The
first
Question
.
Whether
Subjects
are
bound
and
ought
to
obey
Printes
,
if
they
command
that
which
is
against
the
Law
of
God
.
THIS
question
happily
may
seeme
at
the
first
view
to
be
altogether
superfluous
and
unprofitable
,
for
that
it
seems
to
make
a
doubt
,
of
an
axiome
allways
held
infallible
amongst
Christians
,
confirmed
by
many
testimonies
in
Holy
Scripture
,
divers
examples
of
the
histories
of
all
ages
,
and
by
the
death
of
all
the
Holy
Martyrs
,
for
it
may
be
well
demanded
wherefore
Christians
have
endured
so
many
afflictions
,
but
that
they
were
alwayes
perswaded
,
that
God
must
be
obeyed
simply
,
and
absolutly
,
and
Kings
with
this
exception
that
they
command
not
that
which
is
repugnant
to
the
law
of
God
.
Otherways
wherfore
should
the
Apostles
have
answered
,
that
God
must
rather
be
obeyed
than
men
,
and
also
Act.
4.
19.
seeing
that
the
only
wil
of
God
is
always
just
,
and
that
of
men
may
be
,
and
is
,
oftentimes
unjust
,
who
can
doubt
but
that
we
must
always
obey
Gods
commandements
without
any
exception
,
and
mens
ever
with
limitation
.
But
for
so
much
as
there
are
many
Princes
in
these
days
,
calling
themselves
Christians
,
which
arrogantly
assumes
an
unlimited
power
,
over
which
God
himselfe
hath
no
command
,
and
that
they
have
no
want
of
flatterers
,
which
adore
them
as
Gods
upon
earth
,
many
others
also
,
which
for
feare
,
or
by
constraint
,
either
seem
,
or
else
do
beleeve
,
that
Princes
ought
to
be
obeyed
in
all
things
,
and
by
all
men
.
And
withall
,
seeing
the
unhappines
of
these
times
is
such
,
that
there
is
nothing
so
firme
,
certain
,
or
pure
,
which
is
not
shaken
,
disgraced
,
or
polluted
;
I
feare
me
that
whosoever
shall
neerly
,
and
throughly
consider
these
things
,
will
confesse
this
question
to
be
not
only
most
profitable
,
but
also
,
the
times
considered
,
most
necessary
.
For
my
owne
part
when
I
consider
the
cause
of
the
many
calamities
,
wherewith
Christendome
hath
been
afflicted
,
for
these
late
yeares
,
I
cannot
but
remember
that
of
the
Prophet
Hosea
,
The
Princes
of
Judah
were
like
them
Hos.
5.
10.
11.
that
remove
the
bounds
:
wherefore
I
will
power
out
my self
like
water
.
Ephraim
is
oppressed
,
and
broken
in
judgement
,
because
he
willingly
walked
after
the
Commandement
.
Here
you
see
the
sin
of
the
Princes
,
and
people
dispersed
in
these
two
words
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
The
Princes
exceed
their
bounds
,
not
contenting
themselves
with
that
authority
which
the
Almighty
,
and
all
good
God
hath
given
them
,
but
seeke
to
usurpe
that
sovereignty
,
which
he
hath
reserved
to
himselfe
over
all
men
,
being
not
content
to
command
the
bodys
,
and
goods
of
their
Subjects
at
their
pleasure
,
but
assume
licence
to
themselves
to
inforce
the
Consciences
,
which
appertaines
chiefly
to
Jesus
Christ
,
holding
the
earth
not
great
enough
for
their
ambition
,
they
will
climbe
and
conquor
heaven
it selfe
.
The
people
on
the
other
side
walkes
after
the
commandement
,
when
they
yeeld
to
the
desire
of
Princes
,
who
command
them
that
which
is
against
the
law
of
God
,
and
as
it
were
burn
incense
to
,
and
adore
these
earthy
Gods
;
and
instead
of
resisting
them
,
if
they
have
means
and
occasion
;
suffer
them
to
usurp
the
place
of
God
,
making
no
conscience
to
give
that
to
Caesar
,
which
belongs
properly
and
only
to
God
.
Now
is
there
any
man
that
sees
not
this
,
if
a
man
disobey
a
Prince
commanding
that
which
is
wicked
and
unlawfull
,
hee
shall
presently
bee
esteemed
a
Rebell
,
a
Traytor
,
and
guilty
of
High
Treason
,
our
Saviour
Christ
,
the
Apostles
and
all
the
Christians
of
the
Primitive
Church
were
charged
with
these
Calumnies
.
If
any
after
the
example
of
Ezra
,
and
Nehemiah
,
dispose
himselfe
to
the
building
of
the
Temple
of
the
Ezra
.
4.
Nehe.
5
7.
Lord
,
It
wil
be
said
he
aspires
to
the
Crowne
,
hatches
innovations
,
and
seeks
the
ruine
of
the
State
,
then
you
shall
presently
see
a
million
of
these
Minnious
,
and
flatterers
of
Princes
tickling
their
eares
with
an
opinion
,
that
if
they
once
suffer
this
Temple
to
be
re-builded
,
they
may
bid
their
Kingdome
farewell
,
and
never
look
to
raise
impost
or
taxes
on
these
men
.
But
what
a
madnesse
is
this
?
There
are
no
estates
which
ought
to
be
esteemed
firme
and
stable
,
but
those
,
in
whom
the
Temple
of
God
is
built
,
and
which
are
indeed
the
Temple
it selfe
,
and
these
we
may
truly
call
Kings
,
which
reigne
with
God
,
seeing
that
it
is
by
him
only
that
Kings
reign
:
On
the
contrary
what
beastly
foolishnesse
is
it
to
think
,
that
the
State
and
Kingdome
cannot
subsist
if
God
Almighty
be
not
excluded
,
and
his
Temple
demolished
.
From
hence
proceeds
so
many
Tyrannous
enterprises
,
unhappy
and
tragick
death
of
Kings
,
and
ruines
of
people
.
If
these
Sicophants
knew
what
difference
there
is
between
God
and
Caesar
,
between
the
King
of
Kings
,
and
a
simple
King
,
between
the
Lord
,
and
the
Vassal
,
and
what
tributs
this
Lord
requires
of
his
Subjects
,
and
what
authority
he
gives
to
Kings
over
those
his
Subjects
,
certainly
so
many
Princes
would
not
strive
to
trouble
the
Kingdome
of
God
,
and
we
should
not
see
some
of
them
precipitated
from
their
Throns
by
the
just
instigation
of
the
Almighty
,
revenging
himselfe
of
them
,
in
the
midst
of
their
greatest
strength
,
and
the
people
should
not
be
so
sack't
and
pillag'd
,
and
troden
down
.
It
then
belongs
to
Princes
to
know
how
farre
they
may
extend
their
authority
,
and
to
subjects
in
what
they
may
obey
them
,
lest
the
one
incroaching
on
that
jurisdiction
,
which
no
way
belongs
to
them
,
and
the
others
obeying
him
which
commandeth
further
then
he
ought
,
they
be
both
chastised
,
when
they
shall
give
an
account
thereof
before
another
Judge
:
Now
the
end
and
scope
of
the
question
propounded
,
whereof
the
Holy
Scripture
shall
principally
give
the
resolution
,
is
that
which
followeth
.
The
question
is
,
if
subjects
be
bound
to
obey
Kings
,
in
case
they
command
that
which
is
against
the
Law
of
God
:
that
is
to
say
,
to
which
of
the
two
(
God
or
the
King
)
must
we
rather
obey
,
when
the
question
shall
be
resolved
concerning
the
King
,
to
whom
is
attributed
absolute
power
,
that
concerning
other
Magistrates
shall
be
also
determined
.
First
,
the
Holy
Scripture
doth
teach
,
that
God
reignes
by
his
owne
proper
authority
,
and
Kings
by
derivation
,
God
from
himselfe
,
Kings
from
God
,
that
God
hath
a
jurisdiction
proper
,
Kings
Prov.
8.
Iob
12.
Wisd.
6.
3.
are
his
delegates
:
It
followes
then
,
that
the
jurisdiction
of
God
hath
no
limits
,
that
of
Kings
bounded
,
that
the
power
of
God
is
infinit
,
that
of
Kings
confin'd
,
that
the
Kingdom
of
God
extends
it selfe
to
all
places
,
that
of
Kings
is
restrain'd
within
the
confines
of
certaine
countries
:
In
like
manner
God
hath
created
of
nothing
both
heaven
,
and
earth
;
wherefore
by
good
right
he
is
Lord
,
and
true
Proprietorie
,
both
of
the
one
,
and
the
other
:
All
the
Inhabitants
of
the
earth
hold
of
him
that
which
they
have
,
and
are
but
his
tenants
,
and
farmers
;
all
the
Princes
and
Governors
of
the
world
are
his
stipendaries
,
and
vassals
,
and
are
bound
to
take
and
acknowledge
their
investitures
from
him
.
Briefly
,
God
alone
is
the
owner
and
Lord
,
and
all
men
of
what
degree
,
or
quality
soever
they
be
,
are
his
servants
,
farmers
,
officers
,
and
vassals
,
and
owe
account
,
and
acknowledgement
to
him
,
according
to
that
which
he
hath
committed
to
their
dispensation
,
the
higher
their
place
is
,
the
greater
their
account
must
be
,
and
according
to
the
ranks
whereunto
God
hath
rais'd
them
,
must
they
make
their
reckoning
before
his
divine
Majesty
,
which
the
Holy
Scripture
teacheth
in
infinit
places
,
and
all
the
faithfull
,
yea
,
and
the
wisest
amongst
the
Heathen
have
ever
acknowledged
:
The
earth
is
the
Lords
,
and
the
fulnesse
thereof
,
(
so
saith
King
David
)
And
to
the
end
that
Psal.
24.
men
should
not
sacrifice
to
their
owne
industry
;
the
earth
yeelds
no
increase
without
the
dew
of
heaven
:
Wherefore
God
commanded
that
his
people
should
offer
unto
him
the
first
of
their
fruits
,
and
the
Heathens
themselves
have
consecrated
the
same
unto
their
gods
;
to
the
end
,
that
God
might
be
acknowledged
Lord
,
and
they
his
grangers
and
vine
dressers
;
the
heaven
is
the
Throne
Isay
66.
1.
1
Kings
1.
8
of
the
Lord
,
and
the
earth
his
foot-stoole
.
And
therefore
seeing
all
the
Kings
of
the
world
are
under
his
feet
;
it
is
no
marvail
,
if
God
be
called
the
King
of
kings
,
and
Lord
of
lords
;
all
Kings
be
termed
his
Ministers
established
to
judge
rightly
,
and
govern
justly
Prov.
8.
15
the
world
in
the
quality
of
Livetenants
.
By
me
(
so
saith
the
divine
Wisdom
)
Kings
reigne
,
and
the
Princes
judge
the
earth
:
If
Job
1●
.
18.
they
doe
it
not
he
looseth
the
bonds
of
Kings
,
and
girdeth
their
loyns
with
a
girdle
.
As
if
he
should
say
,
it
is
in
my
power
to
establish
Dan.
2.
21.
Kings
in
their
Thrones
,
or
to
thrust
them
out
,
and
from
that
occasion
the
Throne
of
Kings
is
called
the
Throre
of
God
.
Blessed
be
the
Lord
thy
God
(
saith
the
Queen
of
Sheba
)
to
King
Solomon
)
2
Chron.
9.
8.
which
delighted
in
thee
to
set
thee
on
his
Throne
to
be
King
for
the
Lord
thy
God
,
to
doe
judgement
and
justice
.
In
like
manner
we
reade
in
another
place
,
that
Solomon
sate
on
the
Throne
of
the
2
Chron.
2●
.
●3
.
1
Sam.
9.
1●
.
and
10.
1.
Lord
,
or
on
the
Throne
of
the
Lords
Kingdome
.
By
the
same
reason
the
people
is
alwayes
called
the
Lords
people
,
and
the
Lords
inheritance
,
and
the
Kings
Governor
of
this
inheritance
,
and
Conductor
or
Leader
of
his
people
of
God
,
which
is
the
title
given
to
David
,
to
Solomon
,
to
Ezechias
,
and
to
other
good
Princes
;
2
Sam.
6.
21.
2
Kings
●0
.
5.
2
Chron.
1
9.
2
King
.
11.
2
Chron.
33.
16.
2
Chron.
20.
6.
when
also
the
Covenant
is
passed
betwixt
God
and
the
King
,
it
is
upon
condition
that
the
people
be
,
and
remaine
alwayes
the
people
of
God
,
to
shew
that
God
will
not
in
any
case
despoyle
himselfe
of
his
propriety
,
and
possession
,
when
he
gives
to
Kings
the
government
of
the
people
,
but
establish
them
to
take
charge
of
,
and
well
use
them
,
no
more
nor
lesse
then
he
which
makes
choyse
of
a
Shepheard
to
looke
to
his
flocks
,
remains
notwithstanding
himselfe
still
Master
and
owner
of
them
.
This
was
alwayes
knowne
to
those
good
Kings
,
David
,
Solomon
,
Jehosaphat
,
and
others
which
acknowledged
God
to
bee
the
Lord
of
their
Kingdomes
and
nations
,
and
yet
lost
no
priviledge
that
justly
belongs
to
reall
power
;
yea
,
they
reigned
much
more
happily
in
that
they
employed
themselves
cheerfully
in
the
service
of
God
,
and
in
obedience
to
his
Commandements
.
Nebuchadnezer
,
although
hee
were
a
Heathen
,
and
a
mighty
Emperour
,
did
yet
at
the
end
acknowledge
Dan
2.
3●
.
and
4.
14.
this
,
for
though
Daniel
called
him
the
King
of
Kings
,
to
whom
thee
King
of
Heaven
had
granted
power
and
Royall
Majesty
above
all
others
:
Yet
on
the
contrary
,
(
said
hee
)
Thy
God
O
Daniel
is
truly
the
God
of
Gods
,
and
Lord
of
Lords
giving
Kingdomes
to
whom
he
pleaseth
,
yea
,
to
the
most
wretched
of
the
world
.
For
which
cause
Zenephon
said
at
the
Coronation
of
Cyrus
;
let
us
sacrifice
to
God
.
And
prophane
Writers
in
many
places
doe
magnifie
God
the
most
mighty
and
Sovereigne
King
.
At
this
day
at
the
Inaugurating
of
Kings
,
and
Christian
Princes
,
they
are
called
the
servants
of
God
,
destinated
to
governe
his
people
.
Seeing
then
that
Kings
are
only
the
Leiutenants
of
God
,
established
in
the
Throne
of
God
,
by
the
Lord
God
himselfe
,
and
the
people
are
the
people
of
God
,
and
that
the
honour
which
is
done
to
these
Leiutenants
proceeds
from
the
reverence
which
is
borne
to
those
,
that
sent
them
to
this
service
:
it
followes
of
necessity
that
Kings
must
bee
obeyed
for
Gods
cause
,
and
not
against
God
,
and
then
,
when
they
serve
and
obey
God
,
and
not
otherwayes
.
It
may
be
Divisum
imperium
cum
Jove
Caesar
habet
.
that
the
flatterers
of
the
Court
wil
reply
,
that
God
hath
resigned
,
his
power
unto
Kings
,
reserving
Heaven
for
himselfe
,
and
allowing
the
Earth
to
them
to
reign
,
and
govern
there
according
to
their
owne
phancies
;
briefly
that
the
great
ones
of
the
World
hold
a
devided
Empire
with
God
himselfe
.
Behold
a
discourse
proper
enough
for
that
impudent
Villaine
Cleon
the
Sicophant
of
Alexander
,
or
for
the
poet
Martiall
which
was
not
ashamed
to
call
the
Edicts
of
Domitian
,
the
Ordinances
of
the
Lord
God
.
This
discourse
I
say
is
worthy
of
that
execrable
Domitian
who
(
as
Suetonius
recites
)
would
be
called
God
and
Lord
:
But
altogether
unworthy
of
the
●ares
of
a
Christian-Prince
,
and
of
the
mouth
of
good
Subjects
,
that
sentence
of
God
almighty
must
always
remaine
irrevocably
true
,
I
will
not
give
my
glory
to
any
other
,
that
is
,
no
man
shall
have
such
absolute
Isa.
48.
11.
authority
,
but
I
will
alwayes
remaine
sovereigne
.
God
doth
not
at
any
time
disvest
himselfe
of
his
power
,
he
holds
a
Scepter
in
one
hand
to
represse
and
quell
the
audatious
boldnesse
of
those
Princes
which
mutiny
against
him
,
and
in
the
other
a
ballance
to
controle
those
that
administer
not
justice
wi●h
equity
as
they
ought
,
then
these
,
there
cannot
be
expressed
more
psa
.
2.
9.
Wisd.
6
,
4.
certaine
markes
of
sovereigne
command
.
And
if
the
Emperor
in
creating
a
King
,
reserves
alwayes
to
himselfe
the
imperiall
soveraignty
,
or
a
King
as
he
of
France
in
granting
the
government
or
possession
of
a
Province
to
a
stranger
,
or
if
it
be
to
his
Brother
or
Son
reserves
always
to
himselfe
appeales
,
and
the
knowledg
of
such
things
as
are
the
marks
of
royalty
and
sovereignty
,
the
which
also
are
always
understood
of
themselves
to
be
excepted
,
although
they
wer
altogether
omitted
in
the
grant
of
investiture
,
and
fealty
promised
,
with
much
more
reason
should
God
have
sovereign
power
and
command
over
al
Kings
being
his
servants
and
Officers
,
seeing
wee
reade
,
in
so
many
places
of
Scripture
,
that
he
will
call
them
to
an
account
,
and
punish
them
,
if
they
doe
not
faithfully
discharge
their
duties
.
Then
therefore
all
Kings
are
the
Vassals
of
the
King
of
Kings
,
invested
into
their
Office
by
the
sword
,
which
is
the
cognisance
of
their
royall
authority
,
to
the
end
,
that
with
the
sword
they
maintaine
the
Law
of
God
,
defend
the
good
,
and
punish
the
evill
:
Even
as
we
commonly
see
,
that
he
which
is
a
sovereigne
Lord
,
puts
his
Vassals
into
possession
of
their
fee
,
by
girding
them
with
a
sword
,
delivering
them
a
buckler
,
and
a
standard
,
with
condition
that
they
shall
fight
for
them
with
those
armes
if
occasion
shall
serve
.
Now
if
we
consider
what
is
the
duty
of
Vassalls
,
we
shall
find
that
what
may
be
said
of
them
,
agrees
properly
to
Kings
.
The
Vassall
receives
his
fee
of
his
Lord
with
right
of
justice
,
and
charge
to
serve
him
in
1
Sam.
8.
and
9
20.
his
warres
.
The
King
is
established
by
the
Lord
God
,
the
King
of
Kings
;
to
the
end
he
should
administer
justice
to
his
people
and
defend
them
against
all
their
enemies
.
The
Vassall
receives
law
and
conditions
from
his
Sovereigne
:
God
commands
the
King
to
observe
his
laws
and
to
have
them
always
before
his
eyes
,
promising
that
he
and
his
successors
shall
possesse
long
the
Kingdom
,
if
they
be
obedient
,
and
on
the
contrary
,
rebellious
to
their
Sovereigne
King
.
The
Vassall
obligeth
that
their
reigne
shall
be
of
small
continuance
,
if
they
prove
himselfe
by
Oath
unto
his
Lord
,
and
sweares
that
he
will
be
faithfull
,
and
obedient
:
In
like
manner
the
King
promiseth
solemnly
to
command
,
according
to
the
expresse
Law
of
God
.
Deu.
17.
19.
Briefly
the
Vassall
looseth
his
fee
,
if
he
commit
fellony
,
and
by
law
forfeiteth
all
his
priviledges
:
In
the
like
case
the
King
looseth
his
Right
,
and
many
times
his
Realme
also
,
if
he
dispise
God
,
if
he
complot
with
his
enemies
,
and
if
he
commit
fellony
against
that
Royall
Majesty
,
this
will
appeare
more
clearely
by
the
consideration
of
the
Covenant
which
is
contracted
between
God
and
the
King
,
for
God
does
that
honour
to
his
servants
to
call
them
his
confederats
.
Now
we
reade
of
two
sorts
of
Covenants
at
the
Inaugurating
of
Kings
,
the
first
betweene
God
,
the
King
,
and
the
People
,
that
the
people
might
be
the
people
of
God
:
The
second
between
the
King
and
the
people
,
that
the
people
shall
obey
faithfully
,
and
the
King
command
justly
,
we
will
treat
hereafter
of
the
second
,
and
now
speak
of
the
first
:
When
King
Joas
was
crowned
we
read
that
a
Covenant
was
contracted
between
God
,
the
King
,
and
the
People
:
or
,
as
it
is
The
Alliance
between
God
and
the
Kings
.
2
King
.
11.
2
Chro.
23.
16.
2
king
.
23.
said
in
another
place
between
Jehojada
the
High-Priest
,
all
the
People
,
and
the
King
,
That
God
should
bee
their
Lord
.
In
like-manner
we
read
that
Josias
and
all
the
people
entred
into
Covenants
with
the
Lord
:
we
may
gather
from
these
testimonies
,
that
in
passing
these
Covenants
the
High-Priest
did
Covenant
in
the
name
of
God
in
expresse
termes
,
that
the
King
and
the
people
should
take
order
that
God
might
be
served
purely
,
and
according
to
his
will
,
throughout
the
whole
Kingdome
of
Juda
,
that
the
King
should
so
reigne
that
the
people
were
suffered
to
serve
God
,
and
held
in
obedience
to
his
law
:
That
the
people
should
so
obey
the
King
,
as
their
obedience
should
have
principall
relation
to
God
.
It
appeares
by
this
that
the
King
&
the
people
are
joyntly
bound
by
promise
and
did
obleige
themselves
by
solemn
Oath
to
serve
God
before
al
things
.
And
indeed
presently
after
they
had
sworn
the
Covenant
,
Josias
and
Joas
did
ruine
the
Idolatry
of
Baal
and
re-established
the
pure
service
of
God
.
The
principall
poynts
of
the
Covenants
were
cheifly
these
.
That
the
King
himselfe
,
and
all
the
people
should
be
carefull
to
honour
and
serve
God
according
to
his
will
revealed
in
his
word
,
which
if
they
performed
,
God
would
assist
and
preserve
their
estates
:
as
in
doing
the
contrary
,
he
would
abandon
,
and
exterminate
them
,
which
doth
plainly
appeare
Deut.
29.
30.
31.
Deut.
31.
26.
by
the
conferring
of
divers
passages
of
holy
writ
.
Moses
somewhat
before
his
death
propounds
these
conditions
of
Covenant
to
all
the
people
,
and
at
the
same
time
commands
that
the
Law
,
which
be
those
precepts
given
by
the
Lord
should
be
in
deposito
kept
in
the
Arke
of
the
Covenant
.
After
the
decease
Josh.
1.
of
Moses
,
Joshua
was
established
Captaine
,
and
Conductor
of
the
people
of
God
,
and
according
as
the
Lord
himselfe
admonished
,
if
hee
would
have
happy
successe
in
his
affaires
,
he
should
not
in
any
sort
estrange
himselfe
from
the
Deut.
●7
.
2●
.
Jos.
5.
&
24.
Law
:
Joshua
also
for
his
part
,
desiring
to
make
the
Israelites
understand
upon
what
condition
God
had
given
them
the
Country
of
Canaan
,
as
soon
as
they
were
entred
into
it
,
after
due
sacrifices
performed
,
he
read
the
Law
in
the
presence
of
all
the
people
,
promising
unto
them
in
the
Lords
name
all
good
things
if
they
persisted
in
obedience
;
and
threatning
of
all
evill
if
they
wilfully
connived
in
disobedience
.
Sommarily
,
he
assures
them
all
prosperity
,
if
they
observed
the
Law
;
as
otherways
,
he
expresly
declared
,
that
in
doing
the
contrary
they
should
bee
utterly
ruined
:
Also
at
all
such
times
as
they
left
the
service
of
God
,
they
were
delivered
into
the
hands
of
the
Canaanites
,
and
reduced
in
to
slavery
,
under
their
Tyranny
.
Now
this
Covenant
between
God
and
the
people
in
the
times
of
the
Judges
,
had
vigor
also
in
the
times
of
the
Kings
,
and
was
treated
with
them
.
After
that
Saul
had
been
anoynted
,
chosen
,
and
wholly
established
King
,
Samuel
speakes
unto
the
people
in
these
termes
;
Behold
the
King
whom
you
have
demanded
2
Sam.
12.
and
chosen
,
God
hath
established
him
King
over
you
,
obey
you
therefore
and
serve
the
Lord
,
as
well
you
,
as
your
King
which
is
established
over
you
,
otherwise
you
and
your
King
shall
perish
.
As
if
hee
should
say
,
you
would
have
a
King
and
God
hath
given
you
this
here
,
notwithstanding
thinke
not
that
God
will
suffer
any
encroachment
upon
his
right
,
but
know
that
the
King
is
as
well
bound
to
observe
the
Law
as
you
,
and
if
he
faile
therein
,
his
delinquency
shall
be
punished
as
severely
as
yours
:
Briefly
,
according
to
your
desires
Saul
is
given
you
for
your
King
,
to
lead
you
in
the
wars
,
but
with
this
condition
annexed
,
that
he
himself
follow
the
Law
of
God
.
After
that
Saul
was
rejected
,
because
he
kept
not
2
king
.
2.
4.
&
6.
12.
his
promise
,
David
was
established
King
on
the
same
condition
,
so
also
was
his
Son
Solomon
,
for
the
Lord
said
,
If
thou
keep
my
Law
,
I
will
confirm
with
thee
the
Covenant
which
I
contracted
with
David
.
Now
concerning
this
Covenant
,
it
is
inserted
into
the
second
book
of
the
Chronicles
,
as
followeth
.
There
shall
not
faile
there
a
man
in
my
sight
,
to
sit
upon
the
Throne
of
Israel
:
yet
so
that
thy
children
take
heed
2
Chron.
6.
16.
&
7.
17.
2
king
.
33.
2.
Deut
17.
18
1
Sam.
10.
25.
to
their
way
to
walk
in
my
Law
,
as
thou
hast
walked
before
me
.
But
if
they
serve
Idols
,
I
will
drive
them
from
the
Land
whereof
I
have
given
them
possession
.
And
therefore
it
was
that
the
book
of
the
Law
was
called
the
book
of
the
Covenant
of
the
Lord
,
(
who
commanded
the
Priests
to
give
it
the
King
)
according
to
which
Samuel
put
it
into
the
hands
of
Saul
,
and
according
to
the
tenure
thereof
Josias
yeelds
himself
soedetarie
and
vassal
of
the
Lord
.
Also
the
Law
which
is
kept
in
the
Ark
,
is
called
the
Covenant
of
the
Lord
with
the
children
of
Israel
.
Finally
,
the
people
delivered
from
the
captivity
of
Babylon
,
doe
renew
the
Covenant
with
God
,
and
do
acknowledge
2
Chron.
6
11.
Nehem.
9
38.
throughout
that
Chapter
,
that
they
worthily
deserved
all
those
punishments
for
their
falsifying
their
promise
to
God
.
It
appears
then
that
the
Kings
swear
as
vassals
to
observe
the
Law
of
God
,
whom
they
confesse
to
be
Sovereign
Lord
over
all
,
Now
according
to
that
which
we
have
already
touched
,
if
they
violate
their
Oath
,
and
transgresse
the
law
,
we
say
that
they
have
lost
their
kingdome
,
as
vassalls
loose
their
fee
by
committing
fellony
.
We
have
said
that
there
was
the
same
covenant
between
God
and
the
Kings
of
Judah
,
as
before
,
between
God
and
the
people
in
the
times
of
Jud.
2.
24
&
4.
2.
&c.
&
9.
33.
1
Sam.
13.
13.
&
15.
26.
Joshua
and
the
Judges
.
But
we
see
in
many
places
,
that
when
the
people
hath
despised
the
Law
,
or
made
covenants
with
Baal
,
God
hath
delivered
them
into
the
hands
of
Eglon
,
Jabin
,
and
other
Kings
of
the
Canaanites
:
And
as
it
is
one
and
the
same
Covenant
,
so
those
which
do
break
it
,
receive
like
punishment
.
Saul
is
so
audacious
to
sacrifice
,
infringing
thereby
the
Law
of
God
,
and
presently
after
saves
the
life
of
Agag
,
King
of
the
Amalekites
,
against
the
expresse
Commandement
of
God
,
for
this
occasion
he
is
called
Rebell
by
Samuel
,
and
finally
is
chastized
for
his
Rebellion
.
Thou
hast
sacrificed
,
saith
he
,
but
thou
hadst
done
better
to
obey
God
,
for
,
obedience
is
more
worthy
than
sacrifice
.
Thou
hast
neglected
the
Lord
thy
God
,
he
also
hath
rejected
thee
,
that
thou
Reign
no
more
over
Israel
.
This
hath
been
so
certainly
observed
by
the
Lord
,
that
the
very
children
of
Saul
were
deprived
of
their
paternall
inheritance
,
for
that
he
having
committed
high
Treason
,
did
thereby
incurre
the
punishment
of
Tirants
,
which
affect
a
Kingdom
that
no
way
appertains
unto
them
.
And
not
only
the
Kings
,
but
also
their
children
and
successors
have
been
deprived
of
the
Kingdome
by
reason
of
such
fellony
.
Solomon
revolted
from
God
to
worship
Idols
.
Incontinently
the
Prophet
Abijah
foretels
that
the
Kingdome
shall
be
divided
under
his
Son
Rehoboam
.
Finally
,
the
word
of
the
Lord
is
accomplished
,
and
ten
Tribes
which
made
the
greatest
portion
of
the
Kingdome
,
doe
quit
Rehoboam
,
and
adhere
to
Jeroboam
his
servant
.
Wherefore
is
this
?
for
so
much
(
saith
the
Lord
)
that
they
have
left
me
to
goe
after
Astoroche
,
the
God
of
the
Sidoniens
and
Chamos
the
God
of
the
Moabites
,
&c.
I
will
also
break
in
peeces
their
Kingdome
:
as
if
he
should
say
,
they
have
violated
the
Covenant
,
and
have
not
kept
promise
,
I
am
no
more
then
tied
unto
them
,
they
will
lessen
my
majesty
,
and
I
will
lessen
their
Kingdome
:
Although
they
be
my
servants
,
yet
notwithstanding
they
will
expel
me
my
Kingdome
;
but
I
will
drive
them
out
themselves
by
Jeroboham
which
is
their
servant
.
Furthermore
,
for
so
much
as
this
servant
,
fearing
that
the
ten
tribes
for
the
cause
of
Religion
should
returne
to
Jerusalem
,
set
up
Calves
in
Bethel
,
and
made
Israel
to
sin
,
withdrawing
by
this
meanes
the
people
far
from
God
,
what
was
the
punishment
of
so
ingratfull
a
Vassall
and
wicked
Traytor
towards
his
Lord
?
First
,
his
son
died
,
and
in
the
end
all
his
race
,
even
unto
the
last
of
the
males
was
taken
from
the
face
of
the
earth
by
the
sword
of
Baasa
,
according
to
the
judgement
which
was
pronounced
against
him
by
the
Prophet
,
because
he
revolted
from
the
obedience
of
the
Lord
God
:
this
then
is
cause
sufficient
,
&
often
times
also
propounded
,
for
the
which
God
doth
take
from
the
King
his
fee
,
when
he
opposeth
the
Law
of
God
,
&
withdraws
himselfe
from
him
to
follow
his
enemies
,
to
wit
Idols
,
and
as
like
crimes
deserve
like
punishments
,
we
read
in
the
holy
Histories
that
Kings
of
Israel
and
of
Juda
which
have
so
far
forgotten
themselves
,
have
in
the
end
miserably
perished
.
Now
although
the
forme
both
of
the
Church
,
and
the
Jewish
Kingdome
be
changed
,
for
that
that
which
was
before
inclosed
within
the
narrow
bounds
of
Judea
,
is
now
dilated
throughout
the
whole
World
,
notwithstanding
the
same
things
may
be
said
of
Christian
Kings
,
the
Gospell
having
succeeded
the
Law
,
and
Christian
Princes
being
in
the
place
of
those
of
Jury
:
There
is
the
same
Covenant
,
the
same
Conditions
,
the
same
Punishments
,
and
if
they
faile
in
the
accomplishing
,
the
same
God
Almighty
revenger
of
all
perfidious
disloyalty
;
and
as
the
former
were
bound
to
keep
the
Law
,
so
the
other
are
obliged
to
adhere
to
the
doctrine
of
the
Gospel
,
for
the
advancement
whereof
these
Kings
at
their
anoynting
,
and
receiving
,
doe
promise
to
imploy
the
utmost
of
their
means
.
Herod
fearing
Christ
,
whose
reign
he
should
rather
have
desired
,
sought
to
put
him
to
death
,
as
if
he
had
affected
a
Kingdome
in
this
World
,
did
himselfe
miserably
perish
,
and
lost
his
Kingdome
.
Julian
the
Apostate
did
cast
off
Christ
Jesus
to
cleave
unto
the
Impiety
and
Idolatry
of
the
Pagans
:
but
within
a
small
time
after
he
fell
to
his
confusion
,
the
force
of
the
arme
of
Christ
,
whom
in
mockery
he
called
the
Gallilean
.
Ancient
histories
are
repleate
with
such
examples
,
neither
is
there
any
want
in
those
of
these
times
.
Of
late
yeares
divers
Kings
drunke
with
the
liquor
which
the
Whore
of
Babilon
hath
presented
unto
them
,
have
taken
armes
,
and
for
the
love
of
the
Wolfe
,
and
of
Antichrist
,
have
made
War
against
the
Lambe
of
God
,
which
is
Christ
Jesus
,
and
yet
at
this
day
some
amongst
them
doe
continue
in
the
same
course
,
wee
have
seen
some
of
them
ruin'd
in
the
deed
,
and
in
the
middest
of
their
wickednesse
,
others
also
carried
from
their
triumphs
to
their
graves
,
those
which
survive
and
follow
them
in
their
courses
have
little
reason
to
expect
a
better
issue
of
their
wicked
practices
,
this
sentence
remaines
always
most
certaine
,
That
though
all
the
psa
.
2.
2.
psa
.
1
10
2.
Apoc.
19
:
16.
Kings
of
the
earth
doe
conjure
and
conspire
against
Christ
and
indeavour
to
cut
in
peeces
our
Lambe
,
yet
in
the
end
they
shall
yeeld
the
place
,
and
maugre
their
hearts
,
confesse
that
this
Lambe
is
the
King
of
Kings
,
and
Lord
of
Lords
.
But
what
shall
wee
say
of
the
Heathen
Kings
?
Certainly
although
they
be
not
anoynted
and
sacred
of
God
,
yet
be
they
his
Vassalls
and
have
received
their
power
from
him
,
whether
they
be
chosen
by
lot
or
any
other
meanes
whatsoever
.
If
they
have
been
chosen
by
the
voyces
of
an
Assembly
,
we
say
that
God
governs
the
heart
of
man
,
and
addresses
the
minds
and
intentions
of
all
persons
whether
he
pleaseth
:
If
it
be
by
lot
,
the
lot
is
cast
in
the
lap
,
saith
the
wise
man
,
but
the
whole
disposing
thereof
is
of
the
Lord
.
It
is
God
only
that
in
all
ages
establisheth
,
and
takes
away
,
confirmes
,
and
overthrows
Kings
pro.
16
,
33.
according
to
his
good
pleasure
;
In
which
regard
Isay
cals
Cyrus
the
anoynted
of
the
Lord
,
and
Daniel
saith
that
Nebuchadnezer
Esa.
45.
1.
Dan.
2.
21
&
4.
24.
Rom.
13.
1●
.
and
others
have
had
their
Kingdomes
committed
unto
them
by
God
;
as
also
Saint
Paul
maintains
that
all
Magistrats
have
received
their
authority
from
him
:
For
although
that
God
hath
not
commanded
Pagans
in
expresse
termes
to
obey
him
as
he
hath
don
those
that
have
knowledg
of
him
:
yet
notwithstanding
the
Pagans
must
needs
confesse
that
it
is
by
the
sovereigne
God
that
they
reign
,
wherefore
if
they
will
not
yeeld
the
tribute
that
they
owe
to
God
in
regard
of
themselves
,
at
the
least
let
them
not
attempt
nor
hinder
the
Sovereigne
to
gather
that
which
is
due
from
those
people
which
are
in
subjection
to
them
;
nor
that
they
doe
not
anticipate
,
nor
appropriate
to
themselves
divine
Jurisdiction
over
them
,
which
is
the
crime
of
high
treason
and
true
tyrannie
,
for
which
occasion
the
Lord
hath
grievously
punished
even
the
Pagan
Kings
themselves
.
It
then
becomes
those
Princes
that
will
free
themselves
from
so
enormious
a
mischiefe
,
carefully
to
distinguish
their
jurisdiction
from
that
of
Gods
,
yea
,
so
much
the
more
circumspectly
for
that
God
and
the
Prince
have
their
right
of
authority
over
one
and
the
same
Land
,
over
one
and
the
same
man
,
over
one
and
the
same
thing
;
man
is
composed
of
body
and
soule
,
God
hath
formed
the
body
and
infused
the
soule
into
him
,
to
him
only
then
may
be
attributed
,
and
appropriated
the
commands
both
over
the
body
and
soule
of
man
.
If
out
of
his
meer
grace
and
favour
he
hath
permitted
Kings
to
employ
both
the
bodies
and
goods
of
their
subjects
,
yet
still
with
this
Proviso
and
charge
,
that
they
preserve
and
defend
their
subjects
;
certainly
Kings
ought
to
thinke
that
the
use
of
this
authority
is
in
such
manner
permitted
,
that
notwithstanding
the
abuse
of
it
is
absolutely
forbidden
:
First
,
those
which
confesse
that
they
hold
their
soules
and
lives
of
God
,
as
they
ought
to
acknowledge
,
they
have
then
no
right
to
impose
any
tribute
upon
soules
.
The
King
takes
tribute
and
custome
of
the
body
,
and
of
such
things
as
are
acquired
or
gained
by
the
industry
and
travaile
of
the
body
,
God
doth
principally
exact
his
right
from
the
soule
,
which
also
in
part
executes
her
functions
by
the
body
.
In
the
tribute
of
the
King
are
comprehended
the
fruits
of
the
earth
,
the
contributions
of
money
and
other
charges
,
both
reall
and
personall
;
the
tribute
of
God
is
in
Prayers
,
Sacraments
,
Predications
of
the
pure
word
of
God
;
briefly
,
all
that
which
is
called
divine
service
,
as
well
private
as
publick
;
these
two
tributes
are
in
such
manner
divers
and
distinguished
,
that
the
one
hurts
nothing
the
other
,
the
Exchequer
of
God
takes
nothing
from
that
of
Caesar
,
but
each
of
them
have
their
right
manifestly
apa●t
.
But
to
speak
in
a
word
,
whosoever
confounds
these
things
,
doth
heaven
and
earth
together
,
and
endeavours
to
reduce
them
into
their
first
chaos
,
or
later
confusion
.
David
hath
excellently
well
distinguished
these
affaires
,
1
Chron.
26.
29.
2
Chron.
19.
11.
ordaining
officers
to
look
to
the
right
of
God
,
and
others
for
that
of
the
King
.
Josephat
hath
followed
the
same
course
,
establishing
certaine
persons
to
judge
the
causes
that
belonged
to
the
Almighty
,
and
others
to
looke
to
the
justice
of
the
King
;
the
one
to
maintain
the
pure
service
of
God
,
the
other
to
preserve
the
rights
of
the
King
.
But
if
a
Prince
usurpe
the
right
of
God
,
and
put
himselfe
forward
after
the
manner
of
the
Giants
to
scale
the
Heavens
,
he
is
no
lesse
guilty
of
high
treason
to
his
Soveraigne
,
and
commits
fellonie
in
the
same
manner
,
as
if
one
of
his
vassals
should
seize
on
the
rights
of
his
Crown
,
and
puts
himselfe
into
evident
danger
to
be
dispoyled
of
his
estates
,
and
that
so
much
the
more
justly
,
there
being
no
proportion
between
God
and
an
earthly
King
,
between
the
Almighty
and
a
mortall
man
;
whereas
yet
between
the
Lord
and
the
vassell
there
is
some
relation
of
proportion
.
So
often
therefore
as
any
Prince
shall
so
much
forget
himselfe
,
as
insolently
to
say
in
his
heart
I
will
ascend
into
heaven
,
I
will
exalt
my
throne
above
the
stars
of
God
:
I
will
sit
also
upon
the
mount
of
the
congregation
in
the
sides
of
the
Nor●h
;
I
will
ascend
above
the
heights
of
the
clouds
,
I
will
be
like
the
most
high
.
But
on
the
contrary
,
will
the
Almighty
say
I
will
rise
up
more
high
,
I
will
set
my selfe
against
Esay
14.
13.
14.
thee
;
I
will
raze
out
thy
name
and
all
thy
posterity
,
thy
counsels
shall
vanish
into
smoak
,
but
that
which
I
have
once
determined
Exo.
