto
her
Mothers
friends
into
France
,
took
her
journey
by
England
,
where
she
was
detained
;
and
when
as
certain
Treasons
,
intended
by
the
instigation
of
the
Pope
against
the
Queen
of
England
her
State
for
the
delivery
of
the
Scottish
Queen
,
and
establishing
her
in
both
Kingdoms
,
were
revealed
and
discovered
,
she
was
more
straightly
kept
and
lookt
unto
,
until
at
length
because
she
had
used
many
means
to
deprive
the
Queen
of
her
life
,
she
was
cond●mned
to
death
in
the
year
1586.
by
the
Lords
and
Commons
of
the
Parliament
House
,
and
executed
the
same
year
accordingly
.
Against
this
Sentence
,
The
favourers
of
this
cause
proceed
further
,
and
look
upon
the
malice
and
wickedness
of
Subjects
,
who
as
soon
as
they
begin
to
hate
their
Prince
,
unjustly
and
for
no
occasion
,
would
quickly
by
themselves
or
by
other
Princes
,
by
open
violence
,
or
by
secret
conspiracies
,
be
rid
of
their
Princes
;
So
(
say
they
)
would
it
come
to
pass
,
that
by
whom
Princes
ought
to
be
preserved
,
by
them
they
should
perish
;
and
by
whose
help
they
mould
be
delivered
against
all
others
,
through
their
hatred
they
should
be
destroyed
by
themselves
.
The
Patrons
and
Advocates
of
this
Queen
bring
another
reason
to
confirm
their
opinion
.
For
(
say
they
)
if
a
Prince
fall
willingly
into
another
Princes
hands
,
or
if
it
happen
that
flying
from
his
malicious
Subjects
,
or
from
his
foreign
Enemies
,
or
being
driven
by
Tempest
,
or
other
casualty
into
one
Kingdom
,
when
he
meant
to
go
into
another
,
or
that
being
in
the
field
,
one
Prince
is
detained
by
another
,
the
detainer
that
shall
not
ransom
but
execute
such
a
Prince
,
shall
break
and
violate
the
Laws
of
Arms
,
of
Humanity
,
or
of
Hospitality
.
Lastly
,
the
Laws
of
Nations
require
,
that
Princes
Ambassadors
,
even
in
the
hottest
broils
,
and
most
bloody
contentions
that
are
betwixt
Princes
,
shall
have
free
ingress
and
egress
into
and
out
of
the
Kingdoms
into
which
they
are
sent
:
But
if
the
Laws
permit
,
or
rather
command
Ambassadors
,
who
do
but
represent
the
persons
of
Princes
,
to
be
free
from
all
dangers
;
what
honest
or
just
pretext
can
there
be
to
violate
or
wrong
their
Lords
and
Masters
?
For
,
it
is
against
all
reason
,
against
common
pract●ce
and
experience
to
spare
the
Servant
,
and
to
spoil
the
Master
;
not
to
hurt
the
Subject
,
and
to
murder
the
Prince
;
to
dismiss
the
Messenger
,
and
to
detain
the
Sender
;
briefly
,
to
honor
him
who
representeth
another
mans
person
,
and
to
disgrace
the
party
whose
person
is
represented
.
These
are
the
most
substantial
Reasons
that
are
made
against
this
Sentence
;
And
to
every
one
of
these
I
will
frame
a
brief
Answer
.
Par
in
parem
non
habet
potestatem
.
And
therefore
Princes
who
are
most
commonly
equals
,
England
,
France
and
other
Countries
,
which
had
their
several
Kings
,
are
now
reduced
under
the
obedience
of
one
King
;
so
contrariwise
the
Emperor
,
which
was
wont
to
command
many
Nations
,
is
now
brought
to
such
alow
ebb
,
to
so
smal
and
slender
an
Estate
,
that
he
can
hardly
challenge
the
absolute
Rule
and
Government
over
the
twentieth
part
of
one
Nation
;
Since
therefore
Laws
made
by
our
Ancestors
are
so
derived
to
our
after-commers
,
that
it
may
be
well
said
,
that
they
a●e
as
well
Successors
unto
them
in
their
Laws
,
as
they
are
their
Heirs
in
their
goods
;
it
is
certain
that
many
Laws
remain
still
which
were
made
many
years
ago
;
but
no
Prince
will
admit
or
allow
them
any
longer
then
they
shall
be
found
to
be
profitable
and
expedient
for
the
Commonwealth
,
or
then
they
shall
not
diminish
their
royal
Authority
;
hence
it
cometh
that
some
men
hold
opinion
,
●hat
a
King
cannot
make
a
Law
which
shall
prejudice
his
Successors
:
hence
it
cometh
that
former
Laws
may
Lawfully
be
abrogated
;
and
others
,
although
they
be
quite
contrary
,
made
in
their
stead
,
so
that
they
be
found
profitable
for
the
S●ate
.
Hence
lastly
it
cometh
that
the
latter
Statute
repealeth
the
former
,
and
that
which
came
last
to
light
obtained
most
force
.
Neither
although
there
be
but
very
few
or
no
Princes
,
(
especially
in
Christendome
)
which
even
in
these
days
of
Weakness
and
infirmity
of
the
Empire
,
do
not
greatly
respect
and
reverence
the
Emperor
;
And
albeit
there
be
very
few
Lawyers
which
do
not
both
read
and
admire
the
large
volumes
of
the
Civil
Laws
,
Compiled
,
or
rather
digested
into
order
by
Iustinian
the
Emperor
;
yet
is
there
any
King
that
useth
the
same
Laws
as
Iustinian
his
Laws
?
Or
any
Civilian
that
joyneth
not
the
knowledge
of
the
Statutes
and
Constitutions
of
his
Country
with
the
Studie
of
the
Imperial
decrees
and
Ordinance
?
In
England
the
Civil
Law
hath
small
force
,
and
lesse
use
:
In
France
it
is
in
great
Credit
;
but
there
is
a
Capital
punishment
laid
upon
them
who
in
pleading
a
Cause
presume
to
alledge
a
Civill
Text
as
a
Law
made
by
the
Emperor
,
but
they
alledged
them
as
Laws
approved
by
the
French
King
.
For
,
when
as
the
King
of
France
perceived
that
his
Majesty
should
be
greatly
blemished
and
prejudiced
,
if
he
should
Govern
his
kingdom
by
Forreigne
Laws
,
and
yet
he
saw
that
it
was
impossible
to
have
or
invent
better
Laws
then
the
Civil
Laws
are
,
he
entertained
the
best
of
them
,
being
very
loth
that
so
good
Laws
should
utterly
perish
,
and
be
forgotten
;
But
he
commanded
them
to
be
Called
his
and
his
Successors
Lawes
,
least
that
it
might
turn
to
his
discredit
to
Governe
by
other
Princes
Laws
.
What
accompt
other
Nations
make
of
the
Civil
Laws
,
it
is
easie
to
Conjecture
by
this
;
That
in
Germany
it self
,
in
which
only
Country
the
Emperor
hath
Imperial
authority
,
there
are
many
Provinces
which
have
banished
the
Civil
Law
.
Considering
therefore
that
Laws
made
in
Spaine
binde
not
us
in
England
;
and
that
the
Frenchmen
are
not
tyed
to
ours
;
who
shall
be
esteemed
wise
that
will
affirm
,
that
these
Kings
are
Subject
unto
Iustinians
Laws
,
which
are
nothing
inferior
unto
Iustinian
his
Successor
in
power
and
Authority
?
But
grant
that
the
Emperors
Laws
have
now
as
great
Force
and
Strength
as
ever
they
had
,
and
that
this
Maxime
,
Principle
,
or
Rule
in
Law
(
Par
in
parem
non
habet
potestatem
)
doe
bind
all
the
Kings
of
the
World
;
yet
it
shall
appear
that
it
cannot
any
thing
at
all
availe
the
late
Scottish
Queen
.
For
First
,
as
it
oftentimes
happeneth
that
men
of
great
Authority
,
lose
the
same
by
their
own
default
,
or
Negligence
;
So
princes
going
our
of
their
own
Countries
into
other
kingdoms
and
Dominions
,
make
themselves
inferior
unto
them
in
whose
kingdom
they
remaine
.
This
is
proved
by
Common
experience
.
For
,
what
Householder
(
be
he
never
so
poor
will
suffer
a
rich
man
to
rule
,
or
be
his
better
in
his
own
House
?
What
Master
of
a
Ship
will
permit
a
Passenger
,
b●
he
of
never
so
great
Wealth
,
to
Guide
or
Governe
his
ship
?
Or
what
Captain
can
or
will
endure
that
a
young
Nobleman
,
be
he
of
never
so
great
birth
and
Parentage
shall
lead
and
direct
his
Soldiers
?
The
sweetness
which
is
in
Commanders
admitteth
no
Companion
;
The
Pope
,
the
Emperor
,
or
if
there
were
any
greater
then
they
,
hath
no
share
,
no
part
or
Portion
therein
;
but
all
,
were
it
never
so
much
,
belongeth
wholy
unto
him
that
ruleth
;
And
there
is
such
a
feeling
,
such
pleasure
in
this
sweetness
,
that
to
extenuate
the
same
by
words
is
dangerous
,
to
diminish
it
by
deeds
perilous
,
and
to
make
others
partakers
of
it
,
foolish
in
a
King
,
and
Capital
in
a
Subject
.
Eumenes
was
King
but
of
a
poore
Castle
,
and
yet
he
would
not
accknowledge
mightie
Antigonus
for
his
Superior
▪
Pompey
was
a
Subject
,
and
yet
he
could
not
endure
any
one
man
to
bee
above
him
.
Caesar
a
Citizen
of
Rome
,
and
yet
he
could
not
brooke
an
equall
:
And
the
late
Prince
of
Orange
a
Prince
of
no
great
Power
or
Wealth
,
and
yet
he
held
himself
for
as
absolute
a
Prince
as
the
mightie
Monarch
of
Spain
.
This
again
is
proved
by
a
notable
example
of
the
Emperor
Charles
the
4.
who
coming
into
France
in
the
time
of
Charles
the
5.
King
of
France
,
to
end
all
debates
and
quarrells
betwixt
him
and
our
King
,
was
mett
upon
the
way
by
the
French
King
;
which
is
a
ceremony
observed
by
them
who
acknowledge
themselves
to
bee
inferior
unto
him
whom
they
meet
,
but
the
Emperor
as
soon
as
they
were
mett
,
would
have
yeilded
the
highest
place
unto
the
King
,
and
accepted
it
not
without
great
ceremony
;
and
it
was
written
that
it
was
given
him
but
of
Curtesie
,
a
Curtesie
usuall
among
Princes
aswell
as
amongst
private
men
;
for
as
private
men
in
their
own
houses
,
and
at
their
own
Tables
,
will
of
Curte●ie
sett
meaner
men
then
they
are
before
themselves
;
so
Princes
when
strange
Kings
come
into
their
country
,
will
preferr
them
before
themselves
.
It
is
ce●tain
that
the
Emperor
precedeth
of
right
,
all
the
Princes
of
Christendom
.
And
yet
when
Francis
the
first
King
of
France
,
was
brought
from
Pavia
,
where
he
was
taken
Prisoner
,
into
Spain
,
at
their
fi●st
meeting
,
the
Emprror
and
he
embraced
one
another
on
horseback
,
with
their
Capps
in
their
hands
,
and
in
covering
their
heads
there
pass●d
great
ceremony
betwixt
them
,
each
of
them
striving
to
bee
the
last
that
should
bee
covered
,
and
after
that
they
had
talked
a
while
,
they
both
covered
their
heads
at
one
very
selfesame
time
.
And
after
that
there
was
a
new
strife
betwixt
them
for
the
right
hand
.
This
again
is
proved
by
the
Emperor
Sigismond
,
who
when
hee
would
have
made
the
Earle
of
Savoy
(
as
you
have
heard
upon
an
other
occasion
)
Duke
at
Lyons
,
hee
was
commanded
by
the
Kings
Attorney
not
to
attempt
any
such
thing
in
France
,
aswell
because
it
was
thought
,
that
being
in
an
other
Kings
Country
,
he
lost
his
Authority
and
Power
to
create
a
Duke
,
as
for
that
it
seemed
unto
the
French
King
that
he
was
not
to
suffer
him
to
use
any
Royall
Authority
within
his
dominions
.
The
Queen
of
Scotts
therefore
when
shee
was
in
England
,
The
first
,
because
the
consent
and
opinion
of
the
learned
is
for
France
,
and
not
for
Spain
.
The
second
,
because
the
French
Kings
have
a
long
time
had
the
honor
to
be
Emperors
,
and
not
the
Kings
of
Spain
.
The
third
,
because
the
French
Kings
have
been
called
most
Christian
Kings
these
many
hundred
yeares
,
and
Ferdinando
the
fift
was
the
first
(
and
that
but
lately
)
that
was
called
the
Catholick
King
of
Spain
.
The
fourth
,
because
at
the
Feast
of
St.
George
in
England
,
France
even
in
Queen
Maries
time
,
was
preferred
before
Spain
.
The
fift
,
because
the
house
of
France
is
more
ancient
then
that
of
Spain
,
which
raigned
long
before
the
Castle
of
Hapsburg
was
builded
.
The
sixt
and
last
,
because
the
book
of
ceremonies
(
which
is
kept
at
Rome
)
preferreth
France
before
Spain
.
Next
to
France
is
England
,
as
appeareth
by
the
same
book
,
which
putteth
England
in
the
second
place
,
and
Spain
in
the
third
.
Again
,
those
Kings
are
best
which
are
Crowned
;
and
by
the
same
book
it
is
evident
,
that
France
,
England
and
Spain
only
have
Crowned
Kings
.
Next
it
seemeth
that
the
meaner
sort
of
Kings
also
strive
for
Precedency
,
and
one
of
them
will
be
accompted
better
then
another
;
For
it
is
written
that
Matthew
King
of
Hungary
,
thinking
himself
better
then
Ladislaus
King
of
Bohemia
,
when
they
met
once
together
,
Matthew
went
bare-headed
,
and
tyed
about
the
head
with
a
green
Garland
,
because
hee
would
not
put
off
his
Capp
unto
the
Bohemian
,
but
have
him
put
off
his
unto
him
;
which
the
King
of
Bohemia
perceiving
,
deceived
his
expectation
,
by
tying
his
own
Capp
so
fast
unto
his
head
,
that
when
they
met
hee
could
not
put
it
off
;
and
so
the
Hungarian
being
bare-headed
,
saluted
the
Bohemian
,
that
was
covered
.
But
to
leave
these
Inequalities
,
Many
of
our
Kings
have
challenged
the
Soveraignity
over
Scotland
,
but
none
prosecuted
the
same
more
eagerly
then
Edward
the
first
;
who
because
hee
would
be
sure
that
his
right
thereunto
was
good
,
caused
all
the
Monasteri●s
of
England
and
Wales
to
bee
searched
,
to
see
what
evidences
or
bookes
he
could
finde
in
them
to
prove
his
Title
.
The
King
found
in
the
Chronicles
of
Mariamis
Scotus
,
of
William
of
Malmesburg
,
of
Roger
of
Hoveden
,
of
Henry
of
Huntingd●n
,
and
of
Radolph
of
●ucet
,
that
King
Edward
his
Predecessor
in
the
yeare
of
our
Lord
nine
hundred
and
ten
subdued
the
Kings
of
Scotland
and
C●mberland
,
and
that
the
Subjects
of
both
these
kingdoms
,
in
the
nine
hundred
and
eleventh
year
,
chose
the
said
Edward
for
their
Soveraign
Lord
.
He
found
further
that
Adeslaus
King
of
England
subdued
in
the
yeare
nine
hundred
twenty
six
Scotland
and
Northumberland
,
and
that
the
People
of
both
Countries
submitting
themselves
unto
him
,
swore
unto
him
both
fidelity
and
homage
.
Hee
found
again
that
King
Edgar
overcame
Rinad
the
son
of
Alphinus
King
of
Scots
,
and
that
by
that
victory
,
he
became
King
of
Four
kingdoms
,
namely
of
England
,
Scotland
,
Denmarke
,
and
Norway
.
He
found
also
that
St.
Edward
gave
the
kingdom
of
Scotland
,
to
bee
held
under
him
,
unto
Malcolm
,
son
unto
the
King
of
Cumberland
;
and
that
William
the
Conqueror
in
the
sixt
year
of
his
raigne
conquered
the
said
Malcolm
,
and
took
an
oath
of
homage
and
fidelity
of
him
.
The
like
did
William
Rufus
unto
the
same
Malcolm
,
and
unto
his
two
Sons
,
who
raigned
one
after
another
.
Besides
it
appeareth
unto
the
said
Edward
,
that
Alexander
King
of
Scotland
succeeded
his
brother
Edgar
in
his
kingdome
,
with
the
consent
of
Henry
the
first
King
of
England
;
that
David
King
of
Scots
did
homage
unto
King
Stephen
;
and
William
unto
King
Henry
the
second
,
unto
Henry
the
third
,
unto
King
Richard
,
and
unto
King
Iohn
.
It
appeared
again
by
the
Chronicles
of
St.
Albans
,
that
Alexander
King
of
Scots
in
the
thirty
year
of
King
Henries
Raigne
,
married
Margaret
his
Daughter
at
Yorke
,
and
then
and
there
did
him
homage
for
his
Kingdom
;
Lastly
it
appeared
by
the
Popes
Bulls
written
into
Scotland
,
that
the
Kings
of
Scotland
were
excommunicated
by
divers
Popes
because
they
would
not
obey
the
Kings
of
England
their
Lords
and
Soveraignes
.
Bu●
against
all
this
and
whatsoever
else
may
be
said
by
us
to
fortifie
and
defend
our
Title
,
the
Scots
make
three
principall
Objections
.
The
first
that
their
King
never
did
homage
unto
us
but
for
the
Countries
of
Northumberland
;
Cumberland
,
Westmerland
and
Huntingdon
;
the
which
they
confess
they
held
of
our
Kings
,
and
by
their
grant
and
guift
.
The
second
,
that
Edward
the
third
being
chosen
Arbitrator
of
the
great
and
notable
contention
that
was
betwixt
Iohn
Bali●l
and
Robert
Bruce
for
the
Kingdom
,
took
the
two
Competitors
aside
,
and
sounded
which
of
them
would
take
the
kingdom
to
hold
it
of
him
,
which
when
Robert
(
whose
Title
was
,
as
they
thought
best
)
refused
to
do
,
and
Iohn
was
content
to
performe
,
hee
wrongfully
pronounced
Judgement
for
Iohn
Baliol
;
and
so
extorted
this
Homage
by
Fraud
and
Corruption
.
The
third
,
that
the
Estates
of
the
Realme
never
acknowledged
this
Homage
,
but
were
so
farr
from
yeilding
thereunto
,
that
the
Nobility
of
Scotland
deprived
Iohn
Baliol
of
the
Crown
,
and
gave
the
same
unto
Robert
the
first
,
because
he
submitted
himself
and
his
Kingdom
unto
King
Ed.
The
three
Obj●ctions
may
not
be
unanswered
;
and
therefore
unto
●very
one
of
them
in
Order
.
True
it
is
that
a
King
may
hold
his
Kingdom
of
no
Superior
,
and
yet
owe
Homage
for
some
Member
thereof
unto
another
,
or
some
Principality
that
hee
holdeth
of
an
other
,
and
he
shall
still
nevertheless
remaine
a
most
absolute
King
:
For
who
will
deny
King
Edward
the
third
of
England
to
be
either
absolute
or
Soveraigne
King
of
England
,
although
he
swore
Homage
and
Fidelity
unto
King
Iohn
of
France
for
Gascoigne
and
other
Dominions
which
he
held
of
him
in
France
?
Or
who
will
take
the
Emperor
Chales
the
fift
not
to
bee
an
absolute
and
Soveraign
King
in
Spain
or
other
his
Dominions
and
Kingdomes
,
because
hee
sometimes
owed
Fidelity
and
Homage
unto
the
French
King
for
the
Dukedome
of
Burgondy
?
B●t
the
case
is
altered
in
the
King
of
Scots
,
because
hee
did
Homage
both
for
these
Countries
and
for
his
Kingdom
:
And
this
is
no
good
Argument
.
The
King
of
Scots
did
Homage
unto
England
for
certain
English
Provinces
held
of
England
,
therefore
they
did
not
Homage
for
Scotland
.
But
the
second
Objection
is
of
better
weight
,
and
yet
may
bee
thus
answered
;
I
might
here
oppose
the
Credit
of
an
English
man
against
a
Scots
credit
,
and
desire
to
have
Holinshed
,
and
Th●
.
Walsingham
speaking
for
us
,
to
be
as
well
believed
as
Hector
Boetius
and
George
Buchanan
would
bee
credited
when
they
speake
for
Scotland
.
But
you
shall
heare
this
Objection
confuted
by
an
Italian
,
namely
by
Pelidore
Virgil
,
a
man
of
more
indifferency
,
of
less
partiality
,
and
perhaps
of
better
Judgement
:
against
whom
if
it
be
be
said
,
that
he
was
either
hired
to
write
our
History
favorably
,
or
that
he
could
write
nothing
of
us
but
what
he
had
from
us
;
I
●nswer
that
there
was
never
any
man
justly
condemned
upon
a
bare
and
light
suspition
;
and
I
eftsoones
say
as
I
once
said
before
,
that
where
a
matter
cannot
be
proved
but
by
domestical
witnesses
,
there
such
a
proof
is
both
allowable
and
lawfull
.
Then
to
refell
this
Objection
,
I
say
out
of
Polid.
Virgil
,
that
K●ng
Edward
pronounced
not
Judgment
for
Iohn
Balioll
because
he
promised
to
hold
Scotland
in
homage
of
him
,
but
because
he
came
of
the
eldest
Daughter
of
King
David
,
and
Robert
Bruce
of
the
Second
.
I
strengthen
my
saying
by
these
Arguments
;
First
,
it
is
said
,
that
King
Edward
very
wisely
,
when
as
this
great
con●ention
was
referred
unto
his
Audience
and
determination
,
he
called
together
(
as
Hector
Boeti●s
himself
writeth
)
the
learnedst
men
of
England
and
of
Scotland
;
he
sent
the
State
of
the
Question
into
France
,
whence
he
received
Answer
,
that
Iohn
Baliolls
Title
was
the
better
;
And
because
he
might
be
su●pected
if
he
should
examine
the
matter
alone
,
and
give
sentence
himself
,
he
chose
12.
English
men
(
as
Boetius
saith
)
or
20.
(
as
Holinshed
reporte●h
)
and
as
many
Scots
as
English
men
,
whom
he
made
Judges
of
the
controversie
;
and
they
when
they
had
throughly
discussed
both
conpetitors
Rights
,
gave
Judgment
for
Iohn
Balioll
,
which
Award
was
confirmed
by
the
King
.
Then
whenas
the
King
had
seen
so
many
Evidences
and
proofs
confirming
his
Right
and
Title
unto
the
Soveraignity
of
Scotland
,
as
are
before
mentioned
,
is
it
likely
that
he
who
had
Right
to
that
which
he
demanded
,
would
condition
with
the
Competitors
in
such
manner
as
is
objected
?
Lastly
although
he
had
made
Iohn
Bali●ll
to
enter
into
such
a
condition
,
and
to
binde
himselfe
thereunto
,
this
cannot
help
the
Scots
,
for
that
it
is
lawfull
for
any
Man
to
Claime
his
Right
at
any
time
,
and
to
tell
him
that
is
likely
to
detaine
and
withstand
his
Right
,
that
he
shall
not
have
his
lawfull
Favor
unlesse
he
will
be
content
.
And
this
is
most
lawful
in
a
cause
of
Contention
betwixt
the
Soveraigne
and
his
Vassal
,
because
the
Soveraigne
must
require
Homage
at
his
hands
,
and
the
Vassal
is
not
(
in
some
Mens
opinion
)
bound
to
do
him
homage
unlesse
it
be
required
.
The
third
Objection
is
Answered
with
as
little
difficultie
as
the
rest
:
For
the
chief
Peers
of
Scotland
acknowledged
Obedience
and
homage
unto
King
Edward
:
They
consented
unto
the
delivery
which
Iohn
Balioll
made
unto
our
king
of
his
kingdom
;
they
required
our
king
to
be
bound
(
as
he
was
)
in
an
hundred
thousand
Marks
to
deliver
the
kingdom
to
thier
king
again
within
two
moneths
;
and
they
appointed
certain
principal
Noblemen
to
receive
and
keep
the
Revenues
and
Profits
of
the
Crown
to
his
use
,
whom
King
Edward
should
declare
to
have
best
Right
thereunto
.
Againe
,
Iohn
Balioll
was
not
deprived
of
his
Crown
by
the
States
and
Nobility
of
Scotland
(
as
Bucanan
reporteth
)
but
was
enforced
(
as
Hector
Boetius
testifieth
)
to
resigne
all
his
right
in
the
Crown
unto
King
Edward
,
and
to
relinquish
and
give
over
his
kingdom
and
at
;
the
same
time
all
the
Nobility
of
Scotland
did
swear
homage
and
Obed●ence
unto
our
King
:
and
Boetius
hath
nothing
to
say
〈◊〉
their
defence
,
but
that
our
King
enforced
them
thereunto
;
As
though
it
were
not
lawfull
for
the
Superior
to
constraine
his
Vassals
and
Subjects
(
in
case
fair
means
cannot
prevaile
with
them
)
by
violence
to
acknowledge
their
duty
and
service
unto
him
.
But
it
pleased
the
Almighty
to
punish
the
Scotish
disloyalty
,
Inconstancy
and
Rebellion
:
they
revolted
often
;
They
broke
their
promise
many
times
;
They
thought
it
lawfull
to
delude
us
with
fair
words
,
and
to
deceive
us
with
vaine
promises
;
But
the
eternall
who
hateth
deceivers
,
and
deceitfull
dealings
,
so
prospered
all
our
Attemps
against
them
,
that
our
King
for
a
while
left
them
destitute
of
a
King
,
caused
them
to
swear
and
submit
themselves
unto
some
of
his
own
laws
;
made
the
Earl
of
Pembroke
(
whose
name
was
Odomar
Valentinian
)
Governor
of
Scotland
;
and
to
the
end
they
should
have
no
Memory
,
no
Monument
nor
Testimony
of
a
Royal
Majesty
,
he
transferred
a
Seate
of
Stone
(
whereupon
their
Kings
were
wont
to
sit
at
their
Coronation
)
out
of
Scotland
into
England
,
and
the
same
remainth
at
th●s
day
at
Westminster
.
Now
to
leave
these
and
the
like
Testimonies
,
because
they
carry
the
lesse
credit
,
for
that
they
are
reported
by
our
own
Historiographers
,
I
will
come
to
the
violent
presumptions
which
may
be
gathered
out
of
their
own
Histories
.
First
,
it
cannot
be
denyed
that
God
hath
blessed
us
with
many
famous
and
notable
Victories
against
the
Scots
.
Then
it
must
be
granted
that
we
had
alwaies
wit
enough
to
make
our
best
advantage
of
those
victories
.
Next
,
it
is
not
likely
but
that
we
took
the
benefit
of
such
advantage●
:
And
who
will
think
that
when
we
were
so
often
provoked
,
so
many
times
deceived
,
so
throughly
informed
of
our
Right
,
that
we
would
not
claime
our
Right
?
Againe
,
at
the
very
time
of
this
notable
competency
betwixt
Iohn
Balioll
and
Robert
Bruce
,
it
is
written
that
Ericus
King
of
Norway
,
sent
certain
Ambassadors
wi●h
Letters
of
Commissi●n
from
him
to
demand
the
Kingdome
of
Scotland
in
the
Right
of
his
Daughter
Margaret
,
sometimes
Wife
unto
the
King
of
Scots
;
in
which
Letter
he
acknowledgeth
our
King
to
be
Lord
and
Soveraigne
of
Scotland
.
And
why
should
there
be
found
Bulls
of
Excommunication
against
the
Kings
of
Scotland
for
not
obeying
our
Kings
?
Or
why
should
it
be
recorded
,
that
two
K●ngs
of
Scotland
Carried
,
at
severall
times
,
the
Sword
before
King
Arthur
and
king
Richard
at
their
Coronations
?
Or
why
is
it
not
probable
that
Scotland
should
be
as
well
Subject
unto
us
,
as
Bohemia
and
Hungaria
were
unto
the
Empire
,
Naples
and
Sicilie
unto
Rome
,
Burgondy
and
Navarr
unto
France
;
the
Du●edom
of
Moscovia
a●d
the
Marquisate
of
Brandiburge
unto
Pol●n●a
,
Portugall
unto
Spaine
,
and
Austria
unto
Bohemia
?
Or
l●stly
,
why
may
it
not
be
thought
,
that
as
these
Kingdoms
and
Dominions
remaine
still
in
their
old
Subjection
and
acknowledg
their
Ancient
Soveraigne
,
so
Scotland
ought
to
do
the
like
?
Our
Fortune
seldome
failed
us
against
them
;
They
never
used
us
so
kindly
,
nor
our
kings
at
any
time
behaved
themselves
so
unwisely
,
that
they
Resigned
their
Right
and
Title
unto
Scotland
,
as
other
Princes
have
done
.
But
now
to
the
like
advantage
of
this
kind
of
inferiority
,
as
a
Frenchman
contracting
or
bargaining
with
one
of
our
Nation
in
England
,
maketh
himself
by
this
contract
and
Bargaine
a
Subject
unto
our
Laws
;
so
any
man
whatsoever
offending
within
our
Realm
subjecteth
himself
,
by
reason
of
his
offence
,
unto
our
Jurisdiction
:
And
this
is
so
true
,
that
a
very
mean
man
being
a
Judge
,
if
a
great
personage
remaining
under
his
Jurisdiction
(
who
by
reason
of
his
greatness
may
seem
to
be
freed
from
his
Authority
)
shall
commit
an
offence
worthie
of
Punishment
during
his
abode
there
,
the
same
mean
and
Inferior
Judge
may
lawfully
punish
his
Offence
.
Example
will
make
this
matter
more
cleer
.
For
Example
sake
then
,
grant
that
a
Bishop
abideth
a
while
within
an
Archdeacons
Jurisdiction
,
and
there
offendeth
in
some
Crime
that
deserveth
Punishment
;
the
question
may
be
,
whether
the
Archdacon
may
punish
this
delinquent
?
For
the
Negative
,
it
may
be
said
,
that
Par
in
parem
non
habet
protestatem
,
much
lesse
an
Inferior
against
his
Superior
;
and
that
an
Archdeacon
is
Oculus
Episcopi
,
and
Major
post
Episcopum
;
and
therefore
can
have
no
Authority
over
a
Bishop
;
yet
it
is
resolved
,
that
if
the
Bishop
be
a
stranger
,
and
not
a
Bishop
of
the
Diocesse
,
the
Archdeacon
hath
sufficient
Authority
and
the
power
to
Chastise
and
Correct
his
offence
;
but
he
cannot
meddle
with
him
if
he
be
his
own
Bishop
;
and
the
reason
of
the
diversity
is
,
because
his
own
B●shop
is
as
it
were
the
Archdeacons
spirituall
Father
,
and
it
is
not
Convenient
that
the
Son
should
have
any
manner
of
Authority
over
the
Father
.
Now
since
it
is
certaine
,
that
where
there
is
the
like
reason
,
there
the
like
Law
shall
be
,
I
may
boldly
infer
by
this
Law
;
that
the
Scottish
Que●n
offending
within
her
Majesties
Dominion
,
may
be
punished
by
her
Grace
,
although
she
were
her
farr
better
.
I
might
here
,
before
I
come
unto
her
voluntary
and
forcible
Resignation
of
the
Crown
,
tell
you
,
that
she
committed
many
things
,
both
before
and
after
her
Imprisonment
,
that
made
a
plaine
forfeture
of
her
Kingdome
;
But
although
when
I
t●uched
the
duties
of
Vassals
in
some
part
,
I
promised
to
touch
the
same
in
this
pl●ce
more
largely
;
yet
for
brevitie
sake
,
I
must
omit
this
large
discourse
,
and
only
tell
you
,
that
as
the
French
King
called
our
King
Iohn
in
question
for
the
murther
commited
by
him
(
at
his
Instigation
)
on
the
person
of
his
Nephew
Arthur
,
and
forfeited
his
States
in
France
for
his
not
Apperance
,
or
insufficient
Answer
unto
that
Crime
;
so
if
the
Scottish
Subjects
had
not
deprived
their
Queen
for
the
Par●icide
la●d
to
her
charge
,
our
Queens
most
excellent
Majestie
might
not
only
have
taken
notice
thereof
,
but
also
have
punished
the
same
.
For
,
albeit
the
Fact
was
committed
without
her
Highness
Realm
and
Dominion
,
yet
the
person
who
was
murthered
being
her
Subject
and
Kinsman
,
her
grace
might
ex
eo
capite
,
in
my
simple
opinion
,
lawfully
have
proceeded
against
the
Malefactor
.
And
I
remember
that
I
saw
a
man
executed
at
Venice
because
he
killed
his
own
Wife
in
Turky
;
and
the
reason
why
they
proceeded
against
him
,
was
the
hainousness
of
the
Fact
,
and
for
that
his
Wife
(
although
she
were
not
so
)
was
their
naturall
Subject
.
And
yet
I
confesse
that
our
Common
Laws
regard
not
offences
commited
without
our
Realm
;
wherein
me
thinketh
they
have
small
reason
;
For
,
sithence
that
for
a
Bargain
made
beyond
the
Seas
I
may
have
my
re●edy
here
;
why
shall
not
have
the
benefit
of
Law
for
my
Child
and
Kinsman
,
or
any
other
that
is
near
and
dear
unto
me
murthered
beyond
the
Seas
,
since
the
life
of
a
Subject
ought
to
be
of
far
greater
value
and
worth
then
his
goods
?
And
if
in
a
Civill
action
,
of
which
the
Cause
and
originall
is
given
beyond
the
Seas
,
they
can
〈◊〉
the
Bond
and
Obligation
to
be
made
at
Lyons
,
within
some
Shire
in
England
,
when
indeed
the
same
Lyons
which
they
meane
,
and
where
the
Bond
was
made
,
is
in
France
,
why
may
they
not
lawfully
use
the
like
Fiction
in
a
Criminal
Cause
?
But
now
the
third
point
that
Argueth
the
late
Scottish
Queens
Inferiority
unto
our
Queen
;
She
was
deposed
,
and
therefore
no
longer
a
Queen
.
This
point
hath
in
it
two
very
strange
points
.
It
is
strange
to
hear
that
a
Man
or
a
woman
being
borne
a
Prince
should
be
deprived
;
and
that
he
which
receiveth
a
Kingdom
by
his
birth
,
should
lose
the
same
before
his
death
.
But
because
this
point
hath
great
affinitie
which
the
third
objection
that
is
made
against
the
unfortunate
Queens
Execution
,
I
will
forbear
to
speak
thereof
untill
I
come
to
that
Objection
.
Considering
therefore
all
the
premisses
,
I
may
boldly
conclude
,
that
notwithstanding
our
often
repeated
Maxime
,
Par
in
Parem
non
habet
potestatem
;
Her
Majesties
proceeding
against
the
Scotish
Lady
was
most
lawfull
.
For
,
although
as
there
is
but
one
Sun
and
one
Moon
in
the
Firmament
,
so
there
should
be
but
one
king
in
a
kingdome
,
yet
this
king
may
receive
another
coming
into
his
Dominion
(
if
he
will
)
gentlie
,
for
that
is
humanitie
;
but
let
him
neither
admit
him
to
be
his
Companion
,
although
he
earnestly
intreat
him
;
for
that
were
folly
;
nor
to
be
affraid
to
punish
him
if
he
offend
;
for
that
would
argue
foolish
Pusillanimitie
.
It
is
written
of
Lewis
the
Emperor
,
that
he
having
taken
Frederick
his
Competitor
Prisoner
in
the
Wars
,
took
his
Oath
that
he
should
never
affect
the
Empire
any
more
,
nor
bear
armes
against
him
,
and
so
did
set
him
at
Libertie
;
And
he
returned
into
Austria
,
where
he
lived
af●erwards
quietly
;
and
never
molested
or
troub●ed
the
Emperor
more
.
Againe
,
it
is
reported
of
Cyrus
,
that
he
having
taken
King
Astiages
Prisoner
,
Caused
him
to
be
kept
as
a
king
,
and
never
did
him
more
harm●
:
And
that
he
likewise
shewed
the
like
Clemency
unto
Croesus
king
of
part
of
Asia
;
Now
as
these
kings
were
Commended
as
well
by
those
who
lived
in
their
days
,
as
by
their
Posterity
,
for
their
courtesie
shewed
unto
these
Cap●ives
;
So
it
had
greatly
rebounded
(
say
the
Scotish
Queens
favourers
)
unto
her
Majesties
Commendation
,
if
it
had
pleased
her
to
have
preserved
the
unfortunate
Queen
;
The
Spanish
king
would
have
thanked
her
,
France
would
have
p●●●sed
her
,
the
Guisards
would
have
liked
it
,
and
the
Orphan
her
Sonne
would
have
taken
very
it
kindly
;
Whereas
now
all
these
are
or
justly
may
be
highly
offended
and
displeased
with
her
severily
Truly
,
Compassion
and
Mercy
in
a
Queen
towards
a
Queen
is
commendable
,
and
it
becometh
the
Feminine
Sex
(
whose
hearts
are
more
tender
then
Mens
)
to
be
kind
unto
their
own
kinde
;
But
if
this
kindness
cannot
be
shewed
without
manifest
danger
unto
him
that
shall
shew
it
,
I
hold
it
for
crueltie
rather
then
clemency
to
use
it
;
For
there
is
quaedam
credulis
misericordia
;
and
sometimes
to
spare
a
sinner
,
is
as
much
as
to
kill
a
sinner
;
and
poor
pity
many
times
(
saith
the
Proverb
)
overthroweth
a
whole
city
.
Cle●menes
flying
from
king
Antigonus
his
wrath
and
violence
,
had
recourse
and
refuge
unto
Ptolomy
king
of
Egypt
,
by
whom
he
was
courteously
entertained
,
and
promised
Ayd●
to
help
him
unto
his
kingdomes
.
This
Ayde
was
deferred
from
day
to
day
;
and
the
longer
it
was
delayed
,
the
greater
was
Cleomenes
desire
to
return
into
his
country
;
And
therefore
finding
that
his
courteous
host
was
so
given
unto
Wine
and
Drunkennesse
that
there
was
small
hope
to
have
present
helpe
from
him
,
he
entred
into
conspiracy
with
some
of
his
Nobles
against
him
,
and
thought
to
have
extorted
by
force
,
what
he
could
not
obtaine
by
intreaty
,
but
he
failed
of
his
purpose
;
And
he
that
meant
to
have
killed
,
was
killed
.
But
what
if
Ptolomy
had
understood
his
Treason
before
it
was
put
in
practise
,
and
he
punished
him
according
to
his
deserts
,
who
would
or
could
have
justly
blamed
him
for
repelling
Force
by
Force
?
who
would
have
been
grieved
at
so
unthankfull
a
Guests
death
?
who
would
have
sought
revenge
for
so
ungratefull
a
person
?
who
,
to
be
short
,
would
have
reproved
in
an
other
that
which
he
would
have
done
himself
,
if
the
like
wrong
had
been
offered
unto
himself
?
I
know
that
many
Prince
cannot
abide
him
that
giveth
such
counsell
as
liketh
them
not
,
although
it
be
never
so
good
.
Some
cannot
endure
that
any
man
should
presume
to
tell
them
of
their
faults
,
and
very
few
can
finde
in
their
hearts
to
pardon
him
that
would
take
away
their
lives
:
In
which
opinion
the
more
stiffly
they
dwell
,
the
more
reason
I
give
them
,
because
such
Lenity
would
encourage
wicked
and
evil-minded
men
to
intend
and
procure
their
final
destruction
.
For
if
Cle●menes
had
killed
Ptolomy
with
impunity
,
who
would
not
have
been
animated
by
his
Example
to
have
made
the
like
Attempt
,
especially
against
him
whose
death
might
yeeld
him
any
manner
of
benefit
▪
In
regard
whereof
Ptolemy
examined
Cleomenes
his
Treason
after
his
death
,
and
finding
him
guilty
,
condemned
his
memory
,
and
caused
his
dead
carcass
to
be
hanged
up
to
his
great
dishonour
and
perpetual
infamy
.
There
lived
many
good
and
courteous
Princes
in
that
age
;
but
none
of
them
reprehended
Ptolomy
his
action
,
because
they
saw
that
if
they
tolerated
or
allowed
Cleomenes
his
Ingratitude
and
Treason
,
being
such
as
no
man
but
a
most
wicked
man
ever
adventured
to
attempt
none
except
he
had
been
a
very
simple
fool
would
have
made
any
conscience
or
difficulty
to
have
done
the
like
.
Since
therefore
the
Scotish
Queen
,
not
onely
resembled
,
but
exc●lled
and
exceeded
Cleomenes
(
for
she
conspired
many
times
,
but
he
but
once
against
his
Host
)
since
she
was
so
neer
unto
her
as
Astiages
was
to
Cyrus
,
nor
could
not
serve
her
for
so
faithfull
a
Councellor
as
was
Craesus
;
nor
in
sparing
her
,
she
was
to
regard
any
mans
favour
or
friendship
,
as
Lewis
the
Emperor
did
the
Love
and
Amity
of
Leopald
the
duke
of
Austria
,
when
he
shewed
mercy
unto
his
Competitor
Frederick
;
why
should
her
Majesty
have
spared
so
unthankfull
a
Guest
,
so
merciless
a
Queen
?
Should
she
have
feared
the
King
of
Spains
displeasure
?
It
was
he
that
set
her
on
▪
and
animated
her
in
her
enterprises
;
And
therefore
it
had
been
as
much
to
fear
him
,
as
to
be
afraid
to
execute
a
Thief
,
for
fear
of
his
Companion
.
Should
she
have
born
respect
unto
the
Guisards
?
Why
she
knew
their
hatred
was
so
great
towards
her
,
that
she
needed
not
to
fear
to
increase
the
same
,
and
she
had
so
provided
that
they
should
not
be
able
to
annoy
her
.
Should
she
have
been
afraid
of
the
French
Kings
displeasure
?
Why
she
sent
her
Process
,
her
Examination
,
her
Arraignment
unto
him
,
and
found
that
he
rested
well
and
throughly
satisfied
therewith
,
and
he
was
to
reap
a
great
benefit
by
her
death
;
for
he
was
discharged
of
the
Dower
which
she
had
yearly
out
of
France
.
Lastly
,
should
she
have
stood
in
fear
of
her
sons
displeasure
?
Why
she
saw
that
so
long
as
she
lived
he
could
not
live
in
peace
,
in
quiet
,
in
security
;
and
as
for
his
Subjects
,
they
when
they
deposed
her
,
or
rather
when
they
caused
her
to
resigne
her
Diadem
,
shewed
their
minde
and
affection
towards
her
.
The
rest
of
the
princes
of
Christendom
,
some
might
perhaps
marvail
for
a
while
at
her
death
,
because
it
was
a
strange
President
;
others
might
pitty
her
,
because
she
was
a
woman
,
and
a
Queen
,
but
none
will
fight
for
her
,
because
that
they
which
were
allied
unto
her
were
not
able
;
and
they
that
had
no
alliance
unto
her
,
had
no
cause
to
Revenge
her
death
.
The
second
Objection
is
fully
answered
;
now
followeth
the
third
;
a
dangerous
Question
to
be
handled
by
a
Subject
,
This
question
,
notwithstanding
that
it
is
dangerous
and
difficult
,
is
largly
discussed
by
George
Buchanan
in
his
Book
de
Iure
Regni
apud
Scotes
,
and
also
by
him
who
was
ashamed
to
put
his
name
unto
the
Book
that
was
lately
written
against
the
French
king
.
In
these
two
authors
you
shall
finde
every
point
of
this
third
Objection
sufficiently
debated
:
You
shall
finde
the
Text
alledged
out
of
St.
Paul
in
the
behalf
of
Princes
,
and
other
places
of
the
Scripture
learnedly
answered
:
You
shall
finde
many
examples
of
profane
and
Ecclesiastical
Histories
,
of
Princes
that
have
been
done
to
death
.
Briefly
,
you
shall
finde
more
to
move
others
perhaps
then
there
is
to
move
me
to
subscribe
to
their
opinion
.
For
Buchanan
argueth
in
such
manner
,
as
I
may
rather
commend
his
subtilty
,
then
his
conscience
.
And
he
that
writeth
against
the
French
king
,
sheweth
himself
too
partial
,
too
malicious
,
too
injurious
to
Princes
:
And
Buchanan
giveth
too
great
Authority
unto
Subjects
,
and
the
other
too
much
power
unto
the
Pope
.
It
cannot
be
denied
that
Princes
received
their
first
Authority
from
the
consent
of
the
people
;
It
is
likewise
certain
,
that
this
Authority
was
given
them
to
be
used
to
the
benefit
of
the
people
.
And
no
man
will
deny
that
Countries
can
subsist
and
stand
without
kings
:
But
shall
every
man
that
receiveth
a
benefit
of
another
be
alwayes
subject
unto
him
that
once
pleasured
him
?
Shall
either
a
rude
multitude
,
or
a
few
contentious
Rebels
judge
when
a
King
useth
his
Authority
to
the
benefit
of
the
people
?
And
because
Countries
have
flourished
,
and
may
still
flourish
without
a
king
,
shall
therefore
every
Country
reject
their
king
,
when
they
dislike
their
king
?
It
●eemeth
that
Buchanan
is
of
this
opinion
,
because
he
approveth
the
death
of
king
Iames
the
third
,
and
alloweth
the
approbation
that
was
made
thereof
by
some
of
the
people
and
Nobility
of
Scotland
,
who
were
the
principal
Actors
in
the
Rebellion
against
the
same
king
,
and
the
chief
Authors
of
his
death
.
The
causes
which
moved
those
Rebels
to
bear
Arms
against
their
King
,
were
but
two
;
The
one
,
that
he
had
made
certain
base
money
,
and
called
it
not
in
again
at
their
pleasure
.
The
other
that
he
had
advanced
certain
base
Personages
unto
high
places
of
great
credit
and
dignity
;
if
these
two
faults
might
be
amended
,
the
Rebels
offered
to
submit
themselves
to
their
King
.
The
King
yeelded
not
unto
these
motions
;
Why
?
The
History
giveth
a
good
reason
for
the
King
.
They
made
these
demands
being
in
Arms.
It
seemeth
that
they
would
not
entreat
,
but
inforce
their
King
;
and
the
King
thought
it
convenient
to
chastise
their
insolency
and
boldness
,
who
presumed
to
War
against
him
at
home
,
when
he
and
his
Kingdom
stood
in
manifest
danger
of
foreign
Enemies
.
There
was
amongst
them
,
namely
the
Duke
of
Albania
,
who
affected
the
kingdom
,
who
to
further
his
Traiterous
purposes
,
had
joyned
with
the
King
of
England
,
against
his
native
Country
,
and
animated
his
lewd
confederates
to
continue
in
their
obstinate
and
unlawful
demands
.
They
considered
not
that
extream
necessity
and
want
compelled
their
King
to
use
that
money
;
and
when
they
had
taken
these
base
persons
from
the
King
for
which
they
seemed
to
rebel
,
and
had
hanged
them
,
contrary
to
all
Law
and
Equity
,
they
laid
not
down
their
Weapons
,
but
followed
the
poor
King
,
and
so
followed
him
that
at
length
they
flew
him
.
And
why
?
My
Author
giveth
this
reason
,
Because
they
knew
that
they
had
so
highly
offended
him
,
that
they
feared
,
that
if
they
should
have
spared
him
(
as
some
better
minded
then
the
rest
purposed
to
have
done
)
he
would
have
been
revenged
of
them
.
This
murther
,
the
States
of
Scotland
(
saith
Buchanan
)
allowed
,
and
ordained
that
no
man
should
be
called
in
question
or
troubled
for
the
same
.
But
what
States
are
these
?
Those
(
saith
my
Author
)
that
had
born
Arms
against
him
,
and
for
whose
sake
he
was
murthered
:
And
they
had
good
cause
to
decree
that
no
man
should
be
accused
of
his
death
.
But
what
will
some
man
of
Buchanans
opinion
say
unto
me
?
Shall
Princes
do
what
they
list
,
and
no
man
censure
them
?
Are
they
not
subject
unto
the
Laws
?
May
they
not
be
called
to
an
accompt
?
Shall
the
people
,
from
whence
they
derive
their
Authority
,
have
no
manner
of
authority
over
them
?
And
hath
it
not
been
always
held
very
dangerous
in
a
State
to
have
any
man
so
mighty
that
no
man
may
or
dare
controle
him
?
Truly
I
allow
not
that
liberty
unto
Princes
,
that
their
pleasure
shall
stand
always
for
a
Law
:
I
limit
their
Wills
unto
Reason
,
I
tie
their
commandments
unto
the
Word
of
God
;
I
fasten
their
Decrees
unto
the
Laws
of
Nature
,
unto
Equity
,
and
unto
the
Weal
of
the
people
.
And
if
these
things
be
not
regarded
,
I
take
their
Laws
to
be
unlawful
,
their
Commandmen●s
unjust
,
their
Decrees
●●ique
.
I
know
that
good
Princes
are
so
far
from
nor
subjecting
themselves
unto
their
Laws
,
that
they
suffer
themselves
and
their
causes
to
be
tried
daily
by
their
Laws
.
And
if
any
of
them
,
by
negligence
or
wilfulness
by
folly
or
ignorance
,
by
malice
or
forgetfulness
,
begin
to
contemn
their
Laws
.
I
think
it
convenient
that
they
should
be
modestly
rebuked
,
but
not
utterly
rejected
;
be
in
a
mannerly
sort
checked
,
but
not
violently
condemned
;
be
gently
admonished
,
but
not
straight
ways
furiously
and
turbulently
punished
.
Is
there
no
way
but
down
with
them
,
depose
them
,
kill
them
?
Must
we
cry
against
the
Lords
annointed
with
the
Jews
▪
as
they
did
against
Christ
,
Crucifige
,
Crucifige
;
and
not
rather
learn
by
the
Jews
,
that
the
common
people
is
no
competent
Judge
to
determine
matters
of
great
weight
and
consequence
.
I
am
not
such
a
stranger
in
the
course
of
Histories
,
but
that
I
know
that
some
Princes
have
been
deposed
for
their
insufficiency
,
as
in
France
,
Theodorick
,
and
Chilperick
;
others
for
their
negligence
,
as
again
in
France
,
Lewis
sirnamed
Do
nothing
;
some
for
poysoning
the
next
Heir
of
the
Crown
,
as
Martina
Empress
of
Constantinople
;
others
for
perjury
,
and
not
keeping
promise
with
their
Enemies
,
as
Iustinian
the
Son
of
Constantine
the
Fourth
;
some
for
not
tendring
the
Weal
,
and
publick
Welfare
of
their
Subjects
,
as
Richard
King
of
England
;
others
for
murthering
them
which
reprehended
their
vices
,
as
Boleslaus
King
of
Polonia
;
some
for
usurping
things
not
belonging
unto
their
Crown
,
as
Sumberlanus
King
of
Bohemia
;
others
for
their
extream
rigor
and
cruelty
,
as
Sigismond
King
of
Hungary
;
some
for
their
childrens
Adultery
,
as
Tarquine
King
of
Rome
;
others
for
Tyranny
,
as
Archilaus
,
Son
to
Herod
;
some
for
unreasonable
exactions
,
as
Slaomire
King
of
Abredites
;
and
others
for
corruption
,
as
Adolph
the
Emperor
.
But
if
all
these
Depositions
were
examined
and
tried
by
the
Touchstone
of
Law
,
I
think
the
most
part
of
them
will
be
found
scant
lawful
.
For
all
these
crimes
in
private
men
,
are
not
capital
,
and
therefore
why
should
they
be
so
severely
punished
in
Princes
?
How
many
judges
take
Bribes
,
and
are
not
deposed
?
How
many
Magistrates
are
negligent
,
and
are
not
punished
?
How
many
Officers
execute
not
their
Offices
and
are
not
removed
?
How
many
rich
men
offend
in
Adultery
,
and
are
not
censured
?
briefly
,
How
many
Noble
men
commit
Adultery
and
Murther
,
and
are
not
condemned
?
In
Poland
the
Gentleman
that
killeth
a
Yeoman
payeth
but
a
certain
Fine
in
money
;
in
France
he
that
killeth
another
manfully
and
in
the
field
,
is
seldom
executed
.
In
Italy
many
are
vilely
murthered
,
and
the
Murtherers
are
not
always
punished
.
And
in
all
Countries
grievous
Crimes
are
either
tolerated
or
pardoned
,
sometimes
because
the
Malefactors
are
descended
of
notable
parents
,
whom
Princes
are
loth
to
offend
and
discontent
.
You
have
heard
how
Dunorix
was
spared
,
although
he
were
a
Traytor
,
for
Diviaticus
his
Brothers
sake
;
and
our
Chronicles
report
,
that
Henry
the
Third
,
having
taken
in
the
Barons
Wars
many
Schollars
of
Oxford
in
Northampton
,
who
did
him
more
harm
then
all
the
rest
of
his
Enemies
,
would
have
hanged
them
all
,
had
not
his
Council
perswaded
him
to
save
them
,
because
in
executing
them
he
might
displease
their
friends
,
who
were
Gentlemen
and
Noblemen
of
great
Houses
.
Shall
mean
personages
,
vile
murtherers
,
private
men
escape
unpunished
,
and
must
the
Law
be
executed
with
all
severity
upon
Princes
?
They
are
in
higher
places
,
their
actions
are
beheld
of
all
men
,
and
most
men
are
lead
by
their
example
.
True
,
but
David
was
not
punished
as
soon
as
he
had
killed
Uriah
;
Solomon
was
not
deposed
although
he
kept
many
Concubines
;
Herod
was
not
streightways
deprived
for
murthering
of
Iohn
Baptist
;
and
it
was
long
before
Saul
was
removed
by
David
.
But
how
then
?
May
Princes
offend
as
often
as
they
will
,
and
never
be
punished
?
No
;
Must
their
Subjects
endure
all
their
Cruelties
and
Tyrannies
?
No
;
May
they
be
troublesom
unto
their
Neighbours
,
untrue
unto
their
Confederates
,
Enemies
unto
the
common
peace
,
and
never
to
be
reprehended
?
No
;
What
course
is
then
to
be
taken
to
bridle
their
Appetites
,
and
restrain
their
Insolency
?
Truly
I
finde
two
notable
Laws
for
the
punishment
of
such
Princes
,
the
one
made
by
Conrad
the
Emperor
,
and
the
other
by
Otho
the
Third
.
Conrad
his
Law
commanded
all
Princes
to
embrace
Peace
,
to
maintain
Law
and
Equity
,
and
not
to
disturb
the
quiet
and
peaceable
Estate
of
the
Empire
;
and
that
whosoever
transgressed
in
any
of
these
three
points
,
should
suffer
death
.
Othon
his
Law
was
much
to
the
same
effect
;
but
he
added
,
That
the
Prince
offending
in
any
of
these
three
points
,
should
besides
the
loss
of
life
,
lose
all
his
States
and
Dominions
,
and
be
held
for
a
common
enemy
;
and
that
all
the
Princes
of
Christendom
should
rise
in
arms
against
him
,
as
a
perturber
of
Christian
peace
and
tranquillity
.
But
in
these
days
Princes
neither
are
,
nor
will
be
,
nor
can
be
ready
to
help
every
one
that
complaineth
;
and
why
should
Subjects
seek
for
releif
abroad
,
that
may
be
releived
and
succoured
at
home
?
The
course
is
ordinary
,
the
remedy
easie
,
if
men
will
not
deceive
themselves
in
taking
their
course
.
Every
Country
hath
its
Parliament
,
every
Kingdom
the
Assembly
of
their
Estates
;
there
may
their
Griefs
be
heard
,
their
Wrongs
red
ressed
,
and
their
Princes
repressed
:
And
in
this
course
the
common
people
loseth
not
a
jot
of
their
Authority
;
for
they
which
attribute
most
unto
the
people
,
take
not
every
confused
,
rude
,
and
tumultuous
multitude
for
the
people
,
but
a
choice
company
of
the
wisest
Nobility
,
and
of
the
most
grave
,
honest
,
discreet
and
wise
men
amongst
the
Commonalty
.
It
must
not
be
such
base
and
busie
companions
,
as
was
Iack
Straw
in
England
,
Nicholas
Rency
in
Rome
,
Iaques
Artevilla
in
Flanders
,
George
Zechius
in
Bohemia
,
Anthony
Bavadella
in
Spain
,
and
William
Siler
in
Switzerland
,
that
must
presume
to
controll
mighty
Kings
,
or
to
alter
well
governed
States
:
For
such
petty
Companions
are
better
able
to
mislead
a
number
of
simple
people
with
their
venemous
tongues
,
then
to
consider
with
discretion
,
that
many
things
are
done
in
every
Kingdom
which
Princes
know
not
of
,
and
that
divers
abuses
are
committed
,
which
the
Officers
that
commit
them
keep
,
as
long
as
they
can
possible
,
from
their
Princes
knowledge
;
which
abuses
should
be
quickly
redressed
if
the
king
might
be
made
acquainted
with
them
.
These
Companions
consider
not
,
that
there
is
an
High
Court
of
Parliament
,
unto
which
Princes
either
can
be
contented
,
or
be
constrained
to
submit
themselves
,
and
wherein
Subjects
may
speak
unto
their
King
freely
,
so
they
speak
reverently
,
any
thing
that
may
benefit
their
Country
;
I
said
,
reverently
,
because
methinks
it
is
not
tolerable
,
that
any
Subject
be
he
never
so
great
and
mighty
,
should
use
unreverent
speeches
unto
his
King
secretly
,
much
less
in
an
open
Parliament
,
as
did
Richard
Earl
Marshal
of
England
unto
King
Henry
the
third
,
who
when
the
King
called
him
in
choler
(
and
perhaps
not
without
occasion
)
Traytor
,
gave
him
the
lye
in
the
Parliament
House
,
and
told
him
to
his
face
he
cared
not
for
him
because
he
was
well
assured
,
that
as
long
as
he
lived
in
obedience
unto
the
Laws
of
the
the
Realm
,
he
could
not
hurt
him
;
And
when
the
king
answered
,
he
could
intercept
his
victuals
,
and
suffer
no
man
to
bring
him
any
manner
of
Provision
,
he
replyed
,
that
if
he
sent
any
to
intercept
his
victuals
,
he
would
send
them
home
shorter
by
the
heads
then
they
came
.
Such
an
audacious
and
unreverent
speech
coming
to
the
ears
of
such
busie
Companions
as
Iack
Straw
and
Iack
Cade
were
in
England
,
would
make
them
take
the
Speaker
for
a
Demy
God
,
for
a
Patron
of
his
Country
,
for
a
Protector
of
their
Liberty
,
and
being
carried
from
them
unto
others
,
may
draw
them
like
a
company
of
mad-men
,
to
adventure
life
and
limbs
for
such
a
desperate
Cataline
,
and
without
ever
considering
whereabout
they
go
,
to
undertake
for
his
sake
the
utter
subversion
of
Town
and
Country
.
But
it
may
be
said
,
that
I
am
like
the
Physitian
that
prescribeth
a
remedy
unto
his
Patient
,
but
telleth
him
not
how
he
shall
come
by
it
;
so
I
talk
much
of
a
Parliament
,
but
I
conceal
how
difficult
it
will
be
to
have
a
Parliament
,
especially
when
a
Prince
,
without
whose
consent
and
commandment
the
same
cannot
be
called
,
knoweth
,
or
mistrusteth
that
any
thing
shall
be
debated
and
determined
therein
to
his
prejudice
.
I
cannot
but
acknowledge
this
difficulty
,
and
therefore
if
the
wrongs
that
are
offered
be
not
too
great
,
it
is
better
to
suffer
them
with
patience
,
th●n
to
seek
to
reform
them
by
violence
.
But
if
the
outrages
grow
once
to
be
so
extream
that
they
are
no
longer
to
be
endured
,
I
hold
the
same
for
a
most
unfortunate
,
unhappy
,
and
servile
State
,
wherein
the
Nobility
is
either
too
timerous
,
or
so
besotted
with
the
love
unto
a
bad
King
,
that
they
will
not
be
moved
upon
the
just
complaints
of
the
poor
and
distressed
Commonalty
,
to
enforce
him
to
call
a
Parliament
:
and
in
this
kind
of
violence
,
I
require
discretion
and
judgement
in
the
Confederates
,
lest
they
mar
a
good
Cause
with
evil
handling
thereof
,
as
did
Iulius
Caesar
,
who
when
he
had
deserved
a
triumph
,
took
so
violent
a
course
in
demanding
the
same
,
that
his
sure
was
rejected
,
to
his
endless
dishonour
,
and
his
Countries
great
detriment
.
Let
the
Subjects
be
therefore
humble
Petitioners
unto
the
Princes
to
reform
such
abuses
as
are
notoriously
known
to
be
abuses
.
Let
them
yeeld
such
measure
unto
their
kings
as
they
would
desire
for
themselves
;
let
them
when
neither
their
humble
suits
may
prevail
,
nor
their
gentle
connivence
or
toleration
mitigate
the
wrath
,
or
moderate
the
affections
of
their
Soveraigns
,
humbly
beseech
the
Peers
of
the
Realm
to
be
their
Patrons
and
Protectors
of
their
Innocency
.
Then
will
he
that
ruleth
Princes
,
and
hath
their
hearts
in
his
hand
,
that
can
prevent
their
imaginations
,
and
cross
their
intentions
,
raise
up
some
better
disposed
then
others
,
better
minded
then
the
common
sort
of
men
are
,
better
able
then
the
Commonalty
is
to
judge
of
wrongs
,
to
redress
injuries
,
and
to
repress
evil-disposed
Princes
.
All
Authority
is
divided
into
Ecclesiastical
and
Temporal
;
of
the
one
the
Pope
,
of
the
other
the
Emperor
challengeth
superiority
;
and
yet
both
these
Heads
,
notwithstanding
their
preheminence
,
their
power
and
prerogatives
,
have
been
reduced
to
Reason
,
when
they
have
swerved
from
all
Reason
,
by
those
who
by
Reason
were
led
to
challenge
Power
and
Authority
over
them
.
For
both
the
Colledge
of
Cardinals
and
the
States
of
the
Empire
have
claimed
,
and
according
to
their
claims
have
used
a
certain
Right
both
over
the
Pope
and
over
the
Emperor
,
when
the
one
or
the
other
of
them
hath
been
found
negligent
in
their
duties
;
and
therefore
have
presumed
that
the
power
of
the
one
and
the
other
hath
been
devolved
unto
them
.
Even
when
an
inferiour
Prelate
is
negligent
,
the
Bishop
may
assume
into
his
hands
all
his
Jurisdiction
and
Authority
;
or
when
the
Bishop
is
careless
in
performance
of
his
duty
,
either
the
Dean
and
Chapter
or
the
Arch-bishop
may
lawfully
rebuke
his
negligence
,
and
reform
whatsoever
he
vouchsafed
not
to
amend
;
so
although
the
Pope
challengeth
to
be
by
many
degrees
higher
then
all
the
Princes
of
Christendom
,
yet
divers
Cardinals
in
the
time
of
Pope
Iulius
the
second
,
considering
that
the
Church
had
need
of
Reformation
,
as
well
in
the
Head
,
as
others
Member
thereof
,
implored
the
aid
of
the
Emperor
,
and
of
the
King
of
France
,
and
with
assurance
of
their
help
and
assistance
caused
certain
peremptory
citations
to
be
set
up
in
Modena
,
Bolognia
,
and
other
Cities
of
Italy
,
by
which
they
cited
the
said
Pope
to
appear
at
a
general
Councel
to
be
he●d
at
Pisa
,
and
to
answer
to
such
Articles
as
should
be
layed
in
against
him
,
touching
his
Simony
,
negligence
,
and
other
abuses
not
specified
in
the
said
Citations
;
In
regard
of
which
faults
,
and
of
his
Negligence
,
they
affirmed
that
the
Pope
was
not
sufficient
and
fit
to
govern
the
Universal
Church
of
Christendom
,
and
that
the
Power
and
Authority
to
call
and
summon
a
general
Councel
was
lawfully
devolved
unto
them
.
So
although
our
Kings
(
as
I
have
said
)
are
the
greatest
and
most
absolute
Kings
of
the
world
,
next
unto
the
Kings
of
France
;
yet
the
Barons
,
after
the
battel
of
Lewis
,
in
the
time
of
Henry
the
third
,
ordained
that
two
Earls
and
a
Bishop
elected
by
the
Commonalty
should
chose
to
them
nine
other
persons
,
whereof
three
should
alwayes
remain
about
the
King
,
and
by
the
whole
twelve
both
the
Court
and
the
Realm
should
be
governed
.
So
in
the
fourth
year
of
the
Reign
of
Edward
the
second
,
the
Prelates
,
Earls
and
Barons
made
Ordinances
for
the
State
and
Government
of
the
Realm
,
which
because
the
King
would
neither
confirm
,
not
allow
,
were
confirmed
by
sentence
of
Excommunication
against
all
them
that
should
go
to
break
the
same
.
So
the
Scotchmen
in
the
time
of
Iohn
their
King
,
being
moved
thereunto
by
his
negligence
,
chose
twelve
Peers
,
and
four
Bishops
,
four
Earls
,
and
four
Barons
,
by
whose
advice
and
counsel
the
King
should
Govern
the
Realm
.
So
to
be
short
,
although
(
as
Bodin
reporteth
)
when
a
certain
Advocate
pleading
a
cause
in
France
said
,
that
the
Kings
of
France
had
received
their
Power
and
Authority
from
the
Common-people
,
the
Kings
Atturney
stepped
up
and
requested
the
Court
,
that
those
things
might
be
razed
out
of
his
Plea
;
shewing
that
the
Kings
thereof
never
received
any
Power
or
Authority
from
the
common
people
and
required
,
that
both
that
Advocate
and
all
others
might
be
commanded
(
as
he
and
they
were
)
never
to
use
the
like
words
in
their
pleas
:
yet
before
and
since
that
time
divers
Kings
of
France
have
been
censured
by
the
three
Estates
of
their
Realm
,
as
it
may
appear
by
the
examples
of
those
Kings
which
were
(
as
I
have
said
)
deposed
in
France
.
Thus
it
appeareth
,
that
if
Princes
offend
,
they
may
be
chastened
according
to
the
nature
and
quality
of
their
offences
;
and
it
cannot
justly
or
truly
be
said
,
that
that
is
against
a
Law
or
without
Law
which
is
done
by
an
high
Court
of
Parliament
,
from
whence
all
or
most
Laws
have
their
beginning
,
their
foundation
,
their
strength
.
Neither
can
this
manner
of
correction
embolden
Subjects
to
conspire
against
the
life
of
their
Soveraign
.
For
either
the
Majesty
of
their
Prince
,
or
the
remembrance
of
their
du●y
towards
him
,
or
the
fear
of
punishment
,
or
the
danger
that
followeth
Rebellions
,
or
the
hope
of
Reformation
by
imploying
the
aid
of
the
Peers
and
Nobility
will
alwayes
restrain
their
insolency
,
and
keep
them
within
the
bounds
and
limits
of
true
obedience
.
But
when
Subjects
are
disposed
to
be
rid
of
their
Kings
,
they
may
(
say
the
Favourers
of
the
Scotish
Queen
)
implore
the
aid
of
Forreign
Princes
to
suppress
them
.
Whereunto
I
answer
,
that
if
their
cause
be
just
and
good
▪
I
grant
it
to
be
lawfull
so
to
do
;
But
if
it
shall
proceed
of
Malice
,
and
not
of
Justice
,
of
their
desire
,
and
not
of
their
Princes
desert
;
of
a
rash
and
foolish
dislike
,
and
not
of
manifest
Tyranny
or
evil
Government
,
there
will
be
no
Prince
so
ill
advised
as
to
hear
them
,
much
less
to
succour
them
;
for
he
that
should
hear●en
to
such
light
complaints
,
and
in
regard
of
them
molest
another
King
,
would
undoubtedly
by
Gods
good
and
just
punishment
,
in
time
be
troubled
with
the
like
Subjects
himself
.
Now
whereas
it
is
said
,
that
a
Prince
coming
upon
what
occasion
soever
into
another
Princes
Country
cannot
be
put
to
death
without
the
breach
of
Humanity
and
Hospitality
.
Hereunto
I
answer
briefly
,
that
if
such
a
Prince
shall
so
much
forget
himself
,
as
,
although
he
be
detained
for
never
so
unjust
a
cause
,
to
attempt
and
conspire
by
himself
or
others
his
death
that
detaineth
him
;
truly
,
neither
the
Laws
of
Humanity
or
Hospitality
are
or
can
justly
be
said
to
be
broken
,
if
such
a
Prince
be
severely
punished
;
for
since
he
first
violateth
these
Laws
himself
,
he
giveth
thereby
just
occasion
unto
him
whose
death
he
seeketh
by
unlawfull
means
to
use
the
benefit
of
Law
,
for
the
shortning
of
so
unthankfull
a
Guests
life
;
especially
if
before
his
attempt
and
conspiracy
his
detainor
always
used
him
gently
and
curteously
.
But
it
was
never
seen
(
say
the
Scotish
Queens
friends
)
that
a
Prince
flying
from
the
violence
of
her
Subjects
,
or
passing
by
another
Princes
Realm
(
as
the
Scotish
Queen
did
)
to
go
into
another
Country
,
was
detained
prisoner
;
It
is
a
thing
never
heard
of
,
never
practised
in
any
Age
,
or
by
any
Prince
,
were
he
never
so
barbarous
,
never
so
void
of
Humanity
.
This
is
a
vehement
Objection
;
but
not
so
vehement
as
ridiculous
:
For
as
a
private
man
cannot
come
upon
his
neighbours
ground
without
his
leave
,
so
Princes
may
not
set
their
feet
on
their
neighbours
Territories
without
asking
them
leave
and
license
;
and
the
Prince
that
shall
presume
to
come
into
another
Princes
Country
without
his
leave
,
is
thought
too
indiscreet
and
unwise
,
although
the
occasion
of
his
coming
be
never
so
just
and
lawfull
.
It
is
written
of
Baldwine
the
Emperor
of
Constantinople
,
that
when
he
being
driven
from
his
Imperial
Seat
,
came
into
England
to
demand
aid
of
our
King
,
the
cause
of
his
coming
was
very
just
and
equitable
;
but
when
landed
at
Dover
,
word
was
sent
him
by
our
King
,
that
he
had
done
unadvisedly
and
otherwise
then
it
became
a
king
of
his
Magnificence
and
Majesty
,
to
adventure
to
come
into
our
Realm
without
making
them
privy
before
hand
to
his
coming
;
and
because
he
vouchsafed
not
to
ask
leave
,
it
was
held
for
a
manifest
sign
of
great
pride
and
contempt
.
Was
there
ever
Prince
that
took
a
more
just
and
necessary
and
commendable
voyage
then
Richard
the
first
king
of
England
did
unto
the
Holy
land
?
Was
there
ever
any
journey
of
which
followed
better
success
then
of
that
his
voyage
?
Had
ever
Prince
more
just
occasion
to
hope
to
pass
by
another
Princes
Country
without
danger
or
detriment
then
he
had
?
And
yet
as
he
returned
,
although
he
was
disguised
in
apparel
,
to
the
end
he
might
not
be
known
,
and
pass
safely
,
he
was
intercepted
by
Leopald
Duke
of
Austria
and
held
a
long
time
in
prison
by
him
,
and
afterwards
dilivered
unto
the
Emperor
.
And
albeit
that
the
Pope
and
other
Princes
,
considering
that
he
was
unlawfully
detained
,
became
Mediators
and
Intercessors
for
his
liberty
,
yet
he
could
not
be
delivered
before
he
had
endured
twenty
two
moneths
imprisonment
,
and
had
paid
better
then
one
hundred
and
fifty
thousand
pounds
for
his
Ransom
.
Both
our
Chronicles
and
the
Scotish
Histories
report
,
that
Iames
son
unto
Robert
King
of
Scotland
,
(
when
his
Uncle
being
Governor
of
the
Kingdom
,
had
murthered
his
Elder
brother
,
and
purposed
to
have
made
him
away
also
)
was
sent
by
his
father
into
France
or
into
England
,
with
letters
of
recomenmdation
unto
both
Kings
,
wherein
the
poor
and
distressed
Father
besought
both
Kings
to
have
compassion
of
his
wofull
and
unhappy
estate
,
and
to
receive
and
entertain
his
Son
with
all
kindeness
.
The
young
Prince
,
after
that
he
had
been
but
a
small
while
upon
the
Seas
,
not
brooking
them
very
well
,
commanded
the
Master
of
the
ship
to
land
him
in
England
;
He
is
presently
brought
unto
the
presence
of
King
Henry
the
first
,
to
whom
he
shewed
his
Fathers
letters
;
The
King
having
perused
them
,
called
his
Councel
together
;
they
deliberate
what
were
best
to
do
with
the
Prince
;
some
think
it
good
to
send
him
into
France
;
others
(
whose
opinion
was
followed
)
perswade
the
king
to
detain
him
as
prisoner
.
I
might
alledge
a
number
of
Examples
like
unto
these
two
,
but
they
may
suffice
to
refute
this
frivolous
Objection
:
And
the
late
Queen
of
Scots
might
have
learned
of
either
these
Princes
how
to
have
carried
her self
in
the
time
of
her
Captivity
.
King
Richard
was
a
valiant
,
a
mighty
,
and
a
notable
wise
Prince
.
His
case
was
lamented
of
all
the
Princes
of
Christendom
:
His
Subjects
were
both
willing
and
able
to
have
constrained
his
Detainers
to
deliver
him
:
His
journey
was
undertaken
for
the
benefit
of
all
Christendom
;
and
therefore
it
behoved
all
Princes
to
be
offended
with
his
imprisonment
.
Briefly
,
neither
the
Duke
nor
the
Emperor
had
just
occasion
to
detain
him
;
and
yet
during
the
long
and
tedious
time
of
his
durance
,
he
neither
sought
any
unlawfull
means
to
escape
out
of
prison
,
nor
practised
any
treacherous
wayes
to
be
revenged
of
his
Detainers
.
The
Scotish
Prince
doubtless
was
to
be
pittied
:
The
cause
of
his
flight
was
just
and
honest
,
and
the
detaining
of
him
prisoner
wa●
rather
hatefull
then
honourable
;
and
yet
this
poor
Prince
carried
himself
not
onely
honestly
and
faithfully
as
long
as
he
was
prisoner
in
England
,
but
also
when
our
king
caused
him
to
attend
upon
him
into
France
,
where
he
might
have
easily
escaped
from
his
keepers
,
or
quickly
ha●e
procured
some
violent
means
to
purchase
his
liberty
,
he
continued
st●ll
a
faithfull
prisoner
;
And
was
so
far
(
at
all
times
)
from
seeking
revenge
for
his
hard
and
long
imprisonment
,
that
he
alwayes
thought
that
he
was
well
and
courteously
used
;
and
in
requital
of
that
courtesie
,
when
as
Henry
the
sixth
,
Son
unto
the
same
Henry
who
kept
him
Prisoner
,
was
driven
out
his
kingdom
,
he
not
onely
ha●boured
him
,
but
also
helped
to
restore
him
to
his
kingdom
.
The
good
carriages
of
these
two
Princes
condemneth
the
Scottish
Queen
;
and
the
general
custom
of
Princes
as
not
onely
to
crave
leave
when
they
come
into
other
Princes
Dominions
,
but
also
to
provide
for
their
safety
and
security
as
long
as
they
shall
be
there
,
confuteth
this
foolish
,
this
fond
,
this
ridiculous
and
childish
Objection
.
It
is
written
of
a
King
of
Navarre
,
that
when
he
had
occasion
to
come
into
England
,
in
the
four
and
fortieth
year
of
Edward
the
Third
his
reign
,
not
to
conspire
against
us
but
to
intreat
a
League
with
us
,
and
to
fight
for
us
,
he
not
onely
demanded
leave
,
but
also
durst
not
adventure
to
come
,
before
that
the
King
had
sent
unto
his
Realm
certain
Bishops
,
Earls
and
Barons
to
remain
as
Hostages
and
Sureties
that
he
should
be
well
used
so
long
as
he
continued
in
England
.