5.
&
8.
&c.
shall
remaine
firme
,
and
never
be
annihilated
.
The
Lord
said
unto
Pharaoh
,
let
my
people
goe
,
that
they
may
serve
me
,
and
offer
sacrifice
unto
me
,
and
for
that
this
proud
man
answered
,
that
hee
knew
not
the
God
of
the
Hebrews
,
presently
after
he
was
miserably
destroyed
.
Dan.
3.
5.
&
4.
25.
&c.
Nebuchadnezar
commanded
that
his
statue
should
be
adored
,
and
would
be
honoured
as
God
,
but
within
a
short
time
the
true
God
did
deservedly
chastise
his
unruly
boldnesse
,
and
desiring
to
be
accounted
God
,
he
became
a
bruit
beast
,
wandring
through
desert
places
like
a
wild
asse
,
untill
(
saith
the
Prophet
)
that
he
acknowledged
the
God
of
Israel
to
be
the
Soveraigne
Lord
over
Dan.
5.
2.
all
,
his
sonne
Belshaser
abused
the
holy
vessels
of
the
Temple
in
Jerusalem
,
and
put
them
to
serve
his
excesse
and
drunkennesse
,
for
that
therefore
he
gave
not
glory
to
him
,
that
held
in
his
hands
both
his
soule
and
his
counsels
,
he
lost
his
Kingdome
,
and
was
slaine
in
that
very
night
of
his
feasting
Alexander
the
great
took
pleasure
in
the
lies
of
his
Flatterers
,
who
termed
him
the
sonne
of
Jupiter
,
and
not
only
approv'd
,
but
pro-cur'd
his
adoration
,
but
a
sudden
death
gave
a
sad
period
to
those
tryumphs
,
being
blinded
through
his
excesse
of
conquests
,
began
with
too
much
affection
,
to
delight
in
Antiochus
,
under
colour
of
pacifying
and
uniting
his
subjects
,
commanded
all
men
to
forsake
the
Lawes
of
God
,
and
to
apply
1
Macha
.
1.
43.
themselves
in
obedience
to
his
:
hee
prophaned
the
Temple
of
the
Jewes
,
and
polluted
their
Altars
,
but
after
divers
ruins
,
defeats
,
and
losse
of
battels
,
dispoyled
,
and
disgraced
,
he
dies
with
griefe
,
confessing
that
he
deservedly
suffered
those
miseries
,
because
he
would
Mac.
6.
12.
13.
have
constrained
the
Jewes
to
leave
their
Religion
.
If
we
take
into
our
consideration
the
death
of
Nero
,
that
inhumane
Butcherer
of
Christians
,
whom
he
unjustly
slandered
with
the
fiering
of
Rome
,
being
the
abhorred
act
of
his
detested
selfe
.
The
end
of
Caligula
,
which
made
himselfe
to
be
adored
,
of
Domitian
which
would
be
called
Lord
and
God
,
of
Commodus
,
and
divers
others
which
would
appropriate
to
themselves
the
honours
due
to
God
alone
,
we
shall
find
that
they
have
all
and
alwayes
according
to
their
deceits
miserably
perished
;
when
on
the
contrary
,
Trajan
,
Adrian
,
Antonius
the
courteous
and
others
,
have
finished
their
dayes
in
peace
,
for
although
they
knew
not
the
true
God
,
yet
have
they
permitted
the
Christians
the
exercise
of
their
Religion
.
Briefly
,
even
as
those
rebellious
vassals
which
endeavour
to
possesse
themselves
of
the
Kingdome
,
doe
commit
fellonie
by
the
testimony
of
all
Lawes
,
and
deserve
to
be
extirpated
;
in
like
manner
those
are
as
really
guilty
which
will
not
observe
the
Divine
Law
,
whereunto
all
men
without
exception
owe
their
obedience
,
or
which
persecute
those
that
desire
to
conforme
themselves
thereunto
,
without
hearing
them
in
their
just
defences
;
now
for
that
we
see
that
God
invests
Kings
into
their
Kingdomes
,
almost
in
the
same
manner
that
vassals
are
invested
into
their
fees
by
their
Soveraigne
,
we
must
needs
conclude
,
that
Kings
are
the
vassals
of
God
,
and
deserve
to
be
deprived
of
the
benefit
they
receive
from
their
Lord
if
they
commit
felony
,
in
the
same
fashion
as
rebellious
vassals
are
of
their
estates
.
These
promises
being
allowed
,
this
question
may
be
easily
resolved
;
for
if
God
hold
the
place
of
Soveraign
Lord
,
and
the
King
as
vassall
:
who
dare
deny
but
that
we
must
rather
obey
the
Soveraign
,
then
the
vassall
?
If
God
commands
one
thing
,
and
the
King
commands
the
contrary
,
what
is
that
proud
man
that
would
terme
him
a
rebell
which
refuseth
to
obey
the
King
,
when
else
he
must
disobey
God
.
But
on
the
contrary
he
should
rather
be
condemned
,
and
held
for
truly
rebellious
,
which
omits
to
obey
God
,
or
which
will
obey
the
King
when
hee
forbids
him
to
yeeld
obedience
to
God
.
Briefly
,
if
God
call
us
on
the
one
side
to
enrole
us
in
his
service
,
and
the
King
on
the
other
,
is
any
man
so
void
of
reason
as
he
will
not
say
we
must
leave
the
King
,
and
apply
our selves
to
Gods
service
,
so
farre
be
it
from
us
to
beleeve
,
that
we
are
bound
to
obey
a
King
,
commanding
any
thing
contrary
to
the
Law
of
God
,
that
centrally
in
obeying
him
we
become
Rebels
to
God
;
no
more
,
no●
〈◊〉
then
we
would
esteem
a
countrey
man
a
Rebell
,
which
for
the
love
he
beares
to
some
rich
and
ancient
inferiour
Lord
,
would
bear
Arms
against
the
Soveraigne
Prince
,
or
which
had
rather
obey
the
writs
of
an
inferiour
Judge
then
of
a
superiour
,
the
commandements
of
a
Lieutenant
of
a
Province
,
then
of
the
Prince
;
to
be
briefe
,
the
directions
of
an
officer
rather
then
the
expresse
Ordinances
of
the
King
himselfe
.
In
doing
this
we
justly
incurre
the
Mich.
6.
16.
malediction
of
the
Prophet
Micha
,
which
doth
detest
and
curse
in
the
name
of
God
all
those
which
obey
the
wicked
and
perverse
Ordinances
of
Kings
.
By
the
Law
of
God
we
understand
the
two
Tables
given
to
Moses
,
in
the
which
,
as
in
unremoveable
bounds
the
authority
of
all
Princes
ought
to
be
fixed
.
The
first
comprehends
that
which
we
owe
to
God
,
the
second
that
which
we
must
doe
to
our
Neighbours
;
briefly
,
they
containe
piety
and
justice
conjoyned
with
charity
,
from
which
the
preaching
of
the
Gospel
doth
not
derogate
,
but
rather
authorise
and
confirme
:
The
first
Table
is
esteemed
There
is
a
certain
Politician
of
our
time
so
detestable
,
that
he
hath
dared
to
condemne
Papinian
,
and
to
write
in
his
books
full
of
errors
in
matter
of
state
,
that
Papinian
because
he
would
not
excuse
the
paracide
of
Caracalla
did
bring
irreparable
damages
to
the
affairs
of
the
Empire
.
the
principall
,
as
well
in
order
as
in
dignity
.
If
the
Prince
commands
to
cut
the
throat
of
an
innocent
,
to
pillage
and
commit
extortion
,
there
is
no
man
(
provided
he
have
some
feeling
of
conscience
)
that
would
execute
such
a
commandement
.
If
the
Prince
have
committed
some
crime
,
as
Adultery
,
Parricide
,
or
some
other
wickednesse
,
behold
amongst
the
Heathen
the
learned
Lawyer
Papinian
which
will
reprove
Caracalla
to
his
face
,
and
had
rather
die
then
obey
,
when
his
cruell
Prince
commands
him
to
lie
and
palliate
his
offence
;
nay
,
although
hee
threaten
him
with
a
terrible
death
,
yet
would
he
not
beare
false
witnesse
;
what
shall
we
then
doe
,
if
the
Prince
commands
us
to
be
Idolaters
,
if
he
would
have
us
againe
crucifie
Christ
Jesus
,
if
he
enjoyns
to
blaspheme
and
despite
God
,
and
to
drive
him
(
if
it
were
possible
)
out
of
Heaven
,
is
there
not
yet
more
reason
to
disobey
him
,
then
to
yeeld
obedience
to
such
extravagants
commands
:
Yet
a
little
further
,
seeing
it
is
not
sufficient
to
abstaine
from
evill
,
but
that
we
must
do
good
,
instead
of
worshipping
of
Idols
,
wee
must
adore
and
serve
the
true
God
,
according
as
he
hath
commanded
us
,
and
instead
of
bending
our
knees
before
Baal
,
we
must
render
to
the
Lord
the
honor
and
service
which
he
requires
of
us
;
for
wee
are
bound
to
serve
God
for
his
owne
sake
only
:
but
we
honour
our
Prince
,
and
love
our
Neighbour
,
because
and
for
the
love
of
God
.
Now
if
it
be
ill
done
to
offend
our
neighbour
,
and
if
it
be
a
capitall
crime
to
rise
against
our
Prince
,
how
shall
we
intitle
those
that
rise
in
rebellion
against
the
Majesty
of
the
Soveraigne
Lord
of
all
Manking
;
briefly
,
as
it
is
a
thing
much
more
grievous
to
offend
the
Creator
,
then
the
creature
,
man
,
then
the
Image
he
represents
;
and
as
in
terms
of
Law
,
he
that
hath
wounded
the
proper
person
of
a
King
,
is
much
more
culpable
,
then
another
that
hath
only
broken
the
statue
erected
in
his
memory
:
so
there
is
no
question
,
but
a
much
more
terrible
punishment
is
prepared
for
them
,
which
infringe
the
first
Table
of
the
Law
,
then
for
those
which
only
sinne
against
the
second
;
although
the
one
depend
of
the
other
;
whereupon
it
followes
(
to
speake
by
comparison
)
that
we
,
must
take
more
carefull
regard
to
the
observation
of
the
first
,
then
of
the
second
.
Furthermore
,
our
Progenitors
examples
may
teach
us
the
rule
we
must
follow
in
this
case
.
King
Ahab
at
the
instigation
of
his
wife
Jesabel
,
killed
all
the
Prophets
,
and
servants
of
God
that
could
be
taken
,
notwithstanding
Abdias
Steward
of
Ahabs
house
did
both
hide
and
1
King
.
18.
4.
feed
in
a
Cave
a
hundred
Prophets
,
the
excuse
for
this
is
soon
ready
;
in
obligations
,
oblige
they
never
so
neerly
,
the
divine
Majesty
must
alwayes
be
excepted
.
The
same
Ahab
enjoyned
all
men
to
sacrifice
to
Baal
:
Elias
instead
of
couling
or
relenting
did
reprove
more
freely
the
King
,
and
all
the
people
,
convinced
the
Priests
of
Baal
of
their
impiety
,
and
caused
them
to
be
executed
.
Then
in
dispite
of
that
wicked
and
furious
Jesabel
,
and
manger
that
uxorious
King
,
he
doth
redresse
and
reform
with
a
divine
and
a
powerfull
endeavour
the
service
of
the
true
God
.
When
Ahab
reproached
1
King
.
18.
17.
him
(
as
the
Princes
of
our
times
doe
)
that
he
troubled
Israel
,
that
he
was
rebellious
,
seditious
,
titles
wherewith
they
are
ordinarily
charged
,
which
are
no
way
culpable
thereof
;
nay
,
but
it
is
thou
thy selfe
,
answered
Elias
,
which
by
thy
Apostasie
hath
troubled
Israel
,
which
hath
left
the
Lord
the
true
God
,
to
acquaint
thy selfe
with
strange
gods
his
enemies
,
in
the
same
manner
and
by
the
Dan.
3.
18
&
6.
lo.
13
leading
and
direction
of
the
same
spirit
did
Sidrac
,
Misack
,
and
Abednego
refuse
to
obey
Nebuchadnezar
,
Daniel
Darius
,
Eleazar
Antiochus
,
and
infinit
others
.
After
the
comming
of
Jesus
Christ
,
Act.
4.
19.
it
being
forbidden
the
Apostles
to
preach
the
Gospel
.
Judge
ye
,
(
said
they
)
whether
it
be
reasonable
as
in
the
sight
of
God
to
obey
Phi●o
I●●e●s
in
his
discourse
of
his
Embassage
to
Cyrus
.
S.
Ambros
.
in
the
Ep●st
.
33.
men
,
rather
then
God
;
according
to
this
the
Apostles
,
not
regarding
neither
the
intendments
nor
designs
of
the
greatnesse
of
the
world
,
addressed
themselves
readily
to
doe
that
which
their
Master
Jesus
Christ
had
commanded
them
.
The
Jewes
themselves
would
not
permit
that
there
should
be
set
up
in
the
Temple
at
Jerusalem
the
Eagle
of
silver
,
nor
the
statue
of
Caligula
:
what
did
Ambrose
when
the
Emperour
Valentinian
commanded
him
to
give
the
Temple
at
Millan
to
the
Arrians
?
Thy
Counsellors
and
Captains
are
come
unto
me
,
said
he
,
to
make
me
speedily
deliver
the
Temple
,
saying
it
was
done
by
the
Authority
and
command
of
the
Emperor
,
and
that
all
things
are
in
his
power
.
I
answered
to
it
,
That
if
he
demanded
that
which
is
mine
,
to
wit
,
mine
inheritance
,
my
money
,
I
would
not
in
any
sort
refuse
it
him
,
although
all
my
goods
belong
properly
to
the
poore
,
but
the
things
divine
are
not
in
subjection
to
the
power
of
the
Emperor
.
What
doe
we
think
that
this
holy
man
would
have
answered
,
if
he
had
been
demanded
whether
the
living
Temple
of
the
Lord
should
be
enthrawled
to
the
slavery
of
Idols
.
These
Examples
,
and
the
constancy
of
a
million
of
Martyrs
,
which
were
glorious
in
their
deaths
,
for
not
yeilding
obedience
in
this
kinde
,
according
as
the
Ecclesiasticall
Histories
,
which
are
full
of
them
,
do
demonstrate
,
may
sufficiently
serve
for
an
expresse
Law
in
this
case
.
But
for
all
this
we
have
no
want
of
a
Law
formerly
written
:
For
as
often
,
and
ever
as
the
Apostles
admonish
Christians
to
obey
Kings
and
Magistrates
,
they
doe
first
exhort
,
and
as
it
were
by
way
of
advice
,
admonish
every
one
to
subject
himself
in
lik●
manner
to
God
,
and
to
obey
him
before
and
against
any
whatsoever
,
and
there
is
no
where
to
be
found
,
in
any
of
their
writings
,
the
least
passage
for
this
unlimitted
obedience
,
which
the
flaterers
of
Princes
do
exact
from
men
of
smal
understandings
.
Let
every
soule
,
saith
Saint
Paul
,
be
subject
to
the
higher
powers
,
for
there
is
no
power
but
of
God
:
he
makes
mention
of
every
soul
,
to
the
Rom.
13.
1.
end
it
may
not
be
thought
,
that
he
would
exempt
any
from
this
subjection
;
we
may
easily
gather
by
divers
such
speeches
,
that
we
must
obey
God
rather
than
the
King
:
For
if
we
obey
the
King
,
because
,
and
for
the
love
of
God
certainly
this
obedience
may
not
be
a
conspiracy
against
God
,
But
the
Apostle
wil
stop
the
gap
to
all
ambiguity
in
adding
that
the
Prince
is
the
servant
of
God
for
our
good
,
to
wit
,
to
doe
justice
;
from
this
necessarily
follows
that
which
we
come
from
touching
,
that
we
must
rather
obey
God
then
him
who
is
his
servant
:
This
doth
not
yet
content
Saint
Paul
for
he
adds
in
the
end
,
Give
tribute
,
honour
,
and
feare
to
whom
they
appertaine
,
as
if
hee
Math.
22.
21.
1
pet.
2.
17.
18.
should
say
,
that
which
was
alledged
by
Christ
,
Give
to
Caesar
that
which
is
Caesars
,
and
to
God
that
which
is
Gods
:
To
Caesar
tribute
,
and
honour
;
●o
God
feare
.
Saint
Peter
saith
the
same
,
feare
God
,
honour
the
King
;
Servants
obey
your
Masters
not
only
the
good
and
kinde
,
but
also
the
rigorous
,
we
must
practice
these
precepts
according
to
the
order
they
are
set
downe
in
:
to
wit
,
that
as
servants
are
not
bound
to
obey
their
Masters
if
they
command
any
thing
which
is
against
the
lawes
and
ordinances
of
Kings
:
Subjects
in
like
manner
owe
no
obedience
to
Kings
which
wil
make
them
to
violate
the
Law
of
God
.
Object
.
1
Certaine
leud
companions
object
,
that
even
in
the
things
themselves
that
concern
the
Conscience
wee
must
obey
Kings
,
and
are
so
shamelesse
as
to
produce
for
witnesse
of
so
wicked
an
opinion
the
Apostle
Saint
Peter
and
Saint
Paul
,
concluding
from
hence
,
that
we
must
yeeld
obedience
to
all
that
the
King
shall
ordaine
,
though
it
be
to
imbrace
,
without
reply
,
any
Superstition
he
shall
please
to
establish
.
But
there
is
no
man
so
grosly
voyde
of
sense
,
that
sees
not
the
impiety
of
these
men
.
We
reply
:
that
Saint
Paul
saith
in
expresse
termes
,
we
must
be
subject
to
Princes
,
not
only
for
wrath
,
but
also
for
conscience
sake
.
In
opposing
conscience
to
wrath
,
it
is
as
much
as
if
the
Rom
1.
35.
Apostle
had
said
,
that
the
obedience
of
which
he
speaks
ought
not
to
proceed
for
feare
of
punishment
,
but
from
the
love
of
God
,
and
from
the
reverence
which
we
are
bound
to
beare
unto
the
word
,
in
the
same
sence
Saint
Paul
enjoyneth
servants
in
such
manner
to
obey
their
Masters
,
that
it
be
not
with
eye
service
for
feare
of
stripes
,
but
in
singlenesse
of
heart
,
fearing
Col.
3.
22.
God
,
not
simply
,
to
acquire
the
favour
of
men
,
whom
they
may
delude
,
but
to
bear
the
burden
laid
on
their
shoulders
,
by
him
whom
no
man
can
deceive
.
In
briefe
there
is
manifest
difference
between
these
two
manners
of
speech
,
to
obey
for
conscience
sake
,
and
to
obey
in
those
thing
which
concerne
the
conscience
:
otherwayes
those
which
had
much
rather
loose
their
lives
with
infinite
torments
then
obey
Princes
which
command
them
things
contrary
to
the
will
of
God
,
would
have
taught
us
that
which
these
seek
to
perswade
us
to
.
Neither
doe
they
expresse
themselves
Object
.
2
lesse
impudent
in
that
which
they
are
accustomed
to
object
to
those
which
are
not
so
well
able
to
answer
them
.
That
obedience
is
better
than
sacrifice
,
for
there
is
no
Text
in
holy
writ
that
doth
more
evidently
confound
them
then
this
,
which
is
contained
in
Samuels
reprehension
of
King
Saul
,
for
1
Sam.
15.
22.
his
disobedience
to
the
Commandement
of
God
,
in
sacrificing
unfittingly
.
If
then
Saul
although
he
were
a
King
ought
to
obey
God
,
it
follows
in
all
good
consequence
that
subjects
are
not
bound
to
obey
their
King
by
offending
of
God
.
Briefly
,
those
(
which
after
the
barbarous
manner
of
the
men
of
Calcut
)
seek
to
inthrall
the
service
of
God
with
a
necessary
dependance
on
the
will
of
a
mutable
man
,
and
Religion
of
the
good
pleasure
of
the
King
,
as
if
he
were
some
God
on
earth
,
they
doubles
little
value
the
testimony
of
holy
Writ
.
But
let
them
(
at
the
least
)
yet
learn
of
a
Heathen
Orator
.
That
in
every
publique
state
,
Cicero
in
the
first
book
of
offic.
there
is
certain
degrees
of
duty
,
for
those
that
converse
and
live
in
it
,
by
which
may
appear
wherein
the
one
are
obliged
to
the
other
.
Insomuch
that
the
first
part
of
this
duty
belongs
to
the
immortall
God
,
the
second
concerns
the
Country
,
which
is
their
common
Mother
,
the
third
,
those
which
are
of
our
blood
,
the
other
parts
leading
us
step
by
step
to
our
other
Neighbours
.
Now
although
the
crime
of
High
Treason
be
very
heinous
,
yet
according
l.
2.
ad
leg
.
Jul.
majest.
Digest
.
to
the
Civilians
,
it
alwaies
follows
after
sacriledge
,
an
offence
which
properly
pertaines
to
the
Lord
God
and
his
service
,
insomuch
that
they
do
confidently
affirm
,
that
the
robbing
of
a
Church
,
is
by
their
rules
esteemed
,
a
greater
crime
,
than
to
conspire
against
the
life
of
a
Prince
.
Thus
much
for
this
first
Question
,
wherein
we
perswade
our selves
,
that
any
man
may
receive
satisfaction
,
if
he
be
not
utterly
voyd
of
the
fear
of
God
.
The
second
Question
,
Whether
it
be
lawfull
to
resist
a
Prince
which
doth
infringe
the
Law
of
God
,
or
ruine
his
Church
,
by
whom
,
how
,
and
how
far
it
is
lawfull
.
THis
Question
seems
at
the
first
view
to
be
of
a
high
and
difficult
nature
,
for
so
much
as
there
being
small
occasion
to
speak
to
Princes
that
fear
God
:
On
the
contrary
,
there
will
be
much
danger
to
trouble
the
ears
of
those
which
acknowledge
no
other
Sovereign
but
themselves
,
for
which
reason
few
or
none
have
medled
with
it
,
and
if
any
have
at
all
touched
it
,
it
hath
been
but
as
it
were
in
passing
by
.
The
Question
is
,
If
it
be
lawfull
to
resist
a
Prince
violating
the
Law
of
God
,
or
ruinating
the
Church
,
or
hindring
the
restoring
of
it
?
If
we
hold
our selves
to
the
tenure
of
the
holy
Scripture
,
it
will
resolve
us
.
For
,
if
in
this
case
it
have
been
lawfull
to
the
Jewish
people
(
the
which
may
be
easily
gathered
from
the
books
of
the
Old
Testament
)
yea
,
if
it
have
been
injoyned
them
,
I
beleeve
it
will
not
be
denyed
,
that
the
same
must
be
allowed
to
the
whole
people
of
any
Christian
Kingdom
or
Country
whatsoever
.
In
the
first
place
it
must
be
considered
,
that
God
having
chosen
Israel
from
amongst
all
the
Nations
of
the
Earth
,
to
be
a
peculiar
people
to
him
,
and
covenanted
with
them
,
that
they
should
be
the
people
of
God
.
This
is
written
in
divers
places
of
Douteronomy
:
the
substance
and
tenor
of
Deut.
7.
6.
&
14.
2.
this
alliance
was
,
That
all
should
be
carefull
in
their
severall
lines
,
tribes
,
and
families
in
the
land
of
Canaan
,
to
serve
God
purely
,
who
would
have
a
Church
established
amongst
them
for
ever
,
which
may
be
drawn
from
the
testimony
of
divers
places
,
namely
that
which
is
contained
in
the
27
Chap.
of
Deuteronomy
,
there
Moses
and
the
Levites
covenanting
as
in
the
name
of
God
,
assembled
all
the
people
,
and
said
unto
them
:
This
day
Oh
Israel
art
thou
become
the
people
of
God
,
obey
you
therfore
his
voyce
,
&c.
And
Moses
said
,
when
thou
hast
passed
the
River
of
Jordan
,
thou
shalt
set
six
Tribes
on
the
mountain
of
Gerizzim
on
the
one
side
,
and
the
six
other
on
the
Mountain
of
Eball
,
and
then
the
Levites
shall
read
the
Law
of
God
,
promising
the
observers
all
felicity
,
and
threatning
woe
and
destruction
to
the
breakers
thereof
,
and
all
the
people
shall
answer
,
Amen
.
The
which
was
afterwards
performed
by
Joshua
,
at
his
entring
into
the
Land
of
Canaan
,
and
some
few
days
before
his
death
.
We
see
by
this
that
all
the
people
is
bound
to
maintain
the
law
of
Jos.
5.
24.
&
24.
20.
&c.
God
to
perfect
his
Church
:
and
on
the
contrary
to
exterminate
the
Idols
of
the
land
of
Canaan
,
a
Covenant
which
can
no
wayes
appertain
to
particulars
,
but
only
to
the
whole
body
of
the
people
.
To
which
also
it
seems
the
incamping
of
all
the
Tribes
round
about
the
Ark
of
the
Lord
,
to
have
reference
,
to
the
end
that
all
should
look
to
preservation
of
that
which
was
committed
to
the
custody
of
all
.
Now
for
the
use
and
practise
of
this
Covenant
wee
may
produce
examples
,
the
Inhabitants
of
Gabaa
of
the
Tribe
of
Benjamin
ravished
the
wife
of
a
Levite
,
which
died
through
their
violence
.
Judg.
19
,
20.
The
Levite
divided
his
wife
into
twelve
peeces
and
sent
them
to
the
twelve
Tribes
,
to
the
end
that
all
the
people
together
might
wipe
away
this
so
horrible
a
crime
committed
in
Israel
.
All
the
people
met
together
at
Mizpah
and
required
the
Benjamites
to
deliver
to
be
punished
those
that
were
culpable
of
this
enormious
crime
,
which
they
refused
to
performe
,
wherefore
with
the
allowance
of
God
himselfe
,
the
states
of
the
people
with
an
universall
consent
renounce
and
make
war
against
the
Benjamites
,
and
by
this
means
the
authority
of
the
second
Table
of
the
Law
was
maintained
by
the
detriment
and
ruine
of
one
entire
Tribe
which
had
broken
it
in
one
of
the
precepts
.
For
the
first
we
have
an
example
sufficiently
manifest
in
Joshua
.
After
that
the
Rubenites
,
Gadites
,
&
Manassites
were
returned
into
their
dwellings
beyond
Jordan
,
they
incontinently
built
a
goodly
Alter
neer
unto
the
river
,
this
seems
Jos.
22
to
contrary
the
commandement
of
the
Lord
,
who
expresly
forbids
to
sacrifice
any
where
but
in
the
land
of
Canaan
only
,
wherefore
it
was
to
be
feared
least
these
men
intended
to
serve
Idols
.
This
businesse
being
communicated
to
the
people
,
inhabiting
on
this
side
Jordan
:
the
place
assigned
for
the
meetings
of
the
States
was
at
Silo
where
the
Arke
of
the
Lord
was
.
They
all
accordingly
met
,
and
Phineas
the
High-Priest
the
son
of
Eleazer
was
sent
to
the
other
to
treate
with
them
concerning
this
offence
committed
against
the
Law
:
And
to
the
end
they
might
know
all
the
people
had
a
hand
in
this
businesse
,
they
sent
also
the
principall
men
of
every
Tribe
to
complain
that
the
service
of
God
is
corrupted
,
by
this
devise
,
that
God
would
be
provoked
by
this
rebellion
,
and
become
an
enemy
,
not
only
to
the
guilty
,
but
also
to
all
Israel
,
as
heretofore
in
Beelphegor
.
Briefly
that
they
should
denounce
open
warre
against
them
if
they
desisted
not
from
this
their
manner
of
doing
:
There
must
of
necessity
have
followed
much
mischeife
,
if
those
Tribes
beyond
Jordan
had
not
protested
,
that
they
erected
that
Alter
only
for
a
memoriall
that
the
Israelites
both
on
the
one
and
the
other
side
of
Jordan
,
both
did
and
do
professe
one
and
the
same
Religion
:
and
at
all
times
whensoever
,
they
have
shewed
themselves
negligent
in
the
maintenance
of
the
service
of
God
,
wee
have
seene
that
they
have
ever
been
punished
:
This
is
the
true
cause
wherefore
they
lost
two
battels
against
the
Benjamites
according
as
it
appeares
in
the
end
of
the
booke
of
Judges
,
for
in
so
carefully
undertaking
to
punish
the
rape
and
outrage
don
to
a
particular
person
,
they
clearly
convinced
themselves
of
much
negligent
prophanesse
in
the
maintenance
of
Gods
right
,
by
their
continually
negligence
,
omission
to
punish
both
corporall
and
spirituall
whoredomes
,
there
was
then
in
these
first
times
such
a
Covenant
between
God
and
the
People
.
Now
after
that
Kings
were
given
unto
the
people
,
there
was
A
covenant
between
God
the
king
&
the
people
.
2
king
.
11.
17.
&
23.
3.
so
little
purpose
of
disannulling
or
disbanding
the
former
contract
,
that
it
was
renewed
and
confirmed
for
ever
.
Wee
have
formerly
said
at
the
Inaugurating
of
Kings
,
there
was
a
double
Covenant
treated
of
,
to
wit
,
between
God
,
and
the
King
;
and
betweene
God
,
and
the
People
.
The
agreement
was
first
passed
between
God
,
the
King
,
and
the
People
:
Or
between
the
High-Priest
the
People
,
(
which
is
named
in
the
first
place
in
the
23
Chapter
in
the
2
booke
of
the
Chronicles
)
and
the
King
.
The
intention
2
chron.
23
16.
of
this
was
,
that
the
people
should
be
the
people
of
God
,
(
which
is
as
much
as
to
say
)
that
the
people
should
be
the
church
of
God
,
we
have
shewed
before
to
what
end
God
contracted
Covenants
with
the
King
:
Let
us
now
consider
wherfore
also
he
allies
himselfe
with
the
people
.
It
is
a
thing
most
certaine
,
that
God
hath
not
done
this
in
vain
,
and
if
the
people
had
not
authority
to
promise
,
and
to
keep
promise
,
it
were
vainly
lost
time
to
contract
or
Covenant
with
them
.
It
may
seem
then
that
God
hath
done
like
those
creditors
,
which
having
to
deale
with
not
very
sufficient
borrowers
,
take
divers
joyntly
bound
for
one
and
the
same
sum
,
insomuch
as
two
or
more
being
bound
one
for
another
and
each
of
them
apart
,
for
the
intire
payment
of
the
totall
sum
,
he
may
demand
his
whole
debt
of
which
of
them
he
pleaseth
.
There
was
much
danger
to
commit
the
custody
of
the
Church
to
one
man
alone
,
and
therefore
God
did
recommend
,
and
put
it
in
trust
to
all
the
people
:
The
King
being
raised
to
so
slippery
a
place
might
easily
be
corrupted
,
for
feare
least
the
Church
should
stumble
with
him
,
God
would
have
the
people
also
to
be
respondents
for
it
.
In
the
Covenant
of
which
we
speak
,
God
,
or
(
in
his
place
)
the
High-Priest
,
are
stipulators
,
the
King
and
all
the
people
,
to
wit
,
Israel
,
doe
joyntly
and
voluntarily
assume
,
promise
,
and
oblige
themselves
for
one
and
the
same
thing
.
The
High-Priest
demands
if
they
promise
that
the
people
shall
bee
the
people
of
God
,
that
God
shall
always
have
his
Temple
,
his
Church
amongst
them
,
where
he
shall
be
purely
served
,
The
King
is
respondent
,
so
also
are
the
people
(
the
whole
body
of
the
people
representing
as
it
were
the
office
and
place
of
one
man
)
not
severally
,
but
joyntly
,
as
the
words
themselves
make
cleare
,
being
incontinent
,
and
not
by
intermission
or
distance
of
time
the
one
after
the
other
.
L.
Mortuo
22.
D.
de
fidei
com
.
L.
si
non
singuli
C.
si
cert
.
Pet.
I.
penult.
D.
de
duo
reis
2
&
3.
sect.
1.
D.
eodem
.
We
see
here
then
two
undertakers
,
the
King
and
Israel
,
which
by
consequent
are
bound
one
for
another
and
each
for
the
whole
.
For
as
when
Cajus
and
Titius
have
promised
joyntly
to
pay
to
their
Creditor
Seius
a
certaine
sum
,
each
of
them
are
bound
for
himselfe
and
his
companion
,
and
the
Creditor
may
demand
the
sum
of
which
of
them
he
pleaseth
.
In
the
like
manner
the
King
for
himselfe
,
and
Israel
for
it selfe
are
bound
with
all
circumspection
to
see
that
the
Church
be
not
damnified
,
if
either
of
them
be
negligent
of
their
Covenant
,
God
may
justly
demand
the
whole
of
which
of
the
two
he
pleaseth
,
and
the
more
probably
of
the
people
then
of
the
King
,
and
for
that
many
cannot
so
easily
slip
away
as
one
,
and
have
better
meanes
to
discharge
the
debts
then
one
alone
.
In
L.
cum
pos
.
D.
de
censib
.
&
ibi
doct●res
.
like
manner
,
as
when
two
men
that
are
indebted
,
especially
to
the
publike
Exchequer
,
the
one
is
in
such
manner
bound
for
the
other
,
that
he
can
take
no
benefit
of
the
division
granted
;
by
the
new
Constitutions
of
Justinian
:
So
likewise
the
King
and
Israel
promising
to
pay
tribute
to
God
,
which
is
the
King
of
Kings
,
for
accomplishment
whereof
,
the
one
is
obliged
for
the
other
.
And
as
two
Covenanters
by
promise
,
especially
in
contracts
,
the
obligation
whereof
exposeth
the
Obligees
to
forfeitures
and
hazards
,
such
as
L.
cum
apparebit
,
D.
locati
.
L.
si
divisa
.
C.
eodem
.
this
is
here
,
the
failings
of
the
one
indammageth
the
other
:
so
that
if
Israel
forsake
their
God
,
and
the
King
makes
no
account
of
it
,
he
is
justly
guilty
of
Israels
delinquency
.
In
like
manner
,
if
the
King
follow
after
strange
gods
,
and
not
content
to
be
seduced
himself
,
seeks
also
to
attract
his
Subjects
,
endevouring
by
all
means
to
ruine
the
Church
,
if
Israel
seek
not
to
withdraw
him
from
his
rebellion
,
and
contain
him
within
the
limits
of
obedience
,
they
make
the
fault
of
their
King
,
their
own
transgression
.
Briefly
,
as
when
there
is
danger
that
one
of
the
debtors
by
consuming
his
goods
may
be
disabled
to
give
satisfaction
,
the
other
must
satisfie
the
creditors
who
ought
not
to
be
endamaged
,
though
one
of
his
debtors
have
ill
husbanded
his
estate
,
this
ought
not
to
be
doubted
in
regard
of
Israel
toward
their
King
,
and
of
the
King
towards
Israel
in
case
one
of
them
apply
himselfe
to
the
service
of
Idols
,
or
breake
their
Covenant
in
any
other
sort
,
the
one
of
them
must
pay
the
forfeiture
and
be
punished
for
the
other
.
Now
that
the
Covenants
of
which
we
at
this
time
treat
,
is
of
this
nature
,
it
appeares
also
by
other
testimonies
of
Holy
Scripture
.
Saul
being
established
King
of
Israel
,
Samuel
Priest
1
Sam.
12.
14.
25.
and
Prophet
of
the
Lord
,
speakes
in
this
manner
to
the
people
.
Both
you
and
your
King
which
is
over
you
serve
the
Lord
your
God
,
but
if
you
persevere
in
malice
(
he
taxeth
them
of
malice
for
that
they
preferred
the
government
of
a
man
before
that
of
God
)
you
and
your
King
shall
perish
,
He
adds
after
the
reason
,
For
it
hath
pleased
God
to
chuse
you
for
his
people
.
You
see
here
both
the
parties
evidently
conjoyned
in
the
condition
and
the
punishment
:
In
like
manner
Asa
King
of
Judah
,
by
the
counsel
of
the
Prophet
Azarie
,
assembleth
all
the
people
at
Jerusalem
,
to
wit
,
Juda
and
Benjamin
,
to
enter
into
Covenant
with
God
.
Thither
came
also
divers
of
the
Tribe
of
Ephraim
,
Manasses
,
and
Simeon
,
which
were
come
thither
to
serve
the
Lord
according
to
his
own
ordinance
After
the
sacrifices
were
performed
according
to
the
Law
,
the
Covenant
was
contracted
in
these
termes
,
Whosoever
shall
not
call
upon
the
Lord
God
of
Israel
,
be
he
the
least
or
the
greatest
,
let
him
dye
the
death
.
In
making
mention
of
the
greatest
,
you
see
that
the
King
himselfe
is
not
excepted
from
the
designed
punishment
.
But
who
may
punish
the
King
(
for
here
is
question
of
corporall
2
king
.
23.
2.
and
temporall
punishment
?
)
If
it
be
not
the
whole
body
of
the
people
to
whom
the
King
sweareth
and
obligeth
himselfe
,
no
more
nor
lesse
,
than
the
people
doe
to
the
King
,
we
read
also
that
King
Josias
being
of
the
age
of
twenty
and
2
Chron.
4.
29.
five
yeares
,
together
with
the
whole
people
,
doth
make
a
Covenant
with
the
Lord
,
the
King
and
the
People
promising
to
keepe
the
Lawes
,
and
Ordinances
of
God
,
and
even
then
for
the
better
accomplishing
of
the
tenour
of
this
agreement
,
the
Idolatry
of
Baall
was
presently
destroyed
.
If
any
will
more
exactly
turne
over
the
holy
Bible
,
he
may
well
finde
other
testimonies
to
this
purpose
.
But
to
what
purpose
should
the
consent
of
the
people
be
required
,
wherefore
should
Israel
or
Juda
be
expresly
bound
to
observe
the
Law
of
God
?
for
what
reason
should
they
promise
so
solemnly
to
be
for
ever
the
people
of
God
?
If
it
be
denied
,
by
the
same
reason
that
they
had
any
authority
from
God
,
or
power
to
free
themselves
from
perjury
,
or
to
hinder
the
ruine
of
the
Church
.
For
to
what
end
should
it
serve
to
cause
the
people
to
promise
to
be
the
people
of
God
,
if
they
must
,
and
are
bound
to
endure
and
suffer
the
King
to
draw
them
after
strange
Gods
.
If
the
people
be
absolutly
in
bondage
wherefore
is
it
commanded
then
,
to
take
order
that
God
be
purely
served
?
if
it
be
so
that
they
cannot
properly
oblige
themselves
to
God
,
and
if
it
be
not
lawfull
for
them
by
all
to
indeavour
the
accomplishment
of
their
promise
,
shall
we
say
that
God
hath
made
an
agreement
with
them
,
which
had
I.
quod
att●net
.
32.
1.
D.
de
reg.
jur
.
no
right
neither
to
promise
,
nor
to
keep
promise
?
But
on
the
contrary
,
in
this
businesse
of
making
a
Covenant
with
the
people
,
God
would
openly
and
plainly
show
,
that
the
people
hath
right
to
make
,
hold
,
and
accomplish
their
promises
and
contracts
.
For
,
if
he
be
not
worthy
to
be
heard
in
publique
Court
that
will
bargaine
or
contract
with
a
slave
,
or
one
that
is
under
tutillage
,
shall
it
not
be
much
more
shamefull
to
lay
this
imputation
upon
the
Almighty
,
that
he
should
contract
with
those
which
had
no
power
to
performe
the
conditions
covenanted
?
But
for
this
occasion
it
was
,
that
when
the
Kings
had
broken
their
Covenants
,
the
Prophets
always
addressed
themselves
to
the
house
of
Juda
and
Jacob
,
and
to
Samaria
,
to
advertise
them
of
their
duties
.
Furthermore
,
they
required
the
people
that
they
not
only
with-draw
themselves
from
sacrificing
to
Baal
,
but
also
that
they
cast
down
his
Idoll
,
and
destroy
his
Priests
and
service
;
yea
,
even
maugre
the
King
himselfe
.
For
example
,
Ahab
having
killed
the
Prophets
of
God
,
the
Prophet
Elias
assembleth
the
people
,
and
as
it
were
convented
the
Estates
,
and
doth
there
taxe
,
reprehend
,
and
reprove
every
one
of
them
;
the
people
at
his
exhortation
doe
take
and
put
to
death
the
Priests
of
Baal
.
And
for
so
much
as
the
King
neglected
his
duty
,
it
behoved
Israel
more
carefully
to
discharge
theirs
without
tumult
,
not
rashly
,
but
by
publicke
authority
,
the
Estates
being
assembled
,
and
the
equity
of
the
cause
orderly
debated
,
and
sufficiently
cleared
before
they
came
to
the
execution
of
justice
.