And
surely
Princes
have
great
reason
to
require
such
Assurance
,
since
many
Kings
and
Princes
have
been
in
great
danger
to
be
killed
,
yea
and
some
have
been
killed
when
they
met
of
purpose
to
talk
of
Common
Affairs
:
So
was
Iulius
Caesar
in
danger
to
have
been
in
conference
with
Ariovis●us
;
so
was
William
Duke
of
Normandy
killed
in
conference
with
Arnold
Earl
of
Flanders
;
so
was
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
mu●thered
at
a
meeting
with
the
Dolphin
of
France
.
And
these
examples
have
made
Princes
more
provident
and
wise
then
they
were
wont
to
be
,
for
that
they
will
hardly
be
perswaded
or
intreated
to
any
such
Enterviews
;
or
if
they
must
needs
meet
,
they
cause
places
to
be
made
of
purpose
before
the
meeting
,
in
such
manner
that
they
may
see
and
hear
one
another
,
but
not
come
so
near
together
that
the
one
may
hurt
the
other
.
But
Ambassadors
are
safe
in
their
enemies
Countries
;
why
then
should
Princes
be
in
danger
in
their
Neighbors
Dominions
?
The
Answer
is
very
easie
,
●ecause
Ambassadors
are
not
spared
either
for
their
own
sak●s
,
or
for
their
Masters
,
but
because
that
without
them
there
would
never
be
an
end
of
Hostility
,
nor
any
●eace
after
Wars
.
Neither
is
the
name
or
person
of
an
Ambassador
so
inviolable
either
in
peace
or
in
the
time
of
War
,
but
that
there
may
be
both
a
convenient
time
,
and
a
good
occasion
to
pun●sh
an
Ambassador
.
For
to
omit
that
Olaus
and
Euetus
killed
the
Ambassador
of
Illalcolnius
King
of
Scots
,
as
Hector
Boetius
recordeth
;
that
Teaca
Queen
of
Selavonia
slew
a
Roman
Ambassador
,
as
Polybius
reporteth
;
that
the
Athenians
caused
King
Darius
his
Ambassador
to
be
thrown
and
drowned
in
a
deep
Well
,
as
Herodotus
testifieth
;
and
that
William
King
of
Sicily
plucked
out
the
eyes
of
Henry
Dandelo
,
Ambassador
unto
him
from
the
Venetians
,
as
Illescas
writeth
;
because
these
and
the
like
examples
are
manifest
Presidents
of
barbarous
cruelty
,
rather
then
of
Justice
and
Equity
;
I
will
shew
you
by
a
few
examples
,
that
an
Ambassador
hath
been
,
and
may
as
often
as
the
like
occasion
happeneth
,
be
lawfully
punished
or
sent
out
of
the
Realm
wherein
he
remaineth
as
an
Ambassador
.
Titus
Livius
writeth
,
that
when
Brennus
had
found
Quintus
Fabius
Ambustus
fighting
in
the
Camp
of
the
Clusians
against
him
,
he
sent
presently
as
Herald
of
Arms
unto
Rome
,
to
demand
him
to
be
delivered
into
his
hands
,
as
a
Breaker
of
the
Laws
of
Arms
,
because
that
being
sent
from
the
Romans
as
Ambassador
unto
him
,
he
returned
not
home
as
soon
as
he
had
done
his
Ambassage
,
but
remained
still
in
the
Clusians
Camp
;
and
because
the
Romans
did
not
deliver
unto
his
Messenger
the
said
Ambustus
,
he
left
the
siege
of
Clusius
,
and
conveyed
his
invincible
Army
unto
Rome
,
and
therewith
spoiled
and
sackt
the
City
.
Adrian
the
fourth
Pope
of
Rome
,
sent
his
Chancellor
Rowland
,
and
Cardinal
Bernard
unto
Fredrick
the
Fourth
,
who
used
such
unreverend
speeches
unto
the
Emperor
,
that
the
County
Palatine
of
Vitilispatch
,
not
brooking
the
indignity
that
was
offered
unto
his
Master
,
drew
his
sword
,
and
had
not
the
Emperor
staid
his
hand
,
he
had
slain
the
Ambassador
in
his
presence
;
and
the
Emperor
was
so
moved
with
indignation
to
see
his
insolent
carriage
and
behaviour
,
that
he
presently
commanded
him
to
avoid
out
of
his
Court
,
and
not
to
stay
so
long
as
to
dispatch
his
necessary
business
.
The
Romans
when
Marcus
Aemilius
Lepidus
and
Ca●us
Flaminius
were
Consuls
,
delivered
Lucius
Martinus
and
Lucius
Manlius
into
the
hands
of
the
Carthaginians
to
be
used
at
their
pleasure
and
discretion
,
because
they
had
beaten
their
Ambassadors
.
Edward
the
Second
,
King
of
England
,
amongst
others
sent
a
French
Gentleman
Ambassador
into
France
,
whom
the
French
King
(
had
not
the
Queen
purchased
his
pardon
)
had
excommunicated
as
a
Traytor
,
because
he
presumed
to
serve
his
enemy
for
an
Ambassador
unto
him
.
Francis
the
First
,
King
of
France
,
sent
Caesar
Fregosus
and
Antony
Rincone
Ambassadors
unto
the
Great
Turk
;
Charls
the
Fifth
his
Soldiers
took
them
upon
the
River
of
Poe
in
Italy
,
and
presently
slew
them
both
:
The
French
King
complaineth
that
they
were
wrongfully
murthered
;
the
Emperor
justifieth
their
death
because
the
one
being
a
Genouis
,
and
the
other
a
Milanois
,
and
both
in
some
manner
his
Subjects
,
they
feared
not
to
serve
the
French
King
his
enemy
.
Henry
the
Eighth
,
King
of
England
,
commanded
a
French
Ambassador
to
depart
presently
out
of
his
Realm
,
for
no
other
occasion
but
for
that
h●
was
the
professed
enemy
of
the
Sea
of
Rome
.
The
Seigniory
of
Venice
understanding
that
certain
Traitors
who
had
revealed
their
secrets
to
the
Turk
,
were
fled
to
hide
themselves
to
the
French
Ambassadors
house
at
Venice
,
sent
certain
Offices
to
search
the
Ambassadors
house
for
them
,
and
when
the
Ambassador
forbad
and
refused
to
suffer
those
Officers
to
enter
into
his
house
,
the
Senate
made
no
more
ado
,
but
sent
for
certain
peeces
of
great
Ordnance
out
of
their
Arsenal
,
whereby
they
would
have
beaten
down
the
house
,
had
not
the
said
Ambassador
as
soon
as
he
saw
the
same
Ordnance
,
yeelded
the
Traytors
to
their
mercy
and
discretion
.
I
might
alledge
many
more
Histories
to
this
purpose
,
but
I
should
be
over
long
and
tedious
;
And
yet
I
may
not
omit
these
two
following
,
because
they
are
worthy
observation
,
and
make
more
for
my
purpose
then
all
the
rest
.
In
the
year
1544
the
French
King
sent
certain
Ambassadors
unto
Charls
the
Fifth
to
Spires
,
sending
an
Herald
of
Arms
before
with
Letters
unto
the
Emperor
,
and
unto
the
Princes
Electors
,
in
which
he
required
a
safe
Conduct
for
his
Ambassadors
.
The
Herald
is
staid
by
the
Cardinal
Gavilla
and
made
to
deliver
him
his
Letters
,
and
to
shew
the
cause
of
his
coming
;
further
he
is
commanded
to
keep
his
lodging
,
and
that
no
man
should
be
suffered
to
speak
with
him
,
and
within
four
days
he
is
willed
to
depart
,
and
take
heed
that
he
presume
not
to
come
within
the
Emperors
Dominions
another
time
without
his
leave
;
he
was
now
pardoned
rather
of
lenity
then
of
desert
,
because
he
had
broken
the
Laws
of
Arms
:
And
as
concerning
his
Letters
,
it
was
told
him
that
the
King
his
Master
had
so
deserved
of
the
Emperor
,
and
all
the
whole
state
of
Christendom
,
that
the
Emperor
neither
could
nor
would
receive
them
.
This
answer
was
given
unto
him
written
in
French
,
and
certain
Soldiers
appointed
to
bring
him
to
the
Borders
of
France
.
The
second
example
is
of
a
Bishop
,
who
in
the
year
1302
being
sent
Ambassador
unto
the
French
King
from
the
Pope
,
practised
certain
Treasons
in
France
against
the
King
,
whereof
he
is
accused
,
arraigned
in
the
Court
of
Parliament
at
Paris
,
and
being
found
guilty
is
committed
unto
prison
.
But
he
is
delivered
out
of
prison
at
the
Popes
request
,
and
both
he
and
the
Popes
Nuntio
are
commanded
to
avoid
the
Realm
.
The
Pope
excommunicateth
the
King
for
proceeding
thus
against
his
Ambassador
;
and
the
King
to
requite
him
with
the
like
courtesie
,
commanded
that
no
more
money
should
be
carried
out
of
his
Realm
to
Rome
.
By
these
examples
I
may
boldly
infer
two
necessary
Consequents
;
the
one
,
that
if
Ambassadors
fail
in
their
duty
,
or
fall
into
these
follies
which
I
have
mentioned
,
they
are
either
punishable
,
or
may
be
sent
away
in
disgrace
.
The
other
that
the
Spanish
King
hath
no
just
cause
to
be
offended
with
our
Queens
Majesty
for
the
sending
away
of
D●n
Bernardine
Mendoza
his
last
Ambassador
in
England
.
For
although
he
fought
not
in
any
Camp
against
her
Majesty
,
as
did
Ambustus
against
Brennus
,
yet
he
perswaded
divers
of
her
Subjects
to
bear
Arms
against
her
;
although
he
used
no
uncivil
and
unreverent
speeches
against
her
Majesty
as
the
Cardinal
Bernard
did
unto
the
Emperor
Fredrick
,
yet
he
did
both
backbite
and
slander
her
unto
her
Subjects
and
unto
other
Princes
;
although
he
did
not
beat
her
Ambassadors
,
as
Martinus
and
Manlius
did
the
Carthaginian
Ambassadors
,
yet
he
did
both
vilifie
and
discredit
her
Ambassadors
abroad
;
spared
not
to
speak
evil
of
her
best
and
wisest
Councellors
at
home
;
although
he
was
not
an
Ambassador
of
a
professed
enemy
to
the
Sea
of
Rome
,
as
was
the
French
Ambassador
residing
in
England
in
Henry●he
●he
Eighth
his
time
,
yet
he
was
an
Ambassador
of
a
professed
enemy
unto
her
Highness
,
because
he
was
his
Ambassador
who
was
in
league
with
the
Sea
of
Rome
;
Briefly
,
although
he
denied
not
to
deliver
Traitors
unto
h●r
Majesty
,
as
the
French
Ambassador
did
at
Venice
;
yet
he
not
onely
received
but
procured
her
many
Traitors
,
and
both
counselled
and
encouraged
them
to
commit
sundry
Treasons
against
her
Majesty
.
The
premises
being
therefore
duly
considered
,
why
might
not
her
Majesty
imitate
Charls
the
Fifth
,
who
hardly
admitted
the
French
King
Lerold
to
his
presence
,
because
his
Master
was
his
professed
Enemy
?
Why
might
not
her
Grace
command
the
Spanish
Ambassador
to
depart
out
of
her
Realm
,
since
he
had
lived
many
years
in
England
,
not
as
a
Mediator
,
but
as
a
Perturber
of
a
peace
;
not
as
a
friend
to
her
Estate
,
but
as
a
debaucher
and
corrupter
of
her
loyal
Subjects
;
not
as
one
that
desired
her
welfare
,
but
endeavoured
to
procure
her
overthrow
?
Why
might
not
her
Highness
send
him
away
in
peace
,
who
as
long
as
he
lived
in
her
Realms
,
would
continually
have
interrupted
her
peace
?
Might
the
King
of
France
arreign
and
condemn
a
Bishop
for
practising
Treason
against
his
person
?
might
he
commit
him
to
prison
,
and
after
his
deliverance
profess
open
enmity
against
the
Pope
his
Master
,
against
the
Pope
that
had
,
or
at
lestwise
challengeth
some
authority
over
him
?
and
might
not
her
Majesty
do
the
like
unto
a
Spanish
Gentleman
,
a
meer
Lay-man
,
not
so
priviledged
as
a
Prelate
,
not
so
favoured
in
Law
as
a
Bishop
;
briefly
,
not
so
worthy
of
favour
or
compassion
as
was
a
Popes
Legate
,
a
Legate
either
equal
,
or
as
the
days
were
then
,
and
are
in
some
places
yet
,
not
inferior
to
a
Prince
?
It
was
Mendoza
that
misled
the
Scottish
Queen
;
it
was
he
that
drew
Francis
Throgmorton
into
dangerous
Treasons
;
it
was
he
that
had
secret
Intelligence
with
Babington
and
his
Complices
;
it
was
he
that
encouraged
Morgan
and
Paget
abroad
;
it
was
he
that
studied
night
and
day
to
procure
us
Enemies
at
home
;
Briefly
it
was
he
that
spared
no
labour
,
no
money
,
no
expences
,
whereby
he
might
either
openly
or
secretly
endanger
our
State
.
He
lived
not
many
months
but
years
in
England
without
bringing
so
much
as
a
Letter
from
his
Majesty
unto
her
Majesty
,
without
performing
any
Function
belonging
to
an
Ambassador
:
And
how
lived
he
?
Not
in
Court
,
but
in
the
City
;
not
in
open
view
of
the
World
,
but
in
secret
corners
;
not
as
an
Ambassador
,
but
as
a
Spy
.
And
when
was
he
dismissed
?
Not
so
soon
as
he
was
found
to
have
committed
one
action
of
hostility
,
but
after
that
he
was
admonished
,
not
once
,
but
many
times
,
to
leave
off
his
Treachery
;
not
when
he
was
suspected
,
but
after
that
many
Traytors
had
confessed
that
he
was
not
only
privy
but
principal
unto
their
Treasons
.
Breifly
,
how
was
he
dismissed
?
Not
with
a
crimination
and
threatning
,
as
was
the
French
Herald
,
but
with
fa●r
words
and
a
kindly
farewel
;
not
with
a
Troop
of
Soldiers
to
conduct
him
to
Sea
side
,
but
with
a
company
of
Gentlemen
to
associate
him
to
the
place
where
he
took
shipping
;
not
to
pass
with
danger
through
the
Country
that
hated
him
for
his
Treasons
,
but
to
be
conveyed
without
danger
unto
the
Country
that
loved
him
for
his
Treachery
intended
against
her
Majesty
:
To
be
short
,
not
slightly
sent
away
in
disgrace
,
but
then
commanded
to
depart
,
when
as
his
Master
would
not
vouchsafe
audience
unto
a
wise
and
discreet
Gentleman
sent
by
her
Majesty
unto
him
,
to
signifie
his
demeanor
and
his
carriage
.
Well
,
he
is
gone
out
of
England
,
and
whether
?
Into
France
;
And
to
what
place
in
France
?
To
Paris
:
And
what
to
do
there
?
To
persevere
in
his
malice
against
England
,
to
confer
with
the
English
Traytors
personally
,
with
whom
he
talked
before
by
Letters
;
to
confirm
the
Guisards
in
their
Treasons
,
to
dispose
the
French
Leaguers
to
favour
and
further
his
Majesty
against
us
and
our
friends
:
Briefly
,
so
to
behave
himself
,
that
without
him
,
neither
whole
France
,
nor
rebellious
and
obstinate
Paris
had
held
out
so
long
as
it
did
against
the
late
and
present
French
king
;
for
the
people
of
Paris
are
(
as
a
Spanish
writer
reporteth
of
them
)
proud
,
rich
,
and
rebellious
,
which
humor
this
Ambassador
nourisheth
in
them
;
and
when
they
were
most
hardly
besieged
,
there
were
five
things
(
as
the
same
Author
writeth
)
that
made
them
hold
out
;
First
,
The
valour
and
courage
of
the
Duke
of
Nemours
Governour
of
the
Town
;
Secondly
,
the
presence
of
the
Popes
Legate
;
Thirdly
,
the
Alms
and
Liberality
of
this
Embassador
;
Fourthly
,
the
perswasions
of
the
Preachers
;
Fifthly
,
the
news
that
were
daily
sent
to
the
Town
by
the
Duke
of
Mayne
,
and
published
by
Mendoza
and
other
Princes
.
Thus
it
appeareth
that
he
was
a
notable
Instrument
of
Rebellion
,
and
a
fit
man
to
be
imployed
in
factious
services
:
For
,
as
God
hath
deprived
him
of
his
sight
,
and
made
him
blinde
;
so
he
intended
to
deprive
others
of
their
senses
,
and
to
blinde
their
fight
and
judgement
,
to
the
end
they
might
not
be
abe
to
see
and
discern
the
hidden
projects
of
his
conspiracies
.
But
of
him
enough
.
Now
again
unto
the
Queen
of
Scots
.
It
appeareth
that
being
culpable
,
she
might
be
arraigned
;
and
being
found
guilty
,
she
might
be
condemned
.
But
the
manner
of
her
arraignment
and
of
her
condemnation
seemeth
very
strange
unto
as
many
as
hear
of
it
;
and
●is
repugnant
unto
the
Laws
and
Customs
of
England
,
observed
in
the
Trial
of
meaner
Subjects
.
It
seemeth
strange
that
her
Majesty
should
be
a
judge
in
her
own
cause
,
in
a
matter
of
Treason
;
and
especially
against
a
Princess
:
And
of
this
strangeness
many
of
the
Scotish
Queens
Favourites
take
such
hold
,
as
they
hold
it
for
a
matter
without
Example
,
without
any
former
Presidents
.
But
if
it
might
please
these
her
Favorers
to
consider
,
that
although
it
be
a
certain
rule
in
Law
,
that
no
man
shall
be
a
Judge
in
his
own
cause
,
yet
the
Preheminence
,
Excellency
and
Prerogative
of
Kings
and
Princes
,
is
,
and
hath
alwayes
been
such
,
that
they
may
Judge
and
determine
in
any
causes
that
concern
themselves
.
For
Tiberi●s
Caesar
sate
Judge
in
his
own
cause
,
in
dividing
certain
Inheritances
:
with
him
was
substituted
one
Parthenius
,
Caesars
servant
.
Marcus
Antonius
the
Emperor
judged
that
the
goods
of
Valerius
Nepos
were
lawfully
devolved
,
and
as
it
were
confiscated
unto
the
Exchequer
.
And
Quiltilian
testifieth
,
that
he
pleaded
a
cause
for
Queen
Berenne
,
whereon
she
her self
sat
as
principal
Judge
.
What
Scholar
hath
not
read
the
Orations
of
M.
Tullius
Cicero
made
in
defence
of
Quintus
Ligarius
,
of
Deiotarius
,
of
Marcus
Marcellus
before
Iulius
Caesar
,
he
being
the
onely
Judge
and
Arbitrator
of
his
own
cause
?
And
it
was
the
custom
of
the
first
kings
of
Rome
to
hear
all
causes
themselves
,
as
well
concerning
their
subjects
as
themselves
,
until
that
Servius
Tullius
,
the
sixth
king
,
reserved
all
publick
causes
for
his
own
audience
,
and
referred
his
own
private
matters
unto
the
Senate
;
There
was
nothing
so
great
or
so
small
(
saith
Suetonius
Tranquillus
)
but
Tiberius
,
when
he
began
to
be
weary
of
managing
of
publick
affairs
,
referred
the
same
unto
his
Senators
:
And
so
did
Marcus
Antonius
,
as
Capitolinus
testifieth
.
But
after
that
Princes
began
to
grow
absolute
,
after
that
their
States
became
hereditary
,
and
they
had
established
a
certain
order
in
Judgement
,
then
began
they
to
have
their
Judges
,
who
sat
as
their
substitutues
,
as
well
in
other
mens
as
in
their
own
causes
,
as
Choppianus
reporteth
.
And
although
they
appoint
such
Judges
,
yet
they
wrong
not
their
Subjects
therein
,
because
both
they
themselves
vouchsafe
to
swear
to
see
their
Laws
maintained
,
and
their
Judges
are
sworn
to
Judge
according
unto
their
Laws
.
But
our
Queens
Majesty
was
not
Judge
in
the
Scotish
Queens
cause
;
It
pleased
her
to
make
the
high
Court
of
Parliament
judge
thereof
.
What
wrong
then
was
there
offered
unto
her
,
since
she
had
the
same
Trial
which
many
Kings
of
England
have
had
?
As
namely
,
Richard
the
second
and
third
,
and
Henry
the
fourth
and
sixth
.
She
had
not
the
favour
which
was
shewed
unto
Subjects
or
Strangers
.
She
should
have
had
a
Jury
of
Twelve
Peers
to
pass
on
her
,
whereof
the
one
half
should
have
been
Englishmen
,
and
the
other
Scots
,
or
other
strangers
?
This
in
truth
is
the
usuall
and
ordinary
manner
of
Tryal
for
strangers
offending
within
the
Queen
Dominions
:
But
where
should
such
strangers
have
been
had
,
but
that
they
would
have
been
partial
on
the
one
side
,
or
on
the
other
?
what
course
might
have
been
taken
for
their
coming
into
England
?
And
when
they
were
come
,
if
she
had
made
,
as
she
might
have
done
,
any
manner
of
exception
against
them
,
had
it
not
been
dangerous
to
stay
the
coming
of
others
?
Had
it
not
been
costly
to
have
defrayed
their
Charges
?
And
who
should
have
born
their
charges
?
The
strangers
themselves
would
not
have
been
at
the
cost
.
The
Scotish
Queen
was
not
able
to
maintain
them
:
And
there
was
no
reason
to
put
her
Majesty
to
such
charges
.
It
may
be
that
the
Spanish
King
would
have
been
content
to
have
paid
their
charges
.
Let
it
be
granted
;
yea
,
and
those
whom
he
would
have
sent
,
would
have
saved
her
life
,
because
they
durst
not
displease
him
,
and
he
must
needs
have
gratified
her
,
because
she
had
(
as
she
confessed
)
sold
unto
him
her
pretensive
Right
unto
the
Crown
of
England
.
Is
it
likely
,
that
six
Peers
of
our
Realm
would
have
spared
her
,
when
six
and
thirty
of
the
chiefest
of
our
Nobility
,
and
of
the
most
discreet
Judges
and
Lawyers
of
our
Realm
found
her
guilty
,
and
the
whole
Parliament
condemned
her
?
In
which
Parliament
,
by
reason
of
the
Priviledges
and
Liberties
thereof
,
any
man
might
have
spoken
more
freely
,
in
her
defence
,
then
in
any
other
place
?
And
was
it
not
seen
,
that
before
she
had
endeavoured
by
so
many
wayes
and
means
as
she
did
,
to
take
away
our
most
gratious
Soveraigns
life
and
Scepter
,
that
very
mean
men
presumed
to
speak
for
her
in
the
Parliament
House
,
and
were
heard
with
all
favour
and
indifferency
?
And
if
she
had
been
saved
by
the
Spaniards
benefit
,
would
he
not
have
used
her
to
our
destruction
?
And
should
not
we
have
lived
in
continual
servitude
,
then
which
nothing
is
more
grievous
unto
a
good
minde
,
nothing
more
contrary
and
repugnant
unto
the
nature
and
quality
of
a
Prince
?
May
it
be
thought
that
that
King
,
who
objected
unto
our
Queen
,
in
a
most
disdainfull
and
dispightfull
manner
,
that
he
had
saved
her
life
,
and
that
her
Majesty
was
bound
unto
him
for
the
same
,
when
as
indeed
there
was
no
cause
why
she
should
have
ever
have
been
in
danger
to
lose
her
life
?
May
it
be
thought
(
I
say
)
that
he
wou●d
not
have
done
the
like
unto
the
Scotish
Queen
,
if
she
had
not
been
alwayes
at
his
disposition
?
But
it
was
strange
that
a
Prince
should
be
put
to
death
.
It
was
not
strange
in
Scotland
,
where
more
Kings
have
been
slain
and
murthered
then
have
died
a
natural
death
;
where
Alphinus
,
not
onely
King
of
Scots
,
but
also
Heir
unto
the
Kingdom
of
the
Picts
,
was
openly
beheaded
.
It
was
not
strange
in
Hungary
,
where
Queen
Ioan
was
executed
for
the
murther
committed
on
the
person
of
her
Husband
.
It
was
not
strange
in
France
,
where
Bernard
King
of
Italy
,
and
lawful
King
of
France
,
was
adjudged
and
done
to
death
.
It
was
not
strange
in
Asia
,
where
Hercules
slew
Laomedon
for
his
tyranny
and
cruelty
.
It
was
not
strange
in
Spain
,
where
Henry
the
Bastard
executed
Peter
the
lawful
King
.
It
was
not
strange
in
the
kingdom
of
Naples
,
where
Conrad
rightful
King
thereof
was
beheaded
.
Briefly
,
it
was
not
strange
in
the
holy
Scrip●ures
,
where
we
read
that
Ioshuah
discomfited
five
Kings
,
and
hung
them
all
upon
trees
;
that
Saul
was
reprehended
by
Samuel
for
not
kiling
Agag
King
of
the
Amalakites
,
whom
Samuel
took
and
hewed
in
peeces
;
that
Gideon
slew
the
Kings
of
Midian
,
and
that
Iehu
slew
Iehoram
King
of
Israel
,
and
Ahaziah
King
of
Iudah
.
There
is
nothing
then
strange
or
without
example
in
the
execution
of
the
Scotish
Queen
,
unless
it
be
strange
that
our
Queens
Majesty
was
careless
of
her
life
,
when
her
Subject
were
careful
of
the
same
;
that
she
would
not
hear
of
her
death
,
when
they
desired
nothing
more
then
her
death
:
That
when
the
Parliament
had
condemned
her
,
she
could
not
be
in
treated
to
subscribe
to
their
Judgment
.
Briefly
,
That
when
with
great
labour
and
many
perswasions
she
was
won
by
her
privy
Councel
and
others
,
who
were
of
opinion
that
Vita
Mariae
would
be
Mors
Elizabethae
,
as
Vita
Conradini
was
thought
by
the
Pope
to
be
Mors
Caroli
,
to
deliver
her
Warrant
to
one
of
her
Secretaries
for
her
death
,
she
imprisoned
,
and
grievously
fined
that
Secretaryfor
sending
that
Warrant
with
such
speed
as
he
did
,
whereby
it
seemed
,
that
had
not
the
Warrant
been
obtained
when
it
was
,
she
would
hardly
have
yeeled
to
her
execution
;
and
by
punishing
him
that
was
so
willing
and
ready
to
have
her
executed
,
it
appeareth
that
her
Majesty
not
onely
loved
her
whilst
she
lived
,
but
also
after
she
was
dead
;
and
her
Highness
grave
and
wise
speeches
delivered
unto
her
loving
Subjects
in
the
Parliament
House
,
do
testifie
how
sorrowful
and
unwilling
her
Majesty
was
to
consent
unto
her
death
,
although
it
was
there
made
most
apparent
unto
her
Grace
,
that
as
long
as
that
Queen
lived
,
she
could
not
be
without
continual
danger
of
losing
her
life
.
This
opinion
being
therefore
confirmed
to
be
most
true
since
her
death
,
because
there
have
no
such
Treasons
been
either
intended
or
practised
against
her
Majesty
since
,
as
before
that
time
;
It
followeth
,
that
her
execution
gave
the
King
of
Spain
not
just
occasion
to
invade
her
Highness
Realms
.
The
causes
then
of
this
invasion
are
unjust
;
now
followeth
the
course
,
a
course
not
beseeming
a
Prince
of
his
might
,
of
his
years
,
of
his
long
continuance
and
experience
in
the
exercise
and
administration
of
a
kingdom
.
For
first
,
his
years
are
fitter
for
peace
then
for
war
;
for
rest
and
quietness
,
then
for
troubles
and
unquietness
;
and
many
wise
and
mighty
Princes
,
either
before
or
as
soon
as
they
came
to
his
years
,
have
given
over
the
World
,
resigned
their
kingdom
,
and
spent
the
residue
of
their
time
in
Monastical
idleness
.
I
read
that
Sigisbert
,
Etheldred
,
Elured
,
Constantine
,
and
Inas
King
of
England
;
that
Charls
the
Fifth
,
and
Uladislaus
kings
of
Bohemia
,
Constantine
king
of
Scotland
,
and
Amadeus
Duke
of
Savoy
,
before
they
came
to
the
Spanish
kings
age
,
renounced
the
world
to
live
unto
God
in
houses
of
Religion
.
I
record
oftentimes
the
notable
exploits
,
the
marvellous
victories
,
and
the
rare
and
admirable
vertues
of
Pompey
,
of
Alexander
,
of
Antiochus
of
Theodosius
,
and
of
Charls
king
of
France
(
who
were
all
,
as
you
have
heard
sirnamed
the
Great
)
and
I
find
that
they
were
all
so
far
off
at
his
age
from
seeking
new
occasions
of
Wars
,
of
new
Conquests
,
that
either
all
,
or
the
most
part
of
them
commended
their
souls
unto
God
,
and
committed
their
bodies
unto
the
earth
before
they
attained
his
years
.
I
remember
all
this
,
and
in
remembring
it
,
I
think
that
it
pleased
the
Almighty
to
take
them
out
of
this
world
so
soon
as
they
were
no
more
fit
and
able
to
conquer
in
the
World
;
thereby
giving
to
understand
unto
their
after-commers
,
that
in
their
youth
they
may
lawfully
attend
upon
Conquests
,
upon
Arms
,
upon
Wars
as
occasion
shall
be
presented
unto
them
,
but
that
in
their
elder
age
,
they
ought
to
have
their
thoughts
,
their
cogitations
,
and
their
eyes
fixed
upon
no
other
things
then
upon
the
conservation
of
their
kingdoms
,
the
wealth
of
their
Subjects
,
and
the
health
of
their
own
souls
:
For
when
private
men
,
much
more
Princes
,
attain
unto
threescore
and
odd
years
,
it
is
high
time
for
them
to
amend
their
lives
,
and
to
reconcile
themselves
unto
God
,
because
their
strength
faileth
them
,
their
vital
spirits
decay
,
and
the
hour
of
death
approacheth
.
Here
you
see
one
great
over-sight
in
his
course
;
now
followeth
another
.
Wise
and
discreet
Princes
most
commonly
before
they
enter
into
dangerous
and
long
Wars
,
appoint
and
compose
the
Quarrels
and
contentions
which
they
have
with
their
Neighbors
,
or
with
any
other
Princes
that
are
able
to
cross
their
Enterprises
.
It
is
written
of
Iulius
Caesar
,
of
whose
commendations
all
Histories
are
plentiful
,
that
when
he
was
fully
resolved
to
war
with
the
Veyans
,
he
sent
a
Gentleman
accustomed
and
acquainted
with
the
natural
disposition
of
those
people
,
to
contain
the
Inhabitants
of
the
River
of
Rhine
in
their
duty
and
obedien●e
,
and
to
take
order
that
the
Gascoines
should
not
in
any
wise
help
or
assist
his
enemies
.
The
Romans
being
entreated
by
the
Spaniardw
,
with
whom
they
were
in
league
,
to
succor
them
against
the
Carthaginians
,
denied
them
such
aid
as
they
demanded
,
because
that
the
Frenchmen
at
the
sametime
warred
in
Italy
.
Richard
the
first
,
king
of
England
,
being
determined
to
make
a
voyage
into
the
Holy
Land
for
relief
thereof
;
and
fearing
that
either
the
King
of
Scots
or
his
Brother
Iohn
might
at
the
instigation
of
the
French
king
,
trouble
and
disquiet
his
Realm
in
his
absence
,
would
not
undertake
that
journey
before
he
assured
unto
himself
the
king
of
Scots
and
his
Brother
by
many
gifts
and
rewards
;
and
also
bound
the
French
king
by
vow
and
oath
to
attempt
nothing
against
his
kingdom
,
before
that
fifty
days
should
be
expired
after
his
return
out
of
Syria
.
And
that
victorious
king
of
France●who
●who
passed
triumphantly
from
the
beginning
of
Italy
unto
the
end
thereof
without
striking
a
stroak
)
would
not
adventure
to
enter
into
Italy
before
he
had
made
a
very
fast
ane
strong
League
of
Amity
and
Friendship
with
Fardinando
and
Isabella
King
and
Queen
of
Spain
,
and
before
he
had
purchased
through
Bribes
and
Corruption
,
the
assured
friendship
of
the
king
of
England
,
and
had
also
accommodated
and
appeased
all
causes
and
occasions
of
contentions
and
variance
betwixt
France
and
the
Emperor
Maximilian
.
It
seemeth
the
Spanish
king
either
regarded
not
,
or
remembred
not
these
examples
,
because
that
intending
and
fully
resolving
to
invade
England
,
he
made
the
French
king
his
enemy
rather
than
his
friend
;
from
whom
he
might
receive
far
greater
annoyance
and
disturbance
in
his
intended
purpose
and
enterprise
,
then
from
any
other
Prince
in
Christendom
.
But
the
Catholick
kings
Councellors
perswade
him
that
he
and
his
Confederates
are
well
enough
able
of
themselves
,
not
onely
to
withstand
,
but
also
to
subdue
and
subjugate
all
those
Princes
which
are
not
in
league
with
him
;
and
that
the
next
way
to
recover
his
own
patrimony
in
the
Low
Countries
,
was
to
distress
and
destroy
England
first
;
which
being
once
happily
effected
,
he
should
finde
it
very
easie
and
nothing
at
all
difficult
to
master
his
Subjects
,
and
inforce
them
by
open
violence
to
receive
both
him
and
his
Religion
;
he
must
therefore
bend
his
whole
●orces
against
Engla●d
;
against
England
that
hath
highly
offended
him
,
and
that
may
easily
be
subdued
,
because
he
shall
finde
many
there
,
who
being
weary
and
discontented
with
the
present
Government
,
will
be
ready
to
entertain
his
Armies
,
and
immediately
will
joyn
their
strength
with
his
Forces
.
But
not
to
stand
long
upon
the
confutation
hereof
,
let
these
grave
Councellors
,
or
these
discontented
Fugitives
,
unto
whose
perswasions
both
the
Spanish
King
,
and
his
wisest
Councellors
give
too
much
credit
,
tell
me
whether
ever
any
Prince
had
,
or
may
desire
to
have
a
better
opportunity
,
or
an
easier
means
to
invade
and
conqu●r
England
,
then
Lewis
Son
unto
the
King
of
France
had
,
who
was
not
onely
called
into
the
Realm
by
the
Barons
,
with
a
faithful
assurance
of
all
the
best
help
and
furtherance
that
they
could
yeeld
him
against
King
Iohn
,
but
also
was
comforted
and
accompanied
with
all
the
good
wishes
and
blessings
that
the
holy
Father
of
Rome
could
bestow
upon
him
;
and
wanted
not
the
many
Forces
,
and
continual
Supplies
which
the
mighty
Kingdom
of
France
was
able
to
afford
him
:
And
yet
how
speeded
this
valiant
Lewis
?
What
success
had
his
ambitious
Enterprise
?
Forsooth
he
prevailed
for
a
time
;
won
to
day
,
and
lost
to
morrow
,
and
in
the
end
was
glad
to
return
from
whence
he
c●me
with
far
greater
shame
then
honour
.
But
what
need
I
speak
of
matters
beyond
mans
memory
,
worn
out
of
remembrance
,
and
reported
by
antient
Historiographers
,
when
as
the
success
of
the
late
Spanish
Fleet
may
serve
to
admo●ish
a
wise
Prince
,
how
to
trust
the
vain
reports
of
lying
Fugitives
,
and
how
to
make
great
preparations
against
a
mighty
Kingdom
in
hope
of
assistance
within
the
Realm
?
Was
there
any
man
that
gave
them
succour
either
of
Men
or
Victuals
?
Was
there
ever
an
Haven
that
was
either
able
or
willing
to
harbour
their
Ships
their
Ships
that
needed
both
harbour
and
reparations
?
Was
there
any
friend
either
within
the
Country
,
or
nigh
unto
the
Country
would
bestow
a
little
fresh
water
upon
them
,
for
lack
whereof
many
of
their
people
died
?
Was
there
ever
a
Pri●ce
or
Potentate
,
that
would
suffer
them
to
repair
either
broken
,
wind-shaken
,
or
Sea
beaten
Ships
within
his
Dominion
?
Briefl●
,
was
there
any
man
that
would
furn●sh
them
with
Masts
,
Sa●ls
,
Cables
▪
and
other
things
n●cessary
,
for
want
whereof
most
of
their
Navy
perished
?
I
will
tell
you
a
thing
which
may
be
strange
to
others
,
but
no
news
to
you
,
and
yet
worthy
to
be
told
,
because
it
is
meet
that
it
should
be
known
unto
all
men
.
When
the
report
was
certain
in
England
that
the
Spanish
Fleet
and
Forces
were
at
hand
,
instead
of
lamentat●ons
,
weepings
,
out-cries
(
which
things
in
time
of
sudden
accidents
are
common
,
and
even
used
amongst
valiant
people
)
the
Queens
Majesties
ears
were
filled
with
Prayers
,
Petitions
,
and
Motions
,
sometimes
of
one
Shire
,
sometimes
of
another
,
most
humbly
beseeching
her
Highness
to
give
the
Spaniards
liberty
to
land
with
their
Forces
,
and
them
leave
to
encounter
with
them
alone
.
I
my self
do
marvel
,
and
I
think
as
many
as
shall
hear
it
will
marvel
thereat
,
that
in
men
of
one
and
the
same
Religion
,
there
should
be
divers
opinions
,
and
different
Judgements
in
matters
concerning
the
advancement
of
their
Religion
;
Yet
I
know
,
and
you
shall
understand
,
that
the
English
Catholicks
which
are
out
of
England
,
and
those
that
live
within
the
same
Realm
,
were
not
all
of
one
opinion
,
of
one
minde
,
when
the
Spaniards
were
coming
for
England
;
for
the
one
sort
wished
them
all
manner
of
happiness
and
prosperity
;
and
the
other
prayed
to
God
not
to
prosper
their
journey
,
much
less
their
Attempt
,
and
besought
the
Queens
Majesty
to
place
them
in
the
foremost
Range
and
Ranck
against
the
Spaniards
,
and
where
they
might
endanger
themselves
most
,
and
do
her
Highness
most
service
;
not
because
they
were
weary
of
their
lives
,
but
for
that
they
thought
it
most
honorable
to
die
in
the
defence
of
their
Country
,
and
that
God
would
never
forsake
them
in
so
just
a
cause
.