On
the
contrary
,
so
often
,
and
always
when
Israel
hath
fayled
to
oppose
their
King
,
which
would
overthrow
the
service
of
God
,
that
which
hath
been
formerly
said
of
the
two
Debtors
,
the
inability
and
ill
husbandry
of
the
one
doth
ever
prejudice
the
other
,
the
same
hapned
to
them
;
for
as
the
King
hath
been
punished
for
his
Idolatry
and
Disloyaltie
,
the
people
have
also
beene
chastised
for
their
negligence
,
connivencie
,
and
stupidity
,
and
it
hath
commonly
hapned
,
that
the
Kings
have
bin
much
more
often
swarved
,
and
drawn
others
with
them
then
the
people
,
for
so
much
as
ordinarily
the
great
ones
mould
themselves
into
the
fashion
of
the
King
,
and
the
people
conforme
themselves
in
humours
to
those
that
governe
them
:
to
be
briefe
,
all
more
usually
offend
after
the
example
of
one
,
then
that
one
will
reform
himselfe
as
he
seeth
all
the
rest
.
This
which
we
say
will
perhaps
appeare
more
plainly
by
examples
;
what
doe
we
suppose
to
have
been
the
cause
of
the
defeat
and
overthrow
of
the
Army
of
Israel
with
their
King
Saul
.
Doth
God
correct
the
people
for
the
sinnes
of
the
Prince
?
Is
the
child
1
Sam.
31.
beaten
instead
of
the
Father
?
It
is
a
discourse
not
easily
to
be
digested
,
say
the
Civilians
,
to
maintain
that
the
children
should
bear
the
punishments
due
for
the
offences
of
their
Fathers
;
the
Laws
doe
not
permit
that
any
one
shall
suffer
for
the
wickednesse
of
another
.
Now
God
forbid
that
the
Judge
of
all
the
world
(
saith
Gen.
18.
25.
Deut.
24.
16.
2
King
.
14
6.
Ezech.
18.
20.
Abraham
)
should
destroy
the
innocent
with
the
guilty
:
On
the
contrary
(
saith
the
Lord
)
as
the
life
of
the
Father
,
so
the
life
of
the
sonne
is
in
my
hands
;
the
fathers
shall
not
be
put
to
death
for
the
children
,
neither
shall
the
children
be
put
to
death
for
the
fathers
;
every
man
shall
be
put
to
death
for
his
own
sinne
,
That
overthrow
then
,
did
it
not
proceed
for
that
the
people
opposed
not
Saul
,
when
he
violated
the
Law
of
God
;
but
applauded
that
miserable
Prince
when
he
wickedly
persecuted
the
best
men
,
as
David
and
the
Priests
of
the
Lord
.
Amongst
many
other
examples
let
us
onely
produce
some
few
.
The
same
Saul
to
enlarge
the
possessions
of
the
tribe
of
Iuda
broke
the
publick
faith
granted
to
the
Gibeonites
,
at
the
first
entry
of
the
people
into
the
land
of
Canaan
,
Sam.
21.
1.
and
put
to
death
as
many
of
the
Gibeonites
as
hee
could
come
by
.
By
this
execution
Saul
did
break
the
third
Commandement
,
for
God
had
been
called
to
witnesse
this
agreement
,
and
the
sixt
also
,
in
so
much
as
he
murthered
the
innocent
,
he
ought
to
have
maintained
the
authority
of
the
two
Tables
of
the
Law
;
and
thereupon
it
is
said
,
that
Saul
and
his
house
have
committed
this
wickednesse
.
In
the
mean
time
,
after
the
death
of
Saul
,
and
David
being
established
King
,
the
Lord
being
demanded
,
made
answer
,
that
it
was
already
the
third
yeare
that
the
whole
countrey
of
Israel
was
afflicted
with
famine
,
because
of
this
cruelty
,
and
the
hand
of
the
Lord
ceased
not
to
strike
,
untill
that
seven
men
of
the
house
of
Saul
were
given
to
the
Gibeonites
,
who
put
them
to
death
;
seeing
L.
crimen
.
26.
D.
de
pae●is
that
every
one
ought
to
bear
his
own
burden
,
and
that
no
man
is
esteemed
the
inheritor
of
anothers
crime
;
wherefore
they
say
,
that
all
the
whole
people
of
Israel
deserves
to
be
punished
for
Saul
,
who
was
already
dead
,
and
had
(
as
it
might
seem
)
that
controversie
buried
in
the
same
grave
with
him
,
but
only
in
regard
that
the
people
neglected
to
oppose
a
mischiefe
so
publick
and
apparent
,
although
they
ought
and
might
have
done
it
:
Think
you
it
reason
,
L.
Sancimus
c.
de
paenis
.
not
any
be
punished
unlesse
they
deserve
it
?
And
in
what
hath
the
people
here
fayled
,
but
in
suffering
the
offence
of
their
King
.
In
like
manner
when
David
commanded
Ioab
,
and
the
Governors
of
1
Sam.
24.
2.
2
Chron.
21.
2.
Israel
to
number
the
people
,
he
is
taxed
to
have
committed
a
great
fault
;
for
even
as
Israel
provoked
the
anger
of
God
in
demanding
a
King
,
one
in
whose
wisdom
they
seemed
to
repose
their
safety
:
even
so
David
did
much
forget
himselfe
,
in
hoping
for
victory
through
the
multitude
of
his
subjects
;
for
so
much
as
that
is
properly
Abacuc
.
1.
16.
(
according
to
the
saying
of
the
Prophet
)
to
sacrifice
unto
their
net
,
and
burn
incense
unto
their
drag
,
a
kind
of
abominable
Idolatry
;
for
the
Governors
,
they
seeing
that
it
would
draw
evill
on
the
people
,
a
little
drew
back
at
the
first
;
afterwards
,
as
it
were
,
to
be
rid
of
the
importunity
they
made
the
enrolement
:
in
the
mean
season
all
the
people
are
punished
,
and
not
David
alone
,
but
also
the
ancients
of
Israel
,
which
represented
the
whole
body
of
the
people
,
put
on
sack-cloath
and
ashes
,
the
which
notwithstanding
was
not
done
nor
practised
when
David
committed
those
horrible
sinnes
of
murther
and
adultery
.
Who
sees
not
in
this
last
act
,
that
all
had
sinned
,
and
that
all
should
repent
;
and
finally
that
all
were
chastised
,
to
wit
David
that
had
provoked
God
by
so
wicked
a
commandement
,
the
Governors
(
as
Peers
and
Assessors
of
the
Kingdome
,
ought
in
the
name
of
all
Israel
to
have
opposed
the
King
)
by
their
connivencie
,
and
over
weak
resistance
;
and
all
the
people
also
which
made
their
appearance
to
be
enroled
.
God
in
this
respect
did
like
a
chiefe
Commander
,
or
Generall
of
an
army
,
he
chastised
the
offence
of
the
whole
camp
,
by
a
sudden
alarum
given
to
all
,
and
by
the
exemplary
punishments
of
some
particulars
to
keep
all
the
rest
in
better
awe
and
order
.
But
tell
me
wherefore
2
King
24.
4.
2
Chron.
33.
10.
Ier.
15.
4.
after
that
the
King
Manasses
had
polluted
the
Temple
at
Ierusalem
,
doe
we
read
that
God
not
only
taxed
Manasses
,
but
all
the
people
also
?
was
it
not
to
advertise
Israel
one
of
the
sureties
,
that
if
they
keep
not
the
King
within
the
limits
of
his
duty
,
they
should
all
smart
for
it
;
for
what
meant
the
Prophet
Ieremy
to
say
,
the
house
of
Iuda
is
in
subjection
to
the
Assirians
,
because
of
the
impiety
and
cruelty
of
Manasses
?
but
that
they
were
guilty
of
all
his
offences
,
because
they
made
no
resistance
:
wherefore
S.
Austin
S.
August
.
upon
Psal.
82.
Ambro.
in
offic
.
and
S.
Ambrose
said
,
Herod
and
Pilat
condemned
Jesus
Christ
,
the
Priests
delivered
him
to
be
crucified
,
the
people
seem
to
have
some
compassion
,
notwithstanding
all
are
punished
;
and
wherefore
so
?
for
so
much
as
they
are
all
guilty
of
his
death
,
in
that
they
did
not
deliver
him
out
of
the
hands
of
those
wicked
Judges
,
and
Governors
,
there
must
also
be
added
to
this
,
many
other
proofes
drawne
from
divers
Authors
for
the
further
explication
of
this
point
,
were
it
not
that
the
testimonies
of
holy
Scripture
ought
to
suffice
Christians
.
Furthermore
,
in
so
much
as
it
is
the
duty
of
a
good
Magistrate
,
rather
to
endeavour
to
hinder
and
prevent
a
mischiefe
,
then
to
chastise
the
delinquents
after
the
offence
is
committed
,
as
good
Physicians
that
prescribe
a
diet
to
allay
and
prevent
diseases
,
as
wel
as
medicines
to
cure
them
:
In
like
manner
a
people
truly
affected
to
true
religion
,
will
not
simply
consent
themselves
to
reprove
and
represse
a
Prince
that
would
abolish
the
Law
of
God
,
but
also
will
have
speciall
regard
,
that
through
malice
and
wickednesse
he
innovate
nothing
that
may
hurt
the
same
,
or
that
in
tract
of
time
may
corrupt
the
pure
service
of
God
;
and
instead
of
supporting
publick
offences
committed
against
the
divine
Majesty
,
thay
will
take
away
all
occasions
wherewith
the
offenders
might
cover
their
faults
;
wee
read
that
to
have
been
practised
by
all
Israel
by
a
decree
of
Parliament
in
the
assembly
of
the
whole
people
,
to
remonstrate
to
those
beyond
Iordan
,
touching
the
Altar
they
had
builded
,
and
by
the
King
Ezechias
,
which
caused
the
brasen
Serpent
to
be
broken
.
It
is
then
lawfull
for
Israel
to
resist
the
King
,
which
would
overthrow
the
Law
of
God
,
and
abolish
his
Church
,
and
not
only
so
,
but
also
they
ought
to
know
that
in
neglecting
to
performe
this
duty
,
they
make
themselves
culpable
of
the
same
crime
,
and
shall
beare
the
like
punishment
with
their
King
.
If
their
assaults
be
verball
,
their
defence
must
be
likewise
verball
,
if
the
sword
be
drawn
against
them
,
they
may
also
take
armes
,
and
fight
either
with
tongue
or
hand
,
as
occasion
is
:
yea
,
if
they
be
August
.
in
Josh.
23.
q.
2.
assailed
by
surprisalls
,
they
may
make
use
both
of
ambuscadces
,
and
countermines
,
there
being
no
rule
in
lawfull
war
,
that
directs
them
for
the
manner
,
whether
it
be
by
open
assailing
their
enemy
,
or
by
close
surprising
,
provided
alwayes
,
that
they
carefully
distinguish
between
advantagious
stratagems
,
and
perfidious
Treason
,
which
is
alwayes
unlawfull
.
But
I
see
well
,
here
will
be
an
objection
made
,
what
will
you
say
?
That
a
whole
people
,
that
beast
of
many
heads
,
must
they
run
Dominus
l.
1.
D.
de
dolo
malo
in
a
mutinous
disorder
,
to
order
the
businesses
of
the
Common-wealth
?
What
addresse
or
direction
is
there
in
an
unruly
and
unbridled
multitude
?
what
counsell
or
wisdome
,
to
manage
the
affaires
of
State
?
When
we
speak
of
all
the
people
,
we
understand
by
that
,
only
What
is
to
be
understood
by
this
word
people
.
those
which
hold
their
authority
from
the
people
,
to
wit
,
the
Magistrates
,
which
are
inferiour
to
the
King
,
and
whom
the
people
hath
substituted
,
or
established
,
as
it
were
Consorts
in
the
Empire
,
and
with
a
kind
of
Tribunitiall
authority
,
to
restrain
the
encroachments
of
Sovereignty
,
and
to
represent
the
whole
body
of
the
people
.
We
understand
also
,
the
Assembly
of
the
Estates
,
which
is
nothing
else
but
an
Epitomy
,
or
briefe
collection
of
the
Kingdome
,
to
whom
all
publique
affaires
have
speciall
and
absolute
reference
,
such
were
the
Seventy
Ancients
in
the
Kingdome
of
Israel
,
amongst
whom
the
High
Priest
was
as
it
were
president
,
and
they
judged
all
matters
of
greatest
importance
,
those
seventy
being
first
chosen
by
six
out
of
each
Tribe
,
which
came
out
of
the
land
of
Egypt
,
then
the
Heads
or
Governors
of
Provinces
;
In
like
manner
the
Judges
and
Provosts
of
Towns
,
the
Captains
of
thousands
,
the
Centurions
and
others
which
commanded
over
Families
,
the
most
valiant
noble
and
otherwaies
notable
personages
,
of
whom
was
composed
the
body
of
the
States
,
assembled
divers
times
as
it
plainly
appears
by
the
words
of
the
holy
Scripture
.
At
the
election
of
the
first
King
which
was
Saul
,
all
the
Ancients
of
Israel
assembled
together
at
1
Sam.
1.
4.
Rama
.
In
like
manner
and
all
Israel
was
assembled
,
or
all
Judah
and
Benjamin
,
&c.
Now
it
is
no
way
probable
that
all
the
people
one
by
one
met
together
there
.
Of
this
ranck
there
are
in
every
well
governd
Kingdom
,
the
Princes
,
the
Officers
of
the
Crown
,
the
Peers
,
the
greatest
and
most
notable
Lords
,
the
Deputies
of
Provinces
,
of
whom
the
ordinary
body
of
the
Estate
is
composed
,
or
the
Parliament
,
or
the
Diet
,
or
other
Assembly
according
to
the
different
names
used
in
divers
Countries
of
the
world
,
in
which
Assemblies
the
principall
care
is
had
both
for
the
preventing
and
reforming
either
of
disorder
or
detriment
in
Church
or
Common-wealth
.
For
as
the
Counsels
of
Basil
and
Constance
have
decreed
(
and
well
decreed
)
that
the
universal
Councel
is
in
Authoritie
above
the
Bishop
of
Rome
.
As
in
like
manner
the
whole
Chapter
may
over-rule
the
Bishop
,
the
Vniversitie
,
the
Rector
,
the
Court
,
the
President
:
Briefly
he
whosoever
he
is
that
hath
received
authoritie
from
a
Company
,
is
inferior
ro
that
whole
company
,
although
he
be
superior
to
any
of
the
particular
Members
of
it
.
Also
is
it
without
any
scruple
or
doubt
,
that
Israel
which
demanded
and
established
a
King
as
Governor
of
the
Publick
must
needs
be
above
Saul
established
at
their
request
,
and
for
Israels
sake
as
it
shall
be
more
fully
proved
hereafter
.
And
for
so
much
as
an
orderly
proceeding
is
necessarily
required
in
all
affairs
discreetly
addressed
,
and
that
it
is
not
so
probably
hopefull
that
order
shall
be
observed
amongst
so
great
a
number
of
people
;
yea
,
and
that
there
oftentimes
occurs
occasions
which
may
not
be
communicated
to
a
multitude
,
without
manifest
danger
of
the
Common-wealth
.
We
say
,
that
all
that
which
hath
been
spoken
of
priviledges
granted
,
and
right
committed
to
the
people
,
ought
to
be
referred
to
the
Officers
and
Deputies
of
the
Kingdom
:
and
all
that
which
hath
been
said
of
Israel
,
is
to
be
understood
of
the
Princes
and
Elders
of
Israel
,
to
whom
these
things
were
granted
and
committed
as
the
practice
also
hath
verified
.
The
Queen
Athalia
after
the
death
of
her
son
Ahazia
King
of
●
Chron.
23.
Judah
,
put
to
death
all
those
of
the
royal
bloud
,
except
little
Joas
,
which
being
yet
in
the
cradle
was
preserved
by
the
piety
and
wisedome
of
his
Aunt
Iehoshabeah
.
Athalia
possesseth
her self
of
the
government
,
and
reigned
six
year
over
Judah
.
It
may
well
be
the
people
murmured
between
their
teeth
,
and
durst
not
by
reason
of
danger
express
what
they
thought
in
their
minds
.
Finally
,
Jehoida
the
High-Priest
the
husband
of
Jehoshabeah
,
having
secretly
made
a
league
and
combination
with
the
chief
men
of
the
Kingdom
,
did
anoint
and
Crown
King
his
Nephew
Joas
,
being
but
seven
year
old
,
And
he
did
not
content
himself
to
drive
the
Queen-Mother
from
the
royal
Throne
,
but
he
also
put
her
to
death
,
and
presently
overthrew
the
Idolatry
of
Baal
.
This
deed
of
Jehoiada
is
approved
,
and
by
good
reason
,
for
he
took
on
him
the
defence
of
a
good
Cause
,
for
he
assailed
the
Tyranny
,
and
not
the
Kingdom
.
The
Tyranny
Barto●
de
Tirann●d
.
Deut.
17.
15.
(
I
say
)
which
had
no
Title
,
as
our
modern
Civilians
speak
.
For
by
no
Law
were
women
admitted
to
the
government
of
the
Kingdom
of
Judah
.
Furthermore
,
that
Tyranny
was
in
vigor
and
practice
:
For
Athalia
had
with
unbounded
mischief
and
cruelty
invaded
the
Realme
of
her
Nephews
,
and
in
the
administration
of
that
Government
committed
,
infinite
wickedness
,
and
which
was
the
worst
of
all
,
had
cast
off
the
service
of
the
the
living
God
to
adore
and
compel
others
with
her
the
Idol
of
Baal
.
Therefore
then
was
she
justly
punished
,
and
by
him
which
had
a
lawful
calling
and
authority
to
do
it
.
For
Jehoida
was
not
a
private
and
particular
person
,
but
the
High-Priest
,
to
whom
the
knowledge
of
civil
causes
did
then
belong
:
And
besides
he
had
for
his
Associats
the
principal
men
of
the
Kingdom
the
Levites
,
and
being
himself
the
Kings
kins-man
and
ally
.
Now
for
so
much
as
he
assembled
not
the
estates
at
Mizpah
according
to
the
accustomed
manner
,
he
is
not
reproved
for
it
,
neither
for
that
he
consulted
and
contrived
the
matter
secretly
,
for
that
if
he
had
held
any
other
manner
of
proceeding
,
the
business
must
probably
have
sailed
in
the
execution
and
success
.
Bartol.
in
tract
.
de
Guelph
.
&
Gibel
.
A
combination
or
conjuration
is
good
or
ill
according
as
the
end
whereunto
it
is
addressed
is
good
or
ill
;
and
perhaps
also
according
as
they
are
affected
which
are
the
managers
of
it
.
We
say
then
that
the
Princes
of
Judah
have
done
well
,
and
that
in
following
any
other
course
they
had
failed
of
the
right
way
.
For
even
as
the
guardian
ought
to
take
charge
and
care
that
the
goods
of
his
pupil
fall
not
into
losse
and
detriment
,
and
if
he
omit
his
duty
therein
,
he
may
be
compelled
to
give
an
account
thereof
:
In
like
manner
,
those
to
whose
custody
and
tuition
the
people
have
committed
themselves
,
and
whom
they
have
constituted
their
Tutors
and
defenders
ought
to
maintain
them
safe
&
intire
in
all
their
rights
and
priviledges
.
To
be
short
as
it
is
lawfull
for
a
whole
people
to
resist
and
oppose
Tyranny
;
Vlp.
l.
260.
D.
de
reg.
●●ui
.
so
likewise
the
principal
persons
of
the
Kingdom
,
may
as
heads
and
for
the
good
of
the
whole
body
confederate
and
associate
themselves
together
,
and
as
in
a
publick
State
,
that
which
is
done
by
the
greatest
part
is
esteemed
and
taken
as
the
act
of
all
,
so
in
like
manner
must
it
be
said
to
be
done
which
the
better
part
of
the
most
principal
have
acted
,
briefly
that
all
the
people
had
their
hand
in
it
.
But
here
presents
it self
another
question
the
which
deserves
to
Whether
part
of
a
Kingdom
may
make
resistance
.
be
considered
,
and
amply
debated
in
regard
of
the
circumstance
of
time
.
Let
us
put
the
case
that
a
King
seeking
to
abolish
the
Law
of
God
,
or
ruine
the
Church
,
that
all
the
people
or
the
greatest
part
yeild
their
consents
,
that
all
the
Princes
or
the
greatest
number
of
them
make
no
reckoniug
;
and
notwithstanding
,
a
small
handfull
of
people
,
to
wit
,
some
of
the
Princes
and
Magistrates
desire
to
preserve
the
Law
of
God
entirely
and
inviolably
,
and
to
serve
the
Lord
purely
:
what
may
it
be
lawfull
for
them
to
do
?
if
the
King
seek
to
compel
those
men
to
be
Idolaters
,
ot
will
take
from
them
the
exercise
of
true
religion
?
We
speak
not
here
of
private
and
particular
persons
considered
one
by
one
,
and
which
in
that
manner
are
not
held
as
parts
of
the
entire
body
;
As
the
planks
,
the
nails
,
the
pegs
,
are
no
part
of
the
Ship
,
neither
the
stones
,
the
rafters
,
nor
the
rubbish
are
any
part
of
the
house
:
but
we
speak
of
some
Town
or
Province
,
which
makes
a
portion
of
a
Kingdom
,
as
the
prow
,
the
poop
,
the
keel
and
other
parts
make
a
Ship
:
the
foundation
,
the
roof
,
and
the
walls
make
a
house
.
We
speak
also
of
the
Magistrate
which
governs
such
a
Citie
or
Province
.
If
we
must
make
our
defence
with
producing
of
examples
,
although
we
have
not
many
ready
by
reason
of
the
backwardness
and
carelesness
of
men
when
there
is
question
to
maintain
the
service
of
God
:
notwithstanding
,
we
have
some
few
to
be
examined
and
received
according
as
they
deserve
.
Libna
,
a
Town
of
the
Priests
withdrew
it
Iohn
21
13.
1
Chron.
6.
17.
2
Chron.
21.
10.
self
from
the
obedience
of
Joram
King
of
Judah
,
and
left
that
Prince
,
because
he
had
abandoned
the
God
of
his
Fathers
whom
those
of
that
Town
would
serve
,
and
it
may
be
they
feared
also
lest
in
the
end
they
should
be
compelled
to
sacrifice
to
Baal
.
In
like
manner
when
that
the
King
Antiochus
commanded
that
all
the
Jews
should
imbrace
his
religion
,
and
should
forsake
that
which
the
God
Almighty
had
taught
them
,
Mattathias
answered
,
we
will
not
1
Mac
1.
43.
&
2.
22.
&
3.
43.
obey
,
nor
will
we
do
any
thing
contrary
to
our
religion
,
neither
did
he
only
speak
,
but
also
being
transported
with
the
zeal
of
Phineas
,
he
killed
with
his
own
hands
a
Jew
,
which
constrained
his
fellow
Citizens
to
sacrifice
to
Idols
;
then
he
took
arms
and
retired
into
the
mountain
,
gathered
troups
,
and
made
war
against
Antiochu
,
for
Religion
,
and
for
his
Countrie
with
such
success
,
that
he
regained
Ierusalem
,
brok
and
brought
to
nothing
the
power
of
the
Pagans
which
they
had
gathered
to
ruine
the
Church
,
and
then
re-established
the
pure
service
of
God
.
If
we
will
know
who
this
Matthias
was
,
he
was
the
Father
of
the
Machabees
of
the
Tribe
of
Levi
;
insomuch
as
it
was
not
lawfull
for
him
according
to
the
received
custome
and
right
of
his
race
to
restore
the
Kingdom
by
arms
from
the
Tyranny
of
Antiochus
.
His
followers
were
such
as
fled
to
the
mountains
together
,
with
the
inhabitants
of
Modin
,
to
whom
had
adjoyned
themselves
divers
neighboring
Jews
,
and
other
fugitives
from
sundry
quarters
of
Iudeah
;
all
which
solicitously
desired
the
re-establishment
of
the
Church
.
Almost
all
the
rest
,
yea
,
the
principals
obeyed
Antiochus
,
and
that
after
the
rout
of
his
army
,
and
his
own
miserable
death
:
Although
there
were
then
a
fair
1
Mac.
6.
21.
&c.
occasion
to
shake
off
his
yoke
,
yet
the
Jewes
sought
to
the
sonne
of
Antiochus
,
and
intreated
him
to
take
on
him
the
Kingdom
,
promising
him
fidelity
and
obedience
.
I
might
here
produce
the
example
of
Debora
.
The
Lord
God
had
subjected
Israel
to
Iabin
King
of
Canaan
,
and
they
had
remained
in
this
servitude
the
space
of
twenty
years
,
which
might
seem
in
some
sort
to
have
gained
a
right
by
prescription
over
the
Kingdom
;
and
together
also
that
almost
all
Israel
followed
after
strange
gods
.
The
principal
and
most
powerful
Tribes
,
to
wit
,
Reuben
,
Ephraim
,
Benjamin
,
Dan
,
Asher
,
and
some
others
adhered
wholly
to
Iabin
.
Yet
notwithstanding
the
Prophetess
Debora
which
judged
Israel
,
caused
the
Tribes
of
Zebulon
,
Nephthalie
,
and
Issachar
,
or
at
the
lest
some
of
all
those
Tribes
,
to
take
arms
under
the
conduct
of
Barac
,
and
they
overthrew
Sisera
the
Lieftenant
of
Iabin
,
and
delivered
Israel
,
which
had
no
thought
of
liberty
,
and
was
content
to
remain
in
bondage
;
and
having
shaken
off
the
yoke
of
Canaaniets
they
re-established
the
pure
service
of
the
living
God
.
But
for
so
much
as
Debora
seems
to
have
an
extraordinary
vocation
,
and
that
the
Scripture
doth
not
approve
in
expresse
terms
the
doings
of
them
of
Libna
,
although
that
in
not
disallowing
of
their
proceedings
,
it
may
seem
in
some
sort
to
allow
them
,
and
for
that
the
History
of
the
Machabees
hath
had
no
great
authoritie
in
the
ancient
Church
and
for
that
it
is
comonly
held
that
an
assertion
must
be
proved
by
laws
and
testimonies
,
not
by
examples
,
let
us
examine
by
the
effect
what
we
ought
to
judge
according
to
the
right
of
the
matter
now
in
question
.
We
have
formerly
said
that
the
King
did
swear
to
keep
the
Law
of
God
,
and
promise
to
the
uttermost
of
his
power
to
maintain
the
Church
:
that
the
people
of
Israel
considered
in
one
body
covenanting
by
the
High-Priest
,
made
the
same
promise
to
God
.
Now
at
this
present
we
say
,
that
all
the
Towns
,
and
all
the
Magistrates
of
these
Towns
which
be
parts
and
portions
of
the
Kingdom
,
promise
each
of
them
in
his
own
behalf
,
and
in
express
terms
the
which
all
Towns
and
Christian
Communalties
have
also
done
,
although
it
have
been
but
with
a
tacite
consent
.
Ioshua
being
Iosuah
●4
.
very
old
and
near
to
his
death
,
assembled
all
Israel
at
Sichem
in
the
presence
of
God
,
to
wit
,
before
the
Ark
of
the
Covenant
which
was
there
.
It
is
said
that
the
Antients
of
the
people
,
the
Heads
of
the
Tribe
,
the
Judges
and
Governors
,
and
all
which
had
any
publick
command
in
the
Towns
of
Israel
met
together
there
,
where
they
swore
to
observe
and
keep
the
Law
of
the
Lord
.
and
did
willingly
put
on
the
yoke
of
the
Almighty
God
:
whereby
it
appears
that
these
Magistrates
did
oblige
themselves
in
the
names
of
their
Towns
and
Communalties
which
did
send
them
to
take
order
that
God
should
be
served
throughout
the
whole
Countrie
,
according
as
he
had
revealed
in
his
Law
.
And
Joshuah
for
his
part
having
passed
this
contract
of
agreement
between
God
and
the
people
and
inregistred
the
whole
according
as
it
was
done
,
for
a
perpetual
memorial
of
the
matter
he
incontinently
set
up
a
stone
.
If
there
were
occasion
to
remove
the
Ark
of
the
Lord
,
The
1
Chron.
1●
.
2
Chron.
3.
1
Kings
7.
1
Chron.
2●
.
2
Kings
●●
.
2
Kings
23.
2
Chron.
23.
principals
of
the
Countrey
and
Towns
,
the
Captains
the
Centurions
,
the
Provosts
,
and
others
were
summoned
by
the
Decree
and
Commandment
of
David
,
and
of
the
Synagogue
of
Israel
,
if
there
be
a
purpose
of
building
the
Lords
Temple
,
the
same
course
is
observed
.
And
to
the
end
it
be
not
supposed
,
that
some
alteration
hath
been
inserted
after
the
creation
of
Kings
:
In
the
times
of
Joas
and
Josias
,
when
there
was
question
of
renewing
the
Covenant
between
God
and
the
People
,
all
the
Estates
met
together
,
and
all
were
bound
and
obliged
particularly
.
Also
not
onely
the
King
,
but
the
Kingdome
,
and
not
onely
all
the
Kingdome
,
but
also
all
the
Pastors
of
the
Kingdom
promise
each
of
them
for
their selves
,
fidelity
and
obedience
to
God
.
I
say
again
,
that
not
only
the
King
and
the
People
,
but
also
all
the
Towns
of
Israel
,
and
their
Magistrates
,
oblige
themselves
to
God
,
and
as
homagers
to
their
liege
lord
tie
themselves
to
be
his
for
ever
,
with
and
against
all
men
,
for
further
proof
of
the
aforesaid
,
I
would
entreat
the
Reader
to
diligently
turn
over
the
holy
Bible
,
especially
in
the
books
of
the
Kings
and
the
Chronicles
.
But
for
a
yet
more
ample
explication
of
this
matter
,
let
us
produce
for
example
what
is
in
practise
at
this
day
.
In
the
Empire
of
Germany
,
when
the
Emperor
is
to
be
crowned
,
the
Electors
and
Princes
of
the
Empire
,
as
well
Secular
as
Ecclesiastical
,
meet
together
personally
,
or
else
send
their
Ambassadors
.
The
Prelats
,
Earls
,
and
Barons
,
and
all
the
Deputies
of
the
Imperial
Towns
,
come
thither
also
,
or
else
send
special
Proxies
;
then
do
they
their
homage
to
the
Emperor
;
either
for
themselves
,
or
for
them
whom
they
represent
,
with
and
under
certain
conditions
:
Now
let
us
presuppose
that
one
of
these
which
hath
done
homage
voluntarily
,
do
afterwards
endevour
to
depose
the
Emperor
,
and
advance
himself
into
his
place
,
and
that
the
Princes
and
Barons
deny
their
Soveraign
the
succors
and
tribute
which
they
owe
him
,
and
that
they
have
intelligence
with
that
other
which
conspired
and
sought
to
possess
himself
of
the
Imperial
Throne
:
Think
you
that
they
of
Straesborgh
or
of
Nurembergh
,
which
have
bound
themselves
by
faith
unto
the
lawful
Emperor
,
have
not
lawful
right
to
repress
and
exclude
this
trayterous
Intruder
?
Yea
,
on
the
contrary
,
if
they
do
it
not
,
if
they
give
not
succors
to
the
Emperor
in
this
his
necessity
,
think
you
that
they
have
satisfied
or
performed
their
fealty
and
promise
,
L.
3.
l.
Omned
elict
.
Sect.
ult.
D.
de
re●mil
.
seing
that
he
which
hath
not
preserved
his
Governour
when
he
had
means
to
do
it
,
ought
to
be
held
as
culpable
and
guilty
,
as
he
which
offered
the
violence
and
injury
unto
him
.
If
it
be
so
(
as
every
one
may
sufficiently
see
it
is
)
is
it
not
then
lawful
for
the
men
of
Libna
and
of
Modin
?
and
doth
not
their
duty
enjoyn
them
to
do
as
much
as
if
the
other
Estates
of
the
Kingdom
have
left
God
to
whose
service
and
pleasure
they
know
and
acknowledge
themselves
to
be
bound
to
render
obedience
.
Let
us
imagine
then
some
Ioram
or
Antiochus
which
abolisheth
true
Religion
,
and
lifts
up
himself
above
God
,
that
Israel
connives
and
is
content
,
What
should
that
Town
do
which
desires
to
serve
God
purely
?
First
,
they
should
say
with
Ioshua
,
for
their
parts
,
look
whom
you
desire
rather
to
Iosh.
14.
15.
obey
,
the
living
God
,
or
the
Gods
of
the
Amorites
,
for
our
parts
we
and
our
Families
will
serve
the
Lord
.
Chuse
you
then
I
say
,
if
you
will
obey
in
this
point
him
,
which
without
any
right
usurps
that
power
and
authority
which
no
way
appertains
unto
him
,
for
my
part
,
hap
what
may
,
I
will
keep
my
faith
to
him
to
whom
I
promised
it
.
I
make
no
question
but
that
Ioshua
would
have
done
the
uttermost
of
his
endeavour
to
maintain
the
pure
service
of
the
living
God
in
Thamnathe
Serathe
,
a
Town
of
Ephraim
,
where
his
house
and
estate
lay
;
if
the
Israelites
besides
had
so
much
forgot
themselves
as
to
have
worshipped
the
god
of
the
Amorites
in
the
land
of
Canaan
.
But
if
the
King
should
pass
yet
further
,
and
send
his
Lievtenants
to
compel
us
to
become
Idolaters
,
and
if
he
commands
us
to
drive
God
and
his
service
from
amongst
us
;
Shall
we
not
rather
shut
our
gates
against
the
King
and
his
Officers
,
then
drive
out
of
our
Town
the
Lord
which
is
the
King
of
kings
?
Let
the
Burgesses
and
Citizens
of
Towns
,
Let
the
Magistrates
and
Governours
of
the
People
of
God
dwelling
in
Towns
,
consider
with
themselves
that
they
have
contracted
two
Covenants
,
and
taken
two
Oaths
:
The
first
and
most
ancient
with
God
,
to
whom
the
People
have
sworn
to
be
his
people
:
the
second
and
next
following
,
with
the
King
,
to
whom
the
people
hath
promised
obedience
,
as
unto
him
which
is
the
Governour
and
Conductor
of
the
people
of
God
.
So
then
,
as
if
a
Vice-Roy
conspiring
against
his
Soveraign
,
although
he
had
received
from
him
an
unlimitted
authority
,
if
he
should
summon
us
to
deliver
the
King
whom
he
held
besieged
within
the
inclosure
of
our
walls
,
we
ought
not
to
obey
him
,
but
resist
with
the
uttermost
of
our
power
and
means
according
to
the
tenour
of
our
oath
of
Allegiance
:
In
like
manner
think
we
that
it
is
not
a
wickednes
of
all
most
detestable
,
if
at
the
pleasure
of
a
Prince
which
is
the
vassal
and
servant
of
God
,
we
should
drive
God
from
dwelling
amongst
us
,
or
deliver
him
(
as
far
as
in
us
10
Collat
de
forma
Fidei
,
&c.
1.
de
●
nova
fidel.
form
.
lieth
)
into
the
hands
of
his
enemies
.
You
will
say
,
it
may
be
that
the
Towns
appertain
to
the
Prince
.
And
I
answer
,
that
the
Towns
consist
not
of
a
heap
of
stones
,
but
of
that
which
we
call
people
,
that
the
people
is
the
people
of
God
,
to
whom
they
are
first
bound
by
oath
:
and
secondly
,
to
the
King
.
For
the
Towns
,
although
that
the
Kings
have
power
over
them
,
notwithstanding
the
right
of
inheritance
of
the
Soyl
belongs
to
the
Citizens
and
Owners
,
for
all
that
which
is
in
a
Kingdom
,
is
indeed
under
the
Dominion
of
the
King
,
but
not
of
his
proper
Patrimony
:
God
in
truth
is
the
onely
Lord
propriator
of
all
things
,
and
it
is
of
him
that
the
King
holds
Senec.
l.
7.
de
Benef
.
c.
6
,
7.
&c.
his
royalties
,
and
the
people
their
Patrimony
.
This
is
as
much
as
to
say
,
you
will
reply
,
that
for
the
cause
of
Religion
it
shall
be
lawful
for
the
subjects
to
revolt
from
the
obedience
of
their
King
,
if
this
be
once
granted
,
it
will
presently
open
a
gap
to
rebellion
?
But
hearken
I
pray
you
patiently
,
and
consider
this
matter
more
throughly
:
I
might
answer
in
a
word
,
that
of
two
things
,
if
the
one
must
needs
be
done
,
it
were
much
better
to
forsake
the
King
,
then
God
;
or
with
S.
Augustine
in
his
fourth
book
of
the
Citie
of
God
,
chap.
4.
and
in
the
nineteenth
book
,
and
chapter
the
21.
That
where
there
is
no
Justice
,
there
is
no
Common-wealth
.
That
there
is
no
Justice
,
when
he
that
is
a
mortal
man
would
pull
an
other
man
out
of
the
hands
of
the
immortal
God
,
to
make
him
a
slave
of
the
devil
,
seing
that
Justice
is
a
vertue
that
gives
to
every
one
that
which
is
his
own
,
and
that
those
which
draw
their
necks
out
of
the
yoke
of
such
Rulers
,
deliver
themselves
from
the
Tyrannie
of
wicked
spirits
,
and
abandon
a
multitude
of
robbers
,
and
not
the
Common-wealth
.
But
to
re-assume
this
discourse
a
little
higher
,
those
which
shall
carry
themselves
as
hath
been
formerly
said
,
seem
no
waies
accusable
of
the
crime
of
revolt
.
Those
are
said
properly
to
quit
the
King
or
the
Common-wealth
,
which
with
the
heart
and
purpose
of
an
Enemy
withdraw
themselves
from
the
obedience
of
the
King
or
the
Commonwealth
,
by
means
whereof
they
are
justly
accounted
adversaries
,
and
are
oftentimes
much
more
to
be
feared
then
any
other
enemies
.
But
those
of
whom
we
now
speak
,
do
nothing
resemble
them
.
First
they
do
in
no
sort
refuse
to
obey
,
provided
that
they
be
commanded
that
which
they
may
lawfully
L
5.
D.
de
cap.
minut
.
do
,
and
that
it
be
not
against
the
honour
of
God
.
They
pay
willingly
the
Taxes
,
Customs
,
Imposts
,
and
ordinary
payments
,
provided
that
with
these
they
seek
not
to
abolish
the
tribute
which
they
ow
unto
God
.
They
obey
Caesar
while
he
commands
in
the
quality
of
Caesar
:
but
when
Caesar
passeth
his
bounds
,
when
he
usurps
that
Dominion
which
is
none
of
his
own
,
when
he
endeavours
to
assail
the
Throne
of
God
,
when
he
wars
against
the
soveraign
Lord
both
of
himself
and
the
people
;
they
then
esteem
it
reasonable
not
to
obey
Caesar
:
and
yet
after
this
to
speak
properly
,
they
do
no
acts
of
hostility
.
He
is
properly
an
enemie
which
stirs
up
,
which
provokes
another
,
which
out
of
military
insolencie
prepareth
and
seteth
forth
parties
to
war
.
They
have
been
urged
and
assailed
by
open
war
,
and
close
and
trecherous
surprisalls
:
when
death
and
destruction
environs
them
round
about
,
then
they
take
armes
,
and
wade
their
enemies
assaults
:
you
cannot
have
Place
with
your
enemies
when
you
will
;
for
if
you
lay
down
your
weapons
,
if
you
give
over
making
Warre
they
will
not
for
all
that
disarme
themselves
,
and
loose
their
advantage
.
But
for
these
men
,
desire
but
place
and
you
have
it
,
give
over
but
assayling
them
,
and
they
wil
lay
down
their
Armes
,
cease
to
fight
against
God
,
and
they
will
presently
leave
the
lists
,
will
you
take
their
Swords
out
of
their
hands
?
absteyne
you
only
then
from
stricking
,
seeing
they
are
not
the
assaylants
,
but
the
defendants
,
sheath
your
Sword
,
and
they
will
presently
cast
their
Buckler
on
the
ground
,
which
hath
been
the
reason
that
they
have
been
often
surprized
by
perfideous
atribuscadoes
,
whereof
these
our
times
have
afforded
over
frequent
examples
.
Now
as
we
cannot
call
that
servant
stuborne
or
a
fugitive
,
which
puts
by
the
blow
,
which
his
Lord
stricks
at
him
with
his
Sword
,
or
which
withdrawes
or
hides
himselfe
from
his
Masters
fury
,
or
shuts
his
Chamber
dore
upon
him
,
untill
his
cole●
land
heate
be
passedover
,
much
lesse
ought
we
to
esteeme
those
seditions
,
which
(
holding
the
name
and
place
of
Servants
and
subjects
)
shut
the
gates
of
a
City
against
their
Prince
,
transported
with
anger
,
being
ready
to
do
all
his
just
Commanddements
,
after
he
hath
recovered
his
judgement
,
and
related
his
former
indignation
;
we
must
place
in
this
rank
,
David
Commander
of
the
Army
of
1
Sam.
21.
22.
2
Sam.
25.
28.
Israel
,
under
Saul
,
a
furious
King
.