This
may
serve
to
shew
that
the
Spaniards
had
,
and
may
have
very
small
hope
to
finde
any
manner
of
aid
within
England
.
And
yet
to
clear
this
point
the
better
,
may
it
please
you
to
remember
,
that
when
the
report
of
the
Spaniards
coming
began
to
be
certain
,
all
those
which
we
call
Papists
,
and
our
Adversaries
term
Catholicks
,
at
least
the
better
sort
of
them
,
were
conveyed
to
several
houses
far
distant
the
one
from
the
other
,
and
there
kept
,
not
like
Prisoners
,
but
like
Gentlemen
of
their
calling
,
and
all
the
Nobility
was
commanded
to
repair
to
the
Court
;
of
which
commandment
their
followed
two
commodities
:
The
one
,
That
the
Catholicks
being
under
safe
custody
,
there
was
no
man
of
account
to
sollicite
the
Subjects
to
Rebellion
;
the
other
,
that
if
any
small
or
great
number
had
been
disposed
to
rebell
,
there
was
not
any
man
of
worth
to
be
their
Head
;
And
it
hath
seldom
been
seen
that
Rebels
ever
durst
adventure
to
shew
their
evil
inclination
;
or
adventuring
,
had
at
any
time
good
success
,
without
having
some
man
of
special
accompt
and
authority
for
their
head
.
But
Ireland
and
Scotland
may
be
thought
to
favour
the
Spanish
King
,
and
undoubtedly
he
hath
been
made
beleeve
,
that
in
either
of
those
Realms
he
shall
finde
faithful
friends
,
and
such
as
will
adventure
their
lives
to
do
him
service
.
Truly
Ireland
hath
been
a
long
time
subject
to
the
Crown
of
England
,
but
always
divided
into
two
Factions
;
the
one
of
civil
and
discreet
people
,
the
other
of
wilde
and
savage
men
;
the
first
sort
,
true
and
faithful
Subjects
unto
their
Soveraign
,
and
the
other
prone
and
ready
to
spurn
against
their
Superiors
,
but
not
able
to
do
any
great
hurt
,
no
more
then
the
Banditti
of
Italy
,
which
may
rob
a
house
,
spoil
a
little
Village
,
and
set
fire
on
a
Castle
,
and
run
away
by
the
light
when
they
have
done
;
and
yet
to
be
sure
that
no
great
annoyance
should
come
from
Ireland
to
England
,
the
best
part
of
the
Nobility
of
the
Country
was
likewise
called
to
the
Court
;
the
strongest
Holds
were
committed
to
the
custody
of
faithful
keepers
;
and
to
hold
them
in
better
obedience
,
there
was
sent
over
such
a
Lord
Deputy
as
was
well
acquainted
with
their
Customs
practised
in
the
Country
,
and
very
well
beloved
of
the
people
.
As
for
Scotland
,
although
the
Kings
thereof
have
always
been
for
these
many
hundred
years
in
firm
league
and
amity
with
the
Kings
of
France
,
and
of
late
years
have
had
some
occasion
of
extraordinary
great
love
and
friendship
with
the
house
of
Guise
(
the
House
that
hath
been
,
as
you
have
heard
,
the
onely
upholder
and
mainta●ner
of
the
Spanish
Fact
on
in
France
)
yet
because
the
present
King
of
Scotland
hath
been
nourished
up
from
his
infancy
in
the
same
Religion
which
the
Queen
of
England
professeth
;
and
for
that
he
is
bound
unto
her
Highness
for
divers
favors
and
courtesies
shewed
unto
him
in
the
time
of
his
distress
and
necessity
,
he
is
very
well
affected
unto
the
State
of
England
,
and
desireth
nothing
more
then
the
welfare
of
that
Country
,
the
health
and
safety
of
the
Queens
Majesty
,
and
the
reign
and
overthrow
of
all
her
Enemies
;
which
desire
he
signified
unto
her
Majesty
at
such
time
as
she
thought
she
stood
in
need
of
his
help
,
offering
to
come
in
person
to
aid
her
Grace
against
the
Spainards
wi●h
the
greatest
power
he
was
able
to
make
.
The
Venetians
brag
of
the
strength
of
their
City
,
because
it
is
distant
five
miles
from
any
land
,
and
defended
by
a
little
natural
Bank
from
the
violence
of
the
Sea
:
How
may
England
therefore
boast
of
her
strength
,
since
she
is
severed
above
thirty
miles
at
the
least
from
any
other
Nation
,
not
by
a
little
Bank
,
but
by
a
great
Sea
;
especially
if
●reland
and
Scotland
be
under
her
subjection
,
and
in
League
with
her
;
and
also
if
the
Maritine
forces
of
the
United
Provinces
be
always
ready
to
joyn
with
her
against
all
her
enemies
?
It
is
not
the
happy
success
of
one
Battel
,
nor
the
mighty
or
innum●rable
forces
of
one
A●my
that
must
or
〈◊〉
subdue
England
;
but
he
that
will
undertake
to
conquer
our
Realm
,
must
first
overthrow
our
invincible
Navy
,
and
then
encounter
with
our
strengths
by
Land
,
and
not
obtain
one
onely
,
but
many
Victories
against
them
;
a
matter
in
my
simple
conceit
almost
impossible
,
especially
for
the
King
of
Spain
.
For
besides
that
Fortune
is
seldom
or
never
so
constant
or
prodigal
of
her
favours
,
that
she
vouchsafeth
unto
any
man
any
long
continuance
of
desired
happiness
;
this
impossibility
will
easily
appear
unto
him
that
shall
call
to
remembrance
what
hath
been
already
said
touching
the
Forces
of
England
and
Spain
.
But
the
Romans
first
,
then
the
Danes
,
next
William
the
Conqueror
;
Lastly
,
Divers
English
Princes
pretending
right
unto
the
Crown
of
England
,
have
with
very
small
difficulty
,
and
with
no
great
Armies
subdued
the
same
;
and
why
may
not
the
like
fortune
happen
to
the
Spainard
?
Truely
,
if
it
might
be
inferred
as
a
necessary
consequent
,
that
the
Country
that
hath
been
conquered
many
times
,
and
by
many
Nations
,
should
always
be
very
easily
conquered
;
This
inference
might
be
far
better
made
and
used
against
Spain
,
then
against
England
.
For
Spain
was
first
governed
by
Tuball
the
Son
of
Iapheth
,
the
Son
of
Noe
,
and
by
his
posterity
,
who
were
deprived
of
the
Possession
and
Government
thereof
by
the
Sidonians
,
and
they
by
the
Thracians
,
and
they
by
the
Rhodians
,
and
they
by
the
Phrygians
,
and
they
by
the
Phenicians
,
and
they
by
the
Cypriots
,
and
they
by
the
Aegyptians
,
and
they
by
the
Miletians
,
and
they
by
the
Phocentians
,
and
they
by
the
Chaldeans
,
and
they
by
the
Carthaginians
,
and
they
by
the
Romans
,
and
they
by
the
Gothes
,
and
they
by
the
Vice-Gothes
,
and
they
lastly
by
the
Spainards
,
whom
the
Sa●azens
had
driven
out
of
their
Country
,
had
not
the
Frenchmen
holpen
them
to
repel
and
expel
the
Sar●zens
.
England
was
undoubtedly
subdued
by
the
Romans
,
but
not
before
they
had
conquered
all
the
rest
of
the
World
,
because
they
reserved
(
as
it
may
be
well
supposed
)
the
conquest
thereof
(
as
Conquerors
most
commonly
do
in
great
Enterprises
)
for
the
last
and
greatest
Exploit
which
they
had
to
do
,
or
for
the
best
reward
that
they
could
attain
or
expect
of
their
long
and
tedious
Wars
.
And
it
is
written
that
they
boasted
more
of
the
Conquest
thereof
,
then
of
all
the
Victories
which
they
had
obtained
in
their
dayes
,
because
they
supposed
that
England
which
was
divided
from
the
rest
of
the
World
by
the
Sea
,
was
no
part
of
the
World
;
and
therefore
they
made
two
Triumphs
thereof
;
the
one
of
the
main
Land
,
and
the
other
of
the
huge
and
merciless
Sea
.
The
Danes
and
Saxons
likewise
subdued
England
,
but
they
enjoyed
their
Conquest
but
a
very
few
years
;
And
how
subdued
they
England
?
Not
by
main
force
(
as
Spain
was
always
conquered
)
but
by
cunning
and
deceit
;
for
Vortiger
King
of
England
,
being
continually
molested
by
Pirates
,
and
by
the
Scots
,
was
constrained
to
require
Aid
of
the
Saxons
,
who
sent
him
a
great
Army
under
the
Conduct
of
two
Brethren
,
Engistus
and
Orsus
;
of
which
,
Engistus
having
cunningly
obtained
of
the
King
a
convenient
place
for
his
people
to
dwell
in
,
fortified
the
same
secretly
,
got
more
thereunto
covertly
,
politickly
perswaded
the
King
to
send
for
more
forces
out
of
Saxony
;
and
lastly
,
Married
his
Daughter
unto
the
King
,
by
whose
means
he
brought
his
Countrymen
in
great
credit
with
his
Majesty
,
made
him
banish
the
chief
Nobility
from
the
Court
,
caused
the
King
by
this
means
to
incur
the
hatred
of
his
Subjects
;
and
when
he
perceived
that
our
Country-men
began
to
suspect
and
fear
his
over-growing
Greatness
,
he
suddenly
entred
into
league
with
the
Picts
,
the
Antient
Enemies
of
England
,
and
with
their
helps
made
an
easie
conquest
thereof
.
William
the
Conqueror
became
Master
of
England
in
this
manner
;
Edward
King
of
England
dying
in
the
year
1065.
made
by
his
last
Will
and
Testament
,
William
Duke
of
Normandy
his
sole
and
lawful
Heir
,
with
the
consent
and
counsel
of
the
cheif
Peers
and
Barons
of
his
Realm
;
But
afterwards
,
being
wone
thereunto
by
the
flattery
and
sweet
words
of
his
Wife
,
he
changed
his
maid
,
and
adopted
Harrold
his
Brother
for
his
Heir
;
whereupon
there
grew
a
great
variance
and
contention
betwixt
the
said
William
and
Harrold
;
who
having
some
occasion
to
go
into
Flanders
,
was
by
contrary
winds
driven
into
Normandy
,
where
he
was
presently
intercepted
and
carried
unto
the
Duke
as
a
Prisoner
;
before
whom
,
when
he
came
,
fearing
that
he
should
not
be
set
at
liberty
in
a
long
time
,
nor
without
a
great
Ransom
,
unlesse
he
used
some
cunning
device
for
his
present
delivery
;
He
said
unto
the
Duke
;
Other
Princes
(
Noble
Duke
)
when
they
have
occasion
to
require
Helps
or
any
thing
else
of
their
Neighbours
or
Confederates
,
use
to
demand
the
same
by
their
Ambassadors
;
But
I
,
contrary
to
this
Custom
,
knowing
that
there
is
no
better
way
to
end
this
contention
and
competency
which
is
betwixt
you
and
me
,
then
for
me
to
marry
your
Daughter
,
am
come
in
person
to
pray
your
good
Will
,
that
I
may
have
her
for
my
Wife
.
The
Duke
yeeldeth
to
his
desire
;
Harrold
with
his
new
Spouse
returneth
speedily
into
England
,
commandeth
all
Normans
upon
pain
of
death
to
depart
out
off
his
Realm
within
three
dayes
,
prostituteth
his
wife
unto
his
meanest
servants
,
cutteth
of
her
nose
and
her
ears
,
and
sendeth
her
back
unto
her
Father
in
a
Fisher-mens
Boat
.
This
Injury
and
Indignity
may
seem
grievous
unto
you
that
hear
it
;
No
marvel
then
if
it
so
grieved
her
poor
Father
,
that
to
be
revenged
thereof
he
presently
implored
the
help
of
his
Friends
;
who
what
for
pitty
of
the
distrested
Princess
,
what
in
hope
of
high
rewards
,
what
in
regard
of
the
love
and
duty
that
some
bare
unto
the
Duke
,
were
so
many
,
that
the
greatest
part
of
the
Nobility
of
France
,
with
all
the
power
that
they
could
possibly
make
,
accompanied
him
in
his
journey
.
But
from
him
unto
those
kings
of
England
,
who
being
driven
from
their
Kingdoms
,
recovered
the
same
with
small
difficulty
.
And
not
to
be
over
tedious
,
it
shall
suffice
to
mention
unto
you
but
two
Princes
of
that
kinde
,
namely
Edward
the
fourth
,
and
Henry
the
seventh
.
And
first
to
Edward
,
who
being
deprived
by
his
own
Subjects
of
his
Royal
Diadem
,
fled
unto
the
Duke
of
Bugundy
,
of
whom
obtaining
an
Army
but
of
two
thousand
men
onely
,
he
returned
into
England
,
and
finding
that
very
few
favoured
him
,
so
long
as
he
demanded
the
Crown
,
he
caused
it
to
be
proclaimed
and
published
,
that
he
required
nothing
but
the
Dukedom
of
York
,
whereunto
every
man
knowing
that
he
had
Right
,
many
began
to
favour
him
,
and
no
man
at
his
first
landing
in
Yorkshire
would
resist
him
;
and
yet
he
was
not
received
into
the
City
of
York
,
before
that
he
had
sworn
faith
and
obedience
unto
the
King
.
This
Oath
being
solemnly
taken
,
he
goeth
forward
towards
London
;
Some
few
of
his
Friends
came
unto
him
upon
the
way
.
The
Earl
of
Warwick
his
Brother
,
who
was
incamped
neer
about
York
to
intercept
him
on
the
way
,
either
for
fear
,
or
through
ignorance
,
suffereth
him
to
proceed
on
his
journey
,
and
so
without
so
much
as
one
stroke
he
came
to
London
,
where
he
was
received
by
the
Citizens
with
great
joy
and
gladness
,
because
divers
of
the
richest
sort
,
doubting
that
they
should
never
have
again
such
sums
of
money
,
as
they
had
lent
him
whiles
he
was
their
king
,
unless
he
recovered
the
Kingdom
,
had
purchased
him
the
favour
and
friendship
of
the
greatest
part
of
the
City
;
of
which
being
once
Master
,
he
increased
daily
in
power
and
strength
;
and
his
Brother
the
Duke
of
Clarence
,
and
others
,
leaving
the
Earl
of
Warwick
and
his
Faction
,
made
him
so
strong
that
he
daily
subdued
the
rest
of
his
Enemies
.
Thus
prevailed
he
.
Now
from
him
unto
Henry
the
seventh
,
who
living
a
long
time
as
a
banished
man
in
Brittany
with
the
Duke
thereof
,
could
never
be
sent
into
his
Country
unto
Edward
the
fourth
,
or
Richard
the
third
although
both
of
them
,
knowing
that
that
they
could
not
Reign
in
security
so
long
as
he
lived
,
had
requested
him
very
earnestly
of
the
Duke
;
And
the
last
of
them
ruled
still
in
great
fear
,
but
in
Peace
and
Quietness
,
untill
that
Isabella
,
wife
of
Edward
the
fourth
,
and
Margaret
the
said
Henries
Mother
,
by
the
help
of
a
Physitian
came
to
conferre
together
,
and
in
the
end
they
concluded
of
this
agreement
,
that
they
would
cause
her
Son
,
the
said
Henry
to
return
into
England
,
and
to
possess
the
Crown
thereof
,
with
the
help
of
his
aid
and
their
friends
,
if
he
would
take
to
wife
the
daughter
of
Edward
the
fourth
.
Henry
being
certified
hereof
,
and
also
given
to
undeastand
,
that
Richard
Thomas
,
a
man
trained
up
in
arms
all
the
dayes
of
his
life
,
and
Sir
Iohn
Savage
would
adventure
their
lives
for
him
,
and
that
the
Lord
Bray
had
provided
great
sums
of
money
to
pay
his
Souldiers
withal
,
easily
obtained
of
the
king
of
France
a
small
Army
of
2000
men
,
with
which
arriving
in
Wales
,
and
joyning
with
the
Forces
of
the
said
Thomas
,
he
went
towards
London
;
and
upon
his
way
daily
received
greater
strength
,
even
of
the
Souldiers
of
king
Richard
,
his
Enemy
,
who
by
reason
of
the
great
cruelty
and
●yranny
which
he
used
,
was
forsaken
of
his
own
Friends
;
and
his
Souldiers
detesting
his
proud
and
cruel
Government
,
fought
so
in
his
behalf
,
that
they
seemed
more
desirous
he
should
lose
then
win
the
Field
;
which
fell
out
according
to
their
desire
.
By
these
Examples
and
others
like
unto
these
,
you
may
perceive
that
never
any
man
had
any
good
success
against
England
,
who
had
not
both
a
just
cause
to
invade
the
same
,
and
a
strong
faction
within
the
Realm
.
And
by
that
which
hath
been
spoken
you
may
understand
that
the
Spaniard
wanteth
both
the
one
and
the
other
.
Here
might
I
conveniently
(
if
I
had
not
sufficiently
declared
the
strength
of
England
,
to
make
the
difficulty
and
impossibility
of
the
Spaniards
purpose
more
apparent
)
enter
into
a
large
discourse
of
the
Forces
thereof
;
but
let
that
suffice
that
hath
been
spoken
.
And
yet
I
may
not
forget
to
let
you
,
and
as
many
as
doubt
of
our
strength
,
understand
that
we
have
been
(
and
I
know
not
why
we
should
not
still
be
)
so
strong
and
fortunate
,
that
when
the
French
were
so
many
in
the
Field
against
us
,
that
they
thought
the
very
Boyes
and
Lacques
in
their
Camp
were
able
to
subdue
our
Army
;
and
when
the
Scots
,
thinking
that
because
our
king
was
in
France
with
fourscore
thousand
English
,
we
had
none
but
Priests
and
women
left
at
home
to
encounter
with
them
,
entred
with
main
force
into
our
Country
,
and
with
assured
hope
and
confidence
to
conquer
the
same
,
we
neither
fearing
the
multitudes
of
the
French
,
nor
being
danted
or
terrified
with
the
Scots
suddain
and
advantagious
Invasion
,
subdued
both
Nations
,
and
took
both
their
kings
prisoners
in
the
Field
.
But
our
Englishmen
cannot
live
with
a
little
Bread
and
a
Cup
of
Wine
,
as
the
Spaniards
can
do
;
they
are
not
accustomed
to
endure
cold
,
to
lie
abroad
in
the
Field
,
to
stand
up
to
the
knees
in
dirt
and
water
,
to
watch
nights
and
dayes
,
and
briefly
to
take
other
such
pains
and
travels
as
are
incident
unto
wars
.
To
pleasure
our
Adversaries
,
let
us
grant
this
to
be
so
(
although
the
the
contrary
indeed
is
most
true
)
who
amongst
the
bravest
Spaniards
,
or
the
greatest
Souldiers
in
the
World
would
willingly
go
to
the
wars
,
if
he
should
alwayes
be
subject
unto
these
or
the
like
incommodities
?
And
yet
who
would
not
rather
endure
,
and
suffer
them
patiently
.
then
live
in
servitude
or
th●aldom
,
or
yeeld
unto
his
mortal
Enemies
?
All
Histories
are
full
of
examples
of
base
and
faint-hearted
people
,
the
which
having
been
compelled
to
fight
for
their
lives
,
because
there
was
no
other
way
to
save
or
redeem
the
same
,
have
behaved
themselves
most
manfully
,
and
have
enforced
their
Enemies
to
yeeld
unto
reasonable
Conditions
of
Peace
,
which
sometimes
would
not
hearken
unto
any
agreement
,
and
have
constrained
them
to
become
humble
Sutors
,
who
would
not
once
vouchfa●e
to
hear
their
humble
Petitions
;
and
truly
extream
perils
and
irresistible
necessities
have
such
force
and
vertue
,
that
oftentimes
they
put
both
heart
and
Courage
into
them
which
by
nature
are
neither
hearty
nor
couragious
.
Considering
therefore
that
our
men
shall
fight
at
home
,
and
the
Spaniard
abroad
;
that
we
will
be
as
valiant
to
defend
our selves
,
as
they
can
be
couragious
to
offend
us
;
that
when
they
have
soiled
us
by
Sea
,
they
must
fight
afresh
with
us
by
Land
;
they
being
weary
▪
,
and
we
fresh
;
they
weak
,
and
we
strong
;
they
lame
and
diseased
,
and
we
whole
and
in
perfect
health
;
Briefly
,
they
far
from
home
,
and
we
at
home
,
for
our
wives
,
for
our
houses
,
for
our
children
,
and
for
our
goods
;
Is
it
not
likely
that
we
should
fight
with
greater
courage
,
with
better
success
then
they
?
Considering
again
the
England
is
fertile
,
and
replenished
with
all
things
necessary
for
mans
sustentation
;
That
her
Majesties
Councellors
are
wise
and
provident
;
her
people
rich
and
full
of
money
,
her
Subjects
loving
and
well
affected
to
her
Highness
and
their
Country
;
Can
there
be
any
thing
wanting
that
shall
be
needfull
for
the
maintenance
of
a
convenient
Army
?
Considering
thirdly
,
that
if
any
want
shall
fall
out
,
their
cause
being
general
,
as
the
maintenance
of
the
Spaniards
Religion
is
universal
and
common
to
all
his
Confederates
;
is
it
not
to
be
thought
that
the
Princes
Protestants
will
supply
those
wants
,
and
fight
for
England
,
as
well
and
as
willingly
,
as
the
Papists
will
for
Spain
?
Considering
fourthly
,
that
when
Charles
the
fifth
,
a
Prince
(
as
I
have
said
)
of
greater
power
and
of
better
experience
then
the
Spanish
king
,
warred
with
the
Protestants
of
Germany
,
not
onely
the
Princes
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
but
also
the
French
(
which
hated
their
Religion
)
aided
and
assisted
them
;
Can
it
be
supposed
that
England
should
not
finde
the
like
aid
and
assistance
?
Briefly
,
Considering
that
the
Spaniard
cannot
land
his
Army
in
any
place
in
England
,
where
he
shall
not
finde
at
the
least
ten
thousand
men
,
to
finde
him
work
until
a
greater
power
come
;
what
hope
can
he
then
have
to
Land
without
Resistance
,
to
proceed
without
a
Battel
,
to
fight
without
loss
,
and
to
lose
without
extream
confusion
?
Our
Armies
therefore
being
equal
to
his
,
and
our
hope
more
assured
then
his
,
no
wise
or
Politick
man
will
doubt
,
but
that
our
success
is
likely
to
be
far
better
then
his
,
and
therefore
his
hope
and
expectation
vain
,
his
purpose
and
intention
ridiculous
,
as
well
in
regard
of
his
course
taken
therein
,
as
of
his
possibility
to
attain
thereunto
.
But
it
behooveth
a
king
to
bridle
and
correct
his
Rebellious
subjects
;
and
it
is
the
part
of
a
Protector
of
the
Catholicks
,
not
to
permit
his
own
subjects
,
or
any
other
aiding
or
assisting
them
in
the
maintenance
of
their
Errors
and
Heresies
,
to
profess
a
contrary
Religion
unto
his
,
especially
when
he
is
able
to
suppress
them
and
their
Patrons
.
This
supposed
Ability
emboldeneth
the
Spaniard
,
and
his
confidence
must
be
shewn
to
be
as
foolish
,
as
other
of
his
vain
hopes
,
of
his
rash
conceits
.
First
therefore
I
will
make
it
appear
,
that
he
is
not
able
to
enforce
any
general
alteration
in
Religion
;
Then
,
that
though
he
could
,
yet
he
should
not
compell
his
Subjects
by
force
and
violence
to
change
and
alter
their
opinions
.
There
is
nothing
(
as
I
have
said
)
more
common
then
to
judge
of
things
to
come
by
things
that
are
past
,
and
to
conjecture
what
a
Prince
can
do
,
by
that
which
his
Predecessors
did
,
and
were
able
to
do
before
him
:
And
therefore
to
clear
this
question
,
it
shall
not
be
amiss
to
consider
what
the
Span●sh
kings
Fath●r
did
,
and
was
able
to
do
,
during
the
long
time
of
his
Reign
,
against
Luther
and
his
followers
;
and
if
it
shall
appear
that
he
with
all
his
might
,
his
Friends
,
his
Allies
,
could
not
suppress
the
Princes
Protestants
at
their
first
beginning
,
and
when
neither
the
number
,
nor
the
power
was
so
great
as
it
is
now
,
It
must
needs
follow
,
as
a
necessary
consequent
,
that
the
Spaniard
with
all
his
Adherents
shall
never
be
able
to
enforce
a
general
alteration
and
change
in
Religion
.
At
what
time
Martin
Luther
began
first
to
discover
the
Abuses
,
Errors
,
and
Heresies
of
Papistry
,
Pope
Leo
the
tenth
of
that
name
,
thinking
it
convenient
to
withstand
an
Evil
at
the
beginning
thereof
,
and
knowing
that
if
Luther
were
suffered
,
great
danger
and
many
inconveniences
would
follow
thereof
,
he
Excommunicated
his
person
,
condemned
his
opinions
,
and
intreated
the
Emperor
Charles
the
fifth
to
ratifie
his
condemnation
in
a
general
Assembly
,
held
in
Germany
,
and
to
command
all
his
Subjects
to
take
him
prisoner
wheresoever
they
should
finde
him
:
But
what
was
the
end
and
issue
of
this
rigorous
Sentence
?
Did
the
Almighty
suffer
it
to
be
put
it
in
execution
?
No
,
but
he
so
crossed
the
Pope
,
and
the
Emperor
therein
,
that
neither
their
Counsel
not
their
condemnation
took
effect
.
About
twenty
three
years
after
,
this
sentence
was
published
;
and
although
that
the
Advancement
of
Luthers
Doctrine
depended
onely
upon
his
life
,
and
that
it
was
a
matter
of
no
great
diffi●ulty
to
supplant
him
,
and
to
suppress
his
discipline
;
yet
it
pleased
God
(
meaning
to
shew
thereby
,
that
it
lieth
not
in
mans
power
to
Prevent
,
much
less
to
Cross
his
resolute
intent
and
purpose
not
to
permit
any
manner
of
prejudice
to
grow
unto
the
Reformed
Religion
by
the
same
Excommunication
:
For
he
presently
troubled
the
Emperor
,
and
busied
him
with
a
sudden
and
unexpected
occasion
of
wars
;
which
gave
unto
the
Protestants
sufficient
time
and
opportunity
to
strengthen
themselves
against
their
Enemies
.
Not
long
after
the
Emperor
,
to
subvert
Luther
and
all
that
followed
him
,
entred
into
League
with
Francis
the
first
King
of
France
;
and
they
agreed
not
onely
to
imploy
all
their
own
Forces
,
but
also
to
implore
the
aid
and
assistance
of
the
Pope
,
and
of
all
others
of
his
profession
,
against
the
Princes
Protestants
.
This
undoubtedly
was
a
great
conspiracy
,
not
onely
intended
,
but
also
very
like
to
be
executed
,
by
two
mighty
Princes
,
had
not
the
Almighty
hindred
the
accomplishment
of
their
designes
and
purposes
,
by
breaking
the
bond
of
their
League
and
Amity
,
and
by
sending
a
suddain
occasion
of
Wars
betwixt
them
.
But
as
after
Rain
there
follows
fair
weather
,
so
after
those
Wars
succeeded
a
friendly
Peace
,
in
the
Articles
whereof
the
Emperour
and
the
said
Francis
covenanted
,
that
they
should
joyntly
,
and
with
all
the
Forces
they
could
possibly
make
War
against
the
Protestants
,
and
use
the
Popes
Cruciadoes
in
these
Wars
,
even
as
Christian
Princes
were
and
are
wont
to
do
,
when
they
wage
War
against
the
Turk
.
Besides
,
the
Emperor
made
a
Proclamation
,
that
all
Lutherans
should
either
convince
and
prove
their
Doctrine
to
be
answerable
unto
the
Word
of
God
,
or
else
leave
and
forsake
the
same
within
the
space
of
five
moneths
;
And
the
Pope
at
the
Emperors
Coronation
,
gave
him
great
charge
to
see
the
same
Proclamamation
duely
executed
.
The
Protestants
had
never
greater
occasion
to
be
afraid
then
they
had
at
that
time
,
when
the
Emperor
was
so
bent
,
and
so
many
Princes
joyned
with
him
against
them
.
But
whether
it
were
because
the
Protestants
,
during
the
time
of
the
War
betwixt
the
Emperor
and
the
King
of
France
,
grew
so
strong
that
their
Enemies
feared
them
;
or
because
the
Lord
of
Hosts
▪
who
never
f●ileth
his
people
,
had
undertaken
to
protect
them
;
or
because
that
the
true
and
holy
Religion
of
the
immortal
God
increaseth
daily
,
notwithstanding
the
Threats
and
Menaces
of
mortal
men
;
this
alliance
and
confederacy
availed
Caesar
nothing
at
all
;
but
it
pleased
God
so
to
abate
his
pride
and
humble
him
,
that
when
he
purposed
most
of
all
to
hurt
and
annoy
the
Protestant●
,
he
was
constrained
to
crave
their
Aid
against
the
Turk
,
who
with
a
mighty
and
terrible
Army
invaded
Austria
,
and
had
undoubtedly
endangered
the
Emperor
,
had
not
the
Princes
of
our
Religion
assisted
him
,
and
God
so
disposed
his
heart
,
that
to
make
the
Protestants
more
willing
to
help
,
he
most
will●ngly
and
of
himself
,
without
any
manner
of
intercession
and
intreaty
,
so
mitigated
the
rigor
and
extremity
of
his
former
Proclamation
that
through
his
lenity
and
sufferance
our
Religion
began
to
receive
great
increase
.
For
,
as
Dogs
,
although
they
bark
and
bite
one
another
;
yet
as
soon
as
they
see
and
discover
the
Wolf
,
they
agree
presently
:
And
as
when
fire
taketh
hold
of
an
house
,
of
which
the
Master
and
Family
are
at
variance
,
they
forget
their
private
contentions
,
their
hatred
,
and
their
quarrels
,
and
run
with
one
consent
and
mind
together
to
extinguish
the
fire
:
And
as
in
a
great
Tempest
,
the
Master
and
Mariners
of
a
Ship
,
who
before
the
Tempest
were
at
mortall
feud
amongst
themselves
,
become
friends
,
and
endeavor
by
all
means
possible
to
save
their
Ship
,
least
they
all
perish
together
with
their
Ship
:
So
the
Protestants
,
seeing
there
was
no
Wolfe
more
cruel
,
no
fire
more
terrible
,
no
Tempest
more
dangerous
then
the
Turk
,
submitted
themselves
with
all
humility
unto
the
Emperor
,
and
aided
him
with
all
their
power
against
the
Turk
.
In
regard
of
which
,
his
Majesty
used
them
most
courteously
,
and
yeelded
much
more
unto
them
then
they
hoped
to
obtain
of
him
:
And
because
his
Highness
found
a
rare
Loyalty
,
a
strange
constancy
,
and
a
marvellous
affection
in
them
,
he
vouchsafed
to
afford
them
all
kind
of
courtesie
,
until
that
after
that
he
returned
from
Tunis
,
where
he
had
got
a
notable
Victory
,
the
Catholick
Princes
bearing
themselves
bold
in
regard
of
that
fortunate
,
and
happy
Success
,
began
to
brave
,
contemn
,
and
despise
the
Protestants
,
and
to
threaten
them
that
the
Emperor
should
not
keep
the
Peace
of
Norimberge
,
nor
of
Ratisbone
:
Of
which
insolency
the
Princes
Protestants
complained
unto
his
Majesty
,
who
answered
them
most
lovingly
,
and
assured
them
that
he
desired
to
end
and
compose
all
contentions
and
Controversies
that
were
in
Germany
for
Religion
,
not
by
force
and
violence
,
but
by
fair
means
and
gentleness
,
praying
them
to
have
such
an
opinion
of
him
,
and
not
to
be
moved
with
the
threats
and
menaces
of
their
Adversaries
:
This
Answer
was
given
unto
them
,
when
the
Emperor
was
leading
his
Forces
unto
Marcelles
in
France
,
against
the
King
thereof
;
with
whom
,
as
soon
as
he
was
reconciled
,
the
Catholicks
thinking
that
he
had
but
dissembled
with
the
Protestants
but
for
a
time
,
hoping
that
he
would
bend
his
whole
Forces
against
the
Lutherans
▪
But
he
deceived
them
all
,
and
went
into
Spain
;
from
whence
he
sent
an
Honourable
Ambassage
into
Germany
,
to
let
the
Protestants
and
all
others
understand
,
that
he
would
be
very
glad
that
all
Contentions
,
Debates
,
and
Controversies
touching
Religion
,
should
receive
a
final
end
and
agreement
by
a
General
Assembly
and
Disputation
of
learned
Divines
,
to
the
end
that
the
right
and
true
Doctrine
of
Jesus
Christ
being
by
that
means
laid
open
and
discovered
,
he
might
establish
and
confirm
the
same
with
his
Imperial
power
and
authority
.
It
happened
not
long
after
,
that
the
Emperor
had
an
occasion
to
pass
through
France
into
Flanders
;
then
the
Enemies
of
the
Reformed
Religion
began
to
promise
to
themselves
great
wonders
,
and
to
conceive
an
ass●red
hope
of
an
invincible
power
to
be
levied
by
the
Emperor
and
the
King
of
France
against
the
Protestants
,
for
,
that
then
the
two
cheif
Protectors
of
their
Catholick
Faith
,
were
throughly
reconciled
,
and
were
equally
bent
against
Luther
and
his
Followers
;
and
their
conceits
proved
to
be
most
vain
;
and
of
that
Journey
followed
no
good
success
for
them
:
For
the
Emperor
,
either
because
he
would
be
still
mindful
of
his
promise
;
or
for
that
he
knew
that
the
Protestants
strength
increased
daily
,
caused
a
General
Diet
to
be
Assembled
;
wherein
,
although
he
was
daily
entreated
by
the
Catholicks
to
declare
open
Wars
against
the
Protestants
,
yet
he
would
never
take
that
violent
course
,
but
ordered
,
that
shortly
after
there
should
be
a
general
Assembly
,
in
which
the
cause
of
Religion
might
be
freely
and
lovingly
decided
by
learned
Divines
;
who
having
lightly
discussed
some
Points
of
Controversie
,
were
commanded
by
his
Majesty
to
come
to
Ratis●one
;
Where
when
as
all
Contentions
could
not
be
fully
ended
,
his
Majesty
was
contented
to
refer
the
final
Conclusion
unto
another
General
Assembly
;
of
which
the
success
and
event
was
so
well
known
,
that
I
shall
not
need
to
acquaint
you
with
the
particulars
thereof
.
Now
considering
the
Reasons
,
Varieties
and
Circumstances
of
all
that
hath
been
said
,
what
may
a
man
judge
thereof
,
but
that
the
Almighty
prevented
,
crossed
and
hindered
the
determinations
,
purposes
,
and
Enterprises
of
the
Emperor
,
and
so
guided
and
directed
them
,
that
it
lay
not
in
their
power
to
confo●nd
the
Protestants
by
force
of
Arms
;
For
,
if
we
shall
consider
the
great
strength
of
the
Catholick
Princes
,
as
well
in
Foot
as
in
Horse
,
the
number
of
their
Souldiers
,
the
multitude
of
their
Provisions
,
the
greatness
of
their
Treasure
,
the
vehemency
of
their
hatred
,
the
wilfulness
of
their
perseverance
therein
,
their
courage
,
their
animating
and
provoking
the
Emperor
against
the
Protestants
,
and
how
to
win
him
thereunto
,
they
spared
no
kind
of
policy
,
cunning
and
deceit
that
humane
wit
could
invent
;
and
that
notwithstanding
all
their
utmost
endeavors
,
they
were
then
so
far
from
attaining
their
purpose
,
that
in
the
very
last
Diet
that
was
held
,
certain
points
of
Doctine
were
yeelded
unto
,
which
before
that
Assemby
both
the
Emperor
,
and
his
best
Divines
,
held
to
be
most
erroneous
.
It
must
needs
be
confessed
that
it
was
Gods
pleasure
so
to
dispose
and
govern
the
hearts
of
those
Princes
;
for
in
that
Diet
many
opinions
were
received
and
allowed
for
good
and
godly
,
for
the
maintenance
whereof
many
Protestants
had
lost
their
goods
,
their
Countries
,
and
their
lives
.
The
Catholicks
therefore
,
seeing
that
they
prevailed
not
greatly
by
force
and
violence
,
they
cast
off
the
Lyons
skin
,
and
put
on
the
Foxes
,
whom
they
counterfeited
so
well
,
that
they
brought
the
Protestants
into
disgrace
,
by
sowing
false
Rumors
and
Accusations
against
them
▪
And
because
they
had
rather
lost
much
,
then
gotten
any
thing
by
disputing
with
them
,
they
caused
it
to
be
bruited
abroad
that
the
Protestants
durst
no
longer
dispute
with
them
,
and
they
gave
liberty
unto
all
sorts
of
people
,
without
any
regard
of
learning
or
modesty
,
to
raile
upon
Luther
,
and
to
write
malicious
and
false
Invectives
against
him
:
A
strange
course
,
and
too
much
used
in
these
dayes
!
but
in
my
simple
opinion
,
a
course
not
now
like
to
have
better
success
then
that
course
then
had
:
For
,
as
Luther
,
when
he
saw
that
it
was
law
〈◊〉
for
every
man
to
exercise
the
bitterness
of
his
pen
against
him
,
conceived
such
malice
against
the
Pope
,
that
he
discovered
many
of
his
follies
,
which
might
have
lien
hidden
unto
this
day
:
Even
so
it
is
greatly
to
be
feared
,
if
men
having
more
Zeal
then
Learning
,
of
greater
Malice
then
Judgement
,
shall
be
suffered
to
preach
and
write
against
the
foolish
impugners
of
our
Ecclesiastical
Discipline
,
that
either
their
Malice
or
their
Ignorance
will
utterly
disgrace
the
same
,
because
preaching
by
preaching
may
unhapply
be
disgraced
,
and
a
few
turbulent
and
unqu●et
spit●ts
may
with
a
small
Pamphlet
,
or
with
a
simple
Sermon
do
more
harm
then
a
number
of
learned
men
shall
be
able
to
amend
or
reform
with
great
pains
and
travel
.