David
oppressed
with
Calumnies
and
false
Taxations
,
watched
and
way-layed
from
all
parts
,
he
retired
unto
,
and
defended
himselfe
in
unaccessible
Mountaines
,
and
provided
for
his
defence
to
oppose
the
walles
of
Ceila
against
the
fury
of
the
King
,
yea
,
he
drew
unto
his
party
all
those
that
he
could
,
not
to
take
away
Saules
life
from
him
,
as
it
plainly
appeared
afterwards
;
but
to
defend
his
own
Cause
:
see
wherefore
Ionathan
the
Sonne
of
Saul
,
made
no
difficulty
,
to
make
alliance
with
David
,
and
to
renew
it
from
time
to
time
;
the
which
is
called
the
Alliance
of
the
Almighty
.
And
Abbigall
saith
in
expresso
words
,
that
David
was
wrongfully
assayled
,
and
that
he
made
the
War
of
God
.
We
must
also
place
in
this
rank
the
Machabees
;
which
having
Macha
.
6.
60.
&c.
good
meanes
to
maintaine
Warres
,
were
content
to
receive
peace
from
King
Demetrius
,
and
others
,
which
Antiochus
had
offered
them
before
,
because
by
it
,
they
should
be
secured
in
the
free
profession
and
exercise
of
their
Religion
.
We
may
remember
that
those
which
in
our
times
have
fought
for
true
Religion
against
Antichrist
,
both
in
Germanie
and
France
,
have
laid
down
Armes
as
soone
as
it
was
permitted
them
to
serve
God
truely
according
to
his
Ordinance
,
and
oftentimes
having
fayre
meanes
and
occasion
to
advance
and
continue
the
War
to
their
much
advantage
:
as
had
David
and
the
Machabees
,
where
the
Philistins
constrained
Saul
to
leave
David
to
looke
to
his
own
defence
,
and
those
Cloudes
of
neighbouring
enemies
in
Antiochus
,
saw
ready
to
dissclue
upon
his
head
,
hindered
him
also
from
further
pursuing
the
Machabees
.
See
then
the
markes
which
distinguish
and
separate
sufficiently
,
those
of
whom
we
speak
from
Rebels
or
seditions
.
But
let
us
yet
see
other
evident
Testimonies
of
the
equity
of
their
cause
;
for
their
defection
is
of
that
nature
,
that
take
but
away
the
occasion
,
if
some
extreame
necessity
compell
not
the
contrary
,
they
presently
return
to
their
former
condition
,
and
then
you
cannot
properly
say
,
they
separated
themselves
from
the
King
,
or
the
Communality
;
but
that
they
left
Ioram
,
and
Antiochus
,
or
if
you
will
,
the
Tyranny
and
unlawfull
power
of
one
alone
,
or
if
divers
particulers
,
which
had
no
authority
nor
right
to
exact
obedience
in
the
same
manner
,
as
they
commanded
.
The
Sorbonists
Doctors
have
taught
us
the
like
sundry
times
:
whereof
we
will
alledge
some
examples
.
About
the
year
1300.
Pope
Boniface
the
8
seeking
to
appropriate
to
his
Annales
Franciae
.
Archiva
Camerae
Ratiocimorum
.
Lutetiae
.
Sea
,
the
copalties
that
belonged
to
the
Crown
of
France
:
Philip
the
faire
,
the
then
King
,
doth
taunt
him
somwhat
sharply
:
the
tenor
of
whose
care
letters
are
these
.
Philip
by
the
Grace
of
God
,
King
of
the
French
,
to
Boniface
,
calling
himselfe
Soveraign
Bishop
,
little
or
no
health
at
all
.
Be
it
known
to
the
great
foolishnesse
and
unbounded
rashnesse
,
that
in
temporall
matters
we
have
only
God
for
our
superiour
,
and
that
the
vacancy
of
certain
Churches
,
and
pretends
belongs
to
us
by
copall
prerogative
,
and
that
it
appertaines
to
us
onely
to
gather
the
fruites
,
and
wee
will
defend
the
possession
thereof
against
all
opposers
,
with
the
edge
of
our
Swords
,
accounting
them
fooles
,
and
without
braynes
that
hold
a
contrary
opinion
.
In
those
times
all
men
acknowledged
the
Pope
for
Gods
Vicar
on
earth
,
and
head
of
the
universal
Church
:
Insomuch
,
that
(
as
it
is
said
)
common
errour
went
instead
of
a
Law
,
notwithstanding
the
Sorbonists
being
assembled
,
and
demanded
,
made
answer
,
that
the
L.
Parber
,
Philip
D.
de
Senat.
King
and
the
Kingdom
might
falsly
without
blame
or
danger
of
schisme
,
exempt
themselves
from
his
obedience
,
and
flatly
refuse
that
,
which
the
Pope
demanded
;
for
so
much
as
it
is
not
the
separation
:
but
the
cause
which
makes
the
schisme
,
and
if
there
were
schisme
,
it
should
be
only
in
separating
from
Boniface
,
and
not
from
the
Church
,
nor
from
the
Pope
,
and
that
there
was
no
danger
nor
offence
in
so
remaining
untill
some
honest
man
were
chosen
Pope
.
Every
one
knowes
into
what
perplexities
,
the
consciences
of
a
whole
Kingdom
would
fall
,
which
held
themselves
separated
from
the
Church
,
if
this
distinction
be
not
true
.
I
would
demand
now
,
if
it
be
not
yet
more
lawfull
to
make
use
of
this
distinction
,
when
a
King
invades
and
incroacheth
on
the
jurisdiction
of
God
,
and
oppresseth
with
hand
servitude
,
the
scales
dearly
bought
with
the
pretious
blood
of
Jesus
Christ
.
Let
us
adde
another
example
.
In
the
year
of
our
Lord
2408.
when
Pope
Benedict
the
13.
did
oppose
the
French
Church
by
tributes
,
and
exactions
,
the
Clergy
assembled
;
by
the
Command
of
King
Charles
the
6.
decreed
:
that
the
King
and
Inhabitants
Annales
of
France
monstrelet
.
of
the
Kingdom
,
ought
not
to
obey
Benedict
,
which
was
an
Heritick
,
a
schismatick
,
and
altogether
unworthy
of
that
dignity
:
the
which
the
Estates
of
the
Kingdom
approved
,
and
the
Parliament
of
Paris
confirmed
by
a
decree
.
The
same
Clergy
also
ordained
that
those
which
had
been
excommunicated
by
that
Pope
:
as
forsakers
and
enemies
of
the
Church
,
should
be
presently
absolved
,
nullifying
all
such
excommunications
,
and
this
hath
been
practised
not
in
France
onely
,
but
in
other
places
also
:
as
Histories
do
credibly
report
.
The
which
gives
us
just
occasio●●ost
perspicuously
to
see
and
know
,
that
if
he
which
holds
the
place
of
a
Prince
do
govern
ill
,
there
may
be
a
separation
from
him
without
incurring
justly
the
blame
of
revolt
;
for
that
they
are
things
in
themselves
directly
contrary
,
to
leave
a
bad
Pope
,
and
forsake
the
Church
,
a
wicked
King
,
and
the
Kingdom
.
To
returne
to
those
of
Lobna
,
they
seeme
to
have
followed
2
Kings
19.
8.
this
before
remembred
expedient
;
for
after
the
reestablishment
of
the
service
of
God
,
they
presently
became
again
the
subjects
of
King
Ezekias
.
And
if
ti
is
distinction
be
allowed
place
,
when
a
Pope
incroacheth
on
the
rights
of
any
Prince
,
which
notwithstanding
in
some
cases
acknowledgeth
him
for
his
Soveraign
:
Is
it
not
much
more
allowable
,
if
a
Prince
which
is
a
Vassall
in
that
respect
,
endeavours
to
assure
and
appropriate
to
himselfe
the
rights
of
God
.
Let
us
conclude
then
to
end
this
discourse
,
that
all
the
people
by
the
authority
of
those
,
into
whose
hands
they
have
committed
their
Power
,
or
divers
of
them
may
,
and
ought
to
Extrau
.
de
majo
.
&
obed.
reprove
and
represse
a
Prince
,
which
Commands
things
against
God
.
In
like
manner
,
that
all
,
or
at
the
least
,
the
principalls
of
Provinces
or
Towns
,
under
the
authority
of
the
chiefe
Magistrates
,
established
first
by
God
,
and
secondly
by
the
Prince
,
may
according
to
Law
and
reason
,
hinder
the
entrance
of
Idolatry
,
within
the
inclosure
of
their
walles
,
and
maintain
their
true
Religion
:
yea
further
,
they
may
extend
the
Confines
of
the
Church
,
which
is
but
one
,
and
in
failing
hereof
,
if
they
have
meanes
to
do
it
:
they
justly
incur
the
penaltie
of
High-Treason
against
the
Divine
Majesty
.
Whether
private
men
may
resist
by
Armes
.
It
remaines
now
that
we
speak
of
particulers
which
are
private
persons
.
First
,
particulars
or
private
persons
,
are
not
bound
to
take
up
arms
gainst
the
Prince
which
would
compell
them
to
become
Idolaters
.
The
L.
sicut
7
,
5.
1.
D.
qu●d
cujusque
●nivens
.
Cove-nant
betweene
God
&
all
the
people
who
promise
to
be
the
people
of
God
,
doth
not
in
any
sort
bind
them
to
that
;
for
as
that
which
belongs
to
the
whole
vniversall
body
,
is
in
no
sort
proper
to
particulars
:
so
in
like
manner
that
which
the
body
owes
and
is
bound
to
performe
,
cannot
by
any
sencible
reason
be
required
of
particular
persons
:
neither
doth
their
duty
any
thing
obliege
them
to
it
;
for
every
one
is
bound
to
serve
God
in
that
proper
vocation
,
to
which
this
called
.
Now
private
persons
they
have
no
power
,
they
have
no
publik
command
,
nor
any
calling
to
unsheath
the
sword
of
authority
;
And
therefore
as
God
hath
not
put
the
sword
into
the
hands
of
privat
men
:
so
doth
he
not
require
in
any
sort
that
they
should
strike
with
it
.
It
is
said
to
them
,
put
up
thy
sword
into
thy
scabberd
.
On
the
contrary
the
Apostle
saies
of
Majestrates
,
Mat.
26
52.
Rom.
13.
4.
they
carry
not
the
sword
in
vaine
;
If
particuler
men
draw
it
forth
,
they
make
themselves
Delinquents
;
If
Majestrates
be
slow
and
negligent
to
use
it
when
just
occasion
is
offered
,
they
are
likewise
justly
blameable
of
negligence
in
performing
their
duties
,
and
equally
guilty
with
the
former
.
But
you
will
say
unto
me
,
hath
not
God
made
a
Covenant
,
as
well
with
particular
persons
as
with
the
generality
,
with
the
least
as
well
as
the
higest
?
To
what
purpose
was
Circumcision
,
and
Baptisme
ordained
?
What
meaneth
that
frequent
repetition
of
the
Covenant
in
so
many
passages
of
holy
writ
?
All
this
is
true
,
but
the
consideration
hereof
is
divers
in
their
severall
kinds
;
For
as
all
the
subjects
of
a
good
and
faithfull
Prince
,
of
what
degree
soever
they
be
are
bound
to
obey
him
;
but
some
of
them
notwithstanding
have
their
particuler
duty
,
as
Magestrates
must
hold
others
in
obedience
,
in
like
manner
all
men
are
bound
to
serve
God
;
bnt
some
as
they
are
placed
in
a
higher
rancke
,
have
received
greater
authority
in
so
much
as
they
are
accountable
for
the
offences
of
others
,
if
they
attend
not
the
charges
of
the
Communalty
carefully
.
The
Kings
,
the
Communalties
of
people
,
the
Majestrates
into
whose
hands
the
whole
body
of
the
Common-wealth
hath
committed
the
sword
of
authority
,
must
and
onght
to
take
care
that
the
Church
be
maintained
and
preserved
,
particulars
ought
only
to
looke
that
they
render
themselves
members
of
this
Church
.
Kings
and
popular
Estates
are
bound
to
hinder
the
pollution
or
ruine
of
the
Temple
of
God
,
&
ought
to
free
and
defend
it
from
all
corruption
within
,
and
all
injury
from
without
.
Private
men
must
take
order
that
their
bodies
the
Temples
of
of
God
,
be
pure
,
that
they
may
be
fit
recptacles
for
the
Holy-ghoast
to
dwell
in
them
.
If
any
man
defile
the
Temple
of
God
,
saith
the
Apostle
,
him
1
Cor.
3.
17.
&
6.
19.
shall
God
destroy
;
for
the
Temple
of
God
is
holy
,
which
Temple
ye
are
,
to
the
former
he
gives
the
sword
,
which
they
beare
with
authority
:
to
the
other
he
recommends
the
sword
of
the
spirit
only
,
to
wit
,
the
word
of
God
,
wherewith
St.
Paul
armes
all
Christians
,
against
the
assaults
of
the
Ephes.
6.
17.
Divell
,
what
shall
then
private
men
do
?
if
the
King
will
constraine
them
to
serve
Idolls
?
If
the
Magistrates
into
whose
hands
the
people
hath
consigned
their
authority
,
or
if
the
Magistrates
of
the
place
,
where
these
particulers
dwell
,
do
oppose
these
proceedings
of
the
King
:
let
them
in
Gods
name
obey
their
leaders
,
and
imploy
all
their
meanes
(
as
in
the
service
of
God
)
to
ayd
the
holy
and
commendable
enterprises
of
those
,
which
oppose
themselves
lawfully
,
against
his
wicked
intention
.
Amongst
others
,
they
have
the
examples
of
the
Centurions
,
and
men
at
armes
,
which
readily
and
cheerfully
obeyed
the
Princes
of
Iuda
,
who
stirred
up
by
Iehoydas
,
purged
the
Church
from
all
prophanation
,
&
delivered
the
Kingdom
from
the
tyranny
of
Athiliah
.
But
if
the
Princes
,
and
Magistrates
,
approve
the
courses
of
an
outragious
and
irreligious
Prince
,
or
if
they
do
not
resist
him
,
we
must
lend
our
eares
to
the
Councell
of
Jesus
Christ
,
to
wit
,
to
retire
Mat.
10.
23.
our selves
into
some
other
place
;
we
have
the
example
of
the
faithfull
mixed
amongst
the
10.
Tribes
of
Israel
,
who
seeing
the
true
service
of
God
abolished
by
Ieroboam
,
and
that
none
made
any
accompt
of
it
,
they
retired
2
Chron.
11.
13.
&
15.
9.
Heb.
6.
6.
Mat.
10.
28.
Exod.
12.
&c.
Iud.
3.
16.
2
Kings
9.
themselves
into
the
territories
of
Iuda
,
where
Religion
remained
in
her
purity
:
let
us
rather
forsake
our
livelihoods
and
lives
,
then
God
,
let
us
rather
be
crucified
our selves
,
then
crucifie
the
Lord
of
life
:
feare
not
them
(
saith
the
Lord
)
which
can
only
kill
the
body
.
He
himselfe
,
his
Apostles
,
and
an
infinite
number
of
Christian
martirs
,
have
taught
us
this
by
their
examples
;
shall
it
not
then
be
permitted
to
any
private
person
to
resist
by
Armes
?
what
shall
we
say
of
Moses
,
which
lead
Israel
away
in
despite
of
King
Pharoah
?
And
of
Ehua
,
which
after
10.
years
servitude
,
when
Israel
might
seeme
to
belong
by
right
of
prescription
,
to
him
which
held
the
possession
thereof
,
he
killed
Eglon
,
the
King
of
Moab
,
and
delivered
Israel
from
the
yoak
of
the
Moabites
,
and
of
Iohu
,
which
put
to
death
his
Lord
the
King
Ioram
,
exterpated
the
race
of
Ahab
,
and
distroyed
the
Priests
of
Baall
,
were
not
these
particulers
?
I
answer
,
that
if
they
be
considered
in
themselves
,
they
may
well
be
accounted
particuler
persons
,
insomuch
as
they
had
not
any
ordinary
vocation
;
But
,
seeing
that
we
know
that
they
were
called
extraordinarily
,
and
that
God
himselfe
hath
(
if
we
may
so
speak
)
put
his
sword
into
their
hands
,
be
it
far
from
us
to
account
them
particuler
or
private
persons
,
but
rather
let
us
esteeme
them
by
many
degrees
,
excelling
any
ordinary
Magistrates
whatsoever
.
The
calling
of
Moses
is
approved
by
the
expresse
word
of
God
,
and
by
most
evident
miracles
,
it
is
said
of
Ehud
,
that
God
stirred
him
up
to
kill
the
Tyrant
,
and
deliver
Israel
;
for
Iehu
,
he
was
anointed
by
the
Commandement
of
the
Prophet
Elizeus
,
for
to
roote
out
the
race
of
Ahab
,
besides
,
that
the
principall
men
saluted
him
King
,
before
he
executed
any
thing
.
There
may
as
much
be
said
of
all
the
rest
,
whose
examples
are
propounded
in
holy
writ
.
But
where
God
Almighty
doth
not
speak
with
his
own
mouth
,
nor
extraordinarily
by
his
Prophets
,
it
is
there
that
we
ought
to
be
exceeding
cautious
,
and
to
stand
upon
our
guards
;
for
if
any
supposing
he
is
inspired
by
the
Holy-Ghost
,
do
attribute
to
himselfe
the
before
mentioned
authority
,
I
would
intreat
him
to
looke
that
he
be
not
puffed
up
with
vaine
glory
,
and
least
he
make
not
a
God
to
himselfe
of
his
own
fancy
,
and
sacrifice
to
his
own
inventions
,
let
him
not
then
be
conceived
with
vanity
,
least
instead
of
fruite
he
bring
forth
deluding
lies
.
Let
the
people
also
be
advised
on
their
parts
,
least
in
desiring
to
fight
under
the
Banner
of
Jesus
Christ
,
they
run
not
to
their
own
confusion
to
follow
the
Army
of
some
Gallilean
Thendas
,
or
of
Barcezha
:
as
it
happened
to
the
Pesants
and
Anabaptists
of
Munster
,
in
Germany
,
in
the
year
1323.
I
will
not
say
,
notwithstanding
that
the
same
God
which
to
punish
our
offences
,
hath
sent
us
in
these
our
dayes
,
both
Pharoes
and
Ahabs
,
may
not
sometimes
raise
up
extraordinary
deliverances
to
his
people
:
certainly
his
justice
and
his
mercy
continue
to
all
ages
,
firme
and
immutable
.
Now
if
these
visible
miracles
appear
not
as
in
former
times
;
we
may
yet
at
the
least
full
by
the
effects
that
God
workes
miraculously
in
our
hearts
,
which
is
when
we
have
our
minds
free
from
all
ambition
,
a
true
and
earnest
●eale
,
a
right
knowledge
,
and
conscience
;
least
being
guided
by
the
spirit
of
errour
or
ambition
,
we
rather
make
Idolls
of
our
own
immaginations
,
then
serve
and
worship
the
true
and
living
God
.
Whether
it
be
lawfull
to
take
Armes
for
Religion
.
Furthermore
to
take
away
all
scruple
,
we
must
necessarily
answer
,
those
which
esteeme
,
or
else
would
,
that
others
should
think
they
hold
that
opinion
,
that
the
Church
ought
not
to
be
defended
by
Armes
.
They
say
with
all
that
,
it
was
not
without
a
great
Mysterie
,
that
God
did
forbid
in
Exod.
20.
25.
Deut.
27.
3.
1
Kings
6.
7
the
Law
,
that
the
Alter
should
be
made
or
adorned
with
the
helpe
of
any
toole
of
Iron
;
in
like
manner
,
that
at
the
building
of
the
Temple
of
Solamon
:
there
was
not
heard
any
noyse
of
Axe
or
Hammer
,
or
other
tooles
of
Iron
;
from
whence
they
collect
that
the
Church
which
is
the
lively
Temple
of
the
Lord
,
ought
not
to
be
reformed
by
Armes
;
yea
,
as
if
the
stones
of
the
Alter
,
and
of
the
Temple
,
were
●ewed
and
taken
out
of
the
quarries
without
any
instrument
of
Iron
,
which
the
text
of
the
holy
Scripture
doth
sufficiently
cleare
.
But
if
we
oppose
to
this
goodly
Allegory
,
that
which
is
written
in
the
fourth
Chapter
of
the
book
of
Nehemiah
,
that
one
part
of
the
people
,
caried
morter
,
and
another
part
stood
ready
with
their
weapons
,
that
some
held
in
one
hand
their
swords
,
and
with
the
other
carried
the
materialls
to
the
workmen
,
for
the
rebuilding
of
the
Temple
:
to
the
end
,
by
this
meanes
to
prevent
their
enemies
from
ruining
their
work
,
we
say
also
that
the
Church
,
is
neither
advanced
,
nor
edified
by
these
materiall
weapons
;
but
by
these
armes
it
is
warranted
,
and
preserved
from
the
violence
of
the
enemies
,
which
will
not
by
any
meanes
endure
the
increase
of
i●
.
Briefly
,
there
hath
been
an
infinite
number
of
good
Kings
and
Princes
,
(
as
Histories
do
testifie
,
which
by
Arms
:
have
maintained
and
defended
the
service
of
God
against
Pagans
.
They
reply
readily
to
this
,
that
Warres
in
this
manner
were
allowable
under
the
Law
▪
but
since
the
time
that
grace
hath
been
offered
by
Jesus
Christ
,
who
would
not
enter
into
Ierusalem
mounted
on
a
brave
horse
;
but
meekly
sitting
on
an
asse
:
this
manner
of
proceeding
hath
had
an
end
,
I
answer
first
,
that
all
agree
with
me
in
this
,
that
our
Saviour
Christ
during
all
the
time
that
he
conversed
in
this
world
,
tooke
not
on
him
the
Office
of
a
Judge
,
or
King
;
but
rather
of
a
private
person
,
and
a
Delinquent
by
imputation
of
our
transgressions
:
so
that
it
is
an
allegation
besides
the
purpose
,
to
say
that
he
hath
not
managed
Armes
.
But
I
would
willingly
demand
of
such
exceptionists
:
whether
they
think
that
by
the
coming
of
Jesus
Christ
in
the
flesh
,
that
Magistrates
have
lost
their
right
in
the
sword
of
Authority
?
If
they
say
so
,
Saint
Paul
contradicts
them
,
who
saies
that
the
Magistates
carries
not
the
sword
in
vaine
,
and
did
not
refuse
their
assistance
Rom.
13
4.
Acts
23.
17.
and
power
,
against
the
violence
of
those
which
had
conspired
his
death
.
And
if
they
consent
to
the
saying
of
the
Apostle
to
what
purpose
should
the
Magestrates
beate
the
sword
,
if
it
be
not
to
serve
God
,
who
hath
committed
it
to
them
,
to
defend
the
good
and
punish
the
bad
?
Can
they
doe
better
service
then
to
preserve
the
Church
from
the
violence
of
the
wicked
,
&
to
deliver
the
flock
of
Christ
,
from
the
swords
of
murtherers
?
I
would
demaund
of
them
yet
,
whether
they
think
that
all
use
of
Arms
is
forbiden
to
Christians
?
If
this
be
their
opinion
,
then
would
I
know
of
them
,
wherefore
Christ
did
graunt
to
the
Centurian
his
request
?
Wherefore
did
he
give
Matt.
8.
9.
13.
Luc.
3.
14.
Act.
10.
47.
so
excelent
a
testimony
of
him
?
wherefore
doth
St.
Iohn
Baptist
command
the
men
at
Armes
to
content
themselves
with
their
pay
,
and
not
to
use
any
extortion
and
doth
not
rather
perswade
them
to
leave
their
●●●ing
?
Wherefore
did
Saint
Peter
Baptize
Cornellus
the
Centurian
who
was
the
first
fruits
of
the
Gentiles
?
From
whence
comes
it
that
he
did
not
in
any
sort
whatsoever
councell
him
to
leave
his
charge
?
Now
if
to
bear
arms
&
to
make
war
be
a
thing
lawfull
,
can
there
possibly
be
found
any
war
more
just
,
then
that
which
is
taken
in
hand
by
the
command
of
the
superiour
,
for
the
defence
of
the
Church
,
and
the
preservation
of
the
faithfull
?
Is
there
any
greater
tirany
,
then
that
which
is
excercised
over
the
soul
?
Can
there
be
imagined
a
war
more
commendable
then
that
which
suppresseth
such
a
tyrany
?
For
the
last
point
,
I
would
willingly
know
of
these
men
,
whether
it
be
absolutely
prohibited
Christians
,
to
make
war
upon
any
occasion
whatsoever
?
If
they
say
that
it
is
forbidden
them
:
from
whence
comes
it
then
that
the
men
at
Armes
,
Captains
,
and
Centurions
,
which
had
no
other
imployment
;
but
the
managing
of
Armes
were
alwayes
received
into
the
Church
?
wherefore
do
the
ancient
Fathers
,
and
Christian
Historians
make
so
horrible
mention
,
of
certain
legions
composed
wholly
of
Christian
Souldiers
,
and
amongst
others
of
that
of
Malta
,
so
renowned
;
for
the
victory
which
they
obteyned
,
and
of
that
of
Thebes
,
of
the
which
St.
Mauricious
was
Generall
,
who
suffered
martirdom
together
with
all
his
Troopes
,
for
the
confessing
of
the
name
of
Jesus
Christ
?
And
if
it
be
permitted
to
make
warre
(
as
it
may
be
they
will
confesse
)
to
keepe
the
limmits
and
Townes
of
a
Countrie
,
and
to
repulse
an
invading
enemy
:
Is
it
not
yet
a
thing
much
more
reasonable
,
to
take
Armes
to
preserve
and
defend
honest
men
,
to
suppresse
the
wicked
,
and
to
keepe
and
defend
the
limmits
and
bounds
of
the
Church
,
which
is
the
Kingdom
of
Jesus
Christ
?
if
it
were
otherwayes
,
to
what
purpose
?
should
St.
Iohn
have
foretold
,
that
the
whore
of
Babylon
,
shall
be
finally
ruined
by
Apoc.
27.
26.
the
10.
Kings
,
whom
she
hath
bewitched
?
furthermore
,
if
we
h●ld
a
contrary
opinion
,
what
shall
we
say
of
the
wares
of
Constantine
,
against
Maxentius
,
and
Licinius
,
celebrated
by
so
many
publick
orations
,
and
approved
by
the
Testimony
of
an
infinite
number
of
learned
men
,
what
opinion
should
we
hold
of
the
many
voyages
,
made
by
Christian
Princes
,
against
the
Turkes
and
Sarazins
to
conquer
the
holy
Land
,
who
had
not
,
or
at
the
least
,
ought
not
to
have
had
,
any
other
end
in
their
designes
;
but
to
binder
the
enemy
from
ruining
the
Temple
of
the
Land
,
and
to
restore
the
integrity
of
his
service
into
those
Countries
.
Although
then
that
the
Church
be
not
increased
by
Armes
,
notwithstanding
it
may
be
justly
preserved
by
the
meanes
of
Armes
;
I
say
further
,
that
those
that
dye
in
so
holy
a
war
,
are
no
less●
the
Martyrs
of
Jesus
Christ
,
then
their
brethren
which
were
put
to
death
for
Religion
;
nay
,
they
which
dye
in
that
war
seeme
to
have
this
inadvantage
,
that
with
a
free
will
&
knowing
sufficiently
hazard
,
into
which
they
cast
themselves
,
notwithstanding
,
do
couragiously
expose
their
lives
to
death
and
danger
,
whereas
other
do
only
not
refuse
death
,
when
it
behoveth
them
to
suffer
.
The
Turkes
strive
to
advance
their
opinion
by
the
meanes
of
Armes
,
and
if
they
do
subdue
a
Country
,
they
presently
bringin
by
force
the
impieties
of
Mahomet
;
who
in
his
Alcoran
,
hath
so
recommended
Armes
:
as
they
are
not
ashamed
to
say
it
is
the
ready
way
to
Heaven
,
yet
do
the
Turkes
constrain
no
man
in
matter
of
conscierce
.
But
he
which
is
a
much
greater
adversary
to
Christ
,
and
true
Religion
,
with
all
those
Kings
whom
he
hath
inchanted
,
opposeth
fire
and
fagots
,
to
the
light
of
the
Gospel
,
to●tures
the
word
of
God
,
compelling
by
wracking
,
and
torments
,
as
much
as
in
him
lieth
:
all
men
to
become
Idolaters
,
and
finally
is
not
ashamed
,
to
advance
and
maintain
their
faith
and
law
by
perfideous
disloyalty
,
and
their
traditions
by
continuall
traysons
.
Now
on
the
contrary
,
those
good
Princes
and
Magistrates
,
are
said
properly
to
defend
themselves
,
which
invirone
and
fortifie
by
all
their
meanes
and
industry
the
vine
of
Christ
,
already
planted
,
●o
be
planted
in
places
where
it
hath
not
yet
been
,
least
the
wild
boore
of
the
Forrest
should
sp●yl●
or
devoure
it
:
They
do
this
(
I
say
)
in
covering
with
their
Buckler
,
and
defending
with
their
sword
,
those
which
by
the
preaching
of
the
Gospel
have
been
converted
to
true
Religion
,
and
in
fortifying
with
their
best
ability
,
by
●avelin●
,
ditches
,
and
rampers
the
Temple
of
God
built
with
lively
stones
,
untill
it
Have
attained
the
full
height
,
in
despite
of
all
the
furious
assaul●s
of
the
enemies
thereof
,
we
have
lengthened
out
this
discourse
thus
far
,
to
the
end
,
we
might
take
away
all
scruple
concerning
this
question
.
Set
then
the
Estates
,
and
all
the
Officers
of
a
Kingdom
,
or
the
greatest
part
of
them
,
every
one
established
in
authority
by
the
people
:
know
,
that
if
they
containe
not
within
his
bounds
(
or
at
the
least
,
imploy
not
the
utmost
of
their
endeavours
thereto
)
a
King
that
seekes
to
corrupt
the
Law
of
God
,
or
hinders
the
reestablishment
thereof
,
that
they
offend
grievously
against
the
Lord
,
with
whom
they
have
contracted
Covenants
upon
those
conditions
:
Those
of
a
Town
,
or
of
a
Province
,
making
a
portion
of
a
Kingdom
,
let
them
know
also
,
that
they
draw
upon
themselves
the
judgement
of
God
,
if
they
drive
not
impiety
out
of
their
walls
and
confines
,
if
the
King
seeke
to
bring
it
in
,
or
if
they
be
wanting
to
preserve
by
all
meanes
,
the
pure
Doctrine
of
the
Gospel
,
although
for
the
defence
thereof
,
they
suffer
for
a
time
bannishment
,
or
any
other
misery
.
Finally
,
more
private
men
must
be
all
advertised
,
that
nothing
can
excuse
them
,
if
they
obey
any
in
that
which
offends
God
,
and
that
yet
they
have
no
right
nor
warrant
,
neither
may
in
any
sort
by
their
private
authority
take
armes
,
if
it
appear
not
most
evidently
,
that
they
have
extraordinary
vocation
thereunto
,
all
which
our
discourse
will
suppose
we
have
confirmed
by
pregnant
Testimonies
drawn
from
holy
writ
.
THE
THIRD
QUESTION
.
Whether
it
be
lawfull
to
resist
a
Prince
which
doth
oppresse
or
ruine
a
publike
State
,
and
how
far
such
resistance
may
be
extended
,
by
whom
,
how
,
and
by
what
right
,
or
law
it
is
permitted
.
FOr
so
much
as
we
must
here
dispute
of
the
lawfull
authoritie
of
a
lawfull
Prince
,
I
am
confident
that
this
question
will
be
the
lesse
acceptable
to
Tirants
,
and
wicked
Princes
;
for
it
is
no
marvell
if
those
which
receive
no
law
,
but
what
their
own
will
,
and
fancie
dictates
unto
them
,
be
deafe
unto
the
voyce
of
that
law
wich
is
grounded
upon
reason
.
Bu●
I
perswade
my selfe
that
good
Princes
will
willingly
entertaine
this
discourse
,
insomuch
as
they
sufficiently
know
that
all
Magistrates
,
be
they
of
never
so
high
a
rancke
,
are
but
an
inanimated
and
speaking
law
,
neither
though
any
thing
bee
pressed
home
against
the
bad
,
can
it
fall
within
any
inference
against
the
good
.
Tirants
and
Kings
,
as
also
good
and
bad
Princes
are
in
a
direct
diametre
opposi●e
and
contrarie
;
therefore
that
which
shall
be
urged
against
Tirants
,
is
so
farre
from
detracting
any
thing
from
Kings
,
as
one
the
contrary
,
the
more
Tirants
are
laid
open
in
their
proper
colours
,
the
more
glorious
doth
the
true
worth
,
&
dignitie
of
Kings
appear
:
neither
can
the
vitious
imperfections
the
one
be
layd
open
but
it
gives
addition
of
perfections
,
and
respect
to
the
honour
of
the
other
.
But
for
tirants
let
them
say
and
thinke
what
they
please
,
that
shall
be
the
least
of
my
care
;
for
it
is
not
to
them
,
but
again
them
that
I
write
;
for
Kings
I
beleeve
that
they
will
readily
consent
to
that
which
is
propounded
,
for
by
true
proportion
of
reason
they
ought
as
much
to
hate
Tirants
and
wicked
governours
.
as
Shepeards
hate
wolves
,
Phisitians
,
Impoysoners
,
true
Prophets
,
false
Doctors
for
it
must
necessarily
occur
that
reason
infuseth
into
good
Kings
as
much
hatred
against
Tirants
,
as
nature
imprinteth
in
dogs
against
wolves
,
for
as
the
one
lives
by
rapine
and
spoyle
,
so
the
other
is
borne
or
bred
to
redresse
and
prevent
all
such
outrages
.
It
may
be
the
flatterers
of
tirants
will
cast
a
supercilious
aspect
on
these
lines
;
but
if
they
were
not
past
all
grace
they
would
rather
blush
for
shame
I
very
well
know
that
the
friends
and
faithfull
servants
of
Kings
will
not
onely
approve
and
lovingly
entertayn
this
disconrse
but
also
with
their
best
abilities
defend
the
contents
thereof
accordingly
then
as
the
render
shall
find
himselfe
moved
either
with
content
or
dislike
in
the
reading
hereof
,
let
him
know
that
by
that
he
shall
plainly
discover
either
the
affection
,
or
hatred
that
he
beares
to
Tirants
,
let
us
now
enter
into
the
matter
.
Kings
are
made
by
the
People
.
We
have
shewed
before
that
it
is
God
,
that
doth
appoint
Kings
,
which
chuseth
them
,
which
gives
the
Kingdom
to
them
:
now
we
say
that
the
people
establish
Kings
,
putteth
the
Scepter
into
their
hands
,
and
which
with
their
suffrages
,
approveth
the
election
.
God
would
have
it
done
in
this
manner
,
to
the
end
,
that
the
Kings
should
acknowledge
,
that
after
God
they
held
their
power
and
Soveraignty
from
the
people
,
and
that
it
might
the
rather
induce
them
,
to
apply
&
addres
the
utmost
of
their
care
and
thoughts
for
the
profit
of
the
people
,
without
being
puffed
with
any
vaine
immagination
:
that
they
were
formed
of
any
matter
more
excellent
then
other
men
;
for
which
they
were
raised
so
high
above
others
:
as
if
they
were
to
command
over
slocks
of
sheepe
,
or
heards
of
Cattel
;
but
let
them
remember
and
know
,
that
they
are
of
the
same
mould
and
condition
as
others
,
raised
from
the
earth
by
the
voice
and
acclamations
:
now
as
it
were
upon
the
shoulders
of
the
people
unto
their
thrones
,
that
they
might
afterwards
bear
on
their
own
shoulders
the
greatest
burthens
of
the
Common-wealth
.
Divers
ages
before
that
,
the
people
of
Israel
demanded
a
King
.
God
gave
and
appointed
the
Law
of
royall
governmen●
contained
in
the
17.
Chapter
.
ver.
14.
of
Deut.
when
sayes
Moses
,
thou
art
come
u●to
●he
Land
which
the
Lord
thy
God
giveth
thee
,
and
shalt
possesse
it
,
and
shalt
dwell
therein
,
and
shalt
say
,
I
will
set
a
King
over
me
like
as
all
the
Nations
that
are
about
me
,
thou
shalt
in
any
wise
set
him
whom
the
Lord
thy
God
shall
chuse
from
amongst
thy
brethren
,
&c.
You
see
here
,
that
the
election
of
the
King
is
attributed
to
God
,
the
establishment
to
the
people
:
now
when
the
practice
of
this
law
came
in
use
,
see
in
what
manner
they
proceeded
.
The
Elders
of
Israel
which
presented
1
Sam.
8.
5.
the
whole
body
of
the
people
,
(
under
this
name
of
Elders
,
are
comprehended
the
Captains
,
the
Centurions
,
Commanders
over
fifties
and
tenns
,
Judges
,
provosts
;
but
principally
the
chiefest
of
tribes
)
came
to
meete
Samuel
in
Ramah
,
and
not
being
willing
longer
to
endure
the
government
of
the
sonnes
of
Samuel
,
whose
ill
carriage
had
justly
drawn
on
them
:
the
peoples
dislike
,
and
withall
perswading
themselves
that
they
had
found
the
meanes
to
make
their
warres
hereafter
with
more
advantage
they
demanded
1
Sam.
9.
16.
a
King
of
Samuel
,
who
asking
Councell
of
the
Lord
,
he
made
known
that
he
had
chosen
Saul
for
the
Governour
of
his
people
.
Then
Samuel
anointed
Saul
,
and
performed
all
those
rights
which
belong
to
the
election
of
a
King
required
by
the
people
.
Now
this
might
perhaps
have
seemed
sufficient
,
if
Samuel
had
presented
to
the
people
the
King
that
was
chosen
by
God
,
and
had
admonished
them
all
to
become
good
and
obedient
subjects
.
Notwithstanding
to
the
end
,
that
the
King
might
know
that
he
was
established
1
Sam.
20.
18.
&c.
by
the
people
,
Samuell
appointed
the
Estates
to
meet
at
Mispah
,
where
being
assembled
as
if
the
businesse
were
but
then
to
begin
,
and
nothing
had
allready
been
done
,
to
be
brief
as
if
the
election
of
Saul
were
then
only
to
be
treated
of
,
the
lot
is
cast
and
falls
on
the
Tribe
of
Benjamin
,
after
on
the
family
of
Matri
,
and
lastly
on
Saul
,
born
of
that
family
who
was
the
same
that
God
had
chosen
;
Then
by
the
consent
of
all
the
people
Saul
was
declared
King
.
Finally
,
to
the
that
Saul
nor
any
other
might
attribute
the
aforesaid
1
Sam.
11.
14.
businesse
to
chance
of
lot
,
after
that
Saul
had
made
some
proofe
of
his
valour
in
raysing
the
siege
of
the
Ammonites
in
Iabesh
Gilead
:
some
of
the
people
pressing
the
businesse
he
was
again
confirmed
King
in
a
full
assembly
at
Gilgal
;
ye
see
that
he
whom
God
had
chosen
,
and
the
lo●
had
separated
from
all
the
rest
,
is
established
King
by
the
suffrages
of
the
people
.
And
for
David
,
by
the
Commandement
of
God
,
and
in
a
manner
more
evident
●
Sam.
●6
.
then
the
former
,
after
the
rejection
of
Saul
,
Samuel
anointed
for
King
over
Israel
David
chosen
by
the
Lord
,
which
being
done
the
spirit
of
the
Lord
presently
left
saul
,
and
wrought
in
a
speciall
manner
in
David
;
But
David
notwithstanding
raigns
not
,
but
was
compeled
to
save
himselfe
in
deserts
and
rocks
,
oftentimes
falling
upon
the
very
brim
of
destruction
,
and
never
raigned
as
King
till
after
the
death
of
Saul
:
for
then
by
the
suffrages
of
all
the
people
of
Iudah
he
was
first
chosen
King
of
Iudah
,
and
seaven
yeares
after
by
the
consent
of
all
Israell
,
he
was
inaugurated
King
of
Israell
in
Hebron
.
So
then
he
is
annointed
first
by
the
Prophet
at
the
commandement
of
God
,
as
a
token
he
was
chosen
,
secondly
by
the
commandement
of
the
people
when
he
was
established
King
.
And
that
to
the
end
that
Kings
may
alwayes
remember
that
it
is
from
God
;
but
by
the
people
,
and
for
the
peoples
sake
that
they
2
Sam.
2.
doe
raignt
,
and
that
in
there
glorie
they
say
not
(
as
is
there
custome
)
that
they
hold
their
Kingdome
only
of
God
and
there
sword
,
but
withall
add
that
it
was
the
people
which
first
girt
them
with
that
sword
.
The
same
order
offered
in
Solomon
,
although
he
was
the
Kings
sonne
God
hath
chosen
Solomon
,
to
sit
upon
the
Throne
of
his
Kingdome
,
and
by
expresse
words
2
Sam.
7.
13.
1
Kings
3.
Chron.
28.
5
1
Kings
2.
32.
1
Chron.
28.
1.
&
20.
22.
24.
had
promised
David
to
be
with
him
and
assist
him
as
a
Father
his
soone
.
David
had
with
his
one
mouth
designed
Solomon
to
be
successor
to
his
Crowne
in
the
presence
of
some
of
the
principall
of
his
Court
.