Had
not
the
Pope
given
too
great
encouragement
to
such
as
wrote
against
Luther
,
Had
not
rude
and
ignorant
men
been
suffered
bitterly
to
inveigh
against
his
Doctrine
,
Had
not
certain
malicious
persons
laboured
to
disgrace
him
with
the
Pope
and
the
Emperor
,
Had
he
not
been
condemned
before
he
was
heard
:
Briefly
,
had
not
his
Books
been
unjustly
adjudged
to
the
fire
,
he
had
never
appealed
from
the
Pope
unto
a
General
Council
;
he
had
never
laboured
so
much
as
he
did
in
searching
out
,
and
laying
open
the
Popes
Errors
;
He
had
never
made
so
bitter
Invectives
as
he
wrote
against
the
Pope
and
his
Bishops
;
He
had
never
impugned
the
Pope
and
his
General
Councils
Au●hority
;
He
had
never
implored
the
Duke
of
Saxony
and
other
Princes
help
and
countenance
;
He
had
never
procured
the
Popes
Canons
to
be
burned
;
Briefly
,
he
had
never
written
a
Book
against
the
Catholicks
Reformation
;
so
many
things
might
and
should
still
have
remained
,
as
it
were
buried
in
obscurity
,
which
are
now
brought
to
light
,
and
made
known
and
palpable
to
very
Babes
and
Infants
.
They
therefore
(
in
my
simple
cenceir
)
did
not
a
little
hurt
and
prejudice
unto
the
Papists
and
their
Cause
,
who
pe●swaded
the
Pope
and
Emperor
to
make
wars
against
Luther
and
his
Adherents
.
For
since
that
time
many
other
Nations
besides
Germany
are
fallen
from
their
obedience
to
the
Pope
,
and
from
their
good
liking
of
his
Religion
,
and
so
many
and
divers
opinions
are
now
crept
into
mens
hearts
,
that
I
take
it
a
thing
almost
impossible
to
reconcile
those
diversities
.
For
such
is
the
nature
of
man
that
we
hardly
change
our
opinons
;
and
yet
when
we
have
changed
,
we
stand
stiff
and
obstinate
in
our
new
and
late
received
conceits
,
and
are
very
hardly
removed
from
them
;
A
man
may
therefore
boldly
say
,
yea
swear
,
that
the
Spaniard
(
let
him
try
all
the
means
he
can
possible
)
shall
never
inforce
a
general
change
in
Religion
.
For
since
his
Father
(
whose
power
although
he
should
surpass
,
yet
he
shall
never
match
him
in
good
fortune
)
could
not
constrain
the
Protestants
(
in
the
very
infancy
of
Religion
)
to
return
unto
his
profession
;
is
it
credible
that
the
Son
should
ever
be
able
to
compel
far
and
remote
Nations
,
mighty
and
great
Princes
,
manly
and
warlike
people
,
which
of
late
years
have
forsaken
Popery
,
to
reassume
their
old
opinions
?
But
if
any
man
think
him
great
,
sufficient
,
and
mighty
enough
to
effect
his
disire
;
let
that
man
consider
,
how
many
,
how
noble
,
and
how
learned
men
the
cruel
War
of
Charls
the
Fifth
against
the
Protestants
in
Germany
,
the
most
barbarous
cruelty
of
Francis
the
First
against
them
in
France
,
the
bloody
five
years
persecution
of
Queen
Mary
in
England
,
the
Spanish
Kings
terrible
and
horrible
Inquisition
in
Spain
,
Italy
,
and
Flanders
;
lastly
,
the
most
execrable
and
hateful
Massacre
of
Paris
,
hath
sent
headlong
,
and
before
their
times
unto
another
World
:
And
when
he
hath
considered
all
these
,
let
him
likewise
remember
,
that
the
more
these
Tyrants
murthered
,
the
more
the
Protestants
(
as
though
others
sprang
out
of
their
blood
)
encreased
daily
.
If
all
these
shall
not
content
and
satisfie
him
,
Lastly
,
Let
that
man
weigh
with
himself
how
unlikely
a
thing
it
is
for
the
Spaniard
to
prevail
against
so
many
Nations
,
who
in
almost
Thirty
years
continuance
,
hath
not
been
able
to
replant
his
own
Religion
in
a
few
Provinces
of
one
Nation
:
Besides
the
rare
success
,
and
the
wondrous
events
that
have
alwayes
followed
the
Pro●estants
,
make
me
beleeve
that
their
Cause
is
a
good
Cause
;
and
whosoever
so
beleeveth
,
must
likewise
beleeve
,
that
were
their
number
smaller
,
their
Forces
weaker●
,
their
exprience
far
more
slender
then
it
is
;
yet
God
that
can
win
with
a
few
as
well
as
with
many
,
with
the
weak
as
well
as
with
the
strong
,
will
not
onely
protect
them
,
but
also
confound
their
Adversaries
.
How
many
examples
find
we
in
prophane
Histories
,
which
record
that
small
sroops
have
oftentimes
subdued
great
Armies
,
and
that
mighty
Kings
have
been
put
to
flight
by
weak
Princes
?
How
can
we
then
but
think
,
that
the
Protestants
who
are
Gods
Souldiers
,
who
fight
in
his
Cause
,
and
are
defended
by
his
Forces
,
are
able
to
beard
the
proud
Spainard
;
yea
,
to
brave
and
foil
all
his
Confederates
?
It
is
no
small
comfort
to
have
God
on
our
●ide
.
It
is
a
geat
Consolation
to
sight
in
a
good
cause
.
And
who
can
desire
better
advantage
then
to
contend
with
and
Adversary
,
that
beginneth
to
decline
,
that
is
ready
of
himself
to
fall
?
And
is
not
the
Pope
and
his
Kingdom
in
this
case
?
Have
not
many
Nations
(
as
I
said
said
)
long
since
shaken
off
the
intolerable
burthen
of
his
grievous
yoke
and
bondage
?
And
do
not
all
States
,
when
they
begin
once
to
decline
,
sooner
fall
from
the
half
way
towards
the
end
,
and
to
their
utter
destruction
,
then
from
the
beginning
of
their
first
declination
unto
the
middest
of
their
downfull
?
Shall
not
those
then
that
seek
to
defend
Popery
,
do
even
as
a
Physitian
doth
,
when
he
laboureth
to
preserve
a
very
weak
and
old
man
from
the
danger
of
death
?
Hath
not
St.
Paul
said
,
that
Antichrist
shall
perish
as
soon
as
he
beginneth
to
be
known
?
And
if
God
by
the
mouth
of
St.
Paul
,
hath
pronounced
this
Judgement
,
this
Sentence
against
him
;
who
either
can
or
will
be
able
to
prevent
or
hinder
the
execution
thereof
?
He
is
now
no
more
able
to
encounter
with
Henries
,
Othons
and
Fredericks
,
great
and
mighty
Emperors
:
He
hath
no
more
Kings
of
France
to
fight
in
his
quarrels
;
No
more
Kings
of
England
to
be
Defenders
of
his
Faith
;
No
more
Switzers
to
be
Protectors
of
his
Church
;
all
these
have
forsaken
him
,
and
by
Example
of
these
,
many
other
Princes
have
learned
not
to
set
a
Fig
by
him
.
Thus
the
First
point
is
cleared
;
now
it
remaineth
to
clear
the
second
,
and
to
make
it
appear
that
the
Span●ard
,
although
he
could
,
yet
he
should
not
constrain
his
Subjects
by
force
of
Armes
to
change
their
Religion
.
This
point
,
although
it
hath
been
already
touched
in
some
manner
,
yet
it
was
not
so
sufficiently
handled
,
but
that
it
needeth
a
more
ample
Declaration
.
For
the
better
understanding
therefore
of
this
Question
,
you
shall
understand
that
the
Common
people
(
which
are
Princes
Subjects
)
never
did
;
and
particular
men
,
although
they
change
their
lives
,
yet
they
leave
most
commonly
behinde
them
their
posterity
and
their
Children
,
which
succeed
them
not
onely
in
their
Lands
and
Inheritances
,
but
also
in
their
quarrels
and
affections
;
Insomuch
that
there
dieth
scant
any
man
so
bad
,
so
wicked
,
so
unbeloved
,
but
that
he
leaveth
behinde
him
,
either
children
,
kinsmen
,
or
friends
,
who
will
not
onely
be
sorry
for
his
death
,
but
also
revenge
the
same
,
if
he
chance
to
be
violently
or
wrongfully
put
to
death
.
This
appeareth
by
the
Wars
of
France
and
Flanders
;
This
appeared
most
evidently
,
by
the
Bloody
and
long
Civil
contentions
that
were
betwixt
Lewis
the
last
Earl
of
Flanders
(
for
after
his
death
the
Earldom
fell
to
the
House
of
Burgondy
,
as
it
did
after
the
death
of
the
County
Charles
unto
the
house
of
Austria
)
and
the
Citizens
of
Gaunt
;
who
after
that
they
had
unadvisedly
born
arms
against
their
said
Earl
,
and
began
to
repent
themselves
of
their
folly
,
most
humbly
intreated
the
Dutchesse
of
Brabant
,
the
Bishop
of
Leige
,
and
other
Noble
men
to
be
Mediators
of
a
friendly
peace
betwixt
them
and
their
Earl
.
The
Dutchesse
and
the
rest
became
humble
Suitors
for
the
poor
Gantois
;
the
Earl
was
obstinate
,
and
would
not
yeeld
to
their
Request
,
unless
the
Inhabitants
of
Gaunt
would
be
content
to
meet
him
at
a
place
appointed
,
bare-headed
,
and
bare-footed
,
with
halters
about
their
necks
,
and
there
ask
him
pardon
and
forgiveness
,
which
being
done
,
he
would
then
pardon
them
if
he
thought
good
.
The
rich
Citizens
hearing
these
hard
conditions
,
and
considering
that
when
they
had
made
this
humble
submission
,
it
was
doubtfull
and
uncertain
whether
they
should
be
pardoned
or
no
;
of
humble
Suitors
,
became
most
desperate
Rebels
;
and
(
as
Men
careless
of
their
lives
)
resolved
rather
to
die
then
to
yeeld
to
so
unreasonable
conditions
;
and
with
this
resolution
,
before
they
were
constrained
to
leave
their
Town
,
not
above
Five
Thousand
of
them
issued
out
of
the
City
,
and
(
as
roaving
Wolves
seeking
for
their
prey
)
went
in
a
great
rage
and
fury
to
Bruges
,
where
the
Earl
lay
with
his
Forces
,
who
with
an
Army
of
Forty
Thousand
at
the
least
,
set
presently
upon
them
,
with
a
full
resolution
to
kill
every
Mothers
Son
of
them
;
But
God
who
saved
the
Children
of
Israel
from
the
persecution
of
Pharaoh
,
unto
whom
they
had
humbled
themselves
,
and
drowned
the
Persecutors
in
the
Red-Sea
,
vouchsafed
to
be
their
Protector
,
and
gave
them
such
Courage
,
such
Fortune
and
good
success
,
that
they
overthrew
the
Earl
,
and
made
him
hide
himself
in
a
poor
Cottage
under
an
old
womans
bed
,
ransacked
his
Houses
,
took
Bruge●
,
and
most
of
the
Cities
and
Towns
of
Flanders
,
and
sent
their
unfortunate
and
unmercifull
Earl
to
beg
a●d
into
France
,
from
whence
he
returneth
with
great
help
,
and
findeth
them
more
insolent
,
rebellious
,
and
obst●nate
then
ever
they
were
.
To
be
short
,
the
Earl
is
driven
to
offer
conditions
of
peace
▪
A
mean
and
base
Citizen
,
named
Leo
,
fearing
that
if
a
Peace
were
concluded
,
he
should
be
severly
punished
,
changed
their
mindes
that
were
inclined
to
Peace
.
This
Le●
died
not
of
a
natural
death
,
but
of
po●●on
,
given
h●m
(
as
it
was
thought
)
by
the
Earls
means
.
Then
was
there
great
hope
to
mitigate
the
rage
of
the
common
people
;
and
yet
the
war
ceased
not
:
The
cause
of
the
continuance
was
,
that
the
Nobility
favoured
the
Earl
,
and
began
to
malice
and
menace
the
Common
People
;
and
the
Magistrates
of
Bruges
,
in
a
Tumult
that
was
betwixt
the
Gentlemen
and
the
Weavers
of
the
Town
,
shewed
themselves
more
favourable
unto
the
Gentlemen
then
unto
the
Weavers
;
of
this
small
Cause
followed
so
great
a
War
,
as
continued
above
seven
years
,
and
consumed
above
two
hundred
thousand
Flemings
.
In
those
Wars
,
sometimes
Iames
Artevild
,
other
times
Philip
Artevild
;
sometimes
Basconius
,
other
times
Francis
Agricola
,
all
base
men
,
and
of
no
accompt
before
they
began
to
be
Rebels
,
so
ruled
the
people
,
that
they
led
them
whither
they
would
,
and
how
they
would
.
Artevild
imposed
upon
them
what
Tributes
soever
it
pleased
him
.
Basconius
hung
up
so
many
of
them
as
but
once
spake
of
Peace
.
Artevild
was
served
in
Plate
of
Silver
and
Gold
like
an
Earl
;
Feasted
the
Dames
and
Ladies
as
an
E●rl
;
Swore
his
Subjects
;
and
was
sworn
unto
them
as
an
Earl
;
Contracted
Amity
and
Alliance
with
the
King
of
England
,
and
used
his
help
as
an
Earl
:
Briefly
,
lived
with
far
greater
Magnificence
then
an
Earl
.
Agricola
wanted
not
his
commendation
.
He
was
adored
like
a
god
;
preferred
before
the
Duke
of
Burgondy
(
who
for
his
val●ur
was
called
Philip
the
audacious
)
both
for
Valour
and
Wisdom
promised
to
be
made
Duke
,
and
in
all
respects
more
honoured
then
the
Duke
.
Artevild
had
one
named
Carpenty
,
to
extol
his
Vertues
,
to
recommend
him
to
the
people
.
And
Agricola
used
Besconius
for
his
Instrument
,
who
so
delighted
the
peoples
ears
,
that
they
would
willingly
hear
no
s●und
,
no
voyce
but
his
.
It
was
he
that
when
Artevild
was
slain
brought
Agricola
into
favour
and
credit
.
It
was
he
that
when
the
people
was
dismaid
and
out
of
courage
because
of
Artevilds
death
,
put
them
in
heart
,
and
made
them
more
couragious
then
ever
they
were
.
It
was
he
that
perswaded
the
relenting
Commons
that
Artevild
lost
the
field
and
his
Army
by
indiscretion
and
rashness
,
and
that
Agricola
would
easily
overcome
their
enemies
by
valour
and
wisdom
.
The
like
instruments
unto
these
had
the
Duke
of
Mayn
at
Paris
,
where
he
had
never
obtained
so
much
as
he
did
of
the
people
,
nor
contained
them
so
much
in
their
devotion
,
had
he
not
used
the
malici●us
help
and
furtherance
of
Marteau
,
Campan
,
Nally
,
Rowland
and
Bassy
the
Clerk
,
the
Ministers
of
his
fury
,
and
misl●aders
of
the
ignorant
,
rude
and
seditious
Commonalty
.
By
this
you
may
see
how
one
mutinous
Subject
begets
another
.
By
this
you
may
observe
and
note
,
that
if
Princes
could
be
content
to
yeeld
somewhat
unto
such
mutinous
Subjects
,
and
now
and
then
wink
at
their
follies
,
pardon
their
boldness
,
and
pacifie
their
rage
and
anger
,
they
might
live
in
quiet
,
and
save
the
lives
of
many
of
their
loving
Subjects
:
And
by
this
you
may
perceive
,
that
Princes
by
Civil
Wars
incur
the
hatred
and
malice
of
their
loving
Subjects
;
which
sometimes
taketh
such
deep
roo
:
in
their
hearts
,
that
it
is
hard
,
yea
almost
impossible
to
root
it
out
.
And
lastly
,
By
that
which
followeth
you
may
understand
,
that
when
a
multitude
of
Subjects
are
discontented
,
it
is
far
better
to
pacifie
and
reconcile
them
with
courtesie
and
gentleness
,
then
to
provoke
and
punish
them
with
rigor
and
cruelty
.
For
the
Prince
that
either
openly
or
secretly
practiseth
the
death
of
his
Subjects
,
and
delighteth
to
see
them
massacred
and
murthered
,
very
seldome
or
never
escapeth
himselfe
unmassacred
.
The
Emperor
Caligula
caused
many
of
his
Subjects
to
be
done
to
death
;
some
for
his
pleasure
,
and
others
without
any
just
occasion
,
especially
those
that
reprehended
his
actions
,
or
disliked
his
Government
.
He
thought
by
these
murthers
to
dispatch
all
those
that
hated
him
,
and
supposed
that
when
they
were
dead
,
he
might
reign
and
rule
at
his
pleasure
;
but
he
was
greatly
deceived
,
for
the
more
he
caused
to
be
killed
,
the
more
he
displeased
;
and
if
he
slew
one
Enemy
,
that
one
begat
him
ten
far
worse
Adversaries
;
insomuch
that
seeing
himself
hated
of
all
the
people
,
he
wished
(
as
you
have
heard
)
that
all
the
Subjects
of
Rome
had
but
one
head
,
that
he
might
have
cut
it
off
at
a
blow
;
and
in
the
end
,
when
it
was
too
late
he
perceived
that
the
people
multiplied
daily
,
and
had
infinite
heads
,
and
he
himself
but
one
,
of
which
he
was
deprived
sooner
then
he
thought
he
should
have
been
.
Maximinus
the
Emperor
,
who
was
so
strong
of
body
that
with
the
blow
of
his
fist
he
could
strike
out
the
tooth
of
an
Horse
,
and
with
his
hands
break
in
sunder
an
horse-shoo
,
presuming
on
his
strength
and
the
multitude
of
his
Souldiers
,
cared
not
whom
he
put
to
death
wrongfully
,
but
after
that
he
had
murthered
above
Four
thousand
Gentlemen
without
any
due
observance
of
Justice
and
Equity
,
he
himself
was
murthered
by
his
own
Soldiers
,
who
hated
his
barbarous
cruelty
more
then
they
honoured
his
Imperial
Majesty
.
I
might
trouble
you
with
many
examples
like
unto
these
,
as
with
the
Emperors
Nero
,
Vitellius
and
Gallienus
.
But
I
must
proceed
.
Briefly
to
my
purpose
:
As
the
people
therefore
live
still
,
and
live
to
revenge
the
wrongs
and
injuries
done
into
them
;
so
contrariwise
,
Princes
die
,
and
their
Quarrels
,
their
Designs
,
and
their
Purposes
many
times
die
with
them
;
for
their
Successors
are
not
alwayes
of
their
minds
,
nor
of
their
Humors
,
but
oftentimes
govern
themselves
otherwise
then
they
did
,
and
taking
a
quite
contrary
course
unto
theirs
,
most
commonly
break
the
Laws
they
have
made
,
distress
the
persons
whom
they
advance
,
and
exalt
them
whom
they
depress
;
In
regard
whereof
it
is
usual
amongst
wise
Courtiers
not
onely
to
pleasure
him
that
ruleth
,
but
also
him
that
shall
succeed
the
Ruler
;
and
as
Pompey
said
unto
Sylla
,
More
do
adore
the
Sun
rising
then
the
Sun
setting
,
It
is
wondrous
that
is
reported
of
Alexander
the
Great
,
how
with
an
Army
of
Thirty
thousand
Macedonians
onely
,
he
overthrew
Darius
in
Three
sundry
Battels
;
in
the
first
of
which
Darius
had
Three
hundred
thousand
Souldiers
,
which
was
Ten
to
One
;
in
the
second
,
Six
hundred
thousand
,
which
was
Twenty
to
One
;
in
the
third
,
a
Million
,
which
was
better
then
Thirty
to
One.
He
conquered
all
Darius
Empire
,
Persia
,
Media
,
Parthia
,
Armenia
,
Babylonia
,
Aegypt
,
Palestina
,
Syria
,
and
all
the
rest
of
Asia
and
Europe
that
was
then
inhabited
.
But
these
Conquests
quickly
vanished
away
;
For
he
died
very
young
,
and
left
not
any
valiant
Successor
like
unto
himself
behind
him
;
Whereupon
Titus
Livius
moveth
this
Question
,
Whether
if
Alexander
the
Great
had
warred
in
his
time
with
the
Romans
,
he
might
easily
have
subdued
them
as
he
did
Darius
?
He
Answereth
Negatively
,
and
giveth
a
Reason
for
his
Negative
:
Alexander
was
a
valiant
King
,
and
a
very
brave
and
very
notable
good
Souldier
;
but
he
was
but
one
man
,
and
when
he
dealt
with
Darius
he
medled
but
with
one
Captain
;
Whereas
if
he
had
encountred
with
the
Romans
,
he
should
have
made
trial
,
not
of
one
,
but
of
many
Generals
the
one
after
the
other
,
as
of
Valerius
Cervinus
,
Martius
Rutilius
,
Caius
Sulpitius
,
Manlius
Torquatus
,
Publius
Philo
,
Papirius
Cursor
,
Fabius
Maximus
,
Lucius
Volunius
,
Marius
Curius
,
and
many
others
who
were
most
valiant
Captains
,
and
would
haue
made
Alexander
know
that
they
understood
the
manner
and
Stratagems
of
War
as
well
as
he
did
.
Besides
,
Alexander
was
young
,
and
could
not
have
so
good
counsel
given
him
as
those
men
had
who
were
directed
in
their
Actions
by
a
grave
and
wise
Senate
.
Tit.
Livius
concluded
his
speech
in
this
manner
.
The
Macedonians
had
but
one
Alexander
,
and
the
Romans
had
many
Captains
which
were
nothing
Inferior
unto
him
,
every
one
of
which
lived
and
died
without
any
great
loss
or
danger
to
the
Common-wealth
of
Rome
;
but
whenas
Alexander
died
,
the
State
and
Honor
of
his
Monarchy
perished
.
The
reason
of
this
speech
is
verified
,
and
the
experience
thereof
seen
in
the
wars
Hanibal
had
against
the
Romans
.
For
Hanibal
was
such
a
Captain
as
you
have
heard
me
describe
him
long
since
,
and
he
overthrew
many
Captains
of
Rome
,
as
Flaminius
,
Paulus
Emilius
,
Terentius
,
Varro
,
Marcellus
and
many
others
;
But
in
the
end
he
was
defeated
by
Claudius
Nero
and
Fabius
Maximus
,
and
utterly
overthrown
by
that
great
Scipio
who
was
sirnamed
the
Affrican
.
By
which
as
he
might
,
so
you
may
perceive
that
it
is
no
small
matter
to
meddle
with
a
multitude
of
people
,
because
the
death
of
a
few
,
b●getteth
daily
a
number
more
;
and
he
that
hath
subdued
them
,
hath
not
presently
conquered
all
;
Nay
the
longer
he
warreth
with
them
,
the
harder
it
shall
be
to
prevaile
against
them
:
For
continuance
of
them
will
make
them
more
hearty
and
valiant
,
and
their
Captains
more
expert
and
cunning
,
as
Experience
hath
verified
both
in
France
and
Flanders
,
where
the
People
,
bearing
Armes
against
their
right
or
pretended
Soveraignes
,
have
more
and
better
Captains
then
they
.
But
how
then
,
will
some
men
say
to
me
,
Shall
Subjects
Rebell
,
and
shall
nor
Princes
punish
them
themselves
?
Yes
,
but
not
by
open
warres
,
if
they
may
pacify
them
by
other
meanes
.
For
,
few
offend
at
the
first
,
and
those
few
instead
of
a
great
Multitude
who
offend
not
so
gri●vously
as
their
Counsellors
and
Cor●uptors
do
,
and
therefore
it
is
neither
reason
nor
humanity
,
nor
equity
to
punish
them
all
alike
;
And
yet
in
Civill
warres
the
Innocent
suffer
together
with
the
malitious
,
the
good
with
the
bad
,
the
ignorant
with
the
wilful
,
and
those
that
would
easily
relent
,
and
might
quickly
be
reclaymed
,
with
such
are
F●rebrands
to
heat
them
,
Schoolemasters
to
instruct
them
,
Captains
to
guide
them
,
and
evil
Councellors
to
corrupt
them
.
Princes
may
learne
in
the
dangerous
times
of
popular
Seditions
,
how
to
carry
themselves
by
the
An●ient
Romans
who
knowing
that
their
Subjects
were
the
Members
,
and
they
the
head
of
one
body
,
and
that
they
were
Invincible
against
Strangers
,
but
not
against
their
Subjects
,
as
often
as
they
chanced
to
raise
any
Tumults
or
Seditions
,
presently
sought
meanes
to
pacify
them
by
Curte●ie
and
Gentleness
.
The
People
of
Rome
being
once
greatly
discontented
with
the
rigor
and
cruelty
which
was
shewed
unto
them
by
great
usurp●rs
,
unto
whom
they
were
indebted
,
rose
up
in
Armes
,
and
were
like
to
have
made
a
great
Tumul●
.
The
Consuls
ca●led
the
Senater
together
,
to
know
how
they
might
best
pacifi●
that
popular
Commotion
.
The
Senators
in
order
delivered
their
opinions
.
Appius
Claudius
in
a
rigorous
and
cruell
Senator
,
was
of
opinion
that
the
usurpers
should
be
paid
all
that
was
due
unto
them
,
and
that
it
was
not
convenient
to
suffer
the
Common
people
to
breake
such
Contracts
,
Bonds
and
Obligations
,
which
they
had
made
with
good
advise
,
and
when
they
had
great
occasion
to
borrow
.
And
that
if
they
punished
those
severely
which
were
most
mutinous
,
and
had
been
the
chiefest
Authors
of
the
mutiny
,
the
rest
would
be
quickly
terrified
,
and
taught
by
their
examples
never
to
enter
into
the
like
Follies
again
.
The
Consul
Servilius
was
of
a
contrary
mind
,
and
thought
it
best
to
content
the
Seditious
by
some
Gentle
meanes
,
saying
,
that
it
was
far
more
easie
to
bend
then
to
breake
the
hearts
of
the
Common
people
;
and
that
gentleness
and
lenity
is
a
far
better
meanes
then
rigor
and
severity
to
conserve
and
preserve
any
State
whatsoever
,
because
if
a
rigorous
course
take
not
good
success
,
presently
the
People
wax
insolent
,
hard
to
be
reconciled
,
and
so
peremptory
and
obstinate
,
that
it
will
be
impossible
to
reduce
them
to
good
order
.
The
Senate
allowed
Servilius
his
opinion
;
and
order
was
taken
th●t
the
Usurpers
should
forbeare
their
money
and
Interest
for
the
same
,
untill
their
debtors
were
more
willing
and
better
able
to
pay
them
.
The
same
Romans
can
also
reach
Princes
,
that
if
they
commit
any
extraordinary
kind
of
violence
,
and
the
Subjects
for
a
time
forbeare
to
shew
their
dislike
thereof
,
yet
they
must
not
presume
upon
that
forbearance
to
offend
and
displease
again
in
the
like
manner
;
because
he
that
winketh
at
a
fault
once
,
will
not
beare
with
offences
of
the
like
nature
alwaies
.
It
hapned
that
not
long
after
the
Tumult
before
mentioned
,
som●
few
of
the
greatest
Senators
of
Rome
had
secretly
caused
a
Trbiunes
of
the
people
to
be
murthered
,
because
under
the
colour
and
pretence
of
his
Office
,
he
had
(
as
they
were
informed
)
done
his
best
endeavor
to
make
a
commotion
amongst
the
common
people
.
The
Tribune
thus
mu●thered
,
the
people
shewed
no
outward
sign
of
discontentment
,
because
they
knew
not
unto
whom
they
might
impute
his
death
,
or
whom
to
blame
or
accuse
for
the
same
.
The
Senators
were
glad
to
see
that
his
death
was
so
well
taken
,
thinking
that
they
had
used
a
very
good
course
to
prevent
and
withstand
the
like
seditions
,
and
that
the
other
Tribunes
would
be
warned
by
their
Fellow
and
Colleagues
punishment
never
hereafter
to
move
the
common
people
to
rebell
.
They
supposed
that
by
one
mans
death
they
had
removed
all
occ●sions
of
Tumultuous
disorders
;
But
experience
taught
them
not
long
after
,
that
they
were
greatly
deceived
.
For
when
they
were
to
levy
an
Army
of
men
to
use
in
their
warres
,
and
thinking
that
the
Tribunes
death
was
forgotten
;
they
commanded
one
Volero
,
one
of
the
common
people
who
had
been
Captain
of
certain
footmen
,
to
have
his
company
in
a
readiness
,
he
answered
them
plainly
,
that
he
would
not
obey
their
commandment
Whereupon
the
Consuls
Emilius
and
Virginius
,
sent
certain
Sergeants
unto
him
to
carry
him
to
prison
;
He
escapeth
out
of
their
hands
,
getteth
himself
into
a
press
of
common
people
,
there
he
crieth
out
with
open
mouth
,
My
masters
,
let
us
defend
our selves
;
we
must
not
think
to
be
any
more
supported
by
our
Tribunes
who
dare
not
speak
for
us
,
for
feare
lest
they
be
ki●led
,
as
one
hath
been
already
that
favoured
us
in
our
honest
causes
.
He
had
no
sooner
said
this
,
but
that
the
people
,
although
the
Consuls
endeavoured
to
appease
the
Tumult
,
ran
upon
the
Serjeants
,
who
after
that
they
had
been
well
beaten
,
and
their
Maces
broken
about
their
heads
,
saved
themselves
in
the
Palace
where
the
S●n●te
was
assembled
.
The
Senators
deliberate
presently
how
they
might
pacifie
this
sedition
;
many
thought
it
meet
to
repress
force
by
●orce
;
but
the
graver
sort
was
of
opinion
,
that
it
were
not
good
to
tame
the
members
of
a
body
by
violence
,
and
that
they
had
already
too
much
offended
who
were
Authors
of
the
Tribunes
death
,
and
much
more
they
who
intreated
Volero
hardly
,
for
that
in
Popular
diseases
,
the
gentler
a
Medicine
is
,
the
better
it
is
;
and
the
more
that
a
Magistrate
spa●e●h
,
the
better
he
fareth
.
The
same
Romans
will
likewise
teach
Princes
,
that
the
eldest
Counsellors
are
not
alwaies
the
wisest
,
and
that
the
most
voices
are
not
oftentimes
the
soundest
voices
.
It
chanced
another
time
in
Rome
,
that
the
Commonalty
was
so
greatly
discontented
,
that
the
greater
part
of
the
people
were
purposed
to
forsake
their
City
,
and
to
inhabit
in
some
place
where
the
Nobility
should
not
carry
so
heavy
an
hand
over
them
as
the
Senators
did
;
and
with
this
resolution
they
left
their
houses
,
and
were
ready
to
betake
themselves
to
their
journey
.
The
Senators
understanding
of
this
determination
,
cast
their
heads
together
,
and
advised
among
themselves
what
it
were
best
to
do
to
remove
this
setled
opinion
,
and
to
hold
them
still
in
the
City
,
which
was
almost
past
all
hope
.
Appius
Claudius
,
according
to
his
rigorous
nature
and
old
custome
,
perswaded
them
to
bridle
the
mutinous
by
rigor
,
and
severity
;
For
saith
he
,
the
common
people
,
if
they
be
not
held
in
continual
awe
,
wax
proud
,
disdainfull
and
insolent
,
not
caring
what
they
do
,
or
how
often
they
offend
;
And
therefore
to
suffer
them
in
one
Folly
,
were
to
encourage
them
to
commit
another
.
This
opinion
was
presently
approved
by
all
the
younger
Senators
,
whose
hands
tickled
and
hearts
burned
with
a
desire
of
revenge
for
some
small
indignities
offered
unto
them
by
the
Commonalty
.
Menenius
Agrippa
,
a
Senator
of
few
yeares
,
but
greater
clemency
then
Appius
Claudius
,
contradicted
this
opinion
;
because
the
Commonwealth
representeth
,
saith
he
,
the
body
of
a
man
;
and
a
good
Physitian
will
not
presently
cut
off
a
member
or
joynt
that
is
grieved
,
but
will
seeke
some
gentle
meanes
to
affwage
the
griefe
;
and
experience
hath
taught
us
,
that
as
a
wild
beast
being
gently
used
waxeth
tame
,
and
contrariwise
a
tame
one
being
rudely
handled
becom●th
wild
;
so
the
most
rude
and
common
people
relent
if
you
use
them
gently
,
and
they
that
are
most
civill
and
modest
,
quickly
forget
all
modesty
and
civility
if
you
once
provoke
them
too
much
,
if
you
continue
to
displease
and
discontent
them
too
long
and
too
often
.
Menenius
his
opinion
was
followed
.
Spurius
Manlius
intreated
them
to
excu●e
the
younger
Senators
Folli●
;
They
were
commended
that
departed
quickly
from
Claudius
his
opinion
;
and
Agrippa
was
enjoyned
to
pacifie
the
people
:
He
therefore
followeth
this
commandement
;
calleth
the
Commonalty
together
,
declareth
unto
them
the
Senators
good
will
towards
them
;
speaketh
so
gently
unto
them
that
he
maketh
them
all
change
their
resolution
and
useth
this
principal
reason
to
enforce
this
perswasion
.
The
Senators
(
saith
he
)
resemble
the
Belly
,
and
you
the
rest
of
the
members
of
mans
body
;
must
the
other
parts
of
mans
body
complain
that
all
they
can
gather
and
scrape
together
is
little
enough
for
the
Belly
?
Is
it
not
the
Belly
that
nourisheth
all
the
rest
or
the
Body
,
that
maintaineth
and
sust●ineth
every
part
thereof
?
doth
the
Belly
when
it
receiveth
any
kind
of
victuals
be
it
never
so
delicate
,
never
so
rare
,
and
exquisite
,
res●rve
all
for
it self
?
Doth
it
not
distribute
and
disperse
the
same
even
to
the
parts
that
are
furthest
off
from
the
Belly
?
even
so
the
Senators
,
do
they
challenge
that
for
their
own
use
and
benefit
which
they
exact
of
you
?
Do
they
not
imploy
the
Tributes
and
Subsidies
which
they
levy
to
the
behoofe
and
commodity
of
the
whole
State
?
Do
they
not
all
that
they
do
for
your
good
and
safety
?
Are
they
not
rather
Nurces
to
nourish
you
,
then
Lords
to
command
you
?
Are
they
not
Shepheards
to
defend
you
,
and
not
Wolves
to
devoure
you
?
And
do
they
not
shew
themselves
to
be
your
Fathers
,
rather
then
your
Foes
?
Why
then
do
you
complain
of
them
?
Why
th●eaten
you
to
leave
them
,
who
will
forget
themselves
to
remember
you
,
and
rather
die
to
content
you
,
then
live
to
confou●d
you
?
Thus
ended
Menenius
his
speech
,
somewhat
abruptly
and
yet
so
mildly
,
that
the
grave
Senators
most
highly
commended
it
,
and
the
common
people
most
willingly
followed
it
.
Now
to
apply
these
examples
to
the
King
of
Spain
,
and
to
tell
you
how
he
,
and
any
other
Prince
in
the
wide
world
,
governing
as
he
doth
,
might
have
made
some
use
and
profit
of
them
,
it
will
be
no
lost
labour
,
because
it
will
make
his
oversights
more
manifest
then
they
are
unto
the
view
and
Judgement
of
the
whole
world
:
Had
he
therefore
,
at
the
beginning
of
the
Alienation
of
his
Subjects
hearts
and
Affections
from
him
,
harkened
unto
such
Counsellors
as
Servillus
and
not
Appius
Claudius
;
had
he
when
some
one
Subject
like
unto
Volero
was
displeased
,
satisfied
him
,
and
not
provoked
him
;
had
he
when
his
Subjects
were
departing
out
of
their
Country
,
not
sent
a
Claudius
to
repress
them
,
bu●
a
Menenius
to
reconcile
them
,
hee
had
never
found
so
many
Agricolas
,
so
many
Artevills
,
so
many
Carpentaries
,
so
many
Basconii
,
so
many
Leones
as
he
did
amongst
them
.
H●d
he
not
disturbed
,
disgraced
,
discredited
his
faithfull
Subjects
,
servants
,
his
best
Officers
,
as
Nero
did
Rufus
,
Su●rius
,
Flavius
,
Sulpitius
,
After
,
Corbulo
,
and
Galba
,
they
never
would
have
harboured
a
thought
to
deprive
him
(
as
the
others
did
Nero
)
of
the
possession
of
the
Low
Countries
;
Briefly
had
he
considered
that
when
Nero
began
to
be
a
Tyrant
,
First
France
,
then
Spaine
,
and
at
the
last
other
Provinces
fel
from
their
obedience
towards
him
,
he
might
easily
have
perceived
,
that
when
Brabant
failed
him
,
Flanders
,
Holland
and
all
the
rest
of
his
seventeen
Provinces
would
likewise
fall
from
him
.
But
it
pleased
him
having
two
notable
Examples
before
his
eyes
,
the
one
of
Antien●time
,
the
other
of
latter
years
,
the
first
bad
,
and
the
other
good
,
to
reject
the
one
,
and
to
follow
the
other
.
The
Examples
were
these
;
Reh●boam
the
sonne
of
wise
Solomon
would
impose
greater
Taxes
and
Subsidies
upon
his
Subjects
then
his
Father
had
done
before
him
.
The
People
hereupon
complained
unto
him
,
as
the
Low-country
Subjects
did
unto
the
Spanish
King
,
desired
him
rather
to
mitigate
then
to
increase
his
Impositions
,
shewed
that
they
were
not
able
to
bear
and
support
so
great
charges
.
He
called
his
Councellors
together
(
as
undoubtedly
the
Spaniard
did
)
and
craved
their
advice
:
The
elder
Counsellors
were
of
opinion
that
it
was
good
and
expedient
to
yield
unto
his
Subjects
demands
(
as
perhaps
the
better
sort
of
the
Councell
were
)
and
by
easing
their
charges
to
assure
unto
himself
their
hearts
and
their
affections
;
But
the
younger
sort
(
and
such
undoubtedly
were
the
Spanish
Senators
,
either
in
Wit
or
years
)
advised
him
to
reject
their
Petition
,
and
not
to
suffer
them
to
prescribe
Laws
unto
him
(
who
were
to
receive
laws
from
him
)
but
to
let
them
know
that
he
was
their
King
,
and
they
his
Subjects
,
and
that
it
belonged
unto
them
to
obey
.
This
Counsel
what
followed
:
But
what
followed
in
following
this
Counsel
?
The
greatest
part
of
his
People
Rebelled
against
him
:
Ieroboam
was
chosen
King
,
and
Rehoboam
raised
an
Army
of
80
Thousand
men
to
constraine
his
Subjects
to
return
to
their
former
obedience
;
but
he
lost
him
time
and
Ten
parts
of
his
Kingdom
.
Lewis
the
Eleventh
King
of
France
,
a
wise
and
subtile
Prince
,
if
ever
there
were
any
in
France
,
at
his
first
coming
to
the
Crown
,
played
his
part
as
Rehoboam
did
,
until
that
the
chief
of
his
Nobility
rebelled
against
him
.
This
wise
King
acknowledged
his
fault
,
sought
all
means
possible
to
pacify
and
reconcile
those
Rebells
;
He
yielded
to
their
demands
,
and
was
so
far
from
punishing
their
disobedience
,
as
that
he
received
them
for
his
chief
Councellors
,
and
was
always
more
directed
by
them
,
then
by
any
other
of
his
Counsell
.
And
when
he
had
escaped
the
danger
,
whereinto
he
was
fallen
by
his
Folly
,
he
gave
great
thanks
to
Almighty
God
,
that
it
had
pleased
him
to
give
him
the
Grace
not
to
hazard
the
losse
of
so
great
and
mighty
a
Kingdome
as
France
was
,
and
is
,
upon
the
uncertainty
of
a
Battaile
and
especially
of
a
B●ttaile
to
be
fought
against
his
own
Subjects
;
Subj●cts
that
love
their
Prince
as
the
head
of
the
Politique
body
,
their
children
as
the
stay
and
hope
of
their
everlasting
Families
,
and
their
Liberty
as
the
most
precious
Jewell
of
their
worldly
wealth
:
And
therefore
when
they
see
their
Liberty
restrained
or
impeached
,
they
forget
their
duty
to
their
Prince
,
remember
not
their
love
to
their
children
,
and
cut
off
their
love
and
affection
to
their
goods
;
Nay
they
are
no
longer
Masters
of
themselves
,
being
void
of
〈◊〉
,
of
reason
,
of
Judgment
,
apprehending
no
thing
else
but
that
which
is
before
their
eyes
,
and
following
those
only
who
delude
their
senses
,
abuse
their
reason
,
and
deceive
their
Judgment
;
so
that
to
strive
with
them
in
these
Passions
,
is
to
contend
with
mad
men
in
their
fury
;
and
it
is
almost
as
impossible
for
a
Prince
to
rule
them
in
this
rage
,
as
it
is
impossible
for
one
man
to
take
and
tame
a
number
of
wild
Beasts
in
a
wide
and
great
Forrest
.
It
is
doubtless
that
the
Spanish
King
knew
thus
much
;
but
it
pleased
him
to
beleeve
Appius
Claudius
better
then
Servilius
;
to
persecute
and
not
to
pacifie
Volera
;
to
reject
and
not
to
receive
Menenius
his
Counsell
,
and
to
imitate
Rehoboam
of
Israel
,
rather
then
Lewis
of
France
;
no
marvel
then
if
Rehoboams
hard
and
ill
Fortu●e
,
and
not
Lewis
his
rare
and
strange
Felicity
be●ideth
him
.
You
have
seen
his
bad
course
;
heard
his
impossibility
to
subjugate
and
subdue
England
;
It
remaineth
to
shew
you
,
that
although
he
should
conquer
England
,
yet
he
could
not
continue
long
in
quiet
and
peaceable
possession
thereof
.
It
is
hard
to
say
what
course
he
would
take
,
and
how
he
would
governe
if
he
should
chance
to
prevaile
against
England
;
but
I
think
he
would
imitate
the
example
of
,
others
who
have
made
conquest
of
strange
and
forreigne
Countries
before
him
;
and
he
will
therefore
make
all
things
new
,
as
he
himself
shall
be
new
;
He
will
appoint
a
new
government
and
new
Governors
;
He
will
establish
new
Laws
,
new
Orders
,
new
Customes
;
build
up
new
Citadels
,
and
pluck
down
old
Castels
;
kill
our
Nobility
and
place
Spaniards
in
their
roomes
;
Change
all
our
Officers
,
and
make
Castles
and
For●s
to
keep
his
Subj●cts
in
awe
and
in
fear
;
destroy
the
Coun●y
and
take
away
all
ancient
Priviledges
;
impoverish
the
rich
,
and
inrich
the
poor
;
unarme
the
vanquished
,
and
arms
the
vanquishers
;
plant
his
religion
,
and
banishours
;
impose
new
tribute●
and
charge
the
Subjects
with
strange
impositions
;
Briefly
set
spies
in
every
City
,
in
every
village
,
in
every
town
,
in
every
Hamlett
,
and
in
every
House
,
to
mark
what
is
done
or
said
,
what
what
is
Counselled
or
practised
,
Behold
this
is
all
that
he
can
do
:
This
is
as
much
as
the
Danes
did
:
This
is
the
course
that
William
the
Conqueror
took
;
Briefly
this
is
the
manner
of
Government
,
which
the
Romans
practised
;
and
it
is
likely
that
he
will
doe
all
this
in
his
own
Kingdome
:
But
our
Country
men
knowing
by
certaine
report
,
that
he
will
doe
all
this
,
will
rather
die
then
endure
all
this
;
or
if
they
endure
it
for
a
time
,
will
undoubtedly
both
seek
and
finde
means
to
free
themselves
from
such
servitude
in
shorttime
.
The
examples
of
other
Nations
and
other
People
which
have
killed
themselves
with
their
own
hands
because
they
would
not
fall
into
their
Enemies
hands
,
will
both
move
and
encourage
them
to
imitate
and
follow
their
Magnanimity
;
The
rebellions
of
many
Princes
will
animate
them
to
Revolt
from
their
obedience
;
Necessity
will
put
some
way
or
other
into
their
heads
how
to
find
weapons
,
how
to
choose
Captains
,
how
to
perswade
a
general
Revolt
,
and
how
to
procure
an
alteration
and
change
of
his
Tyrannical
Government
.
For
albeit
that
the
Spaniards
will
perhaps
for
a
time
Governe
with
all
mildness
,
●●●anity
and
Justice
;
yet
as
soon
as
they
think
themselves
well
setled
and
assured
to
hold
and
continue
their
conquests
;
as
soone
as
they
taste
those
sweet
Commodities
and
pleasant
fruit
which
follow
after
the
great
increase
of
wealth
and
riches
,
then
will
they
begin
to
change
their
customes
and
their
conditions
;
then
should
you
see
(
which
God
forbid
you
ever
see
)
the
Magistrates
rob
the
commonwealth
;
base
and
unworthy
persons
advanced
to
places
of
Dignity
;
Superiors
wrong
their
Inferiors
;
●●supportable
tributes
imposed
upon
the
People
;
abominable
Vices
left
unpunished
;
Offices
of
Justice
sold
for
money
;
Laws
little
or
nothing
regarded
;
Strangers
more
honored
and
respected
then
our
own
countrymen
;
and
good
manners
changed
into
evil
conditions
:
And
when
you
see
this
,
then
you
may
boldly
say
,
that
things
are
at
the
worst
;
that
violent
courses
cannot
long
endure
;
that
a
time
of
a
change
and
alteration
is
not
far
off
;
and
lastly
,
since
those
things
which
Philosophers
and
wise
men
have
noted
to
be
the
Forerunners
of
the
Subversion
of
States
,
are
hapned
,
and
fallen
upon
our
State
,
that
it
will
quickly
change
and
perish
.
All
things
therefore
being
well
considered
,
and
that
especially
remembred
which
was
said
,
when
I
handled
the
first
oversight
of
the
Spanish
King
;
I
may
boldly
inferr
,
that
Conquests
are
chargeable
before
they
bee
gotten
,
easie
to
be
lost
after
they
be
attained
,
and
wholly
depending
upon
the
Government
of
such
Officers
as
are
placed
over
them
;
who
if
they
be
good
Servants
,
many
times
make
themselves
Masters
;
and
if
they
be
bad
,
put
in
great
hazard
all
that
is
committed
to
their
charge
;
And
since
there
are
not
many
that
endeavor
to
be
such
as
they
should
bee
,
there
can
be
no
great
good
looked
for
at
their
hands
,
so
long
as
they
continue
such
as
they
appeare
to
be
.
Besides
,
the
great
ingratitude
of
Iustinian
the
Emperor
to
Marcelles
,
of
Ferdinando
of
Spain
to
Gonsalvo
,
breedeth
a
Jealousy
and
feare
in
the
hearts
and
heads
of
as
many
as
are
imployed
in
the
like
services
,
that
their
Kings
and
Princes
will
reward
them
with
the
like
recompences
;
And
this
Jealousie
maketh
them
to
seek
meanes
how
to
be
able
to
match
or
rather
overcharge
their
Soveraigne
in
Power
and
Authority
.
Was
not
this
Jealousie
the
sole
and
onely
cause
,
that
Tiberius
had
like
to
have
been
deprived
of
his
State
by
Sejanus
,
Commodus
by
Pervicius
,
Theodosius
the
second
by
Eutropius
,
Iustinian
by
Bellizarie
,
Xerxes
by
Artaban
,
and
the
Merovingians
and
Carolovingians
by
the
great
Masters
of
their
Pallaces
?
Is
not
the
feare
of
the
like
danger
the
cause
that
Princes
change
their
Liuetenants
and
Deputies
often
,
least
that
growing
in
too
great
Credit
and
love
with
the
people
,
their
Credit
may
breed
in
them
Ambition
,
their
Ambition
a
disloyalty
,
and
their
disloyalty
a
plain
Rebellion
,
and
their
Rebellion
a
lamentable
overthrow
of
their
Kingdomes
?
Is
not
this
yearly
or
continuall
changing
of
Officers
the
cause
that
they
knowing
that
their
Authority
is
of
no
long
continuance
,
study
more
to
enrich
themselves
then
to
benefit
the
people
,
to
oppress
and
overcharge
the
Subjects
,
then
to
comfort
and
relieve
them
?
And
is
not
their
study
the
cause
that
the
people
are
discontented
,
and
of●entimes
enforced
to
Rebell
?
Moreover
how
can
it
be
but
all
or
most
part
of
those
Inconveniencies
of
which
I
have
spoken
,
must
needs
fall
upon
the
King
of
Spain
,
whether
he
live
long
or
die
shortly
,
since
many
motives
and
causes
of
Rebellion
in
Subjects
and
discontentment
in
Noblemen
concur
together
in
him
?
For
hee
is
old
and
will
leave
a
very
young
Infant
or
no
old
Prince
to
succeed
him
in
all
his
States
,
who
perhaps
will
Governe
by
Deputies
and
Liuetenants
,
as
his
Father
did
before
him
in
those
Dominions
which
are
far
distant
from
Spain
,
and
will
participate
some
small
portion
of
Government
with
his
Sister
,
that
hath
been
a
long
time
nourished
and
nousled
up
in
the
sweetness
of
commanding
.
Of
his
Governors
some
will
be
ambitious
,
and
desire
to
rule
;
Others
of
baser
minds
,
but
yet
greedy
of
Recompenc●es
and
Rewards
,
for
services
done
to
him
and
his
Father
;
He
will
be
jealous
of
some
,
and
give
too
much
credit
unto
othe●s
;
His
Courtiers
will
engage
and
indebt
themselves
in
setting
themselves
fo●th
in
Triumphs
and
p●stiumes
that
they
will
devise
to
shew
him
:
His
Captains
will
●rave
to
be
always
imployed
in
wars
,
and
to
levy
those
Soldiers
in
those
Countries
which
will
not
be
well
con●ented
with
those
Le●ies
:
B●iefly
then
will
some
Potentates
and
Frinces
,
considering
the
years
and
weakness
of
this
young
Prince
,
lay
claim
unto
some
of
his
States
,
and
every
man
will
snatch
what
so
ever
shall
be
fitt●●t
for
his
purpose
,
nighest
to
his
State
,
and
most
open
to
his
Invasion
.
The
Soldiers
of
Rome
rebelled
against
Oth●
,
because
h●
was
old
:
Certain
Cities
of
France
against
the
Romans
,
because
they
were
greatly
in
debt
:
The
People
of
Thraci●
against
Rome
,
because
there
were
Soldiers
l●vied
in
their
Country
against
their
wills
:
Orgatorix
Prince
of
the
Switzers
:
because
he
was
desirous
to
be
a
King
,
Morgovias
and
Cavedagins
against
Cordi●a
their
Aunt
,
because
she
was
a
woman
:
The
Englis●man
against
Edward
the
Fourth
,
because
he
dishonored
the
Earle
of
Warwick
;
against
Henry
the
Third
,
because
he
would
have
made
new
Laws
;
The
Duke
of
Buckingham
against
Richard
the
Th●rd
because
he
brake
promise
with
him
for
the
Earldom
of
Hertford
;
the
Scots
against
Iames
the
Third
,
because
he
gave
greater
credit
unto
some
of
the
Courtieers
then
they
deserved
;
and
the
Spaniards
against
Charls
the
Fifth
,
because
he
lived
more
in
Flanders
then
in
Spain
,
and
governed
Spain
by
Flemings
.
Lastly
,
when
as
Alexander
the
Great
died
,
Seleucus
seised
upon
the
Kingdome
of
Syria
;
Ptolomy
usu●ped
upon
Egypt
,
Antigonus
made
himself
King
of
Asia
,
and
Cassander
reigned
in
Greece
and
Macedonia
.
So
whensoever
the
King
of
Spaine
shall
die
,
his
Son
will
enjoy
most
of
his
Dominions
,
the
Duke
of
Savoy
will
look
for
part
of
them
;
His
other
Daughters
Husband
will
look
for
a
proportionable
share
,
and
the
Princes
of
Italy
will
perhaps
lay
in
for
their
part
and
for
their
portion
.
For
every
Kingdom
hath
a
certain
Period
,
an
end
and
declination
;
And
it
is
seldome
seen
that
any
State
flourisheth
many
hundred
years
:
And
as
those
bodies
die
soonest
,
that
are
subject
to
most
diseases
;
so
those
Kingdomes
perish
soonest
,
whose
Princes
are
most
inclined
to
many
vices
.
Saul
reigned
but
Forty
years
;
and
he
and
his
posterity
perished
for
his
Infidelity
.
David
ruled
other
Forty
,
and
his
Kingdom
was
divided
for
his
Adultery
.
Achan
was
King
no
longer
time
,
and
his
Kingdome
was
destroyed
for
his
Idolatry
.
And
Cyrus
enjoyed
his
Crown
and
Scepter
not
many
years
,
and
his
race
failed
in
his
Son
Cambyses
for
his
Cruelty
.
And
how
can
the
Spanish
Kings
declining
glory
last
long
,
since
many
probable
and
very
learned
Authors
do
greatly
belye
him
,
if
he
be
not
infected
with
all
or
most
part
of
those
vices
which
possessed
incredulous
and
unbelieving
Saul
,
adulterous
and
leacherous
,
David
Idolatrous
and
Superstitious
Achan
,
Cruel
and
incestuous
Cambyses
.
I
favor
and
reverence
his
Person
because
he
is
a
King
,
hate
and
detest
his
vices
,
because
they
become
not
a
Prince
;
have
declared
and
discovered
his
indiscretion
,
because
he
may
be
no
more
thought
so
wise
as
common
Fame
report●th
him
to
be
.
And
now
,
because
of
a
dissembling
friend
,
he
is
become
our
professed
Enemy
,
I
may
not
conceale
the
means
how
his
courage
may
be
cooled
,
his
Pride
abated
,
his
purposes
prevented
,
his
courses
crossed
,
his
Ambition
restrained
,
his
hopes
frustrated
,
his
strength
weakned
,
his
Alliances
dissolved
,
and
Briefly
,
all
or
part
of
his
Kingdom
rent
and
dismembred
.
To
know
how
all
this
may
be
done
,
you
shall
need
but
to
look
back
upon
the
means
that
he
useth
to
conserve
his
States
,
and
to
crosse
his
Counsels
and
Intentions
in
the
use
of
those
means
.
For
,
doth
he
continue
in
credit
by
the
General
reputation
and
conceit
that
is
had
of
his
wealth
?
Let
it
be
shewed
that
he
is
poor
and
needy
.
Holdeth
he
his
Subjects
and
Towns
of
Conquest
in
awe
,
by
keeping
Garisons
in
them
?
Seeke
either
to
corrupt
those
Garrisons
,
or
to
perswade
those
Towns
to
expel
them
.
Borrows
he
money
in
his
need
and
necessity
of
the
Genowaies
and
other
Merchants
of
Italie
?
Counsel
them
to
call
for
their
old
Debts
and
to
lend
him
no
more
money
before
they
be
paid
.
Doth
our
Nation
and
others
inrich
his
Country
by
resorting
thither
?
Let
them
repair
no
more
then
they
needs
must
to
those
Countries
.
Fetcheth
he
yearly
great
wealth
from
the
Indies
?
Let
that
be
intercepted
more
then
it
hath
been
.
Placeth
he
wise
Governors
and
Magistrates
in
his
Dominions
to
Containe
his
Subjects
in
obedience
,
and
his
Neighbours
in
fear
?
Send
Fire-brands
and
Authors
of
Sedition
amongst
his
Subjects
as
he
doth
amongst
ours
,
and
think
it
as
lawfull
and
easie
to
estrange
the
affection
of
his
wisest
and
most
trusty
Deputies
and
Lieutenants
,
as
it
was
and
is
for
him
to
allienate
the
hearts
of
some
of
the
Nobility
of
France
from
their
King
.
Hath
he
married
the
now
Duke
of
Parma
so
meanly
that
he
can
not
be
able
to
recover
his
right
to
Portugal
?
Or
hath
he
so
weakned
Don
Antonio
that
he
shall
never
be
able
to
returne
into
his
Country
?
Provoke
the
one
to
be
his
Enemy
in
putting
him
in
mind
of
his
Fathers
untimely
death
,
and
by
remembring
the
great
wrongs
that
he
suffereth
,
and
let
many
Princes
joyn
in
heart
and
in
helpe
to
set
up
the
other
against
him
,
and
to
strengthen
and
succor
both
,
rather
then
the
one
or
the
other
should
not
annoy
him
.
Is
France
unable
to
hurt
him
because
France
is
divided
?
Reconcile
them
that
are
dissevered
,
and
revive
the
quarrels
and
pretentions
that
France
hath
against
him
?
Presumeth
he
that
the
Germans
will
rather
help
then
hurt
him
,
because
he
is
ally'd
to
some
in
Conjunction
of
blood
,
and
to
others
in
league
of
amity
?
dissolve
his
alliances
and
debase
the
mightiest
of
his
kindred
.
To
be
short
,
are
the
Pope
,
the
Venetians
,
and
the
other
Princes
of
Italy
either
for
feare
or
affection
his
friends
?
encourage
the
Timerous
and
fearfull
,
and
alter
and
remove
the
love
and
affection
of
them
that
beare
him
best
good
will
.
But
some
man
will
say
,
This
is
sooner
said
then
done
,
and
therefore
I
have
said
nothing
unless
I
shew
you
how
all
this
may
bee
well
and
conveniently
done
.
There
is
a
generall
meanes
,
and
there
are
diverse
special
waies
to
effect
all
this
.
I
will
acquaint
you
with
both
,
because
you
shall
bee
ignorant
of
neither
,
and
I
will
be
as
brief
as
I
may
,
because
I
take
it
high
time
not
to
trouble
you
any
longer
.
It
is
grown
unto
a
general
use
of
late
yeares
,
and
undoubtedly
it
was
usual
in
times
past
,
when
Princes
undertake
any
great
actions
or
enterprises
that
may
perhaps
seem
strange
and
somwhat
unreasonable
unto
other
Princes
whose
favor
and
friendship
they
desire
,
to
publish
the
causes
and
reasons
which
induce
them
to
enter
into
those
actions
;
and
in
those
Declarations
to
omit
nothing
that
either
may
grace
and
credit
them
,
or
discredit
and
disgrace
their
Adversaries
.
The
States
of
the
Low
Countries
when
necessity
inforced
them
to
renew
Wars
against
the
Spaniards
,
published
certain
Books
containing
the
causes
which
moved
them
thereunto
;
and
caused
those
Books
to
be
imprinted
in
seven
several
Languages
,
in
Latine
,
in
French
,
in
their
own
Tongue
,
in
High
Dutch
,
in
Italian
,
in
Spanish
and
in
English
,
to
the
end
that
all
the
Nations
of
the
World
,
hearing
the
Justice
and
Equity
of
their
quarrel
,
m●ght
either
as
Friends
help
and
assist
them
,
or
as
Neutrals
,
neither
aid
nor
hinder
them
as
their
Adversaries
.
The
late
Duke
of
Alenson
,
because
it
might
seem
strange
unto
some
,
that
he
being
a
Catholick
Pr●nce
,
would
aid
men
of
a
contrary
Religion
;
and
reprehensible
unto
others
,
that
being
in
some
manner
allied
and
a
supposed
friend
unto
the
Spanish
King
,
he
would
accept
the
Title
of
the
Duke
of
Brabant
,
and
undertake
the
defence
of
the
Low
Countries
against
the
Spaniards
,
made
it
appa●ent
unto
the
world
,
by
the
like
means
,
that
it
was
not
any
ambitious
mind
,
or
greedy
desire
of
advancement
,
but
a
Princely
clemency
,
and
commiseration
of
the
distressed
state
of
that
Country
,
too
much
oppressed
by
the
Spanish
Tyranny
,
that
moved
him
to
receive
them
into
his
Protection
and
Patronage
.
The
like
did
the
County
Palatine
Cassimer
when
as
he
came
into
Flanders
with
his
Forces
.
And
the
like
have
many
other
Princes
done
,
not
in
just
causes
only
,
but
in
matters
that
had
far
greater
affinity
with
injustice
and
dishonesty
,
then
with
justice
and
integrity
.
That
Duke
of
Burgondy
which
more
wickedly
then
justly
murthered
the
Duke
of
Orleance
,
fearing
that
his
murther
might
justly
purchase
him
the
Kings
heavy
displeasure
,
and
the
general
harted
of
all
France
,
suborned
a
learned
and
famous
Divine
named
Iohn
Petie
,
not
onely
to
excuse
,
but
also
to
commend
and
allow
the
execution
thereof
in
many
publick
,
Sermons
,
and
writ
divers
Letters
unto
the
best
Towns
of
France
,
to
declare
and
justifie
the
cause
that
moved
him
thereunto
.
Henry
the
Fourth
of
England
,
whom
many
H●storiographers
hold
rather
for
a
wrongful
Usurper
then
a
lawful
King
,
to
make
it
known
by
what
Title
he
took
upon
him
to
be
King
of
England
,
sent
divers
Ambassadors
into
Spain
,
Germany
,
and
Italy
,
with
such
instructions
,
and
so
forceable
reasons
,
that
he
made
a
bad
cause
seem
just
and
equitable
.
That
Pope
of
Rome
,
which
(
as
you
have
heard●
betrayed
Frederick
the
Emperor
most
leudly
unto
the
Great
Turk
,
and
was
the
onely
cause
of
his
long
and
chargeable
imptisonment
,
finding
that
his
unchristian
treachery
,
being
happily
disclosed
,
did
greatly
blemish
his
name
and
reputation
,
to
give
some
shew
and
colour
of
Justice
to
a
bad
cause
,
caused
to
be
published
,
that
two
notable
Murderers
had
been
taken
at
Rome
,
who
voluntarily
confessed
that
the
Emperor
Frederick
had
hired
and
sent
them
thither
of
purpose
to
kill
the
Pope
.
How
the
Duke
of
Bnckingham
,
and
the
more
learned
,
the
conscionable
Dean
Richard
Shaw
,
justified
in
the
Guild-hall
of
London
,
and
at
Pauls
Cross
,
the
unlawful
and
tyrannical
Usurpation
of
Richard
the
Third
,
our
Histories
make
it
so
manifest
,
that
I
need
not
to
trouble
you
with
the
recital
thereof
.
Since
therefore
not
mean
and
Lay-men
onely
,
but
Noblemen
and
great
Divines
hav●
both
defended
and
furthered
wrongful
causes
;
and
with
their
de●ence
and
furtherance
,
have
brought
to
pass
their
lend
and
wicked
purpose
;
why
should
not
men
sufficiently
seen
in
matters
of
State
,
and
throughly
furnished
with
all
good
qualities
,
requisite
in
a
good
and
worthy
Writer
(
of
which
sort
this
Realm
had
rather
some
want
then
any
great
store
)
depinct
the
Spainard
and
his
tyranny
so
lively
and
so
truly
,
that
their
reasons
,
their
perswasions
,
and
their
admonitions
may
may
shake
the
affections
,
and
penetrate
even
to
the
hearts
of
his
best
friends
and
his
most
assured
Allyes
?
But
he
is
a
faint
friend
that
will
be
won
with
a
word
,
and
he
not
worthy
the
name
of
an
Ally
,
whom
the
dash
of
a
pen
may
make
forsake
and
abandon
his
Confederate
.
How
then
?
what
other
general
way
is
to
be
practised
.
Where
a
pen
cannot
prevail
,
let
a
purse
be
walking
.
Quis
nisi
mentis
snops
oblatum
respuit
aurum
?
Let
greater
advancement
be
proffered
to
the
Spanish
Governors
;
greater
preferment
to
his
best
friends
;
notable
rewards
unto
those
that
will
leave
him
.
Iulius
coesar
,
to
win
the
hearts
and
affections
of
Scipios
Souldiers
,
promised
them
peaceable
and
quiet
possession
of
their
own
goods
,
and
to
reward
them
with
the
self
same
Honor
,
Offices
,
and
Dignities
which
he
vouchsafed
upon
his
own
own
followers
;
and
by
this
means
he
won
from
Scipio
many
of
his
dearst
friends
.
Francis
Forza
a
Captain
of
great
worth
,
and
of
better
credit
,
served
the
Venetians
and
the
Florentines
together
many
years
,
against
Philip
Maria
Duke
of
Millan
;
and
they
to
retain
him
to
their
onely
service
,
made
him
great
offers
,
promised
him
great
preferment
;
but
the
Duke
hearing
hearing
thereof
,
with
a
faithful
promise
to
give
him
his
onely
Daughter
in
marriage
,
and
to
make
him
his
sole
and
onely
Heir
,
made
him
forsake
his
old
friends
,
and
to
become
his
vowed
friend
and
servant
.
But
Francis
Forza
was
a
mean
Captain
,
and
a
man
of
no
great
Linage
,
and
therefore
easie
to
be
changed
with
an
assured
hope
of
better
advancement
;
whereas
men
of
good
account
,
of
honorable
Parentage
and
of
fufficient
Lands
and
possessions
(
such
as
the
Spaniards
cheifest
Governors
commonly
are
)
will
not
falsifie
their
faith
,
or
forsake
their
King
for
any
reward
whatsoever
.
Truly
men
of
great
honour
,
prefer
their
credit
before
their
gain
;
and
yet
honorable
men
are
men
as
others
be
,
and
suffer
themselves
to
be
won
as
others
are
.
There
was
a
time
when
the
Marquess
of
Mantoua
(
whose
Successors
are
now
Dukes
,
and
equal
to
great
Princes
,
and
he
not
inferior
unto
any
of
his
Predecessors
)
having
vouchsafed
to
serve
the
Venetians
as
their
General
against
Lewis
Duke
of
Millan
,
stood
not
so
much
upon
his
honor
,
but
that
the
said
Lewis
with
greater
offers
,
and
a
larger
Pention
then
he
had
of
the
Venetians
,
was
able
to
withdraw
him
from
their
service
and
devotion
.
There
was
a
time
when
the
mighty
Emperor
Charls
the
Fift
,
being
desirous
to
alienate
the
affection
of
Pope
Leo
the
Tenth
,
from
Francis
the
First
,
King
of
France
,
obtained
his
request
and
purpose
,
by
promising
the
Cardinal
Iulio
de
Medicis
a
yearly
Pension
of
ten
thousand
Ducats
to
be
paid
him
out
of
the
Arch-Bishoprick
of
Toledo
,
and
by
giving
to
Alexander
de
Medicis
a
Pension
of
the
like
value
in
the
Kingdom
of
Naples
.
There
was
a
time
when
the
said
Emperor
Charls
,
being
jealous
of
the
great
friendship
that
was
betwixt
Pope
Clement
the
Seventh
,
and
the
Duke
of
Urbin
,
and
likewise
desirous
to
distract
Andrew
Dorea
from
the
service
of
the
said
Pope
,
who
then
was
in
League
with
the
French
King
,
prevailed
with
the
one
by
giving
him
the
City
of
Lova
in
the
Kingdom
of
Naples
,
and
gained
the
assured
friendship
of
the
other
,
by
making
him
Duke
of
Malfie
,
and
by
encreasing
the
pay
and
Pension
which
the
Pope
gave
him
.
To
be
short
,
there
was
time
when
as
Philip
sirnamed
the
Fair
,
King
of
France
,
did
not
onely
entreat
Adolph
the
Emperor●
by
the
onely
means
of
great
Rewards
to
forsake
the
Amity
and
Alliance
of
Edward
King
of
England
,
and
of
Guido
Earle
of
Flanders
,
but
also
procured
Albert
Duke
of
Austria
,
by
warring
upon
the
Emperor
at
home
,
to
detain
him
in
Germany
,
so
that
he
could
not
,
as
he
had
promised
,
trouble
and
molest
France
.
But
some
men
will
say
,
These
men
had
no
regard
of
their
honour
,
whereunto
a
man
carrying
any
reasonable
respect
,
will
hardly
be
intreated
to
commit
any
thing
that
may
never
so
little
blemish
or
prejudice
his
reputation
.
It
cannot
be
denied
that
vertuous
men
had
rather
have
their
names
eternized
by
their
vertuous
action
,
then
their
Families
enriched
by
unlawful
corruption
:
Yet
it
is
written
,
and
written
by
an
Author
worthy
to
be
remembred
amongst
the
best
Authors
of
our
time
,
That
the
Marquess
of
Pescara
,
a
Prince
whose
Vertues
,
Fame
,
Reputation
,
Credit
and
Honor
were
nothing
inferior
unto
the
most
honorable
and
vertuous
Princes
that
ever
lived
on
earth
,
had
been
won
by
his
friend
Ieremy
Morony
to
forsake
the
Emperor
Charls
the
Fift
,
if
the
Cardinal
Acoltera
and
the
Marquess
of
Angel●
,
together
with
those
learned
Civilians
which
were
sent
by
the
Pope
and
the
Venetians
to
perswade
him
that
the
Emperor
was
not
lawful
King
of
Naples
,
and
that
the
Pope
had
power
to
dispose
thereof
unto
whom
it
pleased
him
,
had
used
pregnant
and
sufficient
Reasons
to
enforce
their
perswasions
,
and
to
assure
him
of
the
Kingdom●
And
undoubtedly
the
brotherly
love
of
Don
Iohn
de
Austria
,
and
the
loyal
affection
of
the
late
Duke
of
Parma
,
might
easily
have
been
shaken
by
a
more
sweet
then
tempestuous
wind
of
the
like
nature
:
For
since
Marquesses
,
Dukes
,
Emperors
and
Popes
,
have
been
content
to
be
caught
with
a
golden
hook
;
let
no
man
be
afraid
to
try
and
sound
,
or
despair
to
win
and
change
the
affections
of
meaner
personages
,
especially
such
as
are
either
greedy
or
needy
of
rewards
,
and
against
such
Princes
as
have
given
many
occasions
of
discontentment
unto
such
Personages
.
But
now
to
descend
from
the
general
means
unto
those
particular
ways
which
I
promised
to
declare
unto
you
,
let
me
,
I
pray
you
,
with
good
leave
and
patience
run
over
the
short
Catalogue
of
his
best
friends
,
and
shew
you
how
even
they
may
be
entreated
or
councelled
either
to
forsake
him
utterly
,
or
to
stand
as
Neutrals
and
idle
lookers
on
,
whilst
others
shall
annoy
him
.
And
because
of
late
years
,
and
since
his
late
dishonour
received
in
England
,
he
hath
used
all
means
possible
to
induce
the
Princes
of
Italy
to
aid
him
in
a
second
Enterp●ise
which
he
intendeth
against
England
;
I
will
as
briefly
as
I
can
set
down
divers
Reasons
which
may
be
used
to
disswade
them
from
yeelding
him
any
manner
of
assistance
.
It
may
therefore
be
said
unto
the
Italians
in
general
,
th●t
they
live
now
in
peace
and
quietness
under
the
wings
and
protection
of
divers
Princes
;
but
who
knoweth
whether
the
Spaniard
desireth
this
aid
of
them
to
disturb
their
quiet
,
and
to
disquiet
their
general
peace
?
who
knoweth
whether
he
that
now
favoureth
them
,
will
hereafter
take
occasion
to
hate
them
?
who
knoweth
,
since
it
is
the
custom
of
Princes
to
seek
help
of
others
,
not
for
any
great
need
they
have
thereof
,
but
either
to
weaken
them
,
or
to
bring
them
into
the
ha●red
of
others
,
whether
the
King
of
Spain
desireth
their
succour
and
furtherance
to
diminish
their
strength
,
or
the
number
of
their
friends
?
Briefly
,
who
knoweth
when
their
friends
are
diminished
,
and
their
forces
impared
,
whether
he
will
not
suddenly
denounce
open
Wars
against
them
?
Great
is
the
force
of
ambition
,
and
unsatiab●e
are
the
desires
of
covetous
Princes
,
who
having
subdued
one
Country
,
seek
presently
after
ano●her
,
and
when
they
have
conquered
that
,
labour
to
attain
unto
new
Conquests
,
and
never
leave
to
inlarge
their
over
large
Territories
until
a
small
peice
of
ground
incloseth
their
dead
and
rotten
bodies
.
But
it
may
be
said
,
the
King
of
Spain
is
old
;
but
covetousness
dieth
not
,
but
increaseth
in
old
age
.
He
is
already
Master
and
Lord
of
many
Kingdoms
and
so
many
Countries
:
But
as
I
have
said
,
the
more
a
man
hath
,
the
more
a
man
wanteth
;
he
being
nigh
unto
deaths
door
,
thinks
nothing
of
his
death
.
But
every
Prince
before
his
death
,
would
be
glad
to
make
his
name
immortal
,
his
Dominions
infinite
.
He
is
a
Catholick
Prince
,
&
therfore
will
hold
his
words
and
promises
with
Catholicks
as
he
hath
done
hitherto
:
But
deceitful
men
keep
touch
in
small
matters
,
to
deceive
the
better
in
causes
of
great
weight
and
consequence
:
They
may
therefore
justly
fear
,
that
he
who
coveteth
Kingdoms
that
are
far
from
him
,
is
not
without
a
great
desire
of
States
that
joyn
and
border
upon
his
Dominions
;
and
they
may
well
think
since
he
is
descended
(
as
you
shall
hear
anon
)
of
such
Predecessors
,
as
were
ready
to
take
any
occasion
whatsoever
,
just
or
unjust
,
honest
or
dishonest
,
commendable
or
reprehensible
,
to
enlarge
their
Dominions
,
that
he
hath
learned
of
them
to
have
the
like
desires
,
and
use
the
like
practises
.
But
grant
they
have
no
just
occasion
to
distrust
him
?
what
shall
they
gain
by
his
friendship
?
what
profit
shall
they
reap
by
aiding
and
assisting
him
?
He
called
them
to
help
him
:
But
when
forsooth
?
when
his
ships
were
su●k
,
bruised
and
broken
;
some
lost
and
never
heard
of
,
and
those
which
returned
into
Spain
,
were
so
shaken
and
beaten
with
weather
and
Gun-shot
,
that
either
they
will
be
altogether
unprofitable
,
or
hardly
repaired
without
great
and
infinite
charges
;
and
when
his
people
were
either
drowned
,
or
so
terrified
,
that
they
will
have
a
small
desire
,
and
less
courage
to
return
in
England
.
But
why
implored
he
not
their
helps
when
he
went
for
England
with
an
assured
hope
and
confidence
,
of
an
happy
Conquest
,
of
an
honourable
Victory
?
He
was
loath
to
use
their
help
,
because
he
thought
himself
able
to
a●tain
his
purpose
,
without
making
them
partakers
of
his
glory
;
and
now
that
he
hath
failed
of
his
purpose
,
he
calleth
them
unto
a
second
voyage
,
intended
for
a
revenge
of
the
dishonour
received
in
his
first
journey
;
and
they
must
go
to
recover
his
credit
,
and
to
revenge
his
quarrel
,
who
have
not
as
yet
righted
many
wrongs
done
unto
themselves
,
nor
wiped
away
divers
foul
spots
and
stains
which
blemish
their
own
credit
.
And
how
must
they
revenge
his
quarrel
?
Forsooth
,
by
sending
their
best
Soldiers
into
a
strange
Country
,
by
dis-furnishing
themselves
of
Ships
and
Artillery
,
and
by
lending
him
Munition
and
Mariners
,
who
might
do
well
to
spare
his
own
people
,
and
to
reserve
theirs
to
encounter
with
the
common
enemy
of
Christendom
.
Their
Ancestors
bought
peace
with
unreasonable
conditions
,
and
at
a
great
price
;
and
they
shall
go
to
Wars
where
they
have
no
cause
of
War
.
Their
Predecessors
when
any
Nation
dwelling
beyond
the
Alps
intended
to
pass
the
Alps
,
endeavoured
by
all
means
possible
to
hinder
their
passage
,
and
to
keep
them
at
home
,
and
they
having
not
felt
the
forces
of
such
Nations
these
many
years
,
shall
for
his
sake
now
go
about
to
provoke
them
.
Their
Forefathers
lived
quietly
at
home
with
their
own
;
and
they
shall
disquiet
themselves
and
other
men
,
and
endanger
their
own
for
his
cause
and
his
advantage
.