But
this
was
not
enough
and
therefore
David
assembled
at
Ierusalem
the
Princes
of
Israell
,
the
heads
of
the
Tribes
the
Captaines
of
the
Souldiers
and
ordinance
officers
of
the
Kings
,
the
centurions
&
other
Magistrates
of
Towns
together
with
his
sons
,
the
noble
men
and
worthiest
personages
of
the
Kingdome
,
to
consult
and
resolve
upon
the
election
.
In
this
Assemblie
after
they
had
called
upon
the
name
of
God
,
Solomon
by
the
consent
of
the
whole
congregation
proclaimed
and
annointed
for
King
,
and
sat
(
so
saith
the
text
)
upon
the
Throne
of
Israell
then
and
not
before
the
Princes
the
Noblemen
his
brothers
themselves
do
him
homage
,
and
take
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
.
And
to
the
end
,
that
it
may
not
be
said
,
that
that
was
onely
done
to
avoid
occasion
of
difference
,
which
might
arise
amongst
the
brothers
the
sonnes
of
David
about
the
succession
,
we
reade
2
Kings
20.
2
Chron.
20.
36.
&
22.
1.
&
36
,
1.
that
the
other
following
Kings
have
in
the
same
manner
been
established
in
their
places
it
is
said
,
that
after
the
death
of
Solomon
,
the
people
assembled
to
create
his
sonne
Rehoboam
King
.
After
that
Amaziah
was
killed
,
Ozias
his
only
sonne
was
chosen
King
by
all
the
people
,
Och●sias
after
Ioram
,
Ioachim
,
the
sonne
of
Iosias
,
after
the
disease
of
his
Father
,
whose
piety
might
well
seeme
to
require
that
without
any
other
solemnity
,
notwithstanding
both
he
and
the
other
were
chosen
and
invested
into
the
royall
Throne
by
the
suffrages
of
the
people
.
To
which
also
belongs
,
that
which
Hushai
said
to
Absolam
,
nay
;
but
2
Sam.
16.
18.
whom
the
Lord
and
this
people
,
and
all
the
men
of
Israel
chuse
,
his
will
I
be
,
and
with
him
will
I
abide
,
which
is
as
much
as
to
say
,
I
will
follow
the
King
lawfully
established
,
and
according
to
the
accustomed
order
;
wherefore
although
that
God
had
promised
to
his
people
a
perpetuall
Lampe
,
to
wit
,
a
King
,
and
a
continuall
successour
of
the
Line
of
David
,
and
that
the
successour
Psal.
132.
11.
12.
of
the
Kings
of
this
people
were
approved
by
the
word
of
God
himselfe
.
Notwithstanding
,
since
that
we
see
that
the
Kings
have
not
reigned
,
before
the
people
had
ordained
and
installed
them
,
with
requisite
Ceremonies
:
it
may
be
collected
from
this
,
that
the
Kingdom
of
Israel
,
was
hereditary
,
if
we
consider
David
and
the
promise
made
to
him
,
and
that
it
was
wholly
elective
,
if
we
regard
the
particuler
persons
.
But
to
what
purpose
is
this
,
but
to
make
it
apparent
,
that
the
election
is
onely
mentioned
,
that
the
Kings
might
have
alwayes
in
their
remembrance
,
that
they
were
raised
to
their
dignities
by
the
people
,
and
therefore
they
should
never
forget
during
life
,
in
what
a
strict
bond
of
observance
they
are
tyed
to
those
from
whom
they
have
received
all
their
greatnesse
.
We
read
that
the
Kings
of
the
Heathen
have
been
established
also
by
the
people
;
for
as
when
they
had
either
troubles
at
home
,
or
warres
abroad
,
some
one
in
whose
ready
vallour
,
and
discreete
integrity
,
the
people
did
principally
relye
and
repose
their
greatest
Herodi
.
lib.
1.
Cicero
.
1.
de
offici
.
Tit.
Livi
.
lib.
1.
confidence
,
him
they
presently
with
a
universall
consent
constituted
King
.
Cicero
saith
,
that
amongst
the
Medes
,
Deioces
from
a
Judge
of
private
controvercies
was
for
his
uprightnesse
,
by
the
whole
people
elected
King
,
and
in
the
same
manner
were
the
first
Kings
chosen
amongst
the
Romans
.
Insomuch
,
that
after
the
death
of
Romulus
,
the
interrayde
and
Government
of
the
hundred
senators
,
being
little
acceptable
to
the
Quiutes
it
was
agreed
that
from
thence
forward
,
the
Kings
should
be
chosen
by
the
suffrages
of
the
people
,
and
the
approbation
of
the
senate
.
Forquius
Superbus
was
therefore
esteemed
a
tyrant
,
because
being
chosen
neither
by
the
people
nor
the
senate
,
he
intruded
himself
into
the
Kingdom
only
by
force
and
usurpation
;
Wherefore
Iulius
Caesar
long
after
though
he
gained
the
Empire
by
the
sword
,
yet
to
the
end
he
might
adde
some
shaddow
or
pretence
of
right
to
his
former
intrusion
,
he
caused
himself
to
be
declared
both
by
the
people
and
senate
perpetually
dictator
.
Augustus
his
adopted
sonne
would
never
take
on
him
as
inheriter
of
the
Empire
,
although
he
were
declared
so
by
the
testaments
of
Cesar
;
but
alwaies
held
it
as
of
the
people
and
senate
.
The
same
also
did
Tiberius
,
Caligula
and
Claudius
,
and
the
first
that
assumed
the
Empire
to
himself
without
any
colour
of
right
,
was
Nero
who
also
by
the
senate
was
condemned
.
Briefly
for
so
much
as
none
were
ever
born
with
Crowns
one
their
heads
,
and
sceptes
in
their
hands
,
and
that
no
man
can
be
a
King
by
himself
nor
reign
without
people
;
whereas
on
the
contrary
the
people
may
subsist
of
themselves
,
and
were
long
before
they
had
any
Kings
,
it
must
of
necessity
follow
that
Kings
were
at
the
first
constituted
by
the
people
,
And
although
the
sons
and
dependants
of
such
Kings
inheriting
their
fathers
vertues
,
may
in
a
sort
seeme
to
have
rendred
their
Kingdome
heriditary
to
their
off-springs
and
that
in
some
Kingdoms
and
Countries
the
right
of
free
election
seems
in
a
sort
buried
;
yet
notwithstanding
in
all
well
ordered
Kingdoms
this
custome
is
yet
remaining
,
the
sons
do
not
succeed
the
fathers
,
before
the
people
first
have
as
it
were
a
new
established
them
by
their
new
approbation
;
neither
were
they
acknowledged
in
qual●ity
as
inheriting
it
from
the
dead
;
but
approved
and
accounted
Kings
then
only
when
they
were
invested
with
the
Kingdom
,
by
receiving
the
Scepter
and
Diadem
from
the
hands
of
those
who
represent
the
Majesty
of
the
people
.
One
may
see
most
evident
marks
of
this
in
Christian
Kingdoms
,
which
are
at
this
day
esteemed
heriditary
;
for
the
French
King
,
he
of
Spaine
and
England
and
others
are
commonly
sacred
,
and
as
it
were
put
into
posession
of
their
authority
by
the
Peeres
,
Lords
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
Officers
of
the
Crowne
which
represent
the
body
of
the
people
;
no
more
nor
lesse
then
the
Emperours
of
Germany
are
chosen
by
the
Electors
,
and
the
Kings
of
Polonia
,
by
the
yawodes
and
Pallatines
of
the
Kingdom
,
where
the
right
of
Election
is
yet
in
force
.
In
like
manner
also
,
the
Cities
give
no
royall
reception
,
nor
entries
unto
the
King
but
also
their
inauguration
,
and
anciently
they
used
not
to
count
the
times
of
their
reign
but
from
the
day
of
their
coronation
,
the
which
was
strictly
observed
in
France
.
But
least
the
continued
course
of
some
successions
should
deceive
us
,
we
must
take
notice
that
the
estates
of
the
Kingdoms
have
often
preferred
the
cosen
before
the
sonne
,
the
younger
brother
before
the
Elder
as
in
France
Lewis
was
preferred
before
his
brother
Robert
Earle
of
Eureux
:
[
Annalos
Gill●j
]
in
like
manner
Henry
before
Robert
nephew
to
Cap●t
.
Nay
which
is
more
by
authority
of
the
people
in
the
same
Kingdom
,
the
Crown
hath
bin
transported
(
the
lawfull
inheritors
living
)
from
one
linage
to
another
as
from
that
of
Meroue
to
that
of
the
Charlemaint
,
and
from
that
of
the
Charlemains
to
tha●
of
the
Capets
,
the
which
hath
also
beene
done
in
other
Kingdoms
as
the
best
Historians
testify
;
But
not
to
wander
from
France
the
long
continuance
and
power
of
which
Kingdom
may
in
some
sort
plead
for
a
ruling
authority
,
and
where
succession
seems
to
have
obtained
most
●●putation
.
We
read
that
Pharamond
was
chosen
in
the
year
419
Pepin
in
the
year
751.
Charles
the
Great
and
Carleman
the
sonne
of
Pepin
in
the
yeare
768
without
having
any
respect
to
their
Fathers
former
estate
.
Carleman
dying
in
the
yeare
772.
his
portion
fell
not
presently
into
the
posession
of
his
brother
Charles
the
great
,
as
it
ordinarily
happens
in
the
succession
of
inheritances
,
but
by
the
Ordinance
of
the
people
and
the
estates
of
the
Kingdom
he
is
invested
with
it
.
the
same
authour
witnesseth
that
in
the
yeare
812
Lewis
the
Courteous
although
he
were
the
sonne
of
Charles
the
great
was
also
elected
:
and
in
the
Testament
of
Charlimane
inserted
into
the
history
written
by
Nanclere
,
Charlemane
doth
intreate
the
people
to
chuse
by
a
geuerall
assembly
of
the
Estates
of
the
Kingdom
which
of
his
Grand-children
or
Nephews
the
people
pleased
,
and
commaunding
the
Vncles
to
observe
and
obey
the
Ordinance
of
the
people
,
by
meanes
whereof
Charles
the
bald
nephew
to
Lewis
the
courtious
and
Iudith
,
doth
declare
himself
to
be
chosen
King
,
as
Aimonius
the
French
historian
recites
.
To
conclude
in
a
word
,
all
Kings
at
the
first
were
altogeather
elected
,
and
those
which
at
this
day
seeme
to
have
their
Crown
and
Royall
authority
by
inheritance
,
have
or
should
have
first
and
principally
their
confirmation
from
the
people
.
Briefly
although
the
people
of
some
Countries
have
been
accustomed
to
chuse
their
Kings
of
such
a
linage
which
for
some
notable
merrits
have
worthily
deserved
i●
;
yet
we
must
believe
that
they
chuse
the
stock
it self
and
not
every
branch
that
proceeds
from
it
neither
are
they
so
tied
to
that
election
,
as
if
the
successour
degenerate
they
may
not
chuse
another
more
worthy
,
neither
those
which
come
and
are
the
next
of
that
stock
are
borne
Kings
but
created
such
,
nor
called
Kings
but
Princes
of
the
bloud
royall
.
The
whole
body
of
the
people
is
above
the
King
.
Now
seeing
that
the
people
chuse
and
establish
their
Kings
,
it
followeth
that
the
whole
body
of
the
people
is
above
the
King
;
for
it
is
a
thing
most
evident
that
he
which
is
established
by
another
is
accounted
under
him
that
hath
established
him
,
&
he
which
receives
his
authority
from
an
other
is
lesse
then
he
from
whom
he
denies
his
power
.
Potiphar
the
Egyptian
setteth
Ioseph
over
all
his
House
,
Nebuchadoezzar
Danniel
over
the
Province
of
Babylon
,
Darius
the
sixscore
governors
over
the
kingdom
.
It
is
commonly
said
that
Mrs.
establish
their
servants
,
Kings
their
officers
:
In
like
manner
also
the
people
establish
the
King
as
administrator
of
the
Common-wealth
.
G●od
kings
have
not
disdained
this
title
;
yea
,
he
had
ones
themselvs
have
affected
it
:
insomuch
,
as
for
the
space
of
divers
Ages
no
Roman
Emperor
(
if
it
were
not
some
absolute
tyrant
,
as
Nero
,
Domitian
,
Caligula
)
would
suffer
himself
to
be
called
Lord
;
Furthermore
,
it
must
necessarily
be
that
Kings
were
instituted
for
the
peoples
sake
,
neither
can
it
be
,
that
for
the
pleasure
of
some
hundred
of
men
,
and
without
doubt
more
foolish
and
worse
then
many
of
the
other
,
all
the
rest
were
made
,
but
much
rather
that
th●se
hundred
were
made
for
the
us●
and
service
of
all
the
other
,
And
reason
requires
that
he
be
preferred
above
the
other
,
who
was
made
only
to
and
for
his
occasion
:
so
it
is
,
that
for
the
ships
sa●e
,
the
owner
appoints
a
pylot
over
her
,
who
sits
at
the
he●m
,
and
looks
that
she
keeps
her
course
,
nor
run
nor
upon
any
dangerous
sheilf
:
the
pylot
doing
his
duty
is
obeyed
by
the
Mariners
;
yea
,
&
of
him
himself
that
is
owner
of
the
vessel
,
notwithstanding
,
the
p●lot
is
a
servant
as
well
as
the
least
in
the
ship
from
whom
he
only
differs
in
this
that
he
servs
in
better
place
then
they
do
.
In
a
Common-wea●th
common●y
compared
to
a
ship
the
King
holds
the
p●nce
of
pylot
,
the
people
in
general
are
owners
of
the
vessel
,
obeying
the
pylot
whilest
he
is
●a●e●ull
of
the
publique
good
a●though
this
pylot
neither
is
nor
ought
to
be
esteemed
other
then
servant
to
the
publique
,
as
a
Judge
or
General
in
war
differs
little
from
other
officers
,
but
that
he
is
bound
to
bear
greater
burdens
,
&
expose
himse●f
to
more
dangers
.
By
the
same
reason
also
which
t●e
King
gains
by
acquist
of
arms
,
be
〈…〉
possesseth
himself
of
Frontier
places
in
warring
on
the
enemy
,
or
that
which
he
gets
b●
esch●ats
or
consistations
,
he
gets
it
to
the
Kingdom
&
not
to
himself
;
to
wit
,
to
the
people
,
of
whom
the
Kingdom
is
composed
;
no
more
,
nor
less
,
then
the
servane
doth
for
his
master
,
neither
may
one
contract
or
ob●iege
themse●vs
to
him
,
but
by
&
with
reference
to
the
authority
derived
from
the
people
.
Furthermore
,
there
is
an
infinite
sort
of
people
which
●ive
with
out
a
King
;
but
we
cannot
imagine
a
King
without
p●ople
,
And
those
which
have
bin
raised
to
the
Royal
dignity
,
were
not
advanced
because
they
excel●ed
other
men
in
beauty
&
come●iness
,
nor
in
some
excellency
of
nature
to
govern
them
as
shepheards
doe
their
flocks
,
but
rather
being
made
out
of
the
same
masse
with
the
rest
of
the
people
,
they
should
acknowledge
that
for
them
,
they
as
it
were
borrow
their
power
&
authority
,
The
ancient
custome
of
the
French
represents
that
exceeding
wel●
,
for
they
used
to
lift
up
on
a
buckler
,
&
sa●ute
him
King
whom
they
had
chosen
.
And
wherefore
is
it
said
,
I
pray
you
that
kings
h●ve
an
infinite
number
of
eyes
,
a
million
of
ears
,
with
extream
long
hands
,
and
feet
exceeding
swift
?
is
it
because
they
are
like
to
Argos
,
Gerion
,
Midas
,
&
divers
others
●o
celebrated
by
the
Poets
?
No
truly
,
but
it
is
said
in
regard
of
all
the
people
,
whom
the
busines
principal●y
concerns
,
who
lend
to
the
king
for
the
good
of
the
Common-wealth
,
their
eye●
,
their
ears
,
their
means
their
facu●ties
.
Let
the
people
forsake
the
king
,
he
presently
fals
to
the
ground
,
although
befo●e
his
hearing
&
sight
seemed
most
excellent
,
&
that
he
was
strong
&
in
the
best
disposition
that
might
be
,
yea
that
he
seemed
to
triumph
in
all
magnificence
,
yet
in
an
instant
he
wi●l
become
mo●t
vi●e
&
contemptible
,
to
bee
brief
,
instead
of
those
divine
honours
wherewith
all
men
adored
him
,
he
shal
be
compe●ed
Dionisius
for
his
Ti●a●●ie
driven
o●t
of
C●cil●e
was
fo●s●d
to
ta●e
that
course
of
lif●
up●n
h●m
.
to
become
a
Pedant
,
&
whip
children
in
the
schoo●
at
Corinth
.
Take
away
but
the
basis
,
to
this
Giant
,
&
l●●e
the
Rodian
Colosse
he
p●esently
tumbles
on
the
ground
,
&
fals
into
pieces
.
Seeing
th●n
that
the
King
is
estab●ished
in
this
degree
by
the
people
&
for
their
sake
,
&
that
he
cannot
subsist
without
them
,
who
can
think
it
strange
then
for
us
to
conclude
,
that
the
peop●e
are
aboue
the
King
.
Now
that
which
we
speak
of
al●
the
people
universally
,
ought
also
to
be
understood
as
hath
been
delivered
in
the
2.
question
,
of
those
which
in
every
Kingdom
or
town
do
●●●wfully
represent
the
body
of
the
people
,
&
which
ordinarily
(
or
at
lest
should
be
)
ca●ed
the
officers
of
the
Kingdom
,
or
of
the
crown
,
&
not
of
the
King
;
For
the
officers
of
the
●ing
it
is
he
which
placeth
&
displaceth
them
at
his
pleasure
,
yea
,
after
his
death
they
have
no
more
power
,
&
are
accounted
as
dead
.
On
the
contrary
,
the
officers
of
the
Kingdom
receive
their
authority
from
the
people
in
the
general
Assembly
of
the
states
(
or
at
the
least
wer●
accustomed
so
anciently
to
have
done
)
&
cannot
be
disauthorised
but
by
them
,
so
then
the
one
depends
of
the
King
,
the
other
of
the
Kingdom
,
those
of
t●e
soveraign
officer
of
the
●ingdom
which
is
the
King
himself
,
these
of
the
soveraignty
it self
,
that
is
of
the
people
,
of
which
soveraignty
both
the
King
,
all
his
officers
,
and
all
his
officers
of
the
●ingdom
,
ought
to
depend
,
the
charge
of
the
one
hath
proper
relation
to
the
care
of
the
●ings
person
:
that
of
the
other
to
look
that
the
common-wealth
receive
no
damage
,
the
first
ought
to
serve
and
assist
the
King
,
as
all
domestique
servants
are
bound
to
doe
to
their
masters
the
other
to
preserve
the
rights
&
priviledges
of
the
people
,
&
to
carefully
hinder
the
Prince
that
he
neither
omit
the
things
that
may
advantage
the
state
,
nor
commit
any
thing
that
may
endammage
the
publique
.
Briefly
,
the
one
are
Servants
and
domestiques
of
the
Kings
,
and
received
into
their
places
to
obey
his
person
:
the
other
,
on
the
contrary
,
are
as
Associates
to
the
King
in
the
administration
of
justice
,
participating
of
the
Royal
power
and
authority
,
being
bound
to
the
utmost
of
their
power
,
to
be
assisting
in
the
managing
of
the
affairs
of
State
,
as
well
as
the
King
who
is
as
it
were
President
amongst
them
,
and
principall
onely
in
order
and
degree
.
Therefore
,
as
all
the
whole
People
is
above
the
King
,
and
likewise
taken
in
one
entire
body
are
in
authority
before
him
;
yet
being
considered
one
by
one
they
are
all
of
them
under
the
King
.
It
is
easie
to
know
how
far
the
power
of
the
first
Kings
extended
,
in
that
Ephron
King
of
the
Hittites
could
not
grant
Abraham
the
Sepulchre
,
but
in
the
presence
and
with
the
consent
of
the
People
:
neither
could
Hemor
the
Hevite
Gen.
34.
King
of
Sichem
contract
an
alliance
with
Iacob
,
without
the
Peoples
assent
,
and
confirmation
thereof
;
because
it
was
then
the
custome
to
refer
the
most
important
affairs
to
be
dispensed
and
resolved
in
the
generall
Assemblies
of
the
People
.
This
might
easily
be
practised
in
those
kingdomes
,
which
were
then
almost
confined
within
the
circuit
of
one
towne
.
But
since
that
Kings
began
to
extend
their
limits
,
and
that
it
was
impossible
for
the
People
to
assemble
together
all
into
one
place
because
of
their
great
numbers
,
which
would
have
occasioned
confusion
the
Officers
of
the
kingdome
were
established
,
which
should
ordinarily
preserve
the
rights
of
the
People
,
in
such
sort
notwithstanding
,
as
when
extraordinary
occasion
required
the
People
might
be
assembled
,
or
at
the
least
such
an
abridgement
as
might
by
the
principallest
Members
be
a
Representation
of
the
whole
Body
.
We
see
this
order
established
in
the
kingdome
of
Israel
,
which
(
in
the
judgment
of
the
wisest
Politicians
)
was
excellently
ordered
.
The
King
had
his
Cupbearers
his
Carvers
,
his
Chamberlains
and
Stewards
.
The
kingdome
had
her
Officers
,
to
wit
,
the
71.
Elders
,
and
the
heads
and
chief
chosen
out
of
all
the
Tribes
,
which
had
the
care
of
the
Publique
Faith
in
Peace
and
War
.
Furthermore
,
the
kingdome
had
in
every
town
Magistrates
,
which
had
the
particular
government
of
them
,
as
the
former
were
for
the
whole
kingdome
.
At
such
times
as
affairs
of
consequence
were
to
be
treated
of
,
they
assembled
together
,
but
nothing
that
concerned
the
publike
state
could
receive
any
solid
determination
.
David
assembled
the
Officers
of
1.
Chron.
29.
1
1.
Chron.
13.
1.
his
kingdome
when
he
desired
to
invest
his
Son
Solomon
with
the
Royal
Dignity
;
when
he
would
have
examined
and
approved
that
manner
of
policy
,
and
managing
of
affairs
,
that
he
had
revived
and
restored
,
and
when
there
was
question
of
removing
the
Ark
of
the
Covenant
.
And
because
they
represented
the
whole
people
,
it
is
said
in
the
History
,
that
all
the
people
assembled
.
These
were
the
same
Officers
that
delivered
Ionathan
from
death
,
condemned
by
the
sentence
of
the
King
,
by
which
it
appeares
,
that
there
might
be
an
appeale
from
the
King
to
the
People
.
After
that
the
kingdome
was
divided
through
the
pride
of
Reoboam
,
●
Sam.
●●
.
45.
the
Councel
at
Ierusalem
composed
of
71.
Ancients
,
seems
to
have
such
authority
,
that
they
might
judge
the
King
,
as
well
as
the
King
might
judge
every
one
of
them
in
particular
.
In
this
Councel
was
President
the
Duke
of
the
house
of
Iuda
,
to
wit
,
●
Chron.
1●
.
Neh.
11.
9.
some
principall
man
chosen
out
of
that
Tribe
;
as
also
,
in
the
City
of
Ierusalem
there
was
a
Governour
chosen
out
of
the
Tribe
of
Benjamin
residing
there
.
This
will
appear
more
manifest
by
examples
,
Ieremy
sent
by
God
to
denounce
to
the
Jewes
the
destruction
of
Ierusalem
,
was
therefore
condemned
first
by
the
Priests
and
Prophets
,
in
whose
hands
was
●or
.
16.
9
〈◊〉
.
the
Ecclesiasticall
jurisdiction
afterwards
by
all
the
people
of
the
City
;
that
is
,
by
the
ordinary
Iudges
of
Ierusalem
,
to
wit
,
the
Milleniers
,
and
the
Centurions
:
Finally
,
the
matter
being
brought
before
the
Princes
of
Iuda
,
who
were
the
71.
Elders
assembled
,
and
set
neere
to
the
new
Gate
of
the
Temple
,
he
was
by
them
acquitted
.
In
this
very
Assembly
,
they
did
discreetly
condemn
,
in
expresse
terms
,
the
wicked
and
cruell
act
of
the
King
Ichoiakin
,
who
a
little
before
had
caused
the
Prophet
Vriah
to
be
slain
,
who
also
fore-told
the
destruction
of
Ierusalem
.
We
read
in
another
place
that
Ledechias
held
in
such
reverence
the
authority
of
this
Councel
,
that
he
was
so
far
from
delivering
of
Ieremy
〈◊〉
37.
38.
from
the
dungeon
,
wherein
to
the
71.
had
cast
him
that
he
durst
scant
remove
him
into
a
lesse
rigorous
prison
.
They
perswading
him
to
give
his
consent
to
the
putting
to
death
the
Prophet
Ieremy
,
he
answered
,
that
he
was
in
their
hands
,
and
that
he
might
not
oppose
them
in
my
thing
.
The
same
King
fearing
least
they
might
make
information
against
him
,
to
bring
him
to
an
account
for
certain
Speeches
he
had
used
to
the
Prophet
Ieremy
,
was
glad
to
fe●gn
an
untrue
excuse
It
appeares
by
this
,
that
in
the
kingdome
of
Iuda
this
Councel
was
above
the
King
,
in
this
kingdome
,
I
say
not
fashioned
or
established
by
Plato
or
Arictotle
,
but
by
the
Lord
God
,
himself
being
Author
of
all
their
order
,
and
supreame
Moderator
in
that
Monarchy
.
Such
were
the
seven
Magi
or
Sages
in
the
Persian
Empire
,
who
had
almost
a
paraleld
dignity
with
the
King
,
and
were
tearmed
the
ears
and
eyes
of
the
King
,
who
also
never
dissented
from
Arist.
in
Pol.
lib.
●
.
c.
11.
l.
3.
c.
7.
the
judgment
of
those
Sages
.
In
the
kingdom
of
Sparta
there
was
the
Ephori
,
to
whom
an
appeal
lay
from
the
judgment
of
the
King
,
and
who
,
as
Aristotle
sayes
,
had
authority
also
to
judge
the
Kings
themselves
.
In
Egypt
the
people
were
accustomed
to
chuse
and
give
officers
to
the
King
,
to
the
end
they
might
hinder
and
prevent
any
incroachment
,
or
usurpt
authority
,
contrary
to
the
Laws
.
Now
as
Aristotle
doth
ordinarily
tearm
those
lawfull
Kings
,
which
have
for
their
Assistants
,
such
officers
Arist.
in
pol.
l.
5.
c.
11.
or
Councellors
:
so
also
maketh
he
no
difficulty
to
say
,
that
where
they
be
wanting
,
there
can
be
no
true
Monarchy
,
but
rather
a
tyranny
,
absolutely
barbarous
,
or
at
the
least
such
a
Dominion
,
as
doth
most
neerly
approach
tyranny
.
In
the
Romane
Common-wealth
,
such
were
the
Senators
,
and
the
Magistrates
created
by
the
people
the
tribune
of
those
which
were
called
Celerees
,
the
Preter
or
Provost
of
the
City
,
and
others
,
insomuch
as
there
lay
an
appeal
from
the
King
to
the
People
,
as
Seneca
declares
by
divers
testimonies
drawne
from
Ciceroes
bookes
of
the
Common-wealth
,
and
the
History
of
Oratius
sufficiently
shewes
,
who
being
condemned
by
the
Iudges
for
killing
his
sister
,
was
acquitted
by
the
people
.
In
the
times
of
the
Emperours
,
there
was
the
Senate
the
Consults
,
the
Pretors
,
the
great
Provosts
of
the
Empire
,
the
Governours
of
Provinces
,
attributed
to
the
Senate
and
the
People
,
all
which
were
called
the
Magistrates
and
Officers
of
the
people
of
Rome
.
And
therefore
,
when
that
by
the
decree
of
the
Senate
,
the
Emperour
Maximinus
was
declared
enemy
Herodi
.
●
8.
of
the
Common-wealth
,
and
that
Maximus
and
Albinus
were
created
Emperours
by
the
Senate
,
the
men
of
war
were
sworn
to
be
faithfull
,
and
obedient
to
the
people
of
Rome
the
Senate
,
and
the
Emperors
.
Now
for
the
Empires
and
publike
States
of
these
times
(
except
those
of
Turquie
,
Muscovie
,
and
such
like
,
which
are
rather
a
rapsody
of
Robbers
,
and
barbarous
intruders
,
then
any
lawfull
Empires
)
there
is
not
one
,
which
is
not
,
or
hath
not
heretofore
been
governed
in
the
manner
wee
have
described
.
And
if
through
the
connivency
and
sloath
of
the
principall
Officers
,
the
successors
have
found
the
businesse
in
a
worse
condition
,
those
which
have
for
the
present
the
publike
Authority
in
their
hands
,
are
notwithstanding
bound
as
much
as
in
them
lyeth
to
reduce
things
into
their
primary
estate
and
condition
.
In
the
Empire
of
Germany
which
is
conferred
by
election
,
there
is
the
Electors
and
the
Princes
both
secular
and
Ecclesiasticall
,
the
Countesse
,
Barons
,
and
Deputies
of
the
Imperial
Cities
,
and
as
all
these
in
their
proper
places
are
Solicitors
for
the
publike
good
likewise
in
the
Diets
doe
they
represent
the
Majesty
of
the
Empire
,
being
obliged
to
advise
,
and
carefully
fore-see
,
that
neither
by
the
Emperours
,
partiality
,
hate
nor
affection
,
the
publike
State
do
suffer
,
or
be
interressed
.
And
for
this
reason
,
the
Empire
hath
its
Chancellour
,
as
well
as
the
Emperour
his
,
both
the
one
and
the
other
have
their
peculiar
Officers
and
Treasurers
apart
.
And
it
is
a
thing
so
notorious
,
that
the
Empire
is
preferred
before
the
Emperour
,
that
it
is
a
common
saying
,
That
the
Emperour
does
homage
to
the
Empire
.
In
like
manner
,
in
the
Kingdom
of
Polonia
,
there
is
for
Officers
of
the
Crown
,
the
Bishops
,
the
Palatins
,
the
Castellains
,
the
Nobility
,
the
Deputies
Speculum
saxonicum
.
of
Towns
and
Provinces
assembled
extraordinarily
,
before
whom
;
and
with
whose
consent
,
and
no
where
else
,
they
make
new
Lawes
,
and
determinations
concerning
wars
.
For
the
ordinary
Government
there
,
is
the
Councellours
of
the
kingdom
,
the
Chancellour
of
the
State
,
&c.
although
notwithstanding
,
the
king
have
his
Stewards
,
Chamberlains
,
Servants
and
Domestiques
.
Now
if
any
man
should
demand
in
Polonia
who
were
the
greater
,
the
King
or
all
the
people
of
the
kingdom
represented
by
the
Lords
and
Magistrates
;
he
should
do
as
much
,
as
if
he
asked
at
Veni●e
,
if
the
Duke
were
above
the
Seigniory
.
But
what
shall
wee
say
of
Kingdoms
,
which
are
said
to
go
by
hereditary
succession
?
We
may
indeed
conclude
the
very
same
.
The
kingdom
of
France
heretofore
preferred
before
all
other
,
both
in
regard
of
the
excellency
of
their
Lawes
,
and
Ai●oni
.
lib.
5.
c.
26.
in
Carolo
●●lv●
.
ma●esty
of
their
Estate
may
passe
with
most
as
a
ruling
case
.
Now
although
that
those
which
have
the
publike
commands
in
their
hands
,
doe
not
discharge
their
duties
as
were
to
be
desired
,
it
followes
not
though
,
that
they
are
not
bound
to
do
it
.
The
King
hath
his
high
steward
of
his
Houshold
his
Chamberlains
,
his
Masters
of
his
games
,
Cup-bearers
,
and
others
,
whose
o●●●ces
were
wont
so
to
depend
on
the
person
of
the
King
,
that
after
the
death
of
their
Mast●r
,
the
ro●●ces
were
void
.
And
indeed
at
the
Funerall
of
the
King
,
the
Lord
high
Steward
in
the
presence
of
all
the
officers
and
servants
of
the
house-hold
,
breakes
his
staffe
of
office
,
and
sayes
,
Our
Master
is
dead
,
let
every
one
provide
for
himselfe
.
On
the
other
side
,
the
kingdom
hath
her
officers
,
to
wit
,
the
Mayor
of
the
Palace
,
which
since
hath
been
called
the
Constable
,
the
Marshals
,
the
Admirall
,
the
Chancellour
or
great
Referendary
,
the
Secretaries
,
the
Treasurers
and
others
,
which
heretofore
were
created
in
the
Assembly
of
the
three
Estates
the
Clergy
,
the
Nobility
,
and
the
People
.
Since
that
,
the
Parliament
of
Paris
was
made
Sedentary
,
they
are
not
thought
to
be
established
in
their
places
,
before
they
have
beene
first
received
and
approved
by
that
course
of
Parliament
,
and
may
not
be
dismissed
nor
deposed
,
but
by
the
authority
and
consent
of
the
same
.
Now
all
these
officers
take
their
oath
to
the
Kingdome
,
which
is
as
much
as
to
say
,
to
the
people
in
the
first
place
,
then
to
the
King
which
is
protector
of
he
Kingdome
,
the
which
appears
by
the
tenour
of
the
oath
.
Above
all
,
the
Constable
,
who
receiving
the
Sword
from
the
King
,
hath
it
girded
unto
him
with
this
charge
,
That
he
maintain
and
defend
the
Common-wealth
,
as
appears
by
the
words
that
the
King
then
pronounceth
.
Besides
,
the
kingdome
of
France
hath
the
Peers
(
so
called
either
for
S.
Filius
fam.
instit
.
quib
.
mod.
jus
patriae
pot
.
solvitur
.
that
they
are
the
Kings
companions
,
or
because
they
are
the
Fathers
of
the
Common-wealth
)
taking
their
denominations
from
the
severall
Provinces
of
the
kingdome
,
in
whose
hands
the
King
at
his
inauguration
takes
his
oath
,
as
if
all
the
people
of
the
kingdome
were
in
them
present
,
which
shews
that
these
twelve
Peers
are
above
the
King
.
They
on
the
other
side
swear
,
That
they
will
preserve
not
the
King
,
but
the
Crown
,
that
they
will
assist
the
Common-wealth
with
their
councell
,
and
therefore
will
be
present
with
their
best
abilities
to
councell
the
Prince
both
in
peace
and
war
,
as
appears
plainly
in
the
Paitentee
of
their
Peership
.
And
they
therefore
have
the
same
right
as
the
Peers
of
the
Court
,
Renatus
ch●pinus'
lib.
3.
which
according
to
the
Law
of
the
Lumbards
,
were
not
only
associates
to
the
Lord
of
the
Fee
in
the
judgment
of
cau●es
,
but
also
did
take
an
●ccount
,
and
judge
the
differences
that
happenod
between
the
Lord
and
his
vassall
.
We
may
also
know
,
that
those
Peers
of
France
did
often
discusse
suits
and
differences
between
the
King
and
his
Subjects
:
Insomuch
,
that
when
Charles
the
6.
would
have
given
sentence
against
the
Duke
of
Brittain
they
opposed
it
,
alleadging
that
the
discussing
of
that
businesse
belonged
properly
to
the
Peers
,
and
not
to
the
king
,
who
might
not
in
any
〈◊〉
derogate
from
their
authority
.
Therefore
it
is
,
that
yet
at
this
day
the
Parliament
of
Paris
is
called
the
Court
of
Peers
,
being
in
some
sort
constituted
Judge
between
the
king
and
the
people
;
yea
,
between
the
king
and
every
private
person
,
and
is
bound
and
ought
to
maintain
the
meanest
in
the
kingdome
against
the
kings
Attorney
,
if
he
undertake
any
thing
contrary
to
law
.
Furthermore
,
if
the
king
ordain
any
thing
in
his
Councell
,
if
he
treat
any
agreement
with
the
Princes
his
neighbours
,
if
he
begin
a
Warre
,
or
make
peace
,
as
lately
with
Charles
the
5.
the
Emperour
,
the
Parliament
ought
to
interpose
their
authority
,
and
all
that
which
concerns
the
publike
State
must
be
there
inregistred
;
neither
is
there
any
thing
firm
and
stable
which
the
Parliament
doth
not
first
approve
.
And
to
the
end
,
that
the
Councellours
of
that
Parliament
should
not
fear
the
king
,
formerly
they
attained
not
to
that
place
,
but
by
the
nomination
of
the
whole
body
of
the
Court
;
neither
could
they
be
dismissed
for
any
lawfull
cause
,
but
by
the
authority
of
the
said
Body
.
Furthermore
,
if
the
Letters
of
the
King
be
not
subsigned
by
a
Secretary
of
the
Kingdom
,
at
this
day
called
a
Secretary
of
State
,
and
if
the
Letters
Pattents
be
not
sealed
by
the
Chancellour
,
who
hath
power
also
to
cancell
them
,
they
are
of
no
force
or
value
.
There
is
also
Dukes
,
Marquesses
,
Earls
.
Vicounts
,
Barons
,
Seneschabs
,
and
in
the
cities
and
good
towns
Mayors
,
Baylistes
,
Lieutenants
,
Capitols
,
Consuls
,
Sindiques
,
Sheriffs
,
and
others
which
have
speciall
authority
through
the
Circuit
of
some
countries
or
towns
to
preserve
the
people
of
their
jurisdiction
.
Time
it
is
,
that
at
this
day
some
of
these
dignities
ere
become
hereditary
.
Thus
much
concerning
the
ordinary
Magistrates
.
The
Assembly
of
the
three
Estates
.
Besides
all
this
,
anciently
every
yeer
,
and
since
lesse
often
,
to
wit
,
when
some
urgent
necessity
required
it
,
the
generall
or
three
Estates
were
assembled
,
where
all
the
Provinces
and
Townes
of
any
worth
,
to
w●t
,
the
Burgesses
Nobles
,
and
Ecclesiasticall
persons
,
did
all
of
them
send
their
Deputies
,
and
there
they
did
publikely
deliberate
and
conclude
of
that
which
concerned
the
publike
state
.
Alwayes
the
authority
of
this
Assembly
was
such
,
that
what
was
there
determined
,
whether
it
were
to
treat
peace
,
or
make
war
,
or
create
a
Regent
in
the
Kingdom
,
or
impose
some
new
tribute
,
it
was
ever
held
firm
and
inviolable
;
nay
,
which
is
more
by
the
authority
of
this
Assembly
,
the
Kings
convinced
of
loose
intemporancy
,
or
of
insufficiency
,
for
so
great
a
charge
or
tyranny
,
were
disthronized
;
yes
,
their
whole
Races
were
for
ever
excluded
from
their
succession
to
the
Kingdome
,
no
more
,
nor
lesse
,
as
their
Progenitors
were
by
the
same
authority
formerly
called
to
the
administration
of
the
same
Kingdome
.
Those
whom
the
consent
and
approbation
of
the
Estates
had
formerly
raised
,
were
by
the
dissent
and
disallowing
of
the
same
afterwards
cast
down
.
Those
which
tracing
in
the
vertuous
steps
of
their
Ancestors
were
called
to
that
dignity
,
as
if
it
had
been
their
inheritance
,
were
driven
out
and
dis-inherited
for
their
degenerating
ingratitude
,
&
for
that
being
tainted
with
insupportable
vices
,
they
made
themselves
uncapable
and
unworthy
of
such
honour
.
This
shews
,
that
succession
was
tollerated
to
avoid
practises
,
close
and
under-hand
canvasing
,
discontents
of
persons
refused
;
contentions
,
interraines
,
and
other
discommodities
of
elections
.
But
on
the
other
part
,
when
successiou
brought
other
mischiefes
more
pernicious
,
when
tyrannie
trampled
on
the
Kingdome
,
and
when
a
Tyrant
possessed
himselfe
of
the
Royal
Throne
,
the
Medicine
proving
much
worse
then
the
Disease
:
then
the
Estates
of
the
Kingdome
lawfully
assembled
in
the
name
of
all
the
people
,
have
ever
maintained
their
authority
,
whether
it
were
to
drive
out
a
Tyrant
,
or
other
unworthy
King
,
or
to
establish
a
good
one
in
his
place
.
The
ancient
French
had
learned
that
of
the
Gauses
,
as
Caesar
shewes
in
his
Commentaries
.
For
Ambiorix
King
of
the
Eburons
,
or
Leigeons
confesseth
,
That
such
were
the
condition
of
the
Gaulish
Empire
,
that
the
people
lawfully
assembled
,
had
no
lesse
power
over
the
King
,
then
the
Caes
.
l.
5.
&
7.
de
bello
Gal.
lico
.
King
had
over
the
people
.
The
which
appears
also
in
Vircingentorix
,
who
gives
an
account
of
his
actions
before
the
Assembly
of
the
people
.
In
the
kingdoms
of
Spain
,
especially
Aragon
,
Valentia
,
and
Catalonia
,
there
is
the
very
same
For
that
which
is
called
the
Iustitia
Major
in
Aragon
hath
the
Soveraign
authority
in
it selfe
.
And
therefore
,
the
Lords
which
represent
the
people
proceed
so
far
,
that
both
at
the
inaugaration
of
the
King
,
as
also
at
the
Assembly
of
the
Estates
,
which
is
observed
every
t●ird
yeer
,
to
say
to
the
King
in
expresse
words
that
which
follows
,
We
which
are
as
much
worth
as
you
,
and
have
more
power
then
you
,
chuse
you
King
upon
these
and
these
conditions
,
and
there
is
one
between
you
and
us
which
commands
over
you
,
to
wit
,
the
Iustitia
Major
of
Aragon
,
which
oftentimes
refuseth
that
which
the
King
demands
,
and
forbids
that
which
the
King
●njoynes
.
In
the
kingdoms
of
England
and
Scotland
the
Soveraignty
seemes
to
be
in
the
Parliament
,
which
heretofore
was
held
almost
every
yeere
.
They
call
Parliaments
the
Assembly
of
the
Estates
the
kingdome
,
in
the
which
the
Bishops
Earles
,
Barons
,
Deputies
of
Towns
and
Provinces
deliver
their
opinions
,
and
resolve
with
a
joynt
consent
of
the
affaires
of
State
,
the
authority
of
this
Assembly
hath
been
so
sacred
and
inviolable
,
that
the
King
durst
not
abrogate
or
alter
that
which
had
been
there
once
decreed
.
It
was
that
which
heretofore
called
and
installed
in
their
charges
all
the
chief
officers
of
the
kingdome
;
yea
,
and
sometimes
the
ordinary
councellers
of
that
which
they
call
the
Kings
privie
Councels
.
In
sum
,
the
other
christian
Kingdoms
,
as
Hungary
,
Bohemia
,
Denmarke
,
Swedea
,
and
the
rest
,
they
have
their
officers
apart
from
the
Kings
;
and
Histories
,
together
with
the
examples
that
we
have
in
these
our
times
,
suff●ciently
demonstrate
that
these
Officers
and
Estates
have
knowne
how
to
make
use
of
their
authori●y
,
even
to
the
deposing
and
driving
out
of
the
tyrannors
and
unworthy
Kings
.
We
must
nor
therefore
esteem
that
this
cuts
too
short
the
wings
of
Royal
authority
,
and
that
it
is
as
much
as
to
take
the
Kings
head
from
his
shoulders
.
We
believe
that
God
is
Almighty
,
neither
think
we
it
any
thing
diminisheth
his
power
,
because
he
cannot
sin
:
neither
say
we
,
that
his
Empire
is
lesse
to
be
esteemed
,
because
it
cannot
be
neither
shaken
,
nor
cast
downe
:
neither
also
must
we
judge
a
King
to
be
too
much
abused
,
if
he
be
withheld
by
others
from
falling
into
an
errour
,
to
which
he
is
over-much
inclined
,
or
for
that
by
the
wisdome
and
discretion
of
some
of
his
Councellors
,
his
kingdome
is
preserved
and
kept
intire
and
safe
,
which
otherwise
,
happily
by
his
weaknesse
or
wickednesse
might
have
been
ruined
.
Will
you
say
that
a
man
is
lesse
healthfull
,
because
he
is
invironed
with
discreet
Physitians
,
which
councell
him
to
avoid
all
intemperance
,
and
forbid
him
to
eat
such
meats
as
are
obnoxious
to
the
stomack
,
yea
,
and
which
purge
him
many
times
against
his
will
and
when
he
resists
?
which
will
prove
his
better
friends
,
whether
these
Physitians
which
are
studiously
carefull
of
his
health
,
or
those
Sicophants
which
are
ready
at
every
turn
to
give
him
that
which
must
of
necessity
hasten
his
end
?
We
must
then
always
observe
this
distinction
.
The
first
are
the
friends
of
the
King
:
The
other
are
the
friends
of
Francis
which
is
King
.
The
friends
of
Francis
are
those
which
serve
him
:
The
friends
of
the
King
are
the
officers
&
servants
of
the
kingdom
.
For
seeing
the
King
hath
this
name
,
because
of
the
kingdom
,
and
that
it
is
the
people
which
give
being
and
consistence
to
the
kingdome
,
the
which
being
lost
,
or
ruined
,
bee
must
needs
cea●e
to
be
a
King
,
or
at
the
least
not
so
truly
a
King
,
or
else
wee
must
take
a
shadow
for
a
substance
.
Without
question
,
those
are
most
truly
the
Kings
friends
,
which
are
most
industriously
carefull
of
the
welfare
of
his
kingdom
,
and
those
his
worst
enemies
which
neglect
the
good
of
the
Common
,
wealth
,
and
seek
to
draw
the
King
into
the
same
lapse
of
errour
.
And
as
it
is
impossible
to
separate
the
kingdom
from
the
people
,
nor
the
King
from
the
Kingdome
,
in
like
manner
,
neither
can
the
friends
of
the
King
be
dis-joyned
from
the
friends
of
the
people
,
and
the
Kingdome
.
I
say
further
,
that
those
which
with
a
true
affection
love
Francis
,
had
rather
see
him
a
King
then
a
Subject
.
Now
seeing
they
cannot
see
him
a
King
,
it
necessarily
followes
,
that
in
loving
Francis
,
they
must
also
love
the
Kingdome
.
But
those
which
would
be
esteemed
more
the
friends
of
Francis
,
then
of
the
kingdome
and
the
people
,
are
truly
flatterers
,
and
the
most
pernitious
enemies
of
the
King
and
publike
State
.
Now
if
they
were
true
friends
indeed
,
they
would
desire
and
endeavour
that
the
King
might
become
more
powerfull
,
and
more
assured
in
his
estate
according
to
that
notable
saying
of
Theopompus
King
of
Sparta
,
after
the
Ephores
or
Controllers
of
the
Kings
were
instituted
,
Tkemore
(
said
he
)
are
appointed
by
the
People
to
watch
over
,
and
look
to
the
affaires
of
the
Kingdome
,
the
more
those
that
govern
shall
have
credit
,
and
the
more
safe
and
happy
shall
be
the
State
.
Whether
prescription
of
time
can
take
away
the
right
of
the
people
.
But
peradventure
,
some
one
will
reply
,
you
speak
to
us
here
of
Peers
,
of
Lords
and
Officers
of
the
Crown
.
But
I
for
my
part
see
not
any
,
but
only
some
shewes
and
shadows
of
antiquity
as
if
they
were
to
be
represented
on
a
stage
I
see
not
for
the
present
searce
any
tract
of
that
ancient
liberty
,
and
authority
,
nay
which
is
worse
a
great
part
,
if
not
all
,
of
those
officers
take
care
of
nothing
but
their
particular
affairs
,
and
almost
,
if
not
altogether
,
serve
as
flatterers
about
those
Kings
who
joyntly
tosse
the
poor
people
like
●ennice
,
bals
:
hardly
is
there
one
to
be
found
that
hath
compussion
on
,
or
will
lend
a
helping
hand
to
the
miserable
subjects
,
fleaed
and
scorched
to
the
very
bones
,
by
their
insolent
and
insupportable
oppression
:
If
any
be
but
houth
to
have
such
a
desire
,
they
are
presently
condemned
as
Rebels
and
seditious
,
and
are
constrained
either
to
fly
wi●h
much
discommodity
,
or
else
must
run
hazard
both
of
life
and
liberty
.
What
can
be
answered
to
this
?
the
businesse
goes
thus
.
The
outragiousnesse
of
Kings
,
the
ignorance
of
the
party
,
together
with
the
wicked
connivence
of
the
great
ones
of
the
kingdome
,
hath
been
for
the
most
part
such
throughout
the
World
,
that
the
licentious
and
unbridled
power
wherewith
most
kings
are
transported
and
which
hath
made
them
insupportable
,
hath
in
a
manner
by
the
length
of
continuance
gained
right
of
prescription
,
and
the
people
for
want
of
using
it
hath
incitely
quit
,
if
not
altogether
lost
their
just
&
ancient
authority
.
So
that
it
ordinarily
happens
,
that
what
all
mens
care
ought
to
attend
on
,
is
for
the
most
part
neglected
by
every
man
;
for
what
is
commited
to
the
generalty
,
no
man
thinkes
is
commended
to
his
custody
.
Notwithstanding
,
no
such
prescription
nor
praevarication
can
justly
prejudice
the
right
of
the
people
:
It
is
commonly
said
that
the
Exchequers
doe
admit
no
●ale
of
prescription
against
it
,
much
lesse
against
the
whole
body
of
the
people
,
whose
power
transcends
the
Kings
,
and
in
whose
right
the
King
assumes
to
himself
that
priviledge
;
for
otherwise
,
wherefore
is
the
Prince
only
administrator
,
and
the
people
true
proprietor
of
the
publique
Exchequer
,
as
we
will
prove
here
presently
after
.
Furthermore
,
it
is
not
a
thing
resolved
on
by
all
,
that
no
tyrannous
intrusion
or
usurpation
,
and
continuance
in
the
same
course
,
can
by
any
length
of
time
prescribe
against
lawfull
liberty
.
If
it
be
objected
,
that
Kings
were
enthronized
,
and
received
their
authority
from
the
people
that
lived
five
hundred
yeers
ago
,
and
not
by
those
now
living
.
I
answer
,
that
the
Common-wealth
never
dyes
,
although
Kings
be
taken
out
of
this
life
one
after
another
;
for
as
the
continuall
running
of
the
water
gives
the
River
a
perpetuall
being
;
so
the
alternative
revolution
of
birth
and
death
renders
the
people
(
quoad
hunc
mundum
)
immortall
.
And
further
,
as
wee
have
at
this
day
the
same
Seine
and
Tiber
as
was
1000.
yeers
agoe
:
in
like
manner
also
is
there
the
same
people
of
Germany
,
France
,
and
Italy
(
excepting
intermixing
of
Colonies
,
or
such
like
)
neither
can
the
lapse
of
time
,
nor
changing
of
individuals
,
alter
in
any
sort
the
right
of
those
people
.
Furthermore
,
if
they
say
the
King
receives
his
kingdom
from
his
Father
,
and
not
from
the
people
,
and
hee
from
his
Grandsa
her
,
and
to
one
from
another
upward
.
I
ask
,
could
the
Grandfather
or
Ancestor
,
transfer
a
greater
right
to
his
Successor
,
then
he
had
himself
?
If
he
could
not
(
as
without
doubt
Vlpian
de
reg.
juris
l.
54.
it
must
need
be
so
)
is
it
not
plainly
perspi●uous
that
what
the
Successor
further
arrogates
to
himself
,
he
may
usurp
with
as
sare
a
conscience
,
as
what
a
Thiefe
g●●s
by
the
high-way
side
.
The
people
on
the
contrary
have
their
right
of
eviction
intire
and
whole
;
although
then
that
the
officers
of
the
Crown
have
for
a
time
lost
or
left
their
rankes
,
this
cannot
in
any
true
right
prejudice
the
people
,
but
rather
cleer
otherwise
as
one
would
not
grant
audience
,
or
show
favour
to
a
slave
which
had
long
time
held
his
master
prisoner
,
and
did
not
only
vant
himself
to
be
free
,
but
also
presumptuously
assumed
power
over
the
life
and
death
of
his
master
:
neither
would
any
man
allow
the
excuses
of
a
those
,
because
he
had
continued
in
that
grade
30.
yeers
,
or
for
that
he
had
beene
bred
in
that
course
,
of
life
by
his
Father
,
if
hee
presumed
by
his
long
continuance
in
that
function
to
prescribe
for
the
lawfulnesse
,
but
rather
the
longer
he
had
continued
in
his
wickednesse
,
the
more
grievous
should
be
his
punishment
:
in
like
manner
,
the
Prince
is
altogether
unsupportable
,
which
because
he
succeeds
a
Tyrant
,
or
hath
kept
the
people
(
by
whose
suffrages
he
holds
the
Crown
)
in
a
long
slavery
,
or
hath
suppressed
the
Officers
of
the
kingdom
(
who
should
be
protectors
of
the
publike
liberty
)
that
therefore
presumes
,
that
what
he
affects
is
lawfull
for
him
to
effect
,
and
that
his
will
is
not
to
be
restrained
or
corrected
by
any
positive
Law
whatsoever
.
For
prescription
in
tyranny
detracts
nothing
from
the
right
of
the
people
;
nay
it
rather
much
aggravates
the
Princes
on
rages
.
But
what
if
the
Peers
and
principal
officers
of
the
Kingdom
makes
themselves
parts
with
the
King
?
Wha●
if
betraying
the
Publique
,
cause
the
yoak
of
tyranny
upon
the
peoples
neck
?
shall
it
follow
,
that
by
this
prevatication
and
treason
the
authority
is
devolved
into
the
King
?
Does
this
detract
any
thing
from
the
aight
of
the
peoples
liberty
,
or
does
it
adde
any
licencious
power
to
the
King
?
Let
the
people
thank
themselves
,
say
you
,
who
relyed
on
the
distoyall
loyalty
of
such
men
.
But
I
answer
,
that
these
officers
are
indeed
those
Protectors
whose
principall
care
and
study
should
be
that
the
people
be
maintained
in
the
free
and
absolute
fruition
of
their
goods
and
liberty
.
And
therefore
,
in
the
same
manner
as
if
a
treacherous
Advoca●e
for
a
sum
of
money
should
agree
to
betray
the
cause
of
his
Client
into
the
hands
of
his
Adversary
,
which
he
ought
to
have
defended
,
hath
not
power
for
all
that
to
alter
the
course
of
justice
,
nor
of
a
bad
cause
,
to
make
a
good
one
,
although
perhaps
for
a
time
he
give
some
colour
of
it
.
In
like
manner
this
conspiracy
of
the
great
ones
,
combined
to
ruine
the
inferiours
cannot
disanull
the
right
of
the
people
;
in
the
meane
season
,
those
great
ones
incur
the
punishment
that
the
same
asors
against
Prevaricators
:
and
for
the
people
,
the
same
Law
allowes
them
to
chuse
another
Advocate
,
and
afresh
to
pursue
their
cause
,
as
if
it
were
then
only
to
begin
.
For
if
the
people
of
Rome
condemned
their
Captains
and
Generals
of
their
Armies
,
because
they
capitulated
with
their
Enemies
to
their
disadvantage
(
although
they
were
drawn
to
it
by
necessity
,
being
on
the
point
to
be
all
overthrown
)
and
would
not
be
bound
to
performe
the
Souldiers
capitulation
:
much
lesse
shall
a
free
People
be
tyed
to
bear
the
yoak
of
thraldome
,
which
is
cast
on
them
by
those
who
should
and
might
have
prevented
it
;
but
being
neither
forced
nor
compelled
did
for
their
own
particular
gain
willingly
betray
those
that
had
committed
their
liberty
to
their
custody
.
Wherefore
Kings
were
created
.
Now
seeing
that
Kings
have
been
ever
established
by
the
people
,
and
that
they
have
had
Associates
joyned
with
them
to
contain
them
within
the
limits
of
their
duties
,
the
which
Associates
considered
in
particular
one
by
one
,
are
under
the
King
and
altogether
in
one
intire
Body
are
above
him
.
We
must
consequently
see
wherefore
first
Kings
were
established
,
and
what
is
principally
their
duty
.
We
usually
esteem
a
thing
just
and
good
when
it
attains
to
the
proper
end
for
which
it
is
ordained
.
In
the
first
place
every
one
consents
,
That
men
by
nature
loving
liberty
,
and
having
servitude
,
born
rather
to
command
,
then
obey
,
have
not
willingly
admitted
to
be
governed
by
another
,
and
renounced
as
it
were
the
priviledge
of
nature
,
by
submitting
themselves
to
the
commands
of
others
;
but
for
some
speciall
and
great
profit
that
they
expected
from
it
.
For
as
Esope
sayes
,
That
the
horse
being
before
accustomed
to
wander
as
his
pleasure
,
would
never
have
received
the
bit
into
his
mouth
,
nor
the
Rider
on
his
back
,
but
that
he
hoped
by
that
means
to
overmatch
the
Bull
:
neither
let
us
imagine
,
that
Kings
were
chosen
to
apply
to
their
own
proper
use
,
the
goods
that
are
gotten
by
the
sweat
of
their
Subjects
;
for
every
man
loves
and
cherisheth
his
owne
,
They
have
not
received
the
power
and
authority
of
the
People
to
make
it
serve
as
a
Pandar
to
their
pleasures
.
for
ordinarily
,
the
inferiours
hate
,
or
at
least
envietheir
superiours
.
Let
us
then
conclude
,
that
they
are
established
in
this
place
to
maintain
by
justice
,
and
to
defend
by
force
of
Armes
,
both
the
publike
State
and
perticular
persons
from
all
dammages
and
outrages
,
wherefore
Saint
Augustine
saith
,
Those
are
properly
called
Lords
and
Masters
A●ig
lib.
16
de
civit
.
dei
,
c.
15.
which
provide
for
the
good
and
profit
of
others
,
as
the
husband
for
the
wife
,
Fathers
for
their
children
.
They
must
therefore
obey
them
that
provide
for
them
;
although
indeed
to
speak
truly
,
those
which
governe
in
this
manner
,
may
in
a
so●t
be
said
to
serve
those
,
whom
they
command
over
.
For
,
as
sayes
the
same
Doctor
,
they
command
not
for
the
desire
of
dominion
,
but
for
the
duty
they
owe
to
provide
for
the
good
of
those
that
are
subjected
to
them
:
nor
affecting
any
Lord
like
domineering
,
but
with
charity
and
singular
affection
,
desiring
the
welfare
of
those
that
are
committed
to
them
.
Seneca
in
81
Epistle
sayes
,
That
in
the
Golden
Age
,
wise
men
onely
governed
Kingdoms
,
they
kept
themselves
within
the
bounds
of
moderation
,
and
preserved
the
meanest
from
the
oppression
of
the
greatest
.
They
preserved
and
disswaded
,
according
as
it
advantaged
or
disadvantaged
,
the
publike
profit
;
by
their
wisdome
,
they
furnished
the
Publique
with
plenty
of
all
necessaries
,
and
by
their
diser●ion
preventes
scarcity
,
by
their
valour
and
courage
they
expelled
dangers
by
their
many
benefits
they
encreased
and
inriched
their
Subjects
,
they
pleaded
not
their
duty
,
in
making
pompeous
shews
,
but
in
well-governing
their
People
.
No
man
made
tryall
what
hee
was
able
to
do
against
them
,
because
every
one
received
what
he
was
capable
of
from
them
,
&c.
Therefore
,
then
to
govern
is
nothing
else
but
to
provide
for
.
These
proper
ends
of
commanding
,
being
far
the
Peoples
commodity
;
the
only
duty
of
Kings
and
Emperours
is
to
provide
for
the
peoples
good
,
The
Kingly
dignity
to
speak
properly
is
not
a
Title
of
Honour
,
but
a
weighty
and
burden
some
offices
It
is
not
a
discharge
or
vacation
from
affaires
,
to
run
a
licentions
course
of
liberty
,
but
a
charge
and
vocation
to
all
endustrious
employments
,
for
the
service
of
the
Common-wealth
,
the
which
hath
some
glimpse
of
honour
withit
,
because
in
those
first
and
Golden
Ages
,
no
man
would
have
tasted
of
such
continuall
troubles
,
if
they
had
not
beene
sweetned
with
some
relish
of
honour
:
insomuch
,
as
there
was
nothing
more
true
,
then
that
which
was
commonly
said
in
those
times
.
If
every
man
knew
with
what
turmoyles
and
troubles
the
Royall
wreath
was
wrapt
withall
,
no
man
would
vouchsafe
to
take
it
up
,
although
it
lay
at
his
feet
.
When
therefore
that
these
words
of
mine
and
thine
entred
into
the
Meum
&
tuum
.
world
,
and
that
differences
fell
amongst
fellow
Citizens
,
touching
the
propriety
of
goods
and
wars
amongst
neighbouring
people
about
the
right
of
their
Confines
,
the
people
bethought
themselves
to
have
recourse
to
some
one
,
who
both
could
and
should
take
order
that
the
poore
were
not
oppressed
by
the
rich
,
nor
the
Patriots
wronged
by
strangers
.
Now
as
wars
and
suits
encreased
,
they
chose
some
one
,
in
whose
wisdome
and
valour
they
reposed
most
confidence
.
See
then
wherefore
Kings
were
created
in
the
first
Ages
to
wit
,
to
administer
justice
at
home
,
and
to
be
Leaders
in
the
Wars
abroad
,
and
not
only
to
repulse
the
incursions
of
the
Enemy
but
also
to
reprosse
and
hinder
the
devastation
and
spoyling
of
the
Subjects
and
their
goods
at
home
;
but
above
all
,
to
expell
and
drive
away
all
devices
and
debanchments
farre
from
their
Dominions
.
This
may
be
proved
by
all
Histories
,
both
divine
and
prophane
For
the
people
of
God
they
had
at
first
no
other
King
but
God
himselfe
,
who
dwelt
in
the
middest
of
them
,
and
gave
answer
from
betweene
the
Cherubins
,
appointed
extraordinarily
Judges
and
Captaines
for
the
wars
,
by
meanes
whereof
,
the
people
thought
they
had
no
need
of
Lieutenants
,
being
honoured
by
the
continuall
presence
of
their
Soveraign
King
.
Now
when
the
people
of
God
began
to
be
a
weary
of
the
injustice
of
the
Sons
of
Samuel
,
on
whose
old
age
they
durst
no
longer
rely
,
they
demanded
a
King
after
the
manner
of
other
people
,
saying
to
1
Sam.
8
5.
●
&
.
20.
Samuel
Give
us
a
King
as
other
people
have
that
he
may
judge
us
.
The●e
is
touched
the
first
and
principal
point
of
the
duty
of
a
King
,
a
litle
after
they
are
both
mentioned
We
will
have
(
said
they
)
a
King
over
us
like
other
Nations
.
Our
King
shall
judge
us
,
and
go
in
and
out
before
us
,
&
lead
our
Armies
.
To
do
justice
is
alwaps
set
in
the
first
place
,
for
so
much
as
it
is
an
ordinary
&
perpetuall
thing
:
but
wars
are
extraordinary
,
and
happen
as
it
were
casually
.
Wherefore
,
Aristotle
sayes
that
in
the
time
of
the
Herold
,
all
Kings
Arist.
de
pol.
l.
3.
c.
11.
were
Judges
and
Captains
.
For
the
Lavedemonian
Kings
,
they
in
his
time
also
had
Soveraign
authority
only
in
the
Army
,
and
that
confined
also
to
the
commandements
of
the
Ephores
.
In
like
manner
,
the
M●des
who
were
ever
in
perpetuall
quarrels
amongst
themselves
,
at
the
length
chose
Deo●ces
for
their
Judge
,
who
Herod
.
l.
1.
had
carryed
himself
well
in
the
deciding
of
some
particular
differences
;
presently
after
they
made
him
King
,
and
gave
him
Officers
and
Guards
,
that
he
might
more
easily
suppresse
the
powerfull
and
insolent
.
Cicero
saith
,
that
anciently
all
Kings
were
established
to
administer
justice
,
and
that
their
institution
and
that
of
the
Laws
,
had
one
and
the
same
end
,
which
was
,
that
Equity
and
Right
might
be
d●ly
rendered
to
all
men
the
which
may
be
verified
by
the
propriety
of
the
words
almost
in
all
languages
.
Kings
are
called
by
the
Latins
,
Reges
a
regen●●
,
for
that
they
must
rule
and
govern
the
limits
and
bounds
,
both
of
the
publike
and
particulars
.
The
names
of
Emperours
,
Princes
,
and
Dukes
have
relation
to
their
conduct
The
English
word
KING
is
derived
from
the
Ronigen
,
which
signifies
either
for●itude
or
wisdome
.
in
the
wars
,
and
principall
places
in
Combats
,
and
other
places
of
Command
.
Likewise
the
Greekes
call
them
in
their
Language
,
Basiles
,
Archa
,
Hegemones
,
which
is
to
say
,
props
of
the
people
,
Princes
,
Conductors
.
The
Germans
and
other
Nations
use
all
significant
names
,
and
which
expresse
,
that
the
duty
of
a
King
consists
not
in
making
glorious
Paradoes
:
but
that
it
is
an
office
of
a
weighty
charge
and
continuall
care
.
But
in
briefe
,
the
Poet
Homer
calls
Kings
the
Judges
of
Cities
,
and
in
describing
of
Hom.
lib.
1.
Head
.
Ovid.
l.
6
meta
.
Agamemno●
,
he
calls
him
wise
,
strong
,
and
valiant
.
As
also
,
Ovid
speaking
of
Erichtheus
,
sayes
,
that
Iustia
elubi●●●●alid●sne
p●●enti●s
armis
.
it
was
hard
to
know
,
whether
Justice
or
Valour
were
more
transparent
in
him
:
in
which
these
two
Poets
seemes
exactly
to
have
described
the
duties
of
Kings
and
Princes
.
You
see
what
was
the
Custome
of
the
Kings
of
the
Heathen
Nations
;
after
whose
examples
,
the
Jewes
demanded
and
established
their
Kings
.
The
Queen
of
Sheba
said
also
to
S●lomon
,
that
God
had
made
him
2
chron.
9.
8.
Wisdome
,
9.
7.
King
over
them
to
do
judgment
and
Justice
.
And
Solomon
himself
speaking
to
God
,
saith
.
Thou
hast
chosen
me
to
be
a
King
over
thy
People
,
and
a
Judge
of
thy
Sonnes
and
Daughters
.
For
this
cause
also
the
good
Kings
,
as
David
,
Iosephar
,
and
others
,
being
not
able
in
their
own
persons
to
determine
all
the
suits
and
differences
of
their
Subjects
(
although
in
the
causes
of
greatest
importance
they
received
an
appeal
alwayes
to
themselves
,
as
appears
in
Samuel
)
2
Sam.
15.
2.
1
chrou
.
23.
4.
&
26
,
29
2
Chron.
19.
It
Rom.
13.
had
ever
above
all
things
a
speciall
care
,
to
establish
in
all
places
just
and
discreet
Judges
,
and
principally
still
to
have
an
eye
to
the
right
administration
of
justice
,
knowing
themselves
to
carry
the
sword
,
as
well
to
chastise
wicked
and
unjust
Subjects
,
as
to
repulse
forreigne
Enemies
.
Briefly
,
as
the
Apostles
sayes
,
The
Prince
is
ordained
by
God
for
the
good
a●d
profit
of
the
people
,
being
armed
with
the
sword
to
defend
the
good
from
the
violence
of
the
wicked
,
and
when
he
dischargeth
his
duty
therein
all
men
owe
him
honour
and
obedience
.
Seeing
then
that
Kings
are
ordained
by
God
and
established
by
no
people
,
to
procure
and
provide
for
the
good
of
those
which
are
commit●ed
unto
them
,
and
that
this
good
or
profit
be
principally
expressed
in
two
things
,
to
wit
,
in
the
administration
of
justice
to
their
subjects
,
and
in
the
managing
of
armes
for
the
repulsing
their
ennemies
:
certainly
,
wee
must
inferre
and
conclude
from
this
that
the
Prince
which
applies
himself
to
nothing
but
his
peculiar
profits
,
and
pleasures
,
or
to
those
ends
which
most
readily
conduce
thereunto
,
which
contemnes
and
perverts
all
lawes
,
which
useth
his
subjects
more
cruelly
then
the
barbarest
enimy
would
do
,
he
may
truly
and
easly
be
called
a
Tyrant
,
and
that
those
which
in
this
manner
govern
their
Kingdomes
,
be
they
of
never
so
large
an
extent
,
are
more
properly
unjust
pillagers
and
boose-haiers
then
lawfull
governours
.
Whether
the
Kings
be
above
the
law
.
Wee
must
here
yet
proceed
a
little
further
:
for
it
is
demanded
whether
the
King
which
presides
in
the
administration
of
justice
have
power
to
resolue
and
determine
businesse
according
to
his
owne
will
and
pleasure
?
most
the
Kings
be
subject
to
the
law
,
or
doth
the
law
depend
August
.
1.
4.
c.
4.
&
6.
to
●ivita
Dei
.
upon
the
King
;
the
law
(
saith
an
ancient
)
is
respected
by
those
which
otherwayes
contemne
vertue
for
it
inforceth
obedience
and
ministreth
conduct
in
warfaring
and
gives
viger
and
luster
to
justice
and
equity
.
Pausanias
the
Spartane
will
answer
in
a
word
,
that
it
becomes
lawes
to
direct
,
and
men
to
yeeld
obedience
to
their
authority
,
Agositaus
King
of
Sparta
says
that
all
commanders
must
obey
the
commandements
of
the
lawes
,
But
it
shall
not
be
amisse
to
cla●●ume
this
matter
a
little
higher
,
when
people
began
for
justice
to
seek
to
determine
their
differences
,
if
they
met
with
any
private
man
that
did
justly
appoint
them
they
were
satisfied
with
it
,
now
for
so
much
as
such
men
were
rarely
and
with
much
difficulty
met
withall
,
and
for
that
the
judgements
of
kings
received
as
lawes
were
oftentimes
found
contrary
and
difficult
,
then
the
Magistrates
and
others
of
great
wisdome
invented
lawes
,
which
might
speak
to
all
men
in
one
and
the
same
voice
.
This
being
done
it
was
expressly
injoyned
to
kings
that
they
shold
be
the
gardiens
and
administrators
,
And
somtimes
also
for
so
much
as
the
lawes
could
not
fore
,
see
the
perticularities
of
actions
to
resolve
exactly
it
was
permitted
,
the
king
to
supply
this
defect
,
by
the
same
naturall
equity
by
which
the
lawes
were
drawn
,
and
for
feare
least
they
should
go
against
law
the
people
appointed
them
from
time
to
time
associates
,
counsellors
,
of
whom
we
have
formerly
made
mention
,
wherefore
there
is
nothing
which
exemples
the
King
from
obedience
which
he
owes
to
the
law
,
which
he
ought
to
acknowledge
as
his
Lady
and
Mistris
esteeming
nothing
can
become
him
worse
then
that
feminine
of
which
Iurinall
speakes
;
Sic
volo
,
Sic
jubeo
,
sic
pro
ratione
voluntas
.
I
will
,
I
command
,
my
will
shall
serve
instead
of
reason
,
neither
should
they
think
their
authority
the
lesse
because
they
are
confind
to
laws
,
for
seeing
the
law
is
a
divine
gift
comming
from
above
,
which
human
societies
are
happily
governed
and
adddressed
to
their
best
and
blesseddest
end
;
those
Kings
are
as
ridiculous
and
worthy
of
contempts
,
which
repute
it
a
dishonour
to
conform
them selves
to
law
,
as
those
surveyors
which
think
themselvs
disgraced
,
by
using
of
a
rule
,
a
compasse
,
a
chaine
,
or
other
instruments
,
which
men
understanding
the
art
of
surveying
are
accustomed
to
do
,
or
a
Pilot
which
had
rather
sayle
,
according
to
his
fantasie
and
imagination
,
then
steere
his
course
by
his
needle
and
Sea
lard
,
who
can
double
,
but
that
it
is
a
thing
more
profitable
&
cōveniēt
to
obey
the
law
,
then
the
King
who
is
but
one
man
?
the
law
is
the
soul
of
a
good
king
it
give
him
motion
sence
and
life
.
The
King
is
the
Organ
and
as
it
were
the
body
by
which
the
Law
displays
her
forces
exercises
her
function
,
and
expresses
her
conceptions
;
now
it
is
a
thing
much
more
reasonable
to
obey
the
soule
,
then
the
body
,
the
law
is
the
wisdom
of
divers
sages
;
recollected
in
few
words
,
but
many
see
more
cleere
and
further
then
one
alone
,
It
is
much
better
to
follow
the
Law
then
any
one
mans
opinion
be
he
never
so
acute
,
the
law
is
reason
and
wisdom
it self
,
●ee
from
all
perturbation
,
not
subject
to
be
moved
with
choller
,
ambition
,
hate
,
or
acceptances
of
person●
;
Intreaties
nor
threates
cannot
make
it
bow
nor
,
bend
on
the
contrary
a
man
though
inducd
with
reason
suffers
him selfe
to
be
lead
and
transported
with
anger
,
desire
of
revenge
,
and
other
passions
which
perplex
him
in
such
sort
,
that
he
looseth
his
understanding
because
being
composed
of
reason
and
disordered
affections
he
cannot
so
con●aine
himself
but
some
times
his
passions
becomes
his
Master
Accordingly
wee
see
that
Valentinian
a
good
Emperour
,
permits
those
of
the
Empire
to
have
low
wines
at
once
,
because
he
was
misled
by
that
impure
affection
.
Because
Cambises
the
sonne
of
Gyms
became
inamored
of
his
own
sister
he
would
therefore
have
marriages
betweene
brother
and
sister
,
be
approved
and
held
lawfull
Cabades
King
of
the
Persians
prohibites
the
punnishment
of
adulteries
we
must
looke
for
such
lawes
every
day
if
we
will
have
the
law
subjects
to
the
King
.
To
come
to
our
purpose
the
law
is
an
,
understanding
mind
or
rather
an
obstacle
of
many
understandings
the
mind
being
the
seal
of
all
the
intelligence
faculties
is
(
if
I
may
so
terme
it
)
a
parcell
of
divinity
:
in
so
much
as
he
who
obeys
the
law
seemes
to
obey
God
,
and
receive
him
for
Arbitrator
of
the
ma●●ets
in
controversie
.
But
on
the
contrary
,
insomuch
as
man
is
composed
of
this
divine
:
understanding
,
and
of
a
number
of
unruly
passions
;
so
losing
himselfe
in
that
brutishnesse
,
as
he
becomes
void
of
reason
:
and
being
in
that
condition
,
he
is
no
longer
a
man
,
but
a
beast
;
he
then
which
desires
rather
Aristo
.
lib.
de
mundo
&
lib
3
poli.
ca●
.
to
obey
the
King
,
then
the
Law
,
seemes
to
preser
the
commandement
of
a
heast
before
that
of
God
.
And
furthermore
,
though
Aristotle
were
the
Tutor
of
Alexander
,
yet
he
confesseth
,
that
the
divinity
cannot
so
properly
be
compared
to
to
any
thing
of
this
life
,
as
to
the
ancient
Lawes
:
of
well-governed
States
:
he
that
prefers
the
Commonwealth
applyes
himself
to
Gods
Ordinance
:
but
he
that
leans
to
the
Kings
fancies
,
instead
of
Law
,
prefers
brutish
sensuality
before
well-ordered
discretion
.
To
which
also
the
Prophers
seemes
to
have
respect
,
who
in
some
places
describe
these
great
Empires
,
under
the
representation
of
ravening
Beasts
.
But
to
go
on
,
is
not
he
a
very
Beast
.
who
had
rather
have
for
his
guide
a
blind
and
mad
man
then
he
which
sees
both
with
the
eyes
of
the
body
,
and
mind
,
a
beast
rather
th●n
god
.
Whence
it
comes
,
that
though
kings
as
saith
Aristotle
,
for
a
while
,
at
the
first
,
commanded
without
restraint
of
Laws
,
yet
presently
after
civilized
people
reduced
i●●●em
to
a
lawfull
condition
,
by
bi●ding
them
to
keep
and
observe
the
Lawes
:
and
for
this
unruly
absolute
authority
i●
remained
only
amongst
,
those
which
commanded
over
barbarons
Nations
.
He
sayes
afterwards
,
that
this
absolute
power
was
the
next
degree
to
plain
tyrannie
,
and
he
had
absolutely
called
it
tyrannie
,
had
not
these
beasts
like
Barbarians
,
willingly
subjected
themselves
unto
it
.
But
it
will
be
replyed
,
that
it
is
unworthy
the
majesty
of
Kings
,
to
have
their
wills
bridled
by
Laws
:
but
I
will
say
that
nothing
is
more
royall
then
to
have
our
unruly
desires
ruled
by
good
lawes
.
It
is
much
pitty
to
be
restrained
from
that
which
we
would
doe
,
it
is
much
more
worse
to
will
that
which
we
should
not
do
,
but
it
is
the
worst
of
all
to
do
that
which
the
Laws
forbid
.
I
hear
me
thinks
a
certain
Furionius
tribune
of
the
people
which
opposed
the
passing
of
a
Law
that
was
made
against
the
excesse
which
then
reigned
in
Rome
,
saying
.
My
Masters
you
are
bridled
,
you
are
idle
and
settered
with
the
rude
bonds
of
servitude
,
your
liberty
is
lost
,
a
Law
is
laid
on
you
,
that
commands
you
to
be
moderate
:
to
what
purpose
is
it
to
say
,
you
are
free
,
since
you
may
not
live
in
what
excesse
of
pleasure
you
like
.
This
is
the
very
complaint
of
many
Kings
at
this
day
,
and
of
their
Mignior
and
Flatterers
.
The
Royall
Majesty
is
abolished
,
if
they
may
not
turn
the
kingdom
topsie turvie
at
their
pleasure
Kings
may
go
shake
their
ea●es
,
if
Laws
must
be
observed
.
P●radventure
,
it
is
a
miserable
thing
to
live
,
if
a
mad
man
may
not
be
suffered
to
kill
himself
when
he
will
.
For
what
else
do
those
things
which
violate
and
abolish
Lawes
,
without
which
,
neither
Empires
,
no
nor
the
very
Societies
of
free-booters
Cicero
I.
●
.
ossicii
.
can
at
all
subsist
?
Let
us
then
reject
these
de●estable
falsinesse
and
impious
vanities
of
the
Court-Marmonsists
,
which
make
kings
gods
,
and
receive
their
sayings
as
Oracles
,
and
which
is
worse
are
so
shamelesse
,
as
to
perswade
Kings
,
that
no●hing
is
just
or
equitable
of
it selfe
,
but
takes
its
true
forme
of
justice
or
injustice
,
according
as
it
pleaseth
the
King
to
ordain
,
as
if
he
were
some
god
,
which
could
neither
erre
nor
sinne
at
all
.
Certainly
,
all
that
which
Gods
will
is
iust
,
and
therefore
,
suppose
it
is
Gods
will
,
but
that
must
be
just
with
the
Kings
will
,
before
it
is
his
will
.
For
it
is
not
just
because
the
King
hath
appointed
it
,
but
that
King
is
just
which
appoints
that
to
be
held
for
just
,
which
is
so
of
it self
.
We
will
not
then
say
as
Anaxarchus
did
to
Alexander
,
much
perplexed
for
the
death
of
his
friend
Clitus
,
whom
he
had
killed
with
his
own
hands
,
to
wit
,
that
Themis
the
Goddesse
of
Justice
,
fits
by
Kings
sides
,
as
she
does
by
Jupiters
,
to
approve
and
confirme
whatsoever
to
them
〈◊〉
seem
good
:
but
rather
,
she
sits
as
President
over
kingdoms
,
to
severely
chastise
those
Kings
which
wrong
or
violate
the
majesty
of
the
Laws
,
we
can
no
wayes
approve
that
saying
of
Thrasimacus
the
Chaldoncan
,
That
the
profit
and
pleasure
of
Princes
,
is
the
rule
by
which
all
Laws
are
defined
:
but
rather
,
that
right
must
limit
the
profit
of
Princes
,
and
the
Laws
restrain
their
pleasures
.
And
instead
of
approving
that
which
that
vil●ainous
woman
said
to
Caracalla
,
that
whatsoever
he
desired
was
allowed
him
:
We
will
maintain
that
nothing
is
lawful
but
what
the
law
permits
.
And
absolutely
rejecting
that
detestable
opinion
of
the
same
Caracalla
,
that
Princes
gives
Laws
too
hers
,
but
receive
none
from
any
;
we
will
say
that
in
all
kingdomes
well
established
,
the
King
receives
the
Laws
from
the
people
,
the
wh●ch
he
ought
carefully
to
consider
and
maintain
,
and
whatsoever
,
e●ther
by
force
or
fr●ud
he
does
,
in
prejudice
of
them
must
alwayes
be
repu●ed
unjust
.
Kings
receive
Lawes
from
the
people
.
These
may
be
sufficiently
verified
by
examples
.
Before
there
was
a
King
in
Israel
,
God
by
Moses
prescribed
to
him
both
sacred
and
evill
Deut.
17
Ordinances
,
which
he
should
have
perpetually
before
his
eyes
.
but
after
that
Saul
was
elected
and
established
by
the
people
,
Samuel
delivered
it
to
him
written
,
to
the
end
,
he
might
carefully
observe
it
neither
were
the
succeeding
Kings
received
before
they
had
sworn
to
keepe
those
Ordinances
.
The
Ceremony
was
this
,
that
together
with
the
setting
of
the
crown
on
the
Kings
head
,
they
delivered
into
his
hands
the
Book
of
the
Testimony
,
which
some
understand
,
to
be
the
right
of
the
people
of
the
Land
,
others
the
Law
of
God
,
according
to
which
he
ought
to
govern
the
people
.
Cirus
acknowledging
himself
conservator
of
his
Countries
Lawes
,
obliegeth
himself
to
opposE
any
man
that
would
offer
to
infringe
them
:
and
at
his
mauguration
tyes
himself
to
observe
them
,
although
some
flatterers
tickled
the
eares
of
his
Son
Cambises
,
that
all
things
were
lawfull
for
him
.