Their
Parents
never
suffered
their
ships
or
their
Souldiers
to
depart
out
of
Italy
,
for
fear
left
the
great
Turk
in
their
absence
should
invade
their
Country
and
they
must
send
their
provision
and
their
people
to
fight
against
the
Heavens
,
against
the
Windes
,
against
the
Weather
and
the
Sea
,
for
so
they
sight
that
fight
against
England
.
Their
hearts
may
tremble
to
think
of
it
;
and
that
wh●ch
hath
happened
once
may
happen
again
.
If
whilest
their
Forces
shall
be
imployed
in
the
Spanish
kings
service
,
the
Turk
shall
assail
them
at
home
,
shall
they
stay
for
their
strengths
until
they
come
out
of
England
?
Or
shall
they
yeeld
themselves
unto
his
mercy
and
discretion
?
For
there
is
no
other
way
to
relieve
them
,
or
to
repel
them
.
But
it
may
be
said
that
the
Spaniards
credit
and
reputation
will
be
their
Buckler
;
his
greatness
will
restrain
and
repress
their
Adve●iaries
.
Tell
me
,
you
that
think
so
;
Is
he
stronger
then
h●s
Father
was
?
Hath
he
ever
had
better
success
in
the
Wars
then
he
?
And
yet
in
the
prime
and
flower
of
his
years
,
and
even
when
he
thought
himself
free
from
all
danger
,
from
all
trouble
and
vexation
of
the
Turks
,
the
Turks
came
to
besiege
Vienna
,
which
is
the
Emperors
chief
Seat
,
and
a
City
of
as
great
strength
as
any
other
City
of
Europe
.
They
may
consider
that
Armies
that
go
far
from
home
have
(
as
I
have
said
)
seldom
good
success
;
that
enterprises
which
are
unadvisedly
and
hastily
taken
in
hand
,
seldom
fall
out
well
;
that
men
being
once
deceived
of
their
expe●ation
in
any
thing
that
they
undertake
,
proceed
faintly
and
fearfully
in
all
that
belongeth
to
that
action
;
that
to
hang
good
Souldiers
,
and
to
imploy
them
in
a
bad
cause
and
evil
quarrel
,
is
but
to
tempt
God
;
and
lastly
,
that
is
more
grievous
that
which
a
man
hath
already
in
possession
,
then
not
to
attain
unto
that
which
he
would
fain
obtain
.
All
these
being
duly
considered
,
they
may
justly
be
afraid
when
they
call
to
minde
,
that
their
Navy
which
they
shall
send
into
England
to
help
the
king
of
Spain
,
shall
pass
through
many
Seas
,
Rocks
,
with
many
contrary
Winds
,
in
great
Tempests
,
and
through
manifest
and
dangerous
parils
;
and
that
their
Souldiers
shall
be
sometimes
subject
to
hunger
and
thirst
,
sometimes
be
Sea
sick
,
and
in
great
danger
of
other
diseases
;
for
where
many
be
shut
up
close
together
,
there
few
can
be
in
health
long
.
All
this
being
duly
considered
,
they
may
well
be
dismayed
when
they
shall
remember
that
the
Spanish
Fleet
,
which
went
out
of
Spain
with
an
assured
hope
of
victory
,
returned
with
great
loss
and
ignommy
:
And
they
may
be
discomforted
,
when
they
enter
into
cogitation
that
the
Spanish
Navy
returning
to
that
place
where
they
were
once
well
beaten
,
and
remembring
what
small
relief
they
had
when
they
were
in
distress
,
will
not
onely
lose
the●r
courage
themselves
,
but
also
discourage
their
Italian
Souldiers
,
not
being
accustomed
to
sight
so
far
from
home
,
or
on
so
dangerous
and
troublesome
Seas
,
and
with
so
valiant
a
Nation
as
the
English
Sea
and
Subjects
are
.
They
may
again
be
dismayed
,
when
they
consider
,
that
although
they
should
conquer
England
,
yet
they
cannot
keep
it
long
,
because
they
have
no
just
cause
to
fight
against
England
.
And
lastly
,
they
may
be
dismayed
when
it
shall
come
to
their
mindes
and
remembrance
,
that
the
small
hope
and
confidence
which
they
have
to
prevail
in
England
,
cannot
countervail
the
great
distrust
and
fear
which
they
have
to
lose
their
own
possessions
and
Country
,
whilst
they
busie
themselves
in
seeking
after
strange
and
difficult
conquests
;
And
if
to
leave
nothing
unsaid
that
may
be
said
to
encourage
them
,
some
men
will
use
unto
them
all
the
same
perswasions
which
our
Fugitives
used
to
induce
the
Spanish
King
to
undertake
the
Conquest
of
our
Land
,
that
man
whatsoever
he
be
,
may
well
and
sufficiently
be
answered
with
the
same
Arguments
which
I
used
long
since
to
confute
their
Reasons
:
With
these
and
the
like
Reasons
uttered
by
grave
men
unto
the
Common
people
(
who
hearken
willingly
unto
any
thing
for
their
own
quiet
and
security
)
and
used
in
convenient
time
and
place
,
of
which
wise
men
in
their
wisdom
and
gravity
can
take
their
best
advantage
,
the
most
discreet
and
wisest
Subjects
of
Italy
may
quickly
be
perswaded
not
to
further
the
Spaniard
in
his
unlawfull
and
ambitious
attempts
and
purposes
,
and
the
Princes
themselves
who
willingly
enter
into
no
action
,
whereof
some
great
commodity
is
not
likely
to
follow
,
will
easily
hearken
unto
any
man
of
credit
and
experience
,
that
shall
review
their
memories
,
and
reduce
unto
their
minde
the
means
that
their
Predecessors
have
used
to
free
themselves
from
Forreign
Servitude
and
bondage
;
a
commodity
,
far
exceeding
all
the
commodities
that
heart
can
imagine
or
tongue
express
.
It
may
therefore
be
shewed
unto
them
in
general
,
that
Maximilian
the
Emperor
,
and
the
Spanish
Kings
great
Grandfather
(
for
it
were
tedious
to
talk
of
his
former
Predecessors
,
and
of
the
wrongs
that
they
did
unto
Italy
)
entered
oftentimes
into
League
and
Amity
with
barbarous
Nations
against
the
Princes
of
Italy
,
brought
them
into
their
Country
,
besieged
their
Cities
,
cast
down
their
Walls
,
ransacked
their
Houses
,
changed
their
mirth
into
sorrow
,
and
never
lest
to
trouble
and
molest
them
,
until
that
his
strength
,
and
not
his
good
will
to
annoy
them
failed
him
.
Charles
the
fifth
his
Father
(
for
his
Grand-father
Philip
died
in
the
prime
of
his
years
,
and
therefore
could
not
greatly
trouble
them
,
because
he
wanted
the
means
)
doth
the
like
;
and
many
of
the
Italian
Princes
most
loving
Subjects
die
,
some
by
the
sword
,
others
by
famine
,
some
through
grief
,
and
others
by
infinite
labour
and
travel
,
neither
permitting
them
that
resisted
him
to
live
one
hour
in
rest
and
quietness
,
nor
suffering
those
that
yeelded
unto
him
to
enjoy
any
long
peace
and
tranquillity
;
but
reduced
both
the
one
and
the
other
sort
unto
extream
beggery
,
by
grievous
impositions
and
long
and
tedious
wars
.
He
himself
wheresoever
he
ruleth
in
Italy
(
and
he
ruleth
there
too
much
)
impose●h
new
Tributes
,
unaccustomed
Subsidies
,
and
extraordinary
impositions
;
and
where
he
hath
no
Authority
to
rule
,
there
he
borroweth
money
,
and
payeth
his
Debts
with
fair
words
,
and
sweet
promises
;
and
when
he
useth
them
best
,
with
Bonds
and
Obligations
,
which
shall
be
paid
when
every
brother
payeth
another
.
When
this
is
said
,
and
they
moved
with
the
grievous
remembrance
and
lamentable
rehearsal
hereof
,
it
may
be
they
would
be
glad
to
remedy
and
revenge
these
wrongs
;
but
they
dare
not
adventure
to
contend
with
him
;
they
will
fear
him
,
because
he
is
wealthy
;
stand
in
aw
of
him
,
because
he
is
mighty
;
and
strive
amongst
themselves
,
who
shall
first
begin
to
trouble
him
,
because
they
distrust
one
another
.
His
might
and
his
wealth
have
already
been
shown
sufficiently
,
and
proved
to
be
far
inferiour
unto
the
general
conceit
and
opinion
that
is
had
of
them
,
and
their
distrust
may
be
removed
by
a
general
League
,
and
perfect
imitation
of
their
Predecessors
.
It
must
therefore
first
be
remembred
,
that
Nicholas
the
third
Pope
of
Rome
,
fearing
the
great
wealth
of
France
,
under
Philip
the
son
of
Lewis
sirnamed
The
Godly
,
used
all
means
possible
to
abate
and
diminish
the
French
Kings
power
and
reputation
.
And
the
state
of
this
present
time
must
be
conferred
with
the
condition
of
that
Age
,
to
the
end
that
if
the
like
causes
of
fear
be
now
apparent
,
the
like
remedies
may
be
applied
.
Then
was
France
to
be
feared
,
because
there
was
no
Civil
War
in
France
;
Now
Spain
must
be
suspected
,
because
Spain
is
quiet
and
at
peace
within
it self
;
all
the
Lords
and
Peers
of
France
were
then
obedient
unto
their
king
,
and
are
they
not
so
in
Spain
?
The
French
king
was
then
in
League
with
England
and
Germany
;
and
is
not
the
Spaniard
allied
unto
many
For
eign
Princes
?
The
king
of
Navar
a
Vassal
of
France
,
ruled
all
things
then
in
Spain
,
because
he
was
Tutor
unto
the
young
king
;
and
doth
not
Spain
now
sway
and
rule
a
great
part
of
France
,
by
reason
of
the
League
betwixt
him
and
the
unnatural
Reb●s
thereof
?
Siciy
was
then
subject
unto
Charles
the
French
kings
Uncle
;
and
now
both
Sicily
and
Naples
are
under
the
Spaniard
.
The
same
Charles
was
of
great
authority
in
Rome
;
he
was
Lieutenant
General
unto
the
Empire
,
and
under
that
Title
either
commanded
by
force
,
or
prevailed
by
authority
through
all
Italy
.
And
hath
not
the
Spaniard
as
great
authority
there
at
this
present
as
he
had
then
?
The
face
and
countenance
of
both
times
are
alike
;
the
Remedies
therefore
should
be
such
now
as
they
were
then
.
Then
the
Pope
weakened
the
credit
and
authority
that
Charles
had
in
Rome
;
the
Pope
must
do
like
to
the
Spaniard
now
.
Then
was
the
Title
of
Lieutenant
General
taken
from
Charles
;
Now
should
all
helping
Titles
be
likewise
taken
from
Spain
.
Then
was
the
Pope
determined
to
make
two
kings
in
Italy
;
the
one
in
Lombardy
,
and
the
other
in
Tuskany
,
and
both
of
the
House
of
Ursim
,
of
which
he
was
the
chief
and
principal
branch
;
And
if
the
like
device
were
now
practised
,
undoubtedly
the
Great
Duke
of
Florence
,
and
some
other
Potentates
of
Italy
,
upon
whom
the
most
should
agree
,
would
accept
the
Title
of
kings
,
and
be
able
both
for
their
wealth
and
their
might
,
to
maintain
the
same
with
credit
and
reputation
.
Then
was
Phaleologo
Emperor
of
Constantinople
incensed
and
encouraged
to
war
upon
the
Sicilian
king
;
now
there
would
want
no
sufficient
reasons
to
move
the
French
king
to
do
the
like
against
the
Spaniard
.
Then
upon
suddain
were
all
the
Frenchmen
either
slain
in
Sicily
or
driven
thence
;
and
now
might
all
the
Spaniards
be
either
murthered
(
which
were
somewhat
too
bloody
and
cruel
an
action
)
or
removed
by
main
force
from
Naples
and
Sicily
,
which
would
be
a
general
benefit
and
comfort
unto
all
Italy
.
But
Italy
of
it self
is
not
able
to
do
all
this
,
what
then
shall
it
avail
to
intend
and
purpose
this
?
Italy
must
then
be
strengthened
and
holpen
,
lest
it
fa●l
in
doing
this
.
But
how
shall
Italy
be
assisted
?
Forsooth
by
an
imitation
of
the
Princes
which
lived
in
Charles
the
fifth
his
time
,
and
envied
his
greatness
.
Forsooth
,
when
they
saw
that
he
had
by
subtilty
and
corruption
obtained
the
Empire
,
and
that
what
with
the
vigour
of
his
youth
,
what
with
the
reputation
of
his
might
and
strength
,
he
was
so
puffed
up
with
pride
,
that
he
intended
to
make
himself
Monarch
of
all
the
world
;
all
the
Princes
of
Christendom
fearing
his
over
growing
greatness
,
began
to
consult
and
take
advice
how
they
might
bridle
his
ambition
,
and
hinder
the
proud
and
insolent
projects
of
his
aspiring
and
imperious
minde
.
But
the
Princes
of
Germany
,
who
had
greatest
occasion
to
fear
him
most
,
were
the
fi●st
that
bended
all
their
thoughts
,
and
all
their
cogitations
to
move
the
rest
of
the
Princes
and
Potentates
of
Europe
to
joyn
with
them
in
League
and
Amity
against
him
:
Then
were
there
sent
Ambassadors
unto
the
King
of
England
,
France
and
Denmark
:
Then
were
there
Letters
written
unto
the
Swi●zers
:
Then
were
Letters
dispatched
to
the
Duke
and
Seigniory
of
Venice
to
desire
help
against
the
Emperor
,
and
to
distract
the
Venetians
from
the
League
of
Amity
which
they
had
with
him
,
and
to
intreat
both
the
Venetians
and
the
Switzers
,
not
to
suffer
any
Forces
to
pass
by
their
Dominions
which
should
be
sent
out
of
Italy
unto
Caesar.
Then
did
as
many
Princes
as
were
not
in
League
with
the
Emperor
,
shew
themselves
forward
in
this
honourable
Action
;
and
those
who
for
their
Leagues
sake
could
not
openly
assist
the
Confederates
against
Caesar
,
exhorted
others
to
joyn
with
them
against
him
;
and
to
make
them
more
able
and
willing
to
enter
into
the
action
,
they
lent
or
paid
them
great
sums
of
mony
which
they
owed
unto
them
.
Then
,
since
it
behoveth
Princes
in
wisdom
and
policy
to
keep
their
next
neighbours
as
weak
as
they
may
;
since
the
Spaniard
before
the
king
of
France
changed
his
Religion
,
pretended
to
war
against
him
for
no
other
cause●
but
to
inforce
him
thereunto
;
and
now
continueth
his
Wars
and
ai●ing
his
Rebels
,
although
the
French
king
is
of
himself
become
a
Catholick
,
which
proveth
manifestly
,
that
it
was
not
Religion
,
but
ambition
that
moved
him
to
aid
and
assist
those
Rebels
;
since
it
is
apparent
to
the
World
,
that
he
onely
disturbeth
(
as
I
have
said
)
the
peace
and
quietness
of
all
the
world
,
and
causeth
the
Turk
to
insult
as
he
doth
upon
Christian
Princes
;
since
both
Othon
the
Third
,
and
Conrad
the
Emperors
Laws
injoyn
all
Princes
(
as
it
hath
been
shewed
upon
other
occasion
)
to
bend
their
Forces
,
and
to
bandy
themselves
with
main
might
against
such
a
Prince
,
and
such
a
disturber
of
common
peace
as
the
Spaniard
is
,
I
see
no
reason
why
the
Princes
of
Christendom
,
as
well
Friends
as
Foes
unto
him
,
should
not
all
joyntly
,
and
with
one
consent
,
inforce
him
to
contain
himself
within
his
bounds
and
limits
,
and
to
succour
and
assist
him
against
the
common
Adversary
of
Christian
Religion
,
who
of
late
hath
given
the
Christians
no
small
overthrow
.
The
Popes
of
Rome
were
wont
,
when
Christendom
stood
in
no
greater
danger
of
the
Turk
,
then
it
doth
at
this
present
,
to
send
their
Ambassadors
from
Prince
to
Prince
,
to
reconcile
them
if
they
were
at
variance
,
and
to
exhort
them
to
imploy
the
uttermost
of
their
powers
against
the
professed
Enemy
of
Christendom
.
It
is
written
that
Paulus
Tertius
,
a
Po●e
that
was
ninety
years
old
when
he
departed
this
world
,
not
long
before
he
di●d
,
considering
the
great
danger
and
peril
that
was
likely
to
fall
upon
Christendom
,
by
reason
of
the
pride
and
ambition
of
the
great
Turk
,
and
the
unnatural
discord
and
dissention
that
was
betwixt
●rancis
the
first
and
Charles
the
fifth
,
sent
his
own
Nephew
the
Cardinal
Fernese
unto
them
to
make
a
friendly
composition
and
agreement
betwixt
them
.
The
like
Atonement
might
the
present
Pope
make
betwixt
the
French
king
and
the
Spaniard
;
who
hath
now
no
other
pretence
to
fight
against
France
,
but
that
the
king
thereof
,
although
he
is
become
a
Catholick
,
yet
he
remains
Excommunicate
;
a
pretence
both
vain
and
frivolous
,
because
the
kings
of
France
and
the
Peer
;
thereof
,
and
also
all
his
Officers
,
cannot
be
lawfully
excommunicated
by
the
Pope
,
as
it
may
appear
by
the
priviledges
granted
unto
divers
kings
of
France
by
many
Popes
:
as
namely
,
by
Martin
the
third
and
fourth
,
Gregory
the
eighth
,
ninth
,
ten●h
and
eleventh
,
Alexander
the
fourth
,
Clement
the
fourth
and
fifth
,
Nicholas
the
third
,
Urban
the
fifth
,
and
Boniface
the
twelfth
;
The
which
Priviledges
are
to
be
seen
in
the
Treasury
where
the
kings
Charters
are
usually
kept
:
And
when
the
Pope
shall
interpose
his
Authority
,
many
other
Princes
shall
likewise
labour
to
make
them
friends
,
as
of
late
years
the
King
of
Denmark
,
was
a
Mediator
of
peace
betwixt
him
and
our
gracious
Sovereign
.
And
if
when
this
motion
shall
be
made
unto
him
,
he
will
neither
regard
the
Authority
of
the
Intercessors
,
nor
respect
the
manifest
eminent
danger
of
Christendom
,
but
still
continue
and
follow
his
ambitious
nature
and
unchristian
course
;
then
will
it
be
a
sit
and
convenient
time
to
implore
and
imploy
the
aid
and
assistance
of
his
near
and
dearest
friends
against
him
;
then
because
●insmen
forsake
even
the
next
of
their
own
blood
,
when
they
will
not
yeeld
unto
reason
,
and
friends
many
times
fall
unto
variance
when
they
are
put
in
mind
of
old
quarrels
,
and
antient
injuries
;
it
will
not
be
amiss
to
revive
the
memory
of
old
and
new
wrongs
and
indignities
,
offered
by
the
house
of
Austria
unto
their
Neighbors
,
their
Allies
,
their
Kinsmen
,
their
Friends
,
and
other
Princes
that
now
either
fear
or
favour
them
;
Then
would
it
be
shewed
,
that
all
the
Emperors
and
Princes
of
that
Family
have
neither
regarded
consanguinity
of
blood
,
or
alliance
of
Friendship
,
nor
the
wealth
of
their
Subjects
,
nor
the
bonds
of
Equity
and
Reason
;
but
have
always
preferred
their
private
gain
before
the
Commonweal
,
their
own
interest
before
their
●●insmens
and
Friends
commodity
and
advantage
,
their
own
will
and
pleasure
before
all
Law
and
Justice
;
briefly
,
their
subtil
devices
and
deceits
before
plain
dealing
and
sincerity
.
Then
,
to
begin
with
the
infancy
of
their
Family
,
it
would
be
made
known
,
that
when
they
were
but
poor
Counts
of
Hapsparge
,
they
encro●ched
upon
their
Neighbours
,
they
wronged
and
oppressed
the
simple
and
well-meaning
Switzers
,
over
whom
they
tyrannized
so
long
,
that
at
length
by
common
consent
,
and
by
a
general
Revolt
against
them
,
both
they
and
their
Officers
were
violently
driven
out
of
the
Country
.
Then
would
it
be
declared
that
Rodulph
the
first
Emperor
of
their
House
,
obtained
the
Empire
by
plain
deceit
and
cunning
;
and
so
carried
himself
therein
,
that
he
sought
his
own
commodity
more
then
the
wealth
of
the
Empire
,
and
shewed
many
evident
signs
and
arguments
of
loathsom
and
detestable
ingratitude
.
For
,
whenas
the
Empire
had
been
void
almost
Twenty
years
,
and
divers
Compeitors
affected
the
same
,
as
Henry
of
Thyringia
,
and
William
Earl
of
Holland
,
Alphons
King
of
Castile
,
and
Richard
,
Brother
unto
the
King
of
England
;
and
all
those
Corrivals
had
almost
wasted
themselves
and
their
friends
in
seeking
for
the
place
,
and
in
maintaining
themselves
therein
:
The
Electors
being
over-wearied
with
the
length
and
troubles
of
this
tedio●s
Competency
,
sent
Conrade
Archbishop
of
Coruge
unto
Othagarius
King
of
B●hemia
,
to
pray
him
to
accept
the
Empire
;
but
he
thinking
himself
not
sufficient
enough
to
rule
his
own
Kingdom
,
re●u●●d
their
offer
;
and
they
in
disdam
of
him
,
presently
made
choice
of
this
Rodulph
,
who
had
been
the
Master
of
his
Palace
,
and
had
learned
divers
Feats
of
Chivalry
under
him
;
in
regard
of
which
experience
,
the
Electors
as
some
men
write
,
yeelded
him
their
consent
:
But
others
report
,
that
after
that
,
for
his
ingratitude
and
evil
demeanor
,
he
was
put
out
of
Othagarius
his
service
,
he
followed
the
Arch-bishop
of
Ments
,
and
attended
so
diligently
upon
him
in
the
Journey
which
he
made
unto
Rome
,
that
when
he
returned
thence
he
made
him
Emperor
,
although
he
was
then
of
a
very
mean
living
,
as
Albertus
Argentinensis
,
Iohannes
Vitudaranus
,
Rotridano
Molespini
,
Giovani
Villani
,
and
Aeneas
Sylvius
(
who
was
afterwards
Pope
Pius
the
Second
)
with
many
others
do
testifie
.
And
it
is
written
that
the
same
Arch
bishop
,
bragging
many
times
with
his
friends
in
secret
conference
,
what
a
great
deed
he
had
done
to
make
so
mean
a
man
Emperor
,
would
say
unto
them
merrily
,
that
he
carried
an
Emperor
behinde
him
in
his
riding
Hood
when
he
travelled
by
the
way
.
You
have
heard
how
he
came
to
the
Empire
;
now
let
me
tell
you
how
he
demeaned
himself
therein
.
The
first
thing
he
did
wisely
;
considering
his
own
weakness
,
he
insinuated
himself
into
the
favour
of
the
German
Princes
;
and
whether
it
were
to
please
them
,
who
were
somewhat
offended
with
Othagar
King
of
Bohemia
,
because
they
thought
he
disdained
to
be
Emperor
,
or
to
shew
himself
grateful
where
he
had
received
great
favour
and
courtesie
,
he
presently
summoned
his
Master
Othagar
to
come
to
do
him
homage
for
his
Kingdom
.
Othagar
contemning
both
the
Message
and
the
Messenger
,
and
taking
him
for
a
proud
servant
,
who
b●ing
unworthily
advanced
,
would
begin
to
shew
his
pride
against
his
Master
,
refused
to
appear
at
his
summons
;
Rodulph
presently
in
regard
of
this
contempt
,
invaded
the
Dukedom
of
Austria
,
and
forfeited
the
same
unto
the
Empire
.
Othagar
being
highly
offended
with
the
confiscation
,
denounceth
Wars
against
the
Emperor
.
By
the
intercession
of
friends
they
met
at
a
place
appointed
;
And
there
Rodol●ph
,
dissembling
cunningly
his
pride
and
insolency
,
goeth
first
to
salute
Othagar
,
calleth
him
his
Lord
and
Master
,
thanking
him
for
vouchsafing
to
end
their
contention
by
a
friendly
composition
,
rather
then
by
bloody
Wars
;
maketh
a
marriage
between
his
Daughter
and
Venceslaus
the
Son
and
Heir
of
Othagar
;
and
then
with
a
fair
shew
of
assured
and
faithful
friendship
,
prayeth
him
to
vouchsafe
,
if
not
openly
,
because
perhaps
he
would
be
ashamed
to
do
it
,
yet
secretly
and
within
his
Royal
Tent
,
to
do
him
Homage
for
his
Kingdom
and
Principalities
.
The
King
won
with
fair
words
,
yeeldeth
to
his
demands
,
offereth
up
unto
him
five
several
Banners
,
whereof
the
Emperor
restoreth
unto
him
on●●y
two
,
and
detaineth
the
other
three
,
one
for
Austria
,
another
for
Corinthia
,
and
the
third
for
Syria
;
and
pacifieth
the
King
who
was
greatly
offended
therewith
,
by
promising
faithfully
to
restore
them
unto
his
Son
Venceslaus
,
as
soon
as
the
Marriage
betwixt
him
and
his
Daughter
shall
be
solemnized
.
To
this
deceit
and
cunning
he
addeth
a
worse
despight
and
contumely
;
For
having
intreated
to
do
him
Homage
secretly
,
and
within
a
Tent
,
he
caused
a
deceitful
Tent
to
be
made
,
the
which
should
fall
open
as
soon
as
the
cords
thereof
were
unloosed
.
In
this
Tent
Othagar
falleth
down
on
his
knees
,
and
suddenly
whilst
he
is
doing
Homage
,
the
Tent
falleth
open
;
the
Germans
laugh
at
his
humility
;
the
Bohemians
are
grieved
with
his
submission
;
and
he
himself
is
highly
displeased
with
the
Emperors
deceit
:
And
his
grief
is
increased
because
his
Wife
scorned
and
mocked
him
at
his
return
.
To
be
short
,
he
prepareth
all
the
Forces
that
he
could
possibly
make
,
and
reneweth
War
against
the
Emperor
:
The
Emperor
that
whilst
he
had
been
his
servant
remembred
that
Othagar
had
given
great
occasion
of
discontentment
unto
the
great
Captain
of
Moizona
,
called
Milota
,
him
he
putteth
in
mind
of
an
old
injury
;
and
so
prevailed
,
what
with
bribes
,
and
what
with
perswasions
,
that
in
the
very
conflict
,
he
forsaketh
his
Master
,
and
leaveth
him
to
be
murthered
of
two
Brethren
,
whose
third
Brother
Othogar
had
caused
to
be
executed
,
for
some
offence
worthy
of
death
.
The
king
being
thus
slain
,
he
rewardeth
both
the
Traitor
and
the
murtherers
,
and
following
his
victory
,
burneth
a
number
of
Monasteries
and
Religious
houses
that
Othogar
had
builded
:
A
rare
and
strange
Pesident
;
For
it
is
abominable
in
a
servant
to
betray
his
Master
;
more
abominable
to
cause
him
to
be
murthered
;
and
of
all
abominable
things
the
most
abominable
to
reward
the
Traitors
,
and
recompence
the
murtherers
:
But
to
burn
Religious
houses
in
despight
of
the
Founder
,
and
to
spoil
Gods
Temple
in
hatred
of
a
man
,
is
an
act
the
like
whereof
hath
never
been
found
but
in
such
as
neither
care
for
God
nor
regard
his
service
.
Neither
did
Rodolphs
wickedness
end
in
these
hainous
Actions
,
but
he
wrongfully
warred
upon
Bemera
,
unjustly
invaded
Bohemia
,
unlawfully
seised
upon
Austria
,
and
most
cruelly
burnt
above
threescore
very
fair
and
beaut
full
Castles
in
Turingia
.
Rodolph
having
reigned
as
Emperor
nineteen
years
,
and
in
all
this
time
never
vouchsafed
to
set
one
foot
towards
Italy
,
to
be
crowned
there
of
the
Pope
(
which
negligence
in
those
dayes
was
held
for
a
most
hainous
offence
)
departed
the
World
,
and
leaveth
his
son
Albert
Duke
of
Austria
,
who
in
disdain
of
the
French
king
,
within
6
years
after
is
made
Emperor
,
and
imitateth
his
Father
in
his
bloody
cruelty
:
For
he
beginneth
his
Empire
with
killing
Adolph
his
Predecessor
,
continueth
the
same
with
the
wrongfull
molestation
and
usurpation
of
Mayeme
,
dishonoureth
his
Reign
with
a
violent
and
forcible
seisure
into
his
hands
,
and
to
his
sons
use
,
of
the
kingdom
of
Bohemia
,
and
endeth
the
same
,
not
by
a
natural
,
but
by
a
violent
and
unnatural
death
:
For
it
pleased
God
,
that
his
own
Nephew
,
and
other
Earls
of
the
House
of
Austria
should
by
taking
him
,
revenge
the
wicked
and
detestable
murther
which
he
committed
on
the
sacred
person
of
Adolph
the
Emperor
.
Frederick
Duke
of
Austria
was
the
third
Emperor
of
this
House
;
if
he
may
be
called
an
Emperor
,
who
being
unlawfully
chosen
,
wrongfully
usurped
the
Empire
.
For
the
Bishop
of
Trevers
and
Ments
,
and
the
Marquess
of
Brandenburgh
,
together
with
Iohn
king
of
Bohemia
,
chose
Lewis
of
Bamera
Emperor
,
and
Frederick
had
the
voices
and
suffrages
of
the
Bishop
of
Colen
,
of
the
County
Palatine
,
and
of
the
Duke
of
Saxony
;
whose
Elect
on
was
of
no
force
,
because
when
the
six
principal
Electors
cannot
agree
,
but
three
of
them
are
for
one
,
and
three
of
them
are
for
another
,
the
king
of
Bohemia
as
Umpier
,
determineth
the
matter
,
and
he
casteth
his
voice
upon
the
said
Lewis
,
and
made
him
lawfull
Emperor
.
But
Frederick
according
to
the
ambitious
and
violent
nature
of
his
proud
Family
,
pursued
his
pretensive
right
by
bloody
wars
,
and
drew
the
Pope
,
the
kings
of
France
,
and
of
Hungary
,
the
County
Palatine
,
Stratsbourgh
,
and
other
Imperial
Cities
,
to
stand
stout
and
obstinate
in
the
defence
of
his
quarrel
,
wherein
many
thousands
were
slain
,
and
many
more
had
been
murthered
,
had
not
the
Almighty
(
who
alwayes
favoureth
just
causes
)
vouchsafed
to
give
the
Emperor
Lewis
grace
to
take
him
prisoner
in
the
Field
;
After
which
disgrace
,
he
and
his
Family
had
been
for
ever
been
undone
,
had
not
the
good
Emperor
been
so
gratious
unto
him
,
as
after
three
years
imprisonment
to
set
him
at
Liberty
,
and
to
restore
unto
him
the
Dukedom
of
Austria
,
the
which
he
might
have
returned
with
more
reason
unto
the
Empire
,
then
Rodolph
had
to
distract
it
from
the
Empire
.
The
fourth
Emperor
of
this
Family
was
Albert
the
second
,
who
married
the
daughter
and
heir
of
the
Emperor
Sigismond
,
and
had
with
her
in
Dower
,
the
kingdoms
of
Bohemia
and
Hungary
:
This
Emperor
ruled
scant
Two
years
,
and
therefore
did
not
any
good
or
bad
exploit
worthy
of
memory
.
The
fifth
Emperor
of
this
Family
was
Frederick
the
third
,
whose
Government
was
such
,
that
his
own
Subjects
with
the
help
of
his
own
Brother
Albert
,
besieged
him
a
long
time
in
the
Castle
of
Vienna
;
where
they
had
taken
him
prisoner
,
had
not
George
king
of
Bohemia
delivered
him
by
deceit
and
cunning
,
rather
then
by
strength
and
fortitude
;
For
although
he
came
to
Vienna
with
an
Army
of
eight
thousand
good
Souldiers
,
yet
was
not
this
Force
able
to
succour
him
,
but
he
was
fain
to
play
the
Umpier
betwixt
him
and
his
Citizens
,
and
so
under
a
colour
of
conference
called
him
,
his
wife
and
his
son
forth
of
the
Town
,
and
when
he
had
cunningly
set
them
at
Liberty
,
he
conveyed
them
secretly
unto
a
place
of
security
.
This
Emperor
to
prosecute
a
Bishop
which
was
deposed
by
the
Pope
,
raised
such
troubles
in
Germany
,
that
the
Princes
thereof
were
not
able
to
succour
the
Emperor
Constantine
of
Constantinolpe
,
whom
the
great
Turk
Mahomet
drove
from
his
Imperial
City
,
caused
him
to
be
slain
before
the
gates
thereof
,
set
his
head
upon
a
Lance
,
and
commanded
it
to
be
carried
about
the
City
;
his
wife
,
daughters
,
and
many
other
Ladies
and
Gentlewomen
,
were
invited
to
a
banquet
,
after
which
they
were
all
deflowred
,
and
then
cut
into
small
pieces
,
as
flesh
to
the
pot
.
And
lastly
,
in
despight
of
Christ
and
all
Christians
,
he
caused
the
Picture
of
our
Saviour
to
be
set
up
in
the
Town
,
with
this
Inscription
,
Behold
the
Saviour
of
the
Christians
that
could
not
save
them
!
Immediately
after
Frederick
succeeded
Maximilian
,
and
after
him
Charles
the
fifth
,
his
grand-childe
;
of
which
two
I
have
already
said
enough
,
and
might
say
much
more
to
make
them
more
hatefull
,
but
I
should
be
too
long
and
over-tedious
;
And
yet
I
may
not
forget
three
notable
Arguments
of
of
Charles
the
fi●hs
dissembling
,
and
of
his
turbulent
nature
and
conditions
.
The
First
sheweth
that
he
pretended
to
be
a
zealous
Catholick
,
and
was
indeed
no
better
then
a
dissembling
Hypocrite
.
The
second
proveth
,
that
although
he
shewed
an
outward
desire
of
peace
,
yet
he
cared
not
what
occasions
he
took
to
make
war
.
The
third
declareth
,
that
albeit
he
would
seem
to
love
Germany
,
as
the
Nation
from
whence
all
his
greatness
proceeded
,
yet
he
sought
the
advancement
of
Spain
more
then
of
Germany
,
or
of
his
own
Family
or
House
of
Austria
.
The
first
point
is
proved
,
because
that
having
obtained
of
Leo
the
tenth
great
sums
of
money
,
and
ten
thousand
well
appointed
Souldiers
,
in
regard
of
his
faithfull
promise
to
subvert
and
utterly
overthrow
the
Lutherans
of
Germany
,
as
soon
as
he
had
with
those
men
and
that
money
fully
revenged
himself
upon
certain
Princes
of
Germany
,
w●th
whom
he
was
highly
offended
,
and
whom
he
had
never
subdued
,
had
he
not
had
the
Popes
help
,
he
gave
over
his
wars
,
and
granted
both
unto
them
and
all
others
liberty
of
conscience
;
wherewith
not
only
the
Pope
had
just
occasion
to
be
displeased
,
but
his
own
Confessor
took
it
so
grievously
,
that
the
next
time
he
came
to
Confession
,
he
denied
him
Absolution
.
This
zealous
Christian
,
when
he
had
troubled
Italy
,
with
long
and
tedious
wars
,
not
meaning
(
as
it
seemed
)
to
end
the
same
wars
without
doing
some
notable
action
,
worthy
of
eternal
memory
,
took
the
Pope
prisoner
at
Rome
,
and
kept
him
a
long
time
in
the
Castle
of
St.
Angelo
.
And
although
he
would
not
suffer
him
to
be
set
at
Liberty
before
he
had
paid
a
great
Ransom
,
yet
he
dissembled
and
handled
the
matter
so
cunningly
,
that
he
caused
publick
Praises
and
Supplications
to
be
made
unto
God
generally
throughout
all
Spain
for
the
delivery
of
this
Holy
Father
,
and
protested
openly
unto
the
World
,
that
his
unruly
Souldiers
,
full
sore
against
his
will
and
pleasure
,
being
in
great
distress
of
money
and
other
necessary
provision
,
had
sacked
Rome
,
and
imprisoned
the
Popes
Holiness
.
The
second
point
shall
need
no
other
proof
but
his
great
malice
,
and
continual
spight
,
notwithstanding
that
the
Princes
of
France
were
in
some
manner
the
onely
and
special
cause
of
his
greatness
:
For
had
not
Lewis
the
eleventh
with
great
cunning
&
policy
weakned
the
last
Duke
of
Burgondy
;
had
he
not
most
wisely
and
providently
nourished
the
wars
betwixt
him
and
the
Switzers
;
had
he
not
covetously
and
carelesly
set
him
at
variance
with
the
Duke
of
Lorrain
;
and
lastly
,
had
he
not
secretly
&
privily
won
Nicholas
Campobasso
to
leave
the
said
Duke
in
the
midst
of
the
battel
,
which
he
fought
with
the
Prince
of
Lorain
(
a
practice
not
to
be
forgotten
against
the
Spaniard
)
valiant
Charles
of
Burgundy
had
never
been
slain
in
the
Field
,
nor
the
troublesome
Maximilian
should
ever
have
inherited
his
Dukedom
by
matching
with
his
daughter
.
How
sought
he
continually
to
perturb
and
disquiet
the
peace
thereof
?
Which
side
left
he
unassaulted
?
Which
way
to
enter
into
France
untried
?
And
what
cause
had
he
to
disquiet
France
,
especially
after
that
he
had
taken
the
king
thereof
prisoner
,
and
made
him
yeeld
unto
all
unreasonable
demands
?
It
is
written
that
many
times
entering
into
a
serious
cogitation
of
the
great
slaughters
that
had
been
committed
in
France
by
him
and
his
Souldiers
,
of
the
great
wrong
that
he
had
done
to
the
good
and
vertuous
Kings
thereof
;
and
of
the
simple
and
weak
causes
that
moved
him
thereunto
,
he
was
often
and
greatly
troubled
in
his
Conscience
,
and
sometimes
sought
peace
of
himself
;
and
yet
the
wicked
spirit
overcoming
the
good
inclination
that
sometimes
guided
him
,
he
returned
presently
and
without
any
just
occasion
unto
wars
.
The
last
point
is
proved
by
a
Diet
and
a
general
Assembly
of
the
States
of
Germany
,
which
he
held
at
Auspurge
,
under
a
colour
to
reform
and
order
divers
abuses
in
Religion
;
unto
which
Diet
many
great
Princes
of
Germany
would
not
vouchsafe
to
come
,
because
they
knew
certainly
,
that
the
reformation
of
Religion
was
but
the
pretence
and
colour
of
keeping
that
Diet
;
but
the
very
end
and
p●rpose
thereof
was
to
reverse
the
order
of
the
Election
of
the
Emperors
,
and
to
tranfer
the
Empire
from
Germany
unto
Spain
:
The
which
his
intention
was
afterwards
so
apparent
,
that
although
in
regard
of
his
brotherly
love
,
and
during
the
minority
of
his
son
,
he
had
caused
Ferdinando
his
brother
to
be
elected
King
of
the
Romans
,
yet
he
used
all
the
cunning
he
could
possibly
,
to
perswade
him
to
relinquish
and
resign
that
Title
unto
his
Son
Philip
,
now
and
then
King
of
Spain
;
and
also
he
sent
for
Maximilian
his
Son
in
Law
,
and
Nephew
,
King
of
Bohemia
,
to
pray
him
to
be
content
to
condescend
and
yeeld
unto
his
Fathers
resignation
;
and
the
Queen
of
H●ngary
,
and
Gravilla
the
Emperors
Chancellor
made
many
Voyages
into
Hungary
,
to
intreat
Ferdinando
to
yeeld
unto
this
motion
,
unto
which
neither
the
King
of
Hungary
nor
Maximilian
his
Son
would
vouchsafe
their
consents
.
These
three
points
being
thus
cleared
,
it
resteth
to
speak
somewhat
of
Charls
the
Fifths
Successors
,
as
Ferdinando
,
Maximilion
and
Rodolph
;
but
their
actions
are
fresh
in
memory
.
And
if
the
Law
of
the
Emperors
Creation
(
called
the
Golden
Bull
)
which
expresly
forbiddeth
to
chuse
above
four
in
one
house
,
to
succeed
one
after
another
in
the
Empire
,
were
(
as
it
should
be
)
in
full
force
and
strength
,
none
of
them
should
be
accounted
or
held
lawful
Emperors
.
Now
if
the
breach
of
this
sacred
and
inviolable
decree
(
I
mean
the
golden
Bull
)
which
hath
been
infringed
by
making
not
four
,
but
seven
or
eight
at
the
least
of
the
House
of
Austria
Emperors
together
,
shall
nothing
at
all
incense
and
instigate
the
Princes
of
Christendom
against
this
ambitious
and
aspiring
generation
;
It
shall
be
needful
to
revive
the
loathsom
memory
of
many
great
and
grievous
indignities
and
ingratitudes
unkindly
and
unjustly
shewn
by
the
late
Emperors
of
the
house
of
Austria
,
unto
divers
great
and
mighty
Princes
of
Germany
,
and
unto
the
Empire
it self
.
It
must
therefore
be
shewed
unto
them
,
that
Rodolph
the
first
Emperor
of
this
Race
,
to
assure
unto
himself
and
his
Heirs
the
Dukedom
of
Austria
,
and
the
States
of
Stiria
and
Suevia
(
which
were
united
unto
the
Empire
for
fault
of
Heirs
Males
)
resigned
the
Exerchat
of
Italy
unto
the
Pope
,
and
freed
as
many
Cities
of
Italy
from
the
homage
and
obedience
which
they
owed
unto
the
Emperors
,
as
would
buy
their
freedom
and
liberty
of
him
for
ready
money
.
Albeit
his
Son
when
he
was
Emperor
,
fought
many
Battels
and
got
many
Towns
with
the
Forces
and
Expences
of
the
Empire
,
but
reserved
all
the
profit
arising
by
those
Battels
to
his
proper
use
;
and
to
have
better
and
more
easie
entrance
into
Bilencia
,
he
usurped
the
State
of
the
Marquess
of
Menia
.
And
Albert
the
Second
enriched
himself
greatly
,
although
he
ruled
not
long
by
troubles
and
divisions
.
Is
it
not
the
House
of
Austria
that
hath
wrongfully
deprived
many
Princes
,
and
divers
Electors
of
the
Empire
of
their
States
and
Dignities
?
Is
it
not
this
house
that
hath
unjustly
compelled
the
greatest
Princes
of
Germany
to
flie
for
succour
,
and
to
seek
the
protection
of
the
French
King
?
Is
it
not
this
House
that
hath
unlawfully
confiscated
the
States
and
Digninities
of
Iohn
Fredrick
,
Duke
of
Sexony
?
Is
it
not
this
House
that
hath
most
cruelly
razed
the
Walls
and
destroyed
the
Forts
of
the
most
noble
and
vertuous
Prince
the
Lantsgrave
of
Hess
?
Is
it
not
this
House
that
hath
violently
sacked
,
destroyed
and
utterly
overthrown
the
great
and
goodly
Dukedom
of
Wittenberge
?
Is
it
not
this
House
,
that
contrary
to
all
humanity
hath
confiscated
the
greatest
part
of
the
Duke
of
Cleur
his
goods
,
and
made
him
too
deer
for
a
Wise
that
brought
him
Dowry
?
Is
it
not
this
House
that
,
to
make
the
Princes
of
Germany
their
Servants
and
Slaves
,
have
contrary
to
the
Laws
of
the
Empire
,
erected
a
new
Councel
in
the
City
of
Spires
?
Briefly
,
Is
it
not
this
House
that
useth
them
most
unkindly
of
whom
they
have
received
most
Curtesie
?
Have
they
ever
had
greater
aid
,
greater
helps
of
any
Princes
of
the
Empire
then
of
the
Duke
of
Saxony
?
Who
sought
for
Frederick
Duke
of
Austria
,
against
Lewis
Duke
of
Bavaria
more
willingly
and
valiantly
then
Rodolph
Duke
of
Saxony
?
Ernest
Duke
of
Saxony
was
the
only
cause
and
means
that
Maximilian
was
chos●n
Emperor
.
And
Iohn
Duke
of
Saxony
went
unto
the
Assault
of
Aba
in
Hungary
,
and
never
departed
thence
until
he
made
Maximilian
Lord
and
Master
of
the
whole
Count●y
.
Frederick
of
Saxony
refused
the
Empire
when
it
was
offered
unto
him
,
and
procured
it
to
be
given
unto
Charles
the
Fift
;
And
yet
the
same
Charls
omitted
no
Art
,
no
cuning
,
no
way
,
nor
means
,
that
he
could
possibly
devise
to
●subvert
and
●vinate
the
House
of
Saxony
.
He
set
up
Maurice
and
Agust
his
Brother
against
Iohn
Frederick
;
And
Maximiliam
stirred
up
the
Sons
of
Iohn
Frederick
one
against
another
.
Rodolph
Count
Palatine
bore
armes
in
the
behalf
of
Frederick
of
Austria
against
his
own
brother
Lewis
Duke
of
Bamera
,
and
Frederick
Count
Palatine
,
who
was
Recompenced
for
this
pleasure
by
Frederick
the
Third
,
who
procured
all
the
States
and
Princes
of
the
Empire
to
be
his
mortall
Enemies
.
Briefly
,
who
favoured
and
furthered
the
Election
of
the
last
Maximilian
so
much
as
Frederick
Count
Palatine
?
And
yet
not
long
after
he
gave
so
hard
a
sentence
against
him
at
Auspurghe
,
that
all
the
Princes
of
the
Empire
reversed
the
same
in
his
Presence
.
Now
to
speak
of
the
Spanish
Kings
abuses
towards
the
Princes
of
Germany
and
others
,
were
infinite
labour
,
and
either
that
which
I
have
already
said
is
sufficient
to
cause
him
to
be
generally
hated
,
or
the
late
Apologies
of
the
Prince
of
Aurange
,
of
the
State
of
the
Low
Countries
,
of
the
now
King
of
France
,
of
Don
Antonio
and
of
others
,
will
supply
whatsoever
I
,
either
for
modestie
or
for
br●vitiesake
forbear
to
discover
.
Then
to
conclude
this
point
,
If
France
might
be
moved
to
set
on
Foot
for
the
Kingdome
of
Navarre
,
the
Dukedom
of
Burgondy
,
and
all
or
part
of
the
Lowcountries
:
If
the
Pope
might
be
intrea●ed
to
bestow
the
Kingdom
of
Naples
and
Sicily
upon
som
:
Prince
of
worth
and
estimation
;
If
the
Venetians
and
other
Princes
of
Italy
would
be
content
to
divide
and
share
the
Dukedom
of
Milan
betwixt
them
;
If
the
States
and
Princes
of
the
Empire
would
be
pleased
to
reconcile
the
Kingdomes
of
Bohemia
and
Hungary
,
with
the
Dukedom
of
Austria
,
unto
the
Empire
▪
If
the
Duke
of
Parma
or
Don
Antonio
might
be
seated
in
Portugall
:
And
lastly
England
,
Holland
,
and
other
States
and
P●in●es
,
that
are
mighty
upon
the
Seas
,
would
either
stop
the
Spaniards
passage
into
the
Indies
,
or
intercept
his
Treasure
when
it
cometh
from
thence
,
the
proud
and
insolent
House
of
Austria
should
quickly
be
reduced
unto
their
old
and
pristine
Estate
;
and
the
Princes
of
Christendome
,
when
they
should
have
no
Adversary
to
fear
,
but
the
common
Enemy
of
Christians
,
should
undoubtedly
live
in
great
security
,
peace
and
Amity
:
For
,
then
are
Kingdomes
most
safe
,
when
their
Neighbours
Forces
and
their
own
strength
are
not
greatly
unequall
;
And
then
should
our
English
Island
be
the
strongest
and
happiest
Kingdom
in
Christendom
.
But
in
taking
this
course
it
behooveth
to
be
somwhat
Circumspect
,
least
that
the
overthrow
and
downfall
of
one
terrible
and
mighty
Adversary
raise
up
another
,
who
may
be
in
all
respects
as
dangerous
and
as
well
to
be
feared
as
he
.
For
,
because
France
lieth
neerer
unto
us
then
Spaine
(
and
Vis
unita
is
alwaies
held
to
be
Fortior
)
if
France
should
recover
Burgondy
and
the
Low
Countries
,
should
we
not
have
great
and
just
occasion
to
fear
France
?
For
neither
may
our
happy
victories
against
France
encourage
us
not
to
esteem
France
,
since
it
is
no
point
of
wisedom
,
not
to
fear
the
least
Enemy
that
may
be
;
nor
the
late
benefits
pleasures
,
and
Offices
of
kindness
shewed
by
us
unto
the
late
Kings
thereof
,
can
assure
as
that
France
will
never
endammage
us
.
I
have
already
shewed
the
causes
of
our
fortunate
success
against
France
;
and
if
those
causes
should
once
begin
to
fail
us
,
the
good
fortune
which
proceeded
of
them
,
would
soon
leave
to
follow
us
;
and
as
well
Princes
as
private
men
receive
favours
and
courtesies
readily
,
look
upon
their
Benefactors
unwillingly
,
remember
good
turns
slowly
,
and
requite
received
benefits
faintly
.
Then
because
the
fresh
memory
of
new
courtesies
cannot
extinguish
the
grievous
and
unpleasant
remembrance
of
ancient
quarr●ls
,
we
must
(
as
we
have
said
)
still
have
a
very
careful
and
watchful
eye
over
France
,
and
intreat
France
to
be
content
to
joyn
with
us
in
placing
and
preferring
some
such
Prince
unto
the
quiet
and
assured
p●ssession
of
the
Low
Countries
,
as
may
be
well
able
with
the
help
of
us
and
France
to
retain
the
same
,
and
yet
unable
to
hurt
us
or
France
.
Neither
must
the
cross
dealings
of
the
late
Duke
of
Alencon
discourage
us
to
attempt
any
such
matter
;
for
we
saw
that
they
whom
he
had
handled
somewhat
unkindly
,
might
easily
have
been
perswaded
to
have
received
him
again
for
their
Duke
.
And
there
may
a
Prince
be
found
that
shall
be
less
suspected
,
and
more
acceptable
unto
the
Flemings
then
any
French-man
can
be
.
The
Duke
Ernestus
who
was
lately
sent
to
be
their
Governour
,
in
my
simple
opinion
se●meth
to
be
a
fit
man
for
that
purpose
.
For
whereas
the
Spanish
King
of
late
would
have
bestowed
the
Infanta
his
Daughter
upon
him
,
it
may
easily
be
thought
now
that
that
hope
faileth
him
,
because
he
knoweth
now
where
to
find
a
fitter
Husband
for
her
then
to
match
her
with
him
,
and
to
give
him
the
Low
Countries
for
her
Dowry
.
But
common
same
reporteth
,
that
there
is
an
intent
and
purpose
to
marry
her
unto
the
French
King
,
as
well
because
he
is
now
become
a
Catholick
,
as
for
that
France
and
Spain
have
often
matched
together
;
and
the
Pope
may
easily
be
entreated
to
dispe●se
with
the
French
King
to
take
her
for
his
Wife
.
Truly
it
were
hard
to
permit
him
to
marry
so
near
a
Kinswoman
as
is
his
now
living
wives
own
Neece
.
But
grant
that
the
Popes
dispe●sation
may
salve
this
sore
,
that
the
French
King
may
forget
the
wrongs
and
indignities
offered
unto
him
by
Spain
;
that
this
were
a
good
and
ready
way
to
reconcile
these
Princes
that
have
lived
too
long
toge●her
in
contention
and
variance
,
and
that
of
this
reconciliation
there
is
likely
to
follow
a
great
and
general
benefit
unto
all
Christendom
:
Yet
I
can
hardly
think
that
the
Spanish
King
would
ever
yeeld
his
consent
unto
such
a
Match
;
And
though
he
would
ever
yeeld
his
consent
thereunto
,
yet
it
behoveth
all
the
Princes
of
Christendom
to
hinder
such
a
marriage
.
For
if
his
Son
should
die
(
whose
life
is
in
Gods
hands
)
should
not
all
the
Kingdoms
and
Dominions
of
the
Spaniard
,
because
there
is
no
Law
Salick
in
Spain
,
descend
unto
his
Daughter
?
And
would
not
the
desired
addition
of
all
those
unto
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
make
the
warlike
and
mighty
Prince
thereof
,
not
onely
to
think
upon
,
but
also
to
attempt
the
Conquest
of
all
Europe
?
Should
he
not
grow
too
mighty
?
Should
he
not
be
able
to
Tyrannize
over
all
the
world
,
more
then
the
Spaniard
doth
now
?
And
then
doth
it
not
greatly
import
all
Christian
Princes
to
withstand
this
Marriage
?
Besides
,
grant
that
his
son
doth
live
to
have
many
children
,
were
it
not
a
very
unwis●
and
indiscrect
part
of
the
Spanish
King
to
give
h●s
Daughter
in
marriage
unto
such
a
one
,
as
what
for
his
old
grudge
unto
Spain
,
what
in
regard
of
the
Title
and
Interest
that
this
wife
may
give
him
unto
the
Crown
of
Spain
,
will
undoubtedly
be
content
to
take
her
for
wife
,
were
it
for
no
other
occasion
but
to
have
so
good
,
just
,
and
colourable
a
cause
as
her
right
would
give
him
,
to
challenge
,
invade
and
conquer
Spain
?
For
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
by
noting
the
Spanish
Kings
son
of
Bastardy
in
his
Apology
,
and
by
animating
the
French
King
to
defend
his
Neece
,
right
,
whensoever
God
should
call
her
Father
to
his
mercy
,
hath
set
open
such
a
gap
as
will
give
a
very
easie
entrance
into
the
Kingdom
of
Spain
unto
the
Spanish
Daughters
ambitious
nature
,
or
unto
his
valiant
minde
(
if
there
be
any
valour
in
him
)
who
shall
have
her
to
wife
.
The
surest
and
safest
way
then
for
the
Spaniard
,
is
either
to
match
her
lowly
,
as
Austiages
did
his
Daughter
,
with
some
mean
Prince
,
who
shall
not
be
able
to
hurt
or
prejudice
his
Son
;
or
else
to
bestow
her
upon
the
said
Duke
Ernestus
,
who
although
he
be
her
neer
kinsman
,
and
a
Prince
of
no
great
living
;
yet
because
it
is
a
matter
very
usual
in
the
House
of
Austria
to
match
in
their
own
blood
,
and
for
that
the
Spaniard
hath
Kingdoms
and
Dominions
enough
to
bestow
upon
her
in
marriage
,
neither
the
propinquity
in
blood
,
nor
the
want
of
living
can
be
an
obstacle
unto
the
match
;
But
it
may
be
said
,
what
shall
it
avail
if
she
be
married
to
the
Duke
Ernestus
,
and
Flanders
be
her
Dowry
?
Shall
it
not
be
all
one
?
Will
he
not
be
at
the
devotion
of
his
Father
in-law
?
And
will
it
not
be
a
means
to
make
the
Emperor
more
fast
and
assured
unto
Spain
,
and
to
carry
the
less
love
and
affection
unto
us
and
our
Friends
?
But
I
suppose
the
Empire
shall
be
transferred
unto
some
other
Prince
:
and
although
it
shall
remain
still
in
the
House
of
Austria
,
yet
I
know
he
that
shall
be
,
or
is
Emperor
,
can
have
no
great
means
to
annoy
us
.
Besides
,
we
may
finde
many
wayes
to
set
a
variance
and
separa●ion
betwixt
the
Father
and
the
Son
,
and
(
when
God
shall
have
wrought
his
will
and
pleasure
upon
the
Father
)
betwixt
the
Brother
and
the
Sister
.
Were
there
ever
more
hot
and
bloody
wars
betwixt
us
and
France
,
then
when
the
French
Kings
Sister
was
married
unto
our
King
?
Or
when
our
Kings
Daughters
have
matched
with
France
?
Did
not
these
marriages
breed
and
bring
forth
the
chiefest
causes
of
our
most
deadly
contentions
?
And
did
not
our
and
their
profit
and
gain
make
us
forget
blood
,
affinity
and
Alliance
?
But
if
it
shall
seem
dangerous
to
hazard
our
safety
upon
so
weak
an
hope
,
it
shall
not
be
amiss
to
use
all
policy
to
procure
such
a
match
▪
and
to
cause
her
Dowry
to
be
either
the
Kingdom
of
Naples
or
of
Portugal
.
For
so
shall
his
Sons
power
be
weakened
;
his
Daughter
further
off
from
us
,
and
from
France
,
and
her
ambition
better
satisfied
with
a
kingdom
then
with
a
Title
of
Dutchess
;
too
base
a
name
for
so
proud
a
woman
,
and
such
an
one
as
hath
lived
a
long
time
in
equall
credit
with
a
Queen
.
And
we
finde
that
the
desire
of
that
Char●es
his
wife
(
who
of
a
Duke
of
Anio●
was
made
and
crowned
King
of
Naples
)
to
be
a
Queen
was
the
chiefe
and
special
cause
her
Husband
entered
into
that
quarrel
;
for
his
wife
(
who
was
descended
of
a
King
;
and
still
lived
among
Queens
)
would
never
suffer
him
to
be
at
quiet
until
he
had
made
her
Queen
.
There
is
no
doubt
but
that
the
Princes
of
Italy
could
be
very
well
content
,
that
the
Kingdom
of
Naples
and
Sicily
were
in
some
such
poor
Princes
possession
,
rather
under
the
subjection
of
the
sole
heir
of
Spain
,
because
he
being
a
young
Prince
,
and
King
of
so
many
Dominions
,
will
not
perhaps
be
keep
within
his
bounds
as
his
old
Father
is
;
and
they
would
easily
finde
means
to
hold
such
a
Prince
long
enough
,
and
to
keep
him
from
all
kinde
of
ability
to
hurt
and
damnifie
them
.
For
experience
hath
taught
them
,
that
when
Naples
and
Sicily
were
governed
by
a
proper
King
,
and
he
alwayes
Resident
amongst
them
,
they
lived
not
then
in
such
danger
,
or
in
such
fear
as
they
have
been
since
the
French
or
the
Spaniards
were
Masters
of
those
Kingdoms
.
Duke
Ernestus
being
placed
thus
far
from
us
,
the
question
would
be
,
what
Government
would
best
content
us
in
Flanders
;
whether
it
were
best
to
have
a
Prince
there
;
and
if
a
Prince
,
what
he
should
be
;
or
else
such
a
Government
as
is
now
amongst
the
United
Provinces
;
and
if
such
a
Government
,
whether
it
were
best
to
unite
the
rest
of
Flanders
unto
them
that
are
already
united
.
The
questions
are
full
of
difficulty
;
and
a
man
of
far
greater
experience
and
wisdom
then
my self
can
hardly
resolve
them
:
And
yet
because
this
is
my
last
task
,
I
will
▪
as
I
have
done
in
the
rest
,
adventure
to
commit
my
follies
to
your
secrecy
.
The
pleasant
and
sweet
Government
under
the
States
of
the
United
Provinces
,
The
consideration
of
their
Subjects
quiet
and
wel●are
,
The
regard
of
their
wealth
,
The
credit
whereunto
they
are
grown
,
The
accompt
that
their
Neighbours
make
of
them
,
The
free
Traffique
which
they
have
with
Forreign
nations
,
The
recourse
of
Strangers
unto
them
,
The
beauty
and
increase
of
their
Cities
,
lately
enlarged
and
beautified
,
and
their
strength
being
(
as
I
have
once
said
already
)
almost
comparable
unto
the
power
of
mighty
Princes
,
might
easily
induce
them
to
consent
to
make
one
Common-wealth
of
all
the
seventeen
Provinces
.
But
if
they
should
all
joyn
in
one
Form
of
Government
,
it
were
greatly
to
be
doubted
that
they
would
grow
so
mighty
in
time
,
that
their
might
would
make
them
ambitious
,
and
their
ambition
desirous
to
encroach
upon
their
Neighbours
;
who
with
the
same
and
good
of
their
great
ease
and
prosperity
,
would
happily
be
content
to
shake
off
their
Kings
,
and
live
under
their
wings
and
protection
.
Was
it
not
the
common
report
of
the
Romans
good
Government
that
made
Forreign
Nations
desirous
to
be
subject
unto
them
?
Was
it
not
the
incorporating
of
those
Nations
into
their
own
Cities
,
and
their
permitting
of
them
to
enjoy
the
like
Priviledges
and
Liberties
as
the
Romans
enjoyed
,
that
drew
other
people
to
follow
the
example
of
those
Nations
?
Was
it
not
then
seen
,
and
may
it
not
be
seen
again
,
th●●
the
less
Cities
iimitated
the
greater
,
and
whether
the
first
inclined
,
thither
the
last
repaired
?
Is
it
not
generally
said
,
that
two
eyes
see
more
then
one
?
And
do
not
many
Councellors
consult
and
resolve
upon
any
thing
better
then
a
few
?
and
is
it
not
true
that
it
is
not
the
Clymate
or
the
Region
that
onely
maketh
men
wise
?
The
Spaniard
is
wiser
then
the
French-man
,
the
Florentines
of
a
quicker
wit
and
judgment
then
the
Venetian
;
and
yet
when
the
light-headed
French-man
beginneth
once
to
be
staid
,
he
is
nothing
inferior
to
the
wise
Spaniard
;
and
the
Venetians
when
they
consult
upon
matters
of
weight
,
resolve
them
not
so
soon
,
but
better
then
the
Flo●entines
.
The
reason
whereof
is
given
by
Bodin
;
because
the
first
trusting
too
much
to
the
dexterity
of
their
wits
,
dwell
obstinate
in
their
first
conceived
opinions
and
sometimes
will
not
yeeld
unto
the
soundest
judgments
,
because
they
proceed
from
them
who
are
either
their
enemies
,
or
in
their
opinions
not
worthy
to
be
reputed
wiser
then
they
;
whereas
the
later
,
distrusting
every
man
his
own
judgement
,
and
examining
soundly
and
with
great
deliberation
all
the
reasons
that
may
be
alleaged
pro
&
con
in
any
matter
whatsoever
,
after
long
con●erence
and
consultation
,
conclude
upon
the
best
and
wisest
resolution
.
Is
it
not
this
proved
in
the
States
of
the
United
Provinces
;
especially
in
the
Hollanders
,
who
until
of
late
years
were
commonly
called
by
the
Flemings
The
Blockish
and
hard-headed
Hollanders
,
and
now
they
are
grown
equal
to
the
wisest
Flemings
,
Italians
,
French
,
or
Spaniards
?
Court
they
not
Princes
that
were
wont
onely
to
live
by
the
transporting
of
commodities
of
their
Island
into
England
and
other
places
?
Have
they
not
their
Agents
in
Princes
Courts
,
who
in
many
years
would
not
presume
to
look
upon
a
Court
,
and
knew
not
how
to
behave
themselves
when
they
came
thither
?
Have
they
not
learned
the
means
and
ways
to
insinuate
themselves
into
Princes
favours
,
and
continue
themselves
therein
,
who
not
long
ago
cared
for
no
Princes
favour
,
but
●or
one
Kings
good
will
and
countenance
?
Sent
they
not
their
Ambassadors
unto
the
Christening
of
the
Scottish
Prince
?
Gave
they
not
their
Present
as
well
as
others
,
and
within
it
a
yearly
Pension
unto
the
young
Prince
,
to
be
paid
unto
him
yearly
out
of
the
rents
of
one
of
their
Towns
?
Have
they
not
discovered
a
shorter
way
to
the
Indies
?
and
will
they
not
take
and
make
a
benefit
by
the
discovery
?
Do
they
not
daily
encrease
their
Revenews
?
Do
not
their
Subjects
that
were
wont
to
guide
a
Boat
,
and
govern
an
Oar
,
now
manage
a
Lance
,
and
handle
a
weapon
as
well
as
other
Nations
?
Do
not
the
better
sort
amongst
them
,
who
heretofore
never
medled
with
matters
of
State
,
match
the
wisest
Politicians
in
Counsel
,
and
the
best
Statesmen
of
the
world
in
their
writings
?
And
to
be
brief
,
is
it
not
likely
,
that
if
they
proceed
as
they
have
begun
,
they
will
in
time
grow
too
strong
,
and
exceed
the
Seigniory
of
Venice
,
the
which
if
it
be
not
assisted
by
other
Princes
of
Christendom
,
standeth
in
great
danger
to
become
a
prey
unto
the
Turk
?
I
have
once
already
said
it
,
and
cannot
say
it
too
often
;
God
grant
that
all
the
Princes
of
Christendom
,
yea
the
Child
that
is
unborn
,
have
not
just
occasion
one
day
to
curse
the
King
of
Spain
for
enforcing
the
States
to
know
and
use
their
strength
.
Let
us
remember
the
weakness
of
the
Switzers
,
and
call
to
minde
upon
what
occasion
they
began
to
encanton
themselves
;
how
base
men
they
were
that
were
the
first
Authors
thereof
;
how
Stansfather
Gualter
first
,
and
Arnold
Melthdiall
detesting
the
unsupportable
Tyranny
of
the
Governor
Greisleir
,
drew
first
divers
Gentlemen
,
and
then
the
inhabitants
of
a
few
Towns
to
conspire
the
death
of
their
Governour
,
and
the
banishment
of
all
the
Officers
set
over
them
by
the
house
of
Austria
;
how
they
beat
down
to
the
ground
all
their
Castles
;
how
they
perswaded
the
Towns
of
Sinty
,
Ury
,
and
Underwald
to
free
and
emancipate
themselves
from
the
Thraldom
and
Bondage
wherein
they
lived
under
the
house
of
Austria
;
How
after
this
association
others
entred
into
League
with
them
,
and
briefly
,
how
after
their
general
confederacy
,
they
lived
many
years
contented
with
their
own
,
and
scant
knew
what
wealth
meant
:
Was
it
not
wonderous
that
after
the
notable
victory
which
they
had
at
Grason
against
Charles
Duke
of
Burgondy
,
they
knew
not
the
worth
or
value
of
the
goods
that
came
to
their
hands
?
Will
any
man
beleeve
that
they
should
tear
into
a
Thousand
pieces
the
fairest
pavilion
that
ever
was
seen
in
the
world
?
May
it
be
credited
that
they
sold
great
dishes
and
platters
of
clean
Silver
,
thinking
that
they
had
been
of
Tin
,
for
six
pence
a
piece
?
Will
it
not
seem
incredible
that
the
fairest
Diamond
that
was
in
those
dayes
in
the
world
,
and
had
a
very
great
and
rich
pearl
hanging
thereat
,
was
sold
unto
a
Priest
for
a
Florin
,
and
that
he
sent
it
unto
their
chief
Governor
,
who
gave
him
but
three
Franks
,
which
is
a
French
Crown
,
for
the
same
?
And
to
what
reputation
are
these
people
now
grown
?
Are
they
not
held
the
best
Pikemen
of
the
world
?
Do
not
the
greatest
Princes
of
Europe
seek
their
Amity
and
alliance
?
Strive
they
not
who
shall
first
entertain
them
,
and
continue
longest
in
league
with
them
?
Have
they
not
more
liberty
in
Italy
then
any
nation
whatsoever
?
Are
not
the
Grisons
their
Confederates
,
free
from
the
Inquisition
,
a
freedom
not
granted
unto
any
Nation
but
unto
them
?
Was
there
not
a
time
when
a
King
of
France
,
for
calling
them
base
people
,
was
forsaken
by
them
,
and
made
a
prey
unto
his
Enemies
?
Did
they
not
in
revenge
of
that
disdainfull
word
,
make
a
Road
into
his
Country
?
and
had
they
not
come
unto
the
walls
of
Paris
,
if
they
had
not
been
intreated
and
hired
for
great
Rewards
to
return
into
their
Country
?
Who
can
desire
a
more
notable
and
worthy
example
of
valour
and
fortitude
,
then
they
shewed
in
Navar
in
Italy
,
where
they
being
in
a
strong
Citty
,
and
not
needing
to
make
any
sally
out
,
they
came
forth
upon
the
French
that
lay
before
the
Town
,
went
proudly
and
without
fear
,
upon
the
fearfull
and
terrible
mouthes
of
their
greatest
Artillery
,
took
the
same
and
bended
it
upon
their
Enemies
,
whom
with
the
onely
help
thereof
,
they
put
to
a
most
shamefull
flight
,
and
to
the
edges
of
their
unmercifull
swords
?
When
we
remember
these
men
,
and
enter
into
cogitation
of
the
premisses
,
we
must
justly
fear
that
the
Hollanders
and
their
Adherents
may
one
day
have
the
like
mindes
and
the
like
fortune
;
And
if
they
should
chance
to
grow
to
the
like
greatness
,
be
it
of
minde
or
of
fortune
,
let
us
consider
what
advantage
they
shall
have
of
Princes
;
Even
the
same
advantage
which
Titus
Livius
mentioneth
in
the
comparison
which
he
maketh
betwixt
Alexander
the
Great
and
the
Romans
.
For
they
have
many
Alexanders
,
whereas
a
Kingdom
should
have
but
one
;
and
with
this
ones
death
his
whole
State
should
be
endangered
;
whereas
the
losse
of
some
of
their
Alexanders
shall
not
endanger
their
State
;
and
Kingdoms
Enterprises
shall
perish
with
their
King
,
and
their
Attempts
shall
be
performed
by
their
surviving
Alexanders
;
Briefly
,
the
Kings
posterity
shall
not
resemble
him
,
and
their
Successors
sh●ll
rather
excel
then
not
imitate
them
.
Thus
to
have
all
the
Low-Countries
governed
by
a
few
States
,
or
by
one
Prince
,
wholly
depending
upon
the
King
of
Spain
,
were
in
one
and
the
same
measure
dangerous
;
and
therefore
it
were
convenient
for
us
in
wisdom
and
policy
,
to
erect
and
establish
such
a
Prince
as
should
neither
a●together
depend
upon
France
,
nor
be
wholy
devoted
unto
Spain
;
or
else
to
divide
the
seventeen
Provinces
into
divers
several
Cantons
,
and
to
nourish
continually
a
diversity
of
opinions
and
Religions
amongst
them
;
whereby
some
of
them
being
led
to
affect
us
,
and
others
to
favour
Princes
of
their
Religion
,
they
shall
be
neither
holpen
nor
hurt
by
them
more
then
we
,
nor
we
more
then
they
.
Besides
,
Experience
yeeldeth
us
this
comfort
,
that
as
long
as
we
shall
entertain
a
free
and
loving
〈◊〉
entercourse
of
Trade
and
Traffique
with
them
,
whereby
their
people
may
be
inriched
,
their
Cities
frequented
,
and
their
several
Artificers
maintained
and
nourished
,
so
long
may
we
be
assured
of
their
fast
Friendship
and
Amity
.
For
if
,
when
as
that
notable
contention
and
competency
for
the
Crown
of
France
was
between
Edward
the
third
,
and
Philip
de
Val●ys
,
although
Lewis
the
Earl
of
Flanders
favoured
the
French
King
,
because
he
was
his
Vassal
,
yet
the
Common
people
affected
and
furthered
our
Kings
claim
and
quarrel
,
and
would
not
be
drawn
from
us
by
any
manner
of
whatsoever
perswasion
;
why
may
we
not
hope
to
fined
the
like
affection
in
them
even
against
their
Soveraign
,
if
we
should
have
the
like
occasion
to
use
their
furtherance
?
For
as
then
many
of
their
Towns
standing
wholy
upon
the
Trade
of
wooll
,
with
which
their
Diers
,
Fullers
,
and
other
such
Artificers
were
maintained
,
they
would
not
leave
us
to
lean
to
their
Prince
,
because
if
our
King
should
not
have
sent
thither
our
woolls
,
they
knew
not
how
to
live
,
and
for
that
France
was
not
able
to
hurt
them
so
much
as
England
could
do
both
by
Sea
and
by
Land
;
so
now
if
they
should
want
such
Commodities
any
long
time
,
as
we
send
over
unto
them
;
although
they
be
now
far
stronger
by
Sea
then
they
were
then
;
yet
either
the
regard
of
profit
,
or
the
fear
of
discommodity
and
hurt
that
might
arise
unto
them
by
the
discord
betwixt
us
and
them
,
would
cause
them
to
stand
fast
and
ass●●ed
unto
us
,
rather
then
unto
our
Enemies
;
especially
if
we
shall
entertain
some
such
faithfull
friends
unto
us
amongst
the
common
people
,
as
were
the
before
mentioned
Artevild
,
Boscanus
,
Agricola
,
and
others
.
Thus
Spain
being
weakned
,
and
the
Low-Countries
,
either
all
,
or
the
most
part
thereof
well-affected
unto
us
,
we
shall
stand
in
less
danger
and
fear
of
France
,
whose
troubles
and
divisions
,
although
they
begin
now
somewhat
to
cease
;
yet
I
fear
me
,
that
when
they
are
once
utterly
extinguished
,
they
will
be
quickly
revived
again
:
For
as
fire
being
but
covered
over
with
ashes
,
and
not
throughly
put
out
,
is
soon
kindled
again
;
so
reconciled
friends
,
the
causes
of
their
former
contentions
not
being
wholly
removed
,
upon
very
light
occasions
fall
again
to
strife
and
variance
.
The
experience
thereof
was
seen
in
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
third
of
England
,
and
in
the
time
of
Lewis
Menervensis
Earl
of
Flanders
,
whose
Nobility
and
Subjects
were
often
reconciled
unto
them
,
and
yet
returned
to
their
former
disobedience
and
discontentment
.
And
France
in
my
simple
opinion
,
although
the
King
that
now
raignneth
,
and
his
discontented
Subjects
were
never
so
well
reconciled
,
would
quickly
return
again
into
Civil
Dissentions
.
For
the
King
being
most
honest
,
frank
,
open-hearted
,
free-minded
,
sometimes
somewhat
hasty
,
so
earnest
of
that
which
is
laid
before
him
,
that
he
hath
less
regard
of
that
which
is
passed
,
and
also
unto
that
which
he
must
follow
;
and
lastly
,
so
much
presuming
upon
his
good
hap
and
fortune
,
that
he
can
neither
conceive
,
nor
careth
to
prevent
far
fetched
practises
;
these
his
conditions
will
easily
renew
some
occasions
of
discontentment
,
even
perhaps
in
his
best
and
his
most
loving
Subjects
;
Every
man
that
hath
deserved
little
,
will
demand
much
,
when
his
Kingdom
is
frank
and
free
;
And
will
it
not
be
impossible
to
content
all
that
shall
and
will
beg
of
him
?
An
open-hearted
man
cannot
dissemble
his
grief
,
nor
conceal
an
injury
;
and
is
it
not
likely
that
he
shall
have
many
griefs
,
many
injuries
offered
him
?
An
hasty
man
never
wanteth
wo
;
and
doubtless
he
shall
have
many
occasions
to
shew
himself
hasty
:
And
then
if
he
shall
either
neglect
that
which
he
ought
to
follow
,
or
not
be
carefull
to
prevent
such
practises
as
may
be
devised
against
him
,
he
that
hath
but
one
Eye
may
see
that
he
cannot
long
continue
in
Peace
and
Amity
with
such
Subjects
as
shall
be
still
encouraged
by
other
Forraign
Potentates
to
rebel
against
him
;
And
that
which
hath
been
said
already
maketh
it
most
manifest
,
that
his
Subjects
shall
not
want
this
encouragement
.
Thus
have
I
satisfied
your
Request
in
every
point
that
it
pleased
you
to
give
me
in
Charge
.
In
some
things
I
have
been
somewhat
briefer
then
I
would
,
and
in
other
perhaps
longer
then
I
should
.
The
length
may
be
excused
,
because
all
things
being
done
for
your
pleasure
,
I
hope
you
will
give
me
leave
to
please
my self
in
some
things
wherein
I
was
carried
away
with
the
great
delight
that
I
took
in
handling
the
same
;
And
the
brevity
is
excusable
,
because
when
I
saw
that
my
Treatise
was
grown
to
be
somewhat
long
,
I
thought
it
convenient
to
hasten
to
an
end
.
Excuse
both
,
and
tender
my
credit
;
and
accuse
me
of
unkindness
if
I
be
not
ready
to
yeeld
you
better
contentment
in
the
like
Task
hereafter
,
when
years
shall
have
encreased
my
sl●nder
Experience
,
and
Experience
shall
have
perfected
my
simple
Knowledge
.
FINIS
.