The
Kings
of
Sparta
whom
Aristotle
calls
lawfull
Princes
,
did
every
moneth
renew
their
oaths
,
promising
in
the
hands
of
the
Ephori
,
Zeneph
.
de
Reb.
Laced
.
procures
for
the
kingdome
,
to
rule
according
to
those
Lawes
which
they
had
from
Lieurgus
.
Hereupon
it
being
asked
Archidamus
,
the
Son
of
Zeuxidamus
,
who
were
the
Governours
of
Sparta
,
he
answered
the
Laws
,
and
the
lawfull
Magistrates
.
and
least
the
lawes
might
grow
into
contempt
,
these
people
bragged
.
that
they
received
them
from
heaven
,
and
that
they
were
inspired
from
above
,
to
the
end
that
men
might
beleeve
that
their
determinations
were
from
God
and
not
from
man
,
the
Kings
of
Egypt
did
in
nothing
vary
from
the
tennour
of
the
lawes
,
and
confessed
that
their
principall
●elicity
consisted
in
the
obedience
th●y
yeelded
to
them
.
Romulus
at
the
institution
of
the
Roman
kingdome
made
this
agreement
with
senators
,
the
people
should
make
lawes
and
he
would
take
both
for
himselfe
and
others
to
see
them
observed
and
kept
Antiochus
the
third
of
that
name
King
of
Asia
writ
unto
all
the
Cities
of
his
〈◊〉
of
lib
5.
ca.
6.
kingdome
,
T●at
if
the
letters
sent
unto
them
in
his
name
there
were
any
thing
found
repugnant
to
the
lawes
,
they
should
beleeve
they
were
no
act
of
the
Kings
,
and
therefore
yeeld
no
obedience
unto
them
.
Now
although
some
Citizens
say
,
that
by
decree
of
Senate
the
Emperour
Augustus
was
declared
to
be
exempt
from
obedience
to
Lawes
:
yet
notwithstanding
Theodosius
,
and
all
the
other
good
and
reasonable
Emperours
,
have
professed
that
they
were
bound
to
the
Lawes
,
lest
what
had
been
extorted
by
violence
,
might
be
●cknowledged
and
received
instead
of
Law
.
And
for
Augustus
Caesar
in
so
much
as
the
Roman
Common
wealth
was
en
thralled
by
his
power
and
violence
she
could
●ay
nothing
freely
but
that
she
had
lost
her
freedome
.
And
because
they
durst
not
call
Augustus
a
tyrant
the
senate
said
he
was
exempt
from
●ll
obedience
to
the
lawes
,
which
was
in
effect
as
much
as
if
they
plainely
should
have
said
,
●he
Emperour
was
an
outl●w
.
The
same
right
●●●h
ever
beene
of
force
in
all
well
governed
states
and
Kingd●mes
of
Chr●st●ndome
.
For
neither
the
Emperour
the
King
of
France
,
nor
the
Kings
of
Spain
,
England
Polander
,
Hungarie
,
and
all
other
lawfull
Princes
,
as
the
Areh
Dukes
of
Austriae
Dukes
of
Brabante
,
Earles
of
Flanders
,
and
Holland
,
nor
other
Princes
are
not
recreated
to
the
government
of
their
estates
before
they
have
promised
to
the
Electours
,
Peeres
,
Pala●ins
,
Lords
,
Barons
,
and
Governours
,
that
they
will
render
to
every
one
right
according
to
the
lawes
of
the
Country
,
yea
so
strictly
that
they
cannot
alter
or
innovate
any
thing
contrary
to
the
priviledges
of
the
countries
without
the
consent
of
the
●ownes
and
provinces
,
If
they
do
it
,
they
are
no
lesse
guilty
of
rebellion
against
the
lawes
then
●he
people
is
in
their
kind
if
they
refuse
obedience
,
when
they
command
according
to
law
;
briefly
lawfull
princes
receive
the
lawes
from
the
people
as
well
as
the
crown
in
lieu
of
honour
,
and
the
scepter
in
liue
of
power
,
which
they
are
bound
to
keep
and
maintain
and
therein
repose
their
chiefest
glory
.
If
the
Prince
may
make
new
lawes
.
What
then
?
shall
it
not
be
lawfull
for
a
Prince
to
make
new
lawes
and
abrogate
the
old
?
seeing
it
belongs
to
the
King
not
onely
to
advise
that
nothing
be
done
neither
against
nor
to
defraud
the
lawes
:
but
also
that
nothing
be
wan●ing
to
them
or
any
thing
to
much
in
them
;
briefly
that
neither
age
nor
lapse
of
time
do
abolish
or
entombe
them
:
i●
there
be
any
thing
to
abridge
,
added
,
or
taken
away
from
them
,
●t
is
his
duty
to
assemble
the
estates
,
and
to
demand
their
advise
and
resolution
,
without
presuming
to
publish
any
things
be●ore
the
whole
have
beene
,
first
du●y
examined
and
approved
by
them
,
after
the
l●w
is
once
ennacted
and
published
,
there
is
no
more
dispute
to
be
made
above
it
,
all
men
owe
obedience
to
it
,
and
the
prince
in
the
first
place
to
teach
other
men
their
duty
,
and
for
that
all
men
are
ca●i●ier
led
by
example
then
by
precep●s
,
the
prince
must
necessarily
expresse
his
willingnesse
to
observe
the
lawes
or
else
by
what
equity
can
he
require
obedience
in
his
subjects
to
that
which
he
himselfe
con●●mnes
.
For
the
disterence
which
is
betwixt
Kings
and
subjects
ought
not
to
consist
in
impurity
,
but
in
equity
and
justice
.
And
there●ore
although
Augustus
was
esteemed
to
be
exempt
by
the
d●cree
of
the
S●nate
,
notwithstanding
reproving
of
a
young
man
that
had
broken
the
Iulian
law
concerning
adultery
,
he
boldly
replyed
to
Augustus
that
he
himself
had
transgressed
the
same
laws
which
condemnes
adul●eries
,
the
Emperour
acknowledged
his
fault
and
for
grief
forbore
to
late
.
So
convenient
a
●hing
it
is
in
nature
to
practise
by
example
Demoth
in
oratio
con.
Timocrat
.
that
which
we
would
teach
by
precipt
.
The
Lawgicer
Solon
was
wont
to
compare
laws
to
mony
,
for
they
m●●n●ain
human
societies
as
many
preserves
traffick
,
neither
improperly
then
if
they
Kings
may
not
law●ully
or
at
the
least
heretofore
could
not
mannace
or
imbase
good
mony
without
the
consent
of
the
Common
wealth
:
much
more
●ei●e
can
he
have
power
to
make
and
Innocen
.
3.
ad
regem
.
Fam.
in
ca.
quado
d●●ure
juando
.
unmake
lawes
,
without
the
which
,
no●
Kings
,
nor
subjects
,
can
coha
bite
in
security
bu●
must
befor●●
to
live
brut●shly
in
caves
and
deserts
like
wild
beast
,
wherefore
also
the
Emperour
of
Germany
esteeme
it
needful
to
make
some
law
for
the
good
of
the
empire
,
first
he
demands
the
advise
of
the
estates
if
it
be
there
approved
the
Princes
Barons
&
Deputies
of
the
towns
signei●
and
then
the
law
is
ratified
for
he
solemnly
swears
to
keep
the
laws
already
made
,
and
to
introduce
no
new
ones
without
a
generall
consent
.
There
is
a
Law
in
Poloniae
,
which
hath
beene
renewed
in
the
yeere
,
1454.
and
also
in
the
yeere
1538.
and
by
those
it
is
decreed
,
that
no
new
Lawes
shall
be
made
,
but
by
a
common
consent
,
nor
no
where
else
,
but
in
the
Generall
Assembly
of
the
Estates
.
For
the
Kingdome
of
France
,
where
the
Kings
are
thought
to
have
greater
authority
,
then
in
o●her
places
,
anciently
all
Lawes
were
onely
made
in
the
Assembly
of
the
Estates
,
or
in
the
ambulatory
Parliament
.
But
since
this
Parliament
hath
been
Sedentary
,
the
Kings
ed●cts
are
not
received
as
authentically
,
before
the
Parliament
hath
approved
them
.
Whereas
on
the
contrary
,
the
decrees
of
this
Parliament
,
where
the
Law
is
defective
,
have
commonly
the
power
and
effect
of
Law
.
In
the
Kingdomes
of
England
,
Spain
,
Hungary
,
and
others
,
they
yet
enjoy
in
some
sort
their
ancient
priviledges
.
For
,
if
the
welfare
of
the
Kingdom
depends
of
the
observation
of
the
Laws
,
and
the
Lawes
are
enthralled
to
the
pleasore
of
one
man
?
is
it
not
most
certain
,
that
there
can
be
no
permanent
stability
in
that
government
?
Must
it
not
then
necessarily
come
to
passe
,
that
if
the
King
(
as
some
have
been
)
be
infected
with
Lunacie
,
either
continually
or
by
intervales
,
that
the
whole
State
fall
inevitably
to
ruine
?
But
if
th●
Laws
be
superiour
to
the
King
,
as
we
have
already
proved
,
and
that
the
King
be
tyed
in
the
same
respect
of
obedience
to
the
Lawes
,
as
the
Servant
is
to
his
Master
who
will
be
so
senslesse
,
that
will
not
rather
obey
the
Law
,
then
the
King
?
or
will
not
readily
yeeld
his
best
assistance
against
those
that
seek
to
violate
or
infringe
them
?
Now
seeing
that
the
King
is
not
Lord
over
the
Lawes
,
let
us
examine
how
far
his
power
may
be
justly
extended
in
other
things
.
Whether
the
Prince
have
power
of
life
and
death
over
his
Subjects
?
The
Minnions
of
the
Court
hold
it
for
an
undeniable
Maxime
,
That
Princes
have
the
same
power
of
life
and
death
over
their
Subjects
,
as
anciently
,
Masters
had
over
their
slaves
,
and
with
these
false
imaginations
have
so
bewitched
Princes
,
that
many
,
although
they
put
not
in
ure
with
much
rigour
this
imaginary
right
,
yet
they
imagine
,
that
they
may
lawfully
do
it
,
and
in
how
much
they
defist
from
the
practise
thereof
,
insomuch
,
that
they
quit
and
relinquisite
of
their
right
and
due
.
But
we
affirme
on
the
contrary
,
that
the
Prince
is
but
as
the
Minister
and
Executor
of
the
Law
,
and
may
only
unsheath
the
Sword
against
those
whom
the
Law
hath
condemned
;
and
if
he
do
otherwise
,
he
is
no
more
a
King
,
but
a
Tyrant
;
no
longer
a
Judge
,
but
a
Malefactor
,
and
instead
of
that
honourable
Title
of
Conservatour
,
he
shal
be
justly
branded
with
that
foule
terme
of
Violator
of
the
Law
and
Equity
.
We
must
here
first
of
all
take
into
our
consideration
the
foundation
on
which
this
our
disputation
is
built
,
which
we
have
resolved
into
this
head
,
That
Kings
are
ordained
for
the
benefit
and
profit
of
the
publike
State
;
this
being
granted
,
the
question
is
soon
discust
:
For
who
will
believe
that
men
sought
and
desired
a
King
,
who
upon
any
sudden
motion
might
at
his
pleasure
cut
their
throats
:
or
which
in
colour
or
revenge
might
when
he
would
take
their
heads
from
their
shoulders
.
Briefly
,
who
(
as
the
wise
man
sayes
)
carryes
death
at
his
tongues
end
we
must
not
think
so
idely
.
There
is
no
man
so
vain
,
which
would
willingly
that
his
welfare
should
depend
of
anothers
pleasure
;
Nay
,
with
much
difficulty
will
any
man
trust
his
life
in
the
hands
of
a
friend
●r
a
brother
,
much
lesse
of
a
stranger
be
he
never
so
worthy
.
Seeing
that
Envie
,
Hare
,
and
Rage
did
so
far
transport
Athanas
and
Ajax
beyond
the
bounds
of
reason
,
that
the
one
killed
his
children
,
the
other
fayling
to
effect
his
desire
in
the
same
kind
against
his
friends
and
companions
,
turned
his
fury
and
murtherous
intent
,
and
acted
the
same
revenge
upon
himself
.
Now
it
being
naturall
to
every
man
to
love
himselfe
,
and
to
seek
the
preservation
of
his
own
life
.
In
what
assurance
I
pray
you
would
any
man
rest
to
have
a
Sword
continually
hanging
over
his
head
by
a
small
threed
,
with
the
point
towards
him
?
Would
any
mirth
or
jollity
relish
in
such
a
continuall
affright
?
Can
you
possible
make
choyce
of
a
more
slender
threed
then
to
expose
your
life
and
welfare
into
the
hands
and
power
of
a
man
so
mutable
that
changes
with
every
puft
of
wind
.
Briefly
,
which
almost
a
thousand
times
a
day
,
shakes
off
the
restraint
of
reason
and
discretion
,
and
yeelds
himself
slave
to
his
own
unruly
and
disordered
passions
.
Can
there
be
hoped
or
imagined
any
profit
or
advantage
so
great
or
so
worthy
,
which
mig●t
equalize
or
counterpose
this
feare
or
this
danger
?
Let
us
conclude
then
,
that
it
is
against
Delinquents
onely
,
whom
the
mouth
of
the
Law
hath
condemned
,
that
Kings
may
draw
forth
the
Sword
of
Authority
.
If
the
King
may
pardon
those
whom
the
Law
condemnes
?
But
because
life
is
a
thing
precious
,
and
to
be
favoured
peradventure
it
will
be
demanded
,
whether
the
King
may
not
pardon
and
absolve
those
whom
the
Law
hath
condemned
.
I
answer
,
no
Otherwise
this
cruell
pitty
would
maintain
Theeves
,
Robbers
Murtherers
Ravisters
,
Poysoners
Sorcerers
,
&
other
plagues
of
Mankind
,
as
we
may
reade
Tyrants
have
done
here
afore
in
many
places
,
and
to
our
wofull
experience
,
wee
may
yet
see
at
this
present
time
;
And
therefore
,
the
Beast
of
Law
in
this
kind
,
will
by
impurity
much
encreise
the
number
of
offendors
.
So
that
he
which
received
the
Sword
of
Authority
from
the
Law
to
promise
offence
;
will
arme
offenders
therewith
against
the
Lawes
,
and
put
himselfe
the
Woolfe
into
the
Fold
,
which
hee
ought
to
have
warran●ed
from
their
ravenous
outrages
.
But
for
so
much
that
it
may
chance
in
some
occasions
,
that
the
Law
being
mute
,
may
have
need
of
a
speaking
Law
and
that
the
King
being
in
some
cases
the
aptest
Expositor
,
a
king
for
the
Rule
of
his
actions
Equity
and
Reason
,
which
as
the
soule
of
the
Soule
may
so
cleere
the
intention
thereof
,
as
where
the
offence
is
rather
commited
against
the
words
,
then
the
intendment
of
the
Law
,
hee
may
free
the
innocent
Offendor
from
the
guilt
thereof
,
because
a
just
and
equitable
Exposition
of
the
Law
may
in
all
good
reason
be
taken
for
Law
it selfe
,
as
neerest
concurring
with
the
intention
of
the
Law
makers
.
Notwithstanding
least
passion
should
preposse
the
place
of
reason
I.
Nomims
&
res
S.
verbum
ex
l●ge
.
D.
de
verb
signif
.
Kings
should
in
this
fashion
themselves
to
the
ordinary
practise
of
the
Emperour
,
severns
not
to
determine
absolutely
any
thing
before
it
were
maturely
discussed
by
upright
and
discreet
men
in
that
facultie
.
And
so
the
King
may
rigorously
punish
the
Murtherer
;
and
yet
notwithstanding
pardon
him
,
which
casually
,
and
without
any
such
purpose
killeth
one
.
He
may
put
to
death
the
Thiefe
,
and
yet
pardon
that
man
which
in
●is
own
defence
killeth
him
that
would
have
robbed
him
.
Briesly
in
all
other
occurrences
hee
may
distinguish
,
as
being
established
Aroitrator
and
Newter
,
Chaunce
medly
from
malice
,
fore-thought
a
good
purpose
from
the
Rigour
of
the
Law
,
without
favouring
at
any
time
Malice
or
Treason
,
Neither
can
the
omission
of
this
duty
gain
to
him
any
true
esteeme
of
mercifull
:
for
certainly
that
Shepherd
is
much
more
pitifull
which
kils
the
Woolf
,
then
he
which
lets
him
escape
:
the
clemencie
of
that
King
is
more
commendable
which
commits
the
malefactor
to
the
hangman
,
then
he
which
delivers
him
;
By
pu●●ing
to
death
the
murtherer
,
many
Innocents
are
delivered
from
danger
:
whereas
by
suffering
him
escape
,
both
he
and
others
through
hope
of
the
like
impunitie
,
are
made
more
audacious
to
perpetrate
farther
mischief
,
so
that
the
immediate
act
of
saving
one
Delinquent
,
arms
many
hands
to
murther
divers
Innocents
;
there
is
therefore
both
truly
mildnesse
in
putting
to
death
some
,
and
as
certainly
cruelty
in
pardoning
of
others
.
Therefore
as
it
is
permitted
the
King
,
being
as
it
were
Custos
of
the
Law
,
in
some
cases
to
interpret
the
words
thereof
:
so
in
all
well
ordered
Kingdoms
,
it
is
enjoyned
the
Counsell
of
State
,
and
their
duty
obligeth
them
to
examine
the
Kings
interpretation
,
and
to
moderate
both
his
seleritie
and
facilitle
.
If
through
the
corruption
and
weaknes
of
men
this
have
not
been
so
really
and
throughly
observed
as
it
ought
:
yet
notwithstanding
the
right
alwayes
remains
intire
,
and
there
wants
onely
integritie
and
courage
in
the
parties
to
make
it
effectuall
.
But
not
to
heap
up
too
many
examples
in
a
matter
so
manifestly
clear
,
it
hath
been
in
this
manner
practised
in
the
Realm
of
France
.
For
we
have
there
oftentimes
seen
those
put
to
death
,
to
whom
the
King
had
granted
his
Charter
of
pardon
:
and
those
pardoned
,
whom
He
commanded
should
be
put
to
death
.
And
sometimes
offences
committed
in
the
Kings
presence
remitted
,
because
there
was
no
other
witnesse
but
himself
.
The
which
happened
in
the
time
of
Hen:
2.
to
a
certain
stranger
,
who
was
accused
by
the
King
himself
of
a
grievous
offence
.
If
an
offendor
by
the
intercession
of
friends
have
his
pardon
granted
by
the
king
,
the
Chancellor
upon
sufficient
cause
may
cancell
it
:
if
the
Chancellor
connive
,
yet
m●●t
the
crimined
present
it
before
the
Judges
,
who
ought
not
onely
carefully
to
consider
,
whether
the
Pardon
were
gotten
by
sur●eptitious
or
indirect
means
,
but
also
if
it
be
legall
,
and
in
due
form
:
neither
can
the
De
inquent
that
hath
obtained
his
Cha●ter
of
Pardon
make
use
of
it
,
untill
first
he
appeal
in
publick
Court-bare
headed
,
and
on
his
knees
plead
it
,
submitting
himself
prisoner
untill
the
Judges
have
maturely
weighed
and
considered
the
reasons
that
induced
the
King
to
grant
him
his
pardon
:
If
they
be
found
insufficient
,
the
offendor
must
suffer
the
punishment
of
the
Law
,
as
if
the
King
had
not
granted
him
any
pardon
:
but
if
his
pardon
be
allowed
,
he
ought
not
so
much
to
thank
the
King
,
as
the
equitie
of
the
Law
which
saved
his
life
.
The
manner
of
these
proceedings
was
excellently
ordained
,
both
to
contain
the
King
within
the
limits
of
equitie
,
lest
being
armed
with
publick
Authoritie
,
he
should
seek
to
revenge
his
own
particular
spleen
,
or
out
of
fancie
or
partialitie
remit
the
wrongs
and
outrages
committed
against
the
publick
safetie
:
as
partly
also
to
restrain
an
opinion
in
the
Subject
,
that
any
thing
could
be
obtained
of
the
King
which
might
prejudice
the
Laws
.
If
these
things
have
been
ill
observed
in
our
times
,
notwithstanding
that
which
we
have
formerly
said
,
remains
alwaies
certain
,
that
it
is
the
Laws
which
have
power
over
the
lives
and
deaths
of
the
Inhabitants
of
a
Kingdom
,
and
not
the
King
which
is
but
Administrator
and
Conservator
of
the
Laws
.
Subjects
are
the
Kings
Brethren
,
and
not
his
slaves
.
For
truly
neither
are
the
Subjects
,
as
it
is
commonly
said
,
the
Kings
slaves
,
or
bond
men
:
being
neither
prisoners
taken
in
the
wars
,
nor
bought
for
money
:
but
as
considered
in
one
intire
body
they
are
Lords
,
as
we
have
formerly
proved
;
so
each
of
them
in
particular
ought
to
be
held
as
the
Kings
Brothers
and
kinsmen
.
And
to
the
end
that
we
think
not
this
strange
,
let
us
hear
what
God
himself
saith
when
he
prescribes
a
law
to
Kings
;
That
they
lift
Deuc
.
17.
15.
20.
Barto
.
in
tract
.
de
regi●n
.
civit
.
not
their
heart
above
their
brethren
from
amongst
whom
they
were
chosen
.
Whereupon
Bartolus
a
famous
Lawyer
,
who
lived
in
an
age
that
bred
many
Tyrants
,
did
yet
draw
this
conclusion
from
that
Law
,
that
Subjects
were
to
be
held
and
used
in
the
qualitie
and
condition
of
the
Kings
brethren
,
and
not
of
his
slaves
.
Also
King
David
was
not
ashamed
to
call
his
Subjects
his
brethren
.
1
Chron
28.
2
The
ancient
Kings
were
called
Abimelech
,
an
Hebrew
word
which
fignifies
,
My
father
the
King
.
The
Almighty
and
all
good
God
,
of
whose
great
gentlenesse
and
mercie
we
are
daily
partakers
,
and
very
seldome
feel
his
severitie
,
although
we
justly
deserve
it
,
yet
is
it
alwayes
mercifully
mixed
with
compassion
;
whereby
he
teacheth
Princes
,
his
Lieutenants
,
that
Subjects
ought
rather
to
be
held
in
obedience
by
love
,
than
by
fear
.
But
lest
they
should
except
against
me
,
as
if
I
sought
to
trench
too
much
upon
the
Royall
Authoritie
,
I
verily
beleeve
it
is
so
much
the
greater
,
by
how
much
it
is
likely
to
be
of
longer
continuance
.
For
saith
one
,
servile
fear
is
a
bad
guardian
,
for
that
Authoritie
Cicer.
l
,
2.
offic.
we
desire
should
continue
;
for
those
in
subjection
hate
them
they
fear
,
and
whom
we
hate
,
we
naturally
wish
their
destruction
:
on
the
contrary
,
there
is
nothing
more
proper
to
maintain
their
Authority
then
the
affection
of
their
subjects
,
on
whose
love
they
may
safeliest
and
with
most
securitie
lay
the
foundation
of
their
greatnesse
.
And
therefore
that
Prince
which
governs
his
Subjects
as
brethren
,
may
confidently
assure
himself
to
live
securely
in
the
midst
of
dangers
:
whereas
he
that
useth
them
like
slaves
,
must
needs
live
in
much
anxietie
and
fear
,
and
may
well
be
resembled
to
the
condition
of
that
Master
which
remains
alone
in
some
desart
in
the
midst
of
a
great
troop
of
slaves
;
for
look
how
many
slaves
any
hath
,
he
must
make
account
of
so
many
Enemies
,
which
almost
all
Tyrants
that
have
been
killed
by
their
Subjects
have
experimented
:
whereas
on
the
contrary
,
the
Subjects
of
good
Kings
are
ever
as
solicitously
carefull
of
their
safetie
,
as
of
their
own
welfare
.
To
this
may
have
reference
that
which
is
read
in
diverse
places
Plato
lib.
8.
de
repub
.
Seneca.
Aliud
est
servire
,
aliud
obedire
:
aliud
libertas
,
aliud
licentia
.
L.
5.
D.
de
parricid
.
L.
2.
ad
leg
.
Corneliam
de
sicar
.
vbi
vlp
.
L.
1.
c.
de
parricid
.
of
Aristotle
,
and
was
sayd
by
Agasicles
King
of
Sparta
,
That
Kings
command
as
fathers
over
their
children
,
and
Tyrants
as
masters
over
their
slaves
,
which
we
must
take
in
the
same
sence
,
that
the
civilian
Martianus
doth
,
to
wit
,
that
paternall
authority
consists
in
piety
,
and
not
in
rigor
,
for
that
which
was
practised
amongst
the
men
of
the
accorne
age
,
that
fathers
might
sell
,
and
put
to
death
their
children
at
their
pleasure
,
hath
no
authority
amongst
Christians
,
yea
the
very
Pagans
which
had
any
humanity
,
would
not
permit
it
to
be
practised
on
their
slaves
.
Therefore
then
the
father
hath
no
power
over
the
sons
life
,
before
first
the
Law
have
determined
;
it
,
otherwaise
he
offends
the
Law
,
Cornelius
against
privie
murtherers
,
and
by
the
Law
Pompeius
against
Parricides
,
the
father
is
no
lesse
guilty
which
kills
the
son
,
then
the
son
which
murthers
the
father
:
for
the
same
occasion
the
Emperor
Adrian
banished
into
an
Island
which
was
the
usuall
punishment
for
notorious
offenders
,
a
father
which
had
slain
his
son
,
a
hurting
of
whom
he
had
entertained
a
jealous
opinion
for
his
mother
in
Law
,
concerning
servants
or
slaves
,
we
are
admonished
in
holy
writ
to
use
them
like
brethren
,
and
by
humane
constitutions
as
hierlings
,
or
mercinaries
.
By
the
Civill
Law
of
the
Egyptians
,
and
Romans
,
and
by
the
Ecclesiast.
33.
Cicer.
lib.
3.
offici
.
Diod.
Sic.
lib.
2.
C.
2.
L.
1
D.
de
his
qui
sunt
sui
,
vel
.
al.
juris
.
constitutions
of
the
Antonims
,
the
Master
is
aswell
liable
to
punishment
which
hath
killed
his
own
slave
,
as
he
which
killed
another
mans
.
In
like
manner
the
Law
delivers
from
the
power
of
the
Master
the
slave
whom
in
his
sicknesse
he
hath
altogether
neglected
,
or
hath
not
afforded
convenient
food
,
and
the
infranchilde
slave
whose
condition
was
somewhat
better
,
might
for
any
aparent
injurie
bring
his
action
against
his
Patron
.
Now
seeing
there
is
so
great
difference
between
slaves
,
and
lawfull
children
,
betwixt
Lords
and
fathers
,
and
notwithstanding
heretofore
it
was
not
permitted
amongst
the
heathen
,
to
use
their
slaves
cruelly
:
What
shall
we
say
,
pray
you
,
of
that
father
of
the
people
,
which
cries
out
tragically
with
Aireus
,
I
will
devoure
my
Children
?
In
what
esteeme
shall
we
hold
that
Prince
which
takes
such
pleasure
in
the
massacring
his
Subjects
,
(
condemned
without
being
ever
heard
)
that
he
dispatched
many
thousand
of
them
,
in
one
day
,
&
yet
is
not
glutted
with
blood
:
Briefly
who
after
the
example
of
Caligula
(
surnamed
the
Phaeton
of
the
world
)
wisheth
that
all
his
people
had
but
one
head
that
he
might
cut
it
off
at
one
blow
?
Shall
it
not
be
lawfull
to
implore
the
assistance
of
the
Law
against
such
furious
madnesse
,
and
to
pull
from
such
a
Tyrant
the
sword
which
he
received
to
maintaine
the
Law
,
and
defend
the
good
,
when
it
is
drawn
by
him
onely
for
rapine
and
ruine
?
Whether
the
goods
of
the
people
belong
to
the
King
,
But
to
proceed
,
let
us
now
see
whether
the
King
whom
we
have
alreadie
proved
,
hath
not
power
over
the
lives
of
his
Subjects
;
is
not
at
the
least
Lord
over
their
Goods
.
In
these
dayes
there
is
no
language
more
common
in
the
Courts
of
Princes
,
then
of
those
who
say
all
is
the
Kings
.
Whereby
it
follows
,
that
in
exacting
any
thing
from
his
Subjects
he
takes
but
his
own
,
and
in
that
which
he
leaves
them
,
he
expresseth
the
care
he
hath
that
they
should
not
be
altogether
destitute
of
meanes
to
maintaine
themselves
;
and
this
opinion
hath
gained
so
much
power
in
the
minds
of
some
Princes
,
that
they
are
not
ashamed
to
say
that
the
paines
,
sweat
and
industrie
of
their
Subjects
is
their
proper
revenue
,
as
if
their
miserable
Subjects
onely
kept
beasts
to
till
the
earth
for
their
insolent
masters
profit
,
and
luxurie
.
And
indeed
,
the
practise
at
this
day
is
just
in
this
manner
,
although
in
all
right
&
equity
it
ought
to
be
contrarie
,
now
we
must
alwaies
remember
that
Kings
were
created
for
the
good
and
profit
of
the
people
,
and
that
those
(
as
Aristotle
sayes
)
which
indeavour
and
seeke
the
commoditie
of
the
people
,
are
trusty
Kings
:
whereas
those
that
make
their
own
private
ends
and
pleasures
,
the
onely
butt
and
aime
of
their
desirers
are
truly
Tyrants
.
It
being
then
so
that
every
one
loves
that
which
is
his
owne
,
yea
that
many
covet
that
which
belongs
to
other
men
,
is
it
any
thing
probable
that
men
should
seek
a
master
to
give
him
francklie
al
that
they
had
long
laboured
for
,
and
gained
with
the
sweat
of
their
browes
?
may
we
not
rather
imagine
,
that
they
chose
such
a
man
on
whose
integrity
they
relied
for
the
administring
of
justice
equally
both
to
the
poore
and
rich
,
and
which
would
not
assume
all
to
himselfe
,
but
rather
maintaine
every
one
in
the
fruition
of
his
own
goods
?
or
who
like
an
unprofitable
Drone
should
suck
the
fruit
of
other
mens
labours
,
but
rather
preserve
the
house
,
for
those
whose
industrie
justly
deserved
it
?
briefly
,
who
instead
of
extorting
from
the
true
owners
their
goods
,
would
see
them
defended
from
all
ravening
oppressors
?
What
I
pray
you
skills
it
sayes
the
poore
Countrie
man
,
whether
the
King
,
or
the
enemy
make
havok
of
my
goods
,
since
through
the
spoile
thereof
I
and
my
poore
familie
die
for
hunger
?
what
imports
it
whether
a
stranger
or
home-bred
caterpiller
ruine
my
estate
,
and
bring
my
poore
fortune
to
extream
beggery
?
Whether
a
forrein
Souldier
,
or
a
Sicophant
Courtier
by
force
or
fraud
,
make
me
alike
miserable
?
Why
shall
he
be
accounted
a
barbarous
enemy
,
if
thou
be
a
friendly
Patriot
?
Why
he
a
Tyrant
if
thou
be
a
King
?
Yea
certainly
by
how
much
parracide
is
greater
then
manslaughter
,
by
so
much
the
wickednesse
of
a
King
,
exceeds
in
mischiefe
the
violence
of
an
enemy
.
If
then
therefore
in
the
creation
of
Kings
,
men
gave
not
their
own
proper
goods
unto
them
,
but
onely
recommended
them
to
their
protection
;
by
what
other
right
then
,
but
that
of
free
booters
,
can
they
challenge
the
propertie
of
other
mens
goods
to
themselves
?
Wherefore
the
Kings
of
Egypt
were
not
(
according
to
Law
)
at
the
first
the
Lords
of
particular
mens
estates
,
but
were
onely
then
when
they
were
sold
unto
them
for
corne
,
and
yet
may
there
well
be
question
made
of
the
validitie
of
that
contract
.
Ahab
King
of
Israel
could
not
compell
Naboth
to
sell
him
his
Gen
45.
1
Kings
.
21.
1.
&c.
vineyard
;
but
rather
if
he
had
been
willing
,
the
Law
of
God
would
not
permit
it
.
The
Roman
Emperors
which
had
an
unreasonable
power
,
could
neither
by
right
have
done
it
.
At
this
day
there
is
with
much
difficultie
any
Kingdom
to
be
found
,
where
the
meanest
Subject
may
not
sue
the
King
,
&
where
many
times
the
L.
venditor
.
13.
D.
de
com
.
praed.
divid
.
King
is
not
cast
in
the
sute
,
which
succeeding
he
must
as
well
as
others
satisfie
the
judgment
.
And
to
this
is
not
contrarie
,
although
at
the
first
veiw
it
seeme
so
,
that
which
some
of
their
most
familiars
have
written
of
the
Emperors
.
That
by
the
civill
Law
all
things
were
the
Kings
,
and
that
Caesar
was
absolute
Lord
of
all
Seneca
lib.
de
benef
.
7.
C.
4.
5.
6.
things
,
they
themselves
expound
this
their
opinion
in
this
manner
,
that
the
dominion
of
all
things
belongs
to
the
King
,
and
the
proprietie
to
the
particular
persons
,
insomuch
as
the
one
possesseth
all
by
the
right
of
commanding
,
the
other
by
the
Law
of
inheritance
:
We
know
,
that
it
is
a
common
saying
amongst
the
Civilians
,
that
if
any
make
claime
to
a
house
,
or
a
Ship
,
it
followes
not
therefore
that
he
can
extend
his
right
to
all
the
furniture
L.
nave
.
36.
D.
de
evictionibus
.
or
lading
.
And
therefore
a
King
may
challenge
and
gaine
right
to
the
Kingdome
of
Germanie
,
France
and
England
▪
and
yet
notwithstanding
he
may
not
lawfully
take
any
honest
mans
estate
from
him
,
but
by
manifest
injustice
,
seeing
that
they
are
things
diverse
,
and
by
Law
distinguished
,
to
be
possessors
of
the
whole
,
and
of
all
the
particular
parts
.
Whether
the
King
be
the
proper
owner
of
the
Kingdom
.
But
the
King
,
is
he
not
Lord
proprietor
of
the
publick
Revenue
?
We
must
handle
this
point
somewhat
more
exactly
then
we
did
the
former
.
In
the
first
place
,
we
must
consider
that
the
revenue
of
the
publick
Excheaquer
is
one
thing
,
&
the
proper
patrimonie
of
the
Prince
an
other
,
of
different
nature
are
the
goods
of
the
Emperor
,
King
,
or
Prince
;
to
those
of
A●tonius
,
Henrie
,
or
Philip
,
those
are
properly
the
Kings
,
which
he
injoyes
as
King
,
those
are
Antonious
his
which
he
possesseth
,
as
in
the
right
of
Antonius
,
the
former
he
received
from
the
people
,
the
latter
from
those
of
his
blood
,
as
inheritor
to
them
.
This
distinction
is
frequent
in
the
books
of
the
civill
Law
,
where
there
is
a
difference
ever
made
,
between
the
patrimonie
of
the
Empire
,
and
that
of
the
Emperor
,
the
treasurie
of
Caesar
is
one
L.
bene
à
Zenone
.
C.
de
quod
.
praesc
.
C.
unde
quaest.
Mag
ib.
12.
C.
l.
fiscus
.
D.
de
jurefisci
.
thing
,
and
the
Exchequer
of
the
Common-wealth
another
,
and
both
the
one
and
the
other
have
their
severall
procurers
,
there
being
diverse
dispensers
of
the
sacred
and
publick
distributions
,
and
of
the
particular
&
private
expences
,
insomuch
as
he
which
as
Emperor
is
preferred
before
a
private
man
,
in
a
grant
by
deed
or
chartell
,
may
also
sometime
as
Antonius
give
place
to
an
inferiour
person
.
In
like
manner
in
the
Empire
of
Germanie
,
the
revenue
of
Ferdinand
of
Austria
is
one
thing
,
and
the
revenue
of
the
Emperor
Ferdinand
is
another
:
the
Empire
,
and
the
Emperor
have
their
severall
treasurers
:
as
also
there
is
difference
in
the
inheritances
which
the
Princes
derive
from
the
houses
of
their
ancestors
,
and
those
which
are
annexed
to
the
Electorall
dignities
.
Yea
amongst
the
Turks
themselves
,
Selimus
his
gardens
and
patrimoniall
lands
are
distinstuished
from
those
of
the
publick
,
the
one
serving
for
the
provision
of
the
Sultans
table
,
the
other
imploied
onely
about
the
Turquish
affaires
of
State
.
There
be
notwithstanding
Kingdomes
as
the
French
and
English
,
and
others
in
which
the
King
hath
no
particular
patrimony
,
but
onely
the
publick
which
he
received
from
the
people
,
there
this
former
distinction
hath
no
place
.
For
the
goods
which
belongs
to
the
Prince
as
a
quaere
.
of
what
nature
the
ancient
demeane
is
in
England
.
private
person
there
is
no
question
,
he
is
absolute
owner
of
them
as
other
particular
persons
are
,
and
may
by
the
civill
Law
sell
,
ingage
,
or
dispose
of
them
at
his
pleasure
.
But
for
the
goods
of
the
Kingdome
,
which
in
some
places
are
commonly
called
the
demeanes
,
the
Kings
may
not
be
esteemed
nor
called
in
any
sort
whatsoever
,
absolute
Lords
Proprietors
of
them
.
For
what
if
a
man
for
the
flocks
sake
have
made
thee
Shepheard
,
doth
it
follow
L.
cum
servus
39.
Sec
vlt.
D.
de
leg
.
1.
l.
universi
.
9.
&
●
.
seq.
C
de
fundo
patrim
.
that
thou
hast
libertie
,
to
flea
,
pill
,
sell
,
and
transport
the
Sheepe
at
thy
pleasure
?
Although
the
people
have
established
thee
Judge
,
or
Governour
of
a
Citie
,
or
of
some
Province
,
hast
thou
therefore
power
to
alienate
,
sell
,
or
play
away
that
City
or
Province
?
And
seeing
that
in
alienating
or
passing
away
a
Province
,
the
people
also
are
sold
,
have
they
raised
thee
to
that
authority
to
the
end
thou
shouldest
seperate
them
from
the
rest
,
or
that
thou
shouldest
prostitute
and
make
them
slaves
to
whom
thou
pleasest
?
Furthermore
I
demand
if
the
Royall
dignity
be
a
patrimony
,
or
an
Office
?
If
it
be
an
Office
,
what
Community
hath
it
with
any
propriety
?
If
it
be
a
Patrimony
,
is
it
not
such
a
one
that
at
least
the
paramount
propriety
remaines
still
in
the
people
which
were
the
doners
?
Briefly
if
the
revenue
of
the
Exchequer
,
or
the
demeanes
of
the
Kingdome
,
be
called
the
dowrie
of
the
Common-wealth
,
and
by
good
right
,
and
such
a
dowrie
whose
dismembring
or
wasting
,
brings
with
it
the
ruine
of
the
publick
State
,
the
Kingdom
and
the
King
,
by
what
Law
shall
it
be
lawfull
to
alienate
this
dowrie
?
Let
the
Emperor
Wencislaus
be
infatuated
,
the
French
King
Charles
the
sixt
lunatick
,
and
give
or
sell
the
Kingdom
,
or
part
of
it
to
the
English
,
let
Malcolme
King
of
the
Scots
,
lavishly
dissipate
the
demeanes
and
consume
the
publick
treasure
,
what
followes
for
all
this
?
Those
which
choose
the
King
to
withstand
the
invasions
of
forrein
enemies
,
shall
they
through
his
madnesse
&
negligence
be
made
the
slaves
of
strangers
,
and
those
meanes
&
wealth
,
which
would
have
secured
them
in
the
fruition
of
their
own
estates
and
fortunes
?
Shall
they
by
the
election
of
such
a
King
be
exposed
to
the
prey
&
rapine
of
all
commers
,
and
that
which
particular
persons
have
saved
from
their
own
necessities
,
and
from
those
under
their
tutorship
and
government
,
(
as
it
hapned
in
Scotland
)
to
indew
the
Common-wealth
with
it
,
shall
it
be
devoured
by
some
Pandar
or
Broker
,
for
unclean
pleasures
.
But
if
as
we
have
often
said
,
that
Kings
were
constituted
for
the
peoples
use
,
what
shall
that
use
be
,
if
it
be
perverted
into
abuse
?
What
good
can
so
much
mischiefe
,
and
inconvenience
bring
,
what
profit
can
come
of
such
eminent
and
irreparable
dammages
and
dangers
?
If
(
I
say
)
in
seeking
to
purchase
my
own
liberty
&
wellfare
,
I
ingage
my selfe
into
an
absolute
thraldome
,
and
willingly
subject
my self
to
anothers
Yoake
,
and
become
a
fettered
slave
to
another
mans
unruly
desires
,
therefore
as
it
is
imprinted
in
all
of
us
by
nature
,
so
also
hath
it
by
a
long
custome
been
approved
by
all
Nations
,
that
it
is
not
lawfull
for
the
King
by
the
counsel
of
his
own
fancie
and
pleasure
,
to
diminish
or
waste
the
publick
revenue
;
and
those
which
have
run
a
contrar●e
course
,
have
even
lost
that
happy
name
of
a
King
,
and
stood
b●●●●ded
with
the
infamous
title
of
a
Tyrant
.
I
confesse
that
when
Kings
were
inst●uted
,
there
was
of
n●cessity
means
to
be
assigned
for
them
,
as
well
to
maintain
their
Royall
dignity
,
as
to
furnish
the
expence
of
their
teaine
and
Officers
.
Civility
,
and
the
wellfare
of
the
publick
State
,
seeme
to
require
it
,
for
it
was
the
duty
of
a
King
to
establish
Judges
in
all
places
,
who
should
receive
no
presents
,
nor
sell
Justice
:
and
also
to
have
power
readie
to
assist
the
execution
of
their
Ordinances
,
and
to
secure
the
waies
from
dangers
,
that
commerce
might
be
open
,
and
free
,
&c.
If
there
were
likelihood
of
warrs
to
fortifie
and
put
Garrisons
into
the
frontier
places
,
and
to
hold
an
Armie
in
the
field
,
and
to
keep
his
Magazins
well
stored
with
munition
.
It
is
commonly
said
that
peace
cannot
be
well
maintained
without
provision
for
wars
,
nor
warrs
managed
without
men
,
nor
men
kept
in
discipline
without
pay
,
nor
mony
gotten
without
Subsidies
,
and
Tributes
.
To
discharge
therfore
the
burden
of
the
State
in
time
of
Peace
,
was
the
demeane
appointed
,
and
in
time
of
warrs
the
tributes
and
imposts
,
yet
so
as
if
any
extraordinary
necessity
required
it
,
mony
might
be
raised
by
Subsidies
or
other
fitting
meanes
.
The
finall
intendment
of
all
,
was
ever
the
publick
utility
,
in
so
much
as
he
which
converts
any
of
these
publick
Revenues
to
his
own
private
purposes
,
much
more
he
which
mispends
them
in
anyunworthy
or
loose
occasions
,
no
way
merits
the
name
of
a
King
,
for
the
Prince
(
saith
the
Apostle
)
is
the
minister
of
God
for
the
good
of
the
people
:
and
for
that
cause
is
Tribute
paid
unto
them
.
Rom.
13.
This
is
the
true
originall
cause
of
the
customes
,
and
imposts
of
the
Romans
,
that
those
rich
merchandises
which
were
brought
The
same
reason
is
recorded
for
all
our
imposts
in
England
,
with
which
a
Navy
was
wont
to
be
maintained
at
Sea
.
from
the
Indies
,
Arabia
,
Ethiopia
,
might
be
secured
in
their
passage
by
land
from
theeves
and
robbers
,
&
in
their
transportation
by
Sea
from
Pirats
,
insomuch
as
for
their
security
,
the
Common-wealth
maintained
a
Navy
at
Sea
.
In
this
rank
we
must
put
the
Custome
which
was
payd
in
the
red
Sea
,
and
other
Imposts
of
gates
,
bridges
,
and
passages
,
for
the
securing
of
the
great
road
waies
,
(
therfore
called
the
Pretorian
consular
,
and
the
Kings
high-waies
,
)
from
the
spoile
of
theeves
and
free-booters
.
The
care
also
of
the
reparation
of
bridges
was
referred
to
Commissaries
deputed
by
the
King
,
as
appeares
Archi
in
Ca●
.
fi
qois
Romi
p●●●s
&
pereg
.
24.
q
3.
B●lam
c●●
.
Sect.
conventicula
,
de
pace
iure
iurfir
l.
2.
D.
ne
quid
in
loto
publ.
viarum
.
by
the
Ordinance
of
Lewis
the
Courteous
,
concerning
the
12.
bridges
over
the
River
of
Seyne
,
commanding
also
boats
to
be
in
a
readinesse
,
to
ferrie
over
passingers
,
&c.
For
the
tax
laid
upon
Salt
there
was
none
in
use
in
those
times
,
the
most
of
the
Salt
pits
being
injoyed
by
private
persons
,
because
it
seemed
that
that
which
nature
out
of
her
own
bountie
presented
unto
men
,
ought
no
more
to
be
inhaunsed
by
sale
then
either
the
light
,
the
aire
,
or
the
water
,
as
a
certaine
King
called
L.
magis
puto
D.
de
●ebus
corum
.
Lycurgus
in
the
lesser
Asia
,
began
to
lay
some
impositions
upon
the
Salt
pits
there
,
nature
as
it
were
impatiently
bearing
such
a
restraint
of
her
liberality
,
the
springs
are
said
to
drie
up
suddenly
.
Inv.
Sat
4.
Si
quid
palphurio
,
si
credimus
Armillato
,
Quicquid
conspicuum
palchrum
q●ex
aequo●e
to●o
est
,
Res
fisci
est
ubicunque
natat
.
Now
although
certain
Marm●usets
of
the
Court
would
perswade
us
at
this
day
,
(
as
Juveral
complained
in
his
time
)
that
the
Sea
affords
nothing
of
worth
,
or
good
,
which
falls
not
within
the
compasse
of
the
Kings
Prerogative
.
He
that
first
brought
this
taxation
into
Rome
,
was
the
Censor
Livius
,
who
therefore
gained
the
surname
of
Salter
,
neither
was
it
done
but
in
the
Common-wealths
extreame
necessity
.
And
in
France
King
Philip
the
long
,
for
the
same
reason
obtained
of
the
Estates
the
imposition
upon
Salt
for
five
years
onely
,
what
turmoiles
and
troubles
the
continuance
thereof
hath
bred
every
man
knowes
.
To
be
b●eife
,
all
Tributes
were
imposed
,
and
continued
for
the
provision
of
meanes
and
stipends
for
the
men
of
war
,
so
as
to
make
a
Province
stipendarie
or
tributarie
,
was
esteemed
the
same
with
militarie
.
Behold
wherefore
Solomon
exacted
Tributes
,
to
wit
,
to
fortifie
1
King
.
9.
15.
the
Towns
,
and
to
erect
and
furnish
a
publick
magazine
,
which
being
accomplished
,
the
people
required
of
Reholoam
to
be
freed
Post●l
li.
3
de
rep
Turc
.
from
that
burden
.
The
Turks
call
the
Tribute
of
the
Provinces
,
the
Sacred
blood
of
the
people
and
account
it
a
most
wicked
crime
to
impl●y
it
in
any
thing
but
the
defence
of
the
people
.
Wherefore
by
the
same
reason
all
that
which
the
King
conquers
in
warre
belongs
to
the
people
,
and
nor
to
the
King
,
because
the
people
bore
the
charges
of
the
war
,
as
that
which
is
gained
by
a
factor
accures
to
the
account
of
his
master
.
Yea
and
what
advantage
he
gaines
by
marriage
,
if
it
belongs
simplie
and
absolutely
to
his
wife
,
that
is
acquired
also
to
the
Kingdom
,
for
so
much
as
it
is
to
be
presumed
that
he
gained
not
that
preferment
in
marriage
in
quality
of
Philip
or
Charles
,
but
as
he
was
King
.
On
the
contrarie
,
in
like
manner
the
Queens
have
interest
of
indowment
in
the
estates
which
their
husbands
gained
and
injoyed
before
they
attained
the
Crown
,
and
have
no
title
to
that
which
is
gotten
after
they
are
created
Kings
,
because
that
is
judged
as
the
acquist
of
the
Common
purse
,
and
hath
no
proper
reference
to
the
Kings
private
estate
,
which
was
so
determined
in
France
,
betwixt
Philip
of
Valoys
,
and
his
wife
Jedne
of
Burgundie
.
But
to
the
end
that
there
be
no
money
drawn
from
the
people
to
be
imployed
in
private
designes
,
and
for
particular
ends
and
purposes
;
the
Emperor
swears
,
not
to
impose
any
Taxes
or
Tributes
whatsoever
,
but
by
the
authority
of
the
Estates
of
the
Empire
.
As
much
do
the
Kings
of
Polonia
,
Hungarie
,
and
Denmarke
promise
:
the
English
in
like
manner
enjoy
the
same
unto
this
day
,
by
the
Lawes
of
Henry
the
third
,
and
Edward
the
first
.
The
French
Kings
in
former
times
,
imposed
no
Taxes
but
in
the
Assemblies
,
and
with
the
consent
of
the
three
Estates
;
from
thence
sprung
the
Law
of
Philip
of
Valoys
,
that
the
people
should
not
have
any
Tribute
layd
on
them
but
in
urgent
necessity
,
and
with
the
consent
of
the
Estates
.
Yea
and
anciently
after
these
monies
were
collected
they
were
locked
in
coffers
through
every
Diocesse
and
recommended
to
the
speciall
care
of
selected
men
(
who
are
the
same
which
at
this
day
are
called
Esleus
)
to
the
end
that
they
should
pay
the
souldiers
enroled
,
within
the
Towns
of
their
Diocesses
:
the
which
was
in
use
in
other
Countries
,
as
namely
in
Flanders
and
other
neighbouring
Provinces
.
At
this
day
,
though
many
corruptions
be
crept
in
,
yet
without
the
consent
and
confirmation
of
the
Parliament
,
no
exactions
may
be
collected
,
notwithstanding
there
be
some
Provinces
which
are
not
bound
to
any
thing
,
without
the
approbation
of
the
Estates
of
the
Countrey
,
as
Languedoke
,
Brittannie
Province
,
Daulphinie
,
and
some
others
.
All
the
Provinces
of
the
Low
Countries
have
the
same
priviledges
:
finally
lest
the
Exchequer
devour
all
,
like
the
spleen
which
exhales
the
spirits
from
the
other
members
of
the
body
.
In
all
places
they
have
confined
the
Exchequer
within
its
proper
bounds
and
limits
.
Seeing
then
it
is
most
certaine
that
what
hath
been
ordinarily
and
extraordinarily
assigned
to
Kings
,
to
wit
,
Tributes
,
Taxes
,
and
all
the
demeanes
which
comprehe●d
all
customes
both
for
importations
,
and
exportations
,
forfeitures
,
amercements
,
royall
escheates
,
confiscations
,
and
other
dews
of
the
same
nature
,
were
configned
into
their
hands
for
the
maintainance
and
defence
of
the
people
,
and
the
State
of
the
Kingdom
,
insomuch
as
if
these
sinewes
be
cut
,
the
people
must
n●eds
fall
to
decay
,
and
in
demolishing
these
foundations
the
Kingdome
will
come
to
utter
ruine
.
It
necessarily
follows
,
that
he
which
layes
impositions
on
the
people
onely
to
o●presse
them
,
and
by
the
publick
detriment
seeks
private
profit
,
and
with
their
own
swords
kills
his
subject
he
truely
is
unworthy
the
name
of
a
King
:
Whereas
concrarily
,
a
true
King
as
he
is
a
carefull
mannager
of
the
publick
affairs
,
so
is
he
a
ready
protector
of
the
Common
wellfare
,
and
not
a
Lord
in
propriety
of
the
Common-wealth
,
having
as
little
authority
to
alienate
or
dissipate
the
demeans
or
publick
Revenue
,
as
the
Kingdom
it self
.
And
if
he
mis-govern
the
State
,
seeing
it
imports
the
Common-wealth
that
every
one
make
use
of
his
own
talent
,
it
is
much
more
requisite
for
the
publick
good
,
that
he
which
hath
the
mannaging
of
it
,
carrie
himself
as
he
ought
.
And
therefore
if
a
prodigall
Lord
by
the
authority
of
justice
,
be
committed
to
the
tuition
of
his
kinsmen
and
friends
,
and
compelled
to
suffer
his
revenues
and
means
to
be
ordered
,
and
disposed
of
by
others
;
by
much
more
reason
may
those
which
have
interest
in
the
affairs
of
State
,
&
whose
duty
obligeth
them
thereto
,
take
all
the
Administration
and
government
of
the
State
out
of
the
hands
of
him
which
either
negligently
executes
his
place
,
ruines
the
Common-wealth
,
if
after
admonition
he
indeavours
not
to
performe
his
duty
.
And
for
so
much
as
it
is
easily
to
be
proved
,
that
in
all
lawfull
Dominions
the
King
cannot
be
held
Lord
in
propriety
of
the
demeane
;
without
searching
into
those
elder
times
,
whereof
we
have
an
apt
representation
in
the
Gen.
23.
person
of
Ephron
King
of
the
Hittites
,
who
durst
not
sell
the
Field
to
Abraham
without
the
consent
of
the
people
.
This
right
is
at
this
day
practised
in
publick
States
:
the
Emp
:
of
Germany
before
his
Sleyd
.
l.
1.
&
bulla
aurea
.
Coronation
doth
solemly
swear
that
he
will
neither
alienate
,
dismember
,
nor
ingage
any
of
the
rights
or
members
of
the
Empire
.
And
if
he
recover
,
or
conquer
any
thing
with
the
Arms
&
means
of
the
publick
,
it
shall
be
gained
to
the
Empire
,
and
not
to
himself
.
Wherfore
when
Charles
the
4th
.
promised
each
of
the
Electors
an
hundred
thousand
Crowns
to
choose
his
Son
Wencislaus
Emperor
,
and
having
not
ready
money
to
deliver
them
,
he
morgaged
Customs
,
Taxes
,
Tributes
,
and
certain
Towns
unto
them
,
L.
1.
&
passim
c.
de
con.
re
.
alien
.
naucler
.
in
Chron.
which
were
the
proper
appurtenances
of
the
Empire
:
whereon
followed
much
and
vehement
contestation
,
most
men
holding
this
ingagement
void
.
And
questionlesse
it
had
been
so
declared
,
but
for
the
profit
that
those
reaped
thereby
,
which
ought
principally
to
have
maintained
and
held
intire
the
rights
and
dignities
of
the
Empire
.
And
it
followed
also
,
that
Wencislaus
was
justly
held
uncapable
of
the
government
of
the
Empire
,
chiefly
because
he
suffered
the
rights
of
the
Empire
over
the
Duchy
of
Millen
to
bewrested
from
him
.
There
is
a
Law
very
ancient
in
the
Kingdom
of
Polonia
,
which
prohibits
the
alienating
of
any
of
the
Kingdoms
Lands
;
the
which
also
C
intellecto
de
jure
jurando
in
Decretal
.
Polidor
.
Virgil.
In
cod
.
His
.
part
5.
1.
5.
constis
.
9.
was
renewed
by
King
Lewis
in
the
yeer
1375.
In
Hungary
in
anno
1221.
there
was
a
complaint
made
to
Pope
Honorius
,
that
King
Andrew
had
ingaged
the
Crown
Lands
contrary
to
his
oath
.
In
England
was
the
same
by
the
Law
of
King
Edw:
in
the
yeer
1298.
Likewise
in
Spaine
by
the
Ordinance
made
under
Alphonsus
,
and
renewed
in
the
yeer
1560.
in
the
Assemblie
of
the
Estates
at
Toledo
.
These
Laws
were
then
ratified
,
although
long
time
before
Custome
had
obtained
the
vigor
and
effect
of
Law
.
Now
for
the
Kingdom
of
France
whereto
I
longer
confine
my self
,
because
she
may
in
a
sort
passe
as
a
pattern
to
the
rest
,
this
right
hath
ever
remained
there
inviolable
.
It
is
one
of
the
most
ancient
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
a
right
born
with
the
Kingdom
it self
,
that
the
Demain
may
not
be
alienated
:
the
which
Law
in
anno
1566.
(
although
but
ill
observed
)
was
renewed
.
There
is
onely
2.
cases
excepted
,
the
portions
or
Apennages
of
the
children
and
brothers
of
the
King
,
yet
with
this
reservation
,
that
the
right
of
Vassallage
remains
Papon
Arestor
.
l.
5.
●●
.
10.
Act.
4.
alwayes
to
the
Crown
:
in
like
manner
if
the
condition
of
War
require
necessarily
an
alienation
,
yet
it
must
be
ever
with
power
of
redemption
.
Anciently
neither
the
one
nor
the
other
were
of
validitie
,
but
by
the
commandment
of
the
States
:
at
this
day
since
the
Parliament
hath
been
made
sedentarie
,
the
Parliament
of
Paris
which
is
the
Sect
5.
11.
&
16.
legis
regiae
1566.
Court
of
the
Peers
,
and
the
Chamber
of
Accounts
,
and
of
the
Treasurie
,
must
first
approve
it
:
as
the
Edicts
of
Charles
the
sixt
and
ninth
do
testifie
.
This
is
a
thing
so
certain
,
that
if
the
ancient
Kings
themselves
would
endow
a
Church
(
although
that
was
a
work
much
favoured
in
those
dayes
)
they
were
notwithstanding
bound
to
have
an
allowance
of
the
Estates
:
witnes
King
Childebert
,
who
might
not
endow
the
Abbey
of
St.
Vincent
at
Paris
before
he
had
the
French
and
Newstrafians
consent
.
Clovis
the
2d
.
and
other
Kings
have
observed
the
same
.
They
Aimonius
l.
4.
cha.
41
&c.
might
neither
remit
the
regalities
by
granting
infranchisements
,
nor
the
nomination
of
Prelates
to
any
Church
.
And
if
any
of
them
have
done
it
,
as
Lewis
11.
Philip
4.
and
Philip
surnamed
Augustus
,
did
in
favour
of
the
Churches
of
Senis
Auxera
,
and
Nevers
,
the
Parliament
hath
L.
peto
.
69
Sect
praedium
.
D.
de
leg
.
2.
An.
1329.
1360.
1374.
1401.
1583.
declared
it
void
.
When
the
King
is
anointed
at
Reims
,
he
swears
to
observe
this
Law
:
and
if
he
infringe
it
,
that
Act
hath
as
much
validitie
with
it
as
if
he
contracted
to
sell
the
Empires
of
the
great
Turk
,
or
Sophie
of
Pe●sia
.
From
this
spring
the
Constitutions
or
Ordinances
of
Philip
6.
of
John
2d
.
of
Charles
5th
.
6th
.
and
8th
.
by
which
they
revoke
all
alienations
made
by
their
Predecessors
.
In
the
Assemblie
of
the
Estates
at
Tours
,
where
King
Charles
the
8th
.
Anno
1483.
1522.
1531.
1549
1560.
by
divers
Decrees
of
the
Court
of
Parliament
.
was
in
person
,
divers
alienations
made
by
Lewis
11.
were
repealed
,
and
annihilated
,
and
there
was
taken
away
from
the
Heirs
of
Tancred
of
Chastel
his
great
Minnion
,
divers
places
which
he
had
given
him
by
his
proper
Authoritie
.
This
was
finally
ratified
in
the
last
Assemblie
of
the
Estates
held
at
Orleans
.
Thus
much
concerning
the
Kingdoms
Demean
.
But
to
the
end
that
we
may
yet
more
clearly
perceive
that
the
Kingdom
is
preferred
before
the
King
,
and
that
he
cannot
by
his
own
proper
Authority
diminish
the
Majestie
he
hath
received
from
the
people
,
nor
infranchise
or
release
from
his
Dominion
any
one
of
his
Subjects
;
nor
quit
or
relinquish
the
Soveraigntie
of
●he
least
part
of
his
Kingdom
.
Charlemayn
in
former
times
endeavoured
to
subject
the
Kingdom
Paulus
Aemilius
,
lib
3.
of
France
to
the
German
Empire
:
the
which
the
French
did
couragiously
oppose
by
the
mouth
of
a
Prince
of
Glasconnie
;
and
it
Charlemayn
had
proceeded
in
that
businesse
,
it
had
come
to
the
triall
of
the
Sword
.
In
like
manner
when
any
portion
of
the
Kingdom
was
granted
Anno
1195.
1●60
.
1269.
2297.
1303.
1325.
1330.
Anno
1360.
to
the
English
,
the
soveraigntie
was
almost
alwayes
reserved
.
And
if
sometimes
they
obtain'd
it
by
force
,
as
at
the
Treatie
of
Bretignie
,
by
the
which
king
John
quitted
the
Soveraignty
of
Glasconnie
and
Poyton
that
agreement
was
not
kept
,
neither
was
he
more
bound
to
do
it
,
then
a
Tutor
or
Guardian
is
being
prisoner
(
as
he
was
then
)
which
for
his
own
deliverance
should
ingage
the
estate
of
his
Pupils
.
By
the
power
Anno
1465.
of
the
same
Law
the
Parliament
of
Paris
made
void
the
Treatie
of
Confl●us
by
the
which
Duke
Charles
of
Burgundie
had
drawn
from
the
king
A●niens
,
and
other
Towns
of
Picardie
.
In
our
dayes
the
same
Parliament
declared
void
the
Agreement
made
at
Madrid
,
between
Anno
1525.
Francis
the
1.
then
prisoner
,
and
Charles
the
5.
concerning
the
Duchie
A●●●
1420.
M
●u●●●let
.
chap.
225.
of
Bu●gundie
.
But
the
donation
made
by
Charles
the
6.
unto
H●n
:
king
of
England
of
the
kingdom
of
France
after
his
decease
is
a
sufficient
testimony
for
this
matter
,
and
of
his
madnes
,
if
there
had
been
no
other
proof
.
But
to
leave
off
producing
any
further
testimonies
,
examples
,
or
reasons
,
by
what
right
can
the
King
give
or
sell
away
the
kingdom
or
any
part
of
it
:
seeing
it
consisteth
of
people
,
and
not
of
earth
or
L.
liber
homo
10●
D.
de
ver.
obl●
.
liem●t●
.
34
●●ct
.
●
.
D.
de
co●te
.
●mp
l●●e●●●lt
C
de
op●r
.
libert.
walls
;
and
of
Free
men
there
can
be
made
no
sale
,
nor
traffick
:
yea
,
and
the
Patrons
themselves
cannot
compell
the
infranchisde
servants
to
make
their
habitations
in
other
places
then
themselves
like
.
The
which
is
the
rather
to
be
allowed
,
in
that
Subjects
are
neither
slaves
,
nor
intra●ch●●de
servants
,
but
brothers
:
and
not
onely
the
Kings
b●ethren
taken
one
by
one
,
but
also
considered
in
one
body
,
they
ought
to
be
e●●e●n●ed
absolute
Lords
,
and
owners
of
the
Kingdom
.
Whether
the
King
be
the
usufruictuor
of
the
Kingdom
.
But
if
the
King
be
not
Lord
in
proprietie
,
yet
at
the
least
we
may
esteeme
him
usufruictuor
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
of
the
Demean
:
nay
truly
we
can
allow
him
to
have
the
usufruit
,
for
being
usufruictuor
though
the
proprietie
remain
in
the
people
,
yet
may
he
absolutely
dispose
of
the
profits
,
and
ingage
them
at
his
pleasure
.
Now
we
have
already
proved
,
that
Kings
of
their
own
Authority
cannot
ingage
the
Revenues
of
the
Exchequer
,
or
the
Demain
of
the
Kingdom
.
The
usufroictuor
may
dispose
of
the
profits
to
whom
,
how
,
and
when
he
pleaseth
.
Contrarily
the
excessive
gifts
of
Princes
are
ever
judged
void
,
his
unnecessary
expences
are
not
allowed
,
his
superfluous
to
be
cut
off
,
and
that
which
is
expended
by
him
in
any
other
occasion
,
but
for
the
publick
utilitie
,
is
justly
esteemed
to
be
unjustly
extorted
.
And
is
no
lesse
liable
to
the
Law
Cincea
,
then
the
meanest
Roman
Citizen
formerly
was
:
In
France
the
Kings
gifts
are
never
of
force
,
untill
the
Chamber
of
Accounts
have
confirmed
them
.
From
hence
proceed
the
postils
of
the
ordinarie
Chamber
in
the
giving
up
of
the
Accounts
in
the
Reigns
of
prodig
all
kings
,
Trop
donne
:
soyt
repele
,
which
is
,
excessive
gifts
must
be
recal●ed
.
The
Judges
of
this
Chamber
solemnly
swear
to
passe
nothing
which
may
prejudice
the
Kingdom
,
or
the
publick
State
,
notwithstanding
any
letters
the
King
shall
write
unto
them
:
but
they
are
not
alwayes
so
mindfull
of
this
oath
as
were
to
be
desired
.
Furthermore
,
the
Law
takes
no
care
how
a
usufruictuor
possesseth
,
and
governes
his
revenues
,
but
contrariwise
she
prescribes
unto
the
King
,
how
and
to
what
use
he
shall
imploy
his
.
For
the
ancient
Kings
of
France
,
were
bound
to
divide
their
royall
revenues
into
foure
parts
.
The
first
was
imployed
in
the
maintaining
of
the
Ministers
of
the
Church
,
and
providing
for
the
poore
:
The
second
for
the
Kings
table
:
The
third
for
the
wages
of
his
Officers
and
houshold
servants
:
The
last
in
the
repairing
of
bridges
,
castles
,
and
the
royall
Palaces
.
And
what
was
remaining
was
layd
up
in
the
treasurie
,
to
be
bestowed
Monstrel
in
Car.
6.
on
the
necessities
of
the
Common-wealth
.
And
Histories
do
at
large
relate
the
troubles
and
tumults
,
which
hapned
about
the
yeer
1412
in
the
Assemblie
of
the
Estates
at
Paris
,
because
Charles
the
sixt
had
wasted
all
the
money
that
was
raised
of
the
revenues
and
demean
,
in
his
own
and
his
minnions
loose
pleasures
,
and
that
the
expences
of
the
Kings
houshold
which
before
exceeded
not
the
summe
of
94000.
francks
,
did
amount
in
that
miserable
estate
of
the
Common
wealth
to
five
hundred
and
fourty
thousand
francks
.
Now
as
the
demeane
was
imploied
,
in
the
before
mentioned
affaires
:
so
the
aydes
were
onely
for
the
war
and
the
taxes
assigned
for
the
payment
of
the
men
at
armes
,
and
for
no
other
occasion
.
In
other
Kingdomes
the
King
hath
no
greater
authority
,
and
in
divers
lesse
,
especially
in
the
Empire
of
Germanie
,
and
in
Poland
.
But
we
have
made
choise
of
the
Kingdome
of
France
,
to
the
end
it
be
not
thought
this
hath
any
speciall
prerogative
above
others
,
because
there
perhaps
the
common-wealth
receiveth
the
most
detriment
.
Briefly
as
I
have
before
said
,
the
name
of
a
King
signifie●
not
an
inheritance
,
nor
a
Propriety
,
nor
a
usufruict
,
but
Ex
concil
.
Valem
.
in
c.
1.
●e
his
quae
fiunt
a
praelat
.
abque
consenlucapit
.
a
charge
,
office
,
and
procuration
.
As
a
Bishop
is
chosen
to
look
to
the
wellfare
of
the
soul
,
so
is
the
King
established
to
take
care
of
the
body
so
far
forth
as
it
concerns
the
publick
good
:
the
one
is
dispensor
of
the
heavenly
treasure
,
the
other
of
the
secular
,
and
what
right
the
one
hath
in
the
Episcopall
revenues
,
the
same
hath
the
other
,
and
no
greater
in
the
Kingdoms
demean
.
If
the
Bishop
alien
the
goods
of
the
Bishoprick
,
without
the
consent
of
the
Chapter
,
this
alienation
is
of
no
value
,
If
the
King
alien
the
demeane
without
the
approbation
of
the
Estates
,
that
is
also
void
;
one
portion
of
the
Eclesiasticall
goods
ought
to
be
imployed
in
the
reparation
of
the
Churches
,
the
second
in
releiving
of
the
poore
,
the
third
for
the
maintenance
of
the
Church-men
,
and
the
fourth
for
the
Bishop
himself
:
We
have
seen
before
,
that
the
King
ought
to
divide
into
foure
parts
the
R●venues
of
the
Kingdoms
demeane
.
The
abuse
of
these
times
cannot
infringe
,
or
annihilate
the
right
,
for
although
the
most
part
of
the
Bishops
steale
from
the
poor
that
which
they
profusely
cast
away
on
their
pandars
,
and
ruine
and
destroy
their
lands
and
woods
,
the
calling
of
the
Bishop
is
not
for
all
that
altered
.
Although
that
some
Emperors
have
assumed
to
themselves
an
absolute
power
,
that
cannot
invest
them
with
any
further
right
,
because
no
man
can
be
judge
in
his
own
cause
.
What
if
some
Caracalla
vaunt
,
he
will
not
want
money
whilest
the
sword
remaines
in
his
custodie
:
The
Emperor
Adrian
will
promise
on
the
contrary
,
so
to
discarge
his
office
of
Principalitie
,
that
he
will
alwaies
remember
that
the
Common-wealth
is
not
his
,
but
the
peoples
:
which
one
thing
almost
distinguisheth
a
King
from
a
Tyrant
.
Neither
can
that
act
of
A●talus
King
of
Pergomus
designing
the
Roman
people
for
heires
to
his
Kingdome
,
nor
that
of
Alexander
for
Egypt
,
nor
P●olom
:
for
the
Cyrenians
,
bequeathing
their
Kingdomes
to
the
same
people
nor
Praesutagus
King
of
the
Icenians
,
which
left
his
to
Caesar
,
draw
any
good
consequence
of
right
to
those
which
usurpe
that
which
by
no
●ust
title
belongs
to
them
,
nay
by
how
much
the
intrusion
is
more
violent
;
by
so
much
the
equity
,
&
justice
of
the
cause
is
more
perspicuous
:
for
what
the
Romans
assumed
under
the
colour
of
right
,
they
would
have
made
no
difficulty
if
that
pretext
had
been
wanting
to
have
taken
by
force
:
we
have
seen
almost
in
our
daies
how
the
Venetians
possest
themselves
of
the
Kingdom
of
Ciprus
,
under
pretence
of
an
imaginarie
adoption
which
would
have
proved
rediculous
if
it
had
not
been
seconded
by
power
and
armes
.
To
which
also
may
be
not
unfitly
resembled
the
pretended
donation
of
Constantine
to
Pope
Silvester
,
for
that
straw
of
the
decretist
Gratian
,
was
long
since
consumed
and
turned
to
ashes
,
neither
is
of
more
validity
,
the
grant
which
Lewis
the
courteous
made
to
Pope
Paschal
of
the
Citie
of
Rome
,
and
part
of
Italy
,
because
he
gave
that
which
hee
possessed
not
,
no
man
opposed
it
.
But
when
his
Father
Volater
.
l.
Geogr
.
3.
Charlemain
would
have
united
&
subjected
the
Kingdome
of
France
to
the
Germane
Empire
,
the
French
did
lawfully
oppose
it
:
and
if
he
had
persisted
in
his
purpose
,
they
were
resolved
to
have
hindered
him
,
and
defended
themselves
by
armes
.
There
can
be
to
as
little
advantage
alledged
that
act
of
Solomons
,
whom
we
read
to
have
delivered
1
Kings
9.
11.
twenty
Towns
to
Hiram
King
of
Tire
:
for
he
did
not
give
them
to
him
but
for
the
securing
of
the
Talents
of
gold
which
Hiram
2
Chron.
8.
2.
had
lent
him
,
and
they
were
redeem'd
at
the
end
of
the
terme
,
as
it
appeares
by
the
Text.
Further
,
the
soile
was
barren
,
and
husbanded
by
the
remaining
Canaanites
:
But
Solomon
having
redeemed
it
out
of
the
hands
of
Hiram
,
delivered
it
to
the
Israelites
to
be
inhabited
and
tilled
.
Neither
serves
it
to
much
more
purpose
to
alleadg
that
in
some
Kingdomes
,
there
is
no
expresse
agreement
between
the
King
and
the
people
:
for
suppose
there
be
no
mention
made
,
yet
the
law
of
nature
teacheth
us
that
Kings
were
not
ordained
to
ruine
,
but
to
govern
the
Common-wealths
,
and
that
they
L.
2.
§.
jus
reipub
.
D.
de
administral
.
rer.
ad
Civit.
pert
.
l.
〈◊〉
.
27.
D.
de
admut
.
tut
.
may
not
by
their
proper
authority
alter
or
change
the
rights
of
the
publique
State
,
and
although
they
be
Lords
,
yet
can
they
challenge
it
in
no
other
quality
,
then
as
Guardians
do
in
the
tuition
of
their
pupills
;
neither
can
wee
account
him
a
lawfull
Lord
,
which
deprives
the
Common-wealth
of
her
liberty
,
and
sels
her
as
a
slave
.
Briefly
,
neither
can
we
also
alleadg
,
that
some
Kingdomes
are
the
L.
si
fundum
sect
.
si
tut
.
D.
depositi
et
expr●ssuis
.
Extravag
.
de
rejudicata
,
c.
intellecto
.
proper
acquists
of
the
King
himselfe
,
insomuch
as
they
were
not
conquered
by
their
proper
meanes
and
swords
,
but
by
the
hands
,
and
with
the
wealth
of
the
publique
;
and
there
is
nothing
more
agreeable
to
reason
,
then
that
which
was
gained
with
the
joynt
faculties
,
and
common
danger
of
the
publique
,
should
not
be
alien'd
dispos'd
of
,
without
the
consent
of
the
States
which
represent
the
Common-wealth
:
and
the
necessity
of
this
law
is
such
,
that
it
is
of
force
amongst
robbers
and
free-booters
themselves
.
He
which
follows
a
contrary
course
,
must
needs
ruine
humane
society
.
And
although
the
French
conquered
by
force
of
armes
,
the
Countreyes
of
Germany
and
Gaule
,
yet
this
before
mentioned
right
remaines
still
L.
2.
et
passi●
.
C.
de
interd
.
Com.
rer.
alie●●t
.
intire
.
To
conclude
we
must
needs
resolve
,
that
Kings
are
neither
proprietors
,
nor
usu-fructuaries
of
the
royall
patrimony
:
but
only
administrators
:
and
being
so
,
they
can
by
no
just
right
attribute
to
themselves
the
propriety
,
use
or
profit
of
private
mens
estates
,
nor
with
as
little
reason
the
publique
revennues
,
which
are
in
truth
only
the
Common-wealths
.
But
before
we
passe
any
further
,
we
must
here
resolve
a
doubt
.
The
people
of
Israel
having
demanded
a
King
,
the
Lords
said
to
Samuel
:
hearken
unto
the
voice
of
the
people
:
notwithstanding
,
1
Sam.
8.
7.
&c.
give
them
to
understand
what
shall
be
the
manner
of
the
King
which
shall
reigne
over
them
:
he
will
take
your
fields
,
your
vineyards
,
your
olive-trees
,
to
furnish
his
owne
occasions
,
and
to
enrich
his
servants
:
briefly
,
he
will
make
the
people
slaves
.
One
would
hardly
believe
in
what
estimation
the
Courtiers
of
our
times
hold
this
Text
,
when
of
all
the
rest
of
the
holy
Scripture
they
make
but
a
jest
.
In
this
place
the
Almighty
and
all
good
God
,
would
manifest
to
the
Israelites
their
Levite
,
when
that
they
had
God
himselfe
even
present
with
them
,
who
upon
all
occasions
appointed
them
holy
Judges
,
and
worthy
Commanders
for
the
Wars
,
would
notwithstanding
rather
subject
themselves
to
the
disordered
commandements
of
a
vaine
mutable
man
,
than
to
the
secure
protection
of
the
omnipotent
and
immutable
God
.
Hee
declares
then
unto
them
in
what
a
slippery
estate
the
King
was
placed
,
and
how
easily
unruly
authority
fell
into
disordered
violence
,
and
Kingly
power
was
turned
into
tyrannous
wilfulnesse
.
Seeing
the
King
that
he
gave
them
,
would
by
preposterous
violence
draw
the
sword
of
authority
against
them
,
and
subject
the
equity
of
the
lawes
to
his
owne
unjust
desires
:
and
this
mischief
which
they
wilfully
drew
on
themselves
;
they
would
happily
repent
of
,
when
it
would
not
be
so
easily
remedied
.
Briefly
,
this
Text
doth
not
describe
the
right
of
Kings
,
but
what
right
they
are
accustomed
to
attribute
to
themselves
:
not
what
by
the
priviledge
of
their
places
they
may
justly
doe
:
but
what
power
for
the
satisfying
of
their
owne
lusts
,
they
unjustly
usurp
.
This
will
manifestly
appeare
from
the
17.
Chapter
of
Deuteronomy
,
where
God
appoints
a
law
for
Kings
.
Here
saies
Samuel
the
King
will
use
his
Subjects
like
slaves
:
there
God
forbids
the
King
to
lift
his
heart
above
his
brethren
:
to
wit
,
over
his
Subjects
,
whom
he
ought
not
to
insult
over
,
but
to
cherish
as
his
kinsmen
.
Hee
will
make
Chariots
,
leavy
horse-men
,
and
take
the
goods
of
private
men
,
saies
Samuel
:
on
the
contrary
in
Deutronomy
,
he
is
exhorted
not
to
multiply
horse-men
,
nor
to
heape
up
Deut.
17.
gold
and
silver
,
nor
cause
the
people
to
returne
into
Aegypt
,
to
wit
,
into
bondage
.
In
Samuel
we
see
pictured
to
the
life
wicked
Ahab
,
which
1
Kings
21.
by
pernitious
meanes
gets
Naboths
Vineyard
:
there
David
,
who
held
it
not
lawfull
to
drinke
that
water
which
was
purchased
with
2
Sam.
23.
16.
the
danger
of
his
Subjects
lives
.
Samuel
fortels
that
the
King
demanded
by
the
Israelites
,
in
stead
of
keeping
the
lawes
,
would
governe
all
according
to
his
own
fancie
:
on
the
contrary
,
God
commands
that
his
Law
should
by
the
Priests
be
delivered
into
the
hands
of
the
King
,
to
copie
it
out
,
and
to
have
it
continually
before
his
eyes
.
Therefore
Samuel
being
high
Priest
,
gave
to
Saul
the
royall
law
contained
in
the
17.
of
Deutronomy
,
written
into
a
book
,
which
certainly
had
been
a
frivolous
act
if
the
King
were
permitted
to
break
it
at
his
pleasure
.
Briefly
,
it
is
as
much
as
if
Samuel
had
said
.
You
have
asked
a
King
after
the
manner
of
other
Nations
,
the
most
of
whom
have
Tyrants
for
their
Governours
:
You
desire
a
King
to
distribute
justice
equally
amongst
you
:
but
many
of
them
think
all
things
lawfull
which
their
owne
appetites
suggests
unto
them
;
in
the
meane
season
you
willingly
shake
off
the
Lord
,
whose
only
will
is
equity
and
justice
in
the
abstract
.
In
Heroditus
there
is
a
history
which
plainly
expresses
,
bow
apt
the
royall
governement
is
to
degenerate
into
tyranny
,
whereof
Samuel
so
Herod
.
l.
2.
exactly
forewarns
the
people
.
Deioces
much
renowned
for
his
justice
,
was
first
chosen
Judge
amongst
the
Medes
:
presently
after
,
to
the
end
hee
might
the
better
represse
those
which
would
oppose
justice
,
he
was
chosen
King
,
and
invested
with
convenient
authority
,
then
he
desired
a
guard
,
after
a
Citadell
to
be
built
in
Eebatana
the
principall
Citie
of
the
Kingdome
,
with
colour
to
secure
him
from
conspiracies
and
machinations
of
Rebels
;
which
being
effected
,
he
presently
applies
himselfe
to
revenge
the
least
displeasures
which
were
offered
him
with
the
greatest
punishments
.
Finally
,
no
man
might
presume
to
looke
this
King
in
the
face
,
and
to
laugh
or
cough
in
his
presence
,
was
punished
with
grievous
torments
.
So
dangerous
a
thing
it
is
,
to
put
into
the
hands
of
a
weake
mind
(
as
all
mens
are
by
nature
)
unlimited
power
.
Samuel
therefore
teacheth
not
in
that
place
,
that
the
authority
of
a
King
is
absolute
:
on
the
contrary
hee
discreetly
admonisheth
the
people
not
to
enthrall
their
liberty
under
the
unnecessary
yoake
of
a
weak
and
unruly
Master
:
he
doth
not
absolutely
exclude
the
royall
authority
,
but
would
have
it
restrain'd
within
its
own
limits
:
he
doth
not
amplifie
the
Kings
right
with
an
unbridled
and
licentious
liberty
:
but
rather
tacitely
perswades
to
put
a
bit
into
his
mouth
.
It
seemes
that
this
advice
of
Samuels
was
very
beneficiall
to
the
Israelites
,
for
that
they
circumspectly
moderated
the
power
of
their
Kings
,
the
which
most
Nations
growne
wise
,
either
by
the
experience
of
their
own
,
or
their
neighbours
harmes
,
have
carefully
looked
unto
,
as
will
plainly
appear
by
that
which
follows
.
We
have
shewed
already
,
that
in
the
establishing
of
the
King
,
An
alliance
or
covenant
between
the
K.
&
the
people
.
Deut.
17.
1
Sam.
10.
27.
2
Sam.
5.
3.
there
were
two
alliances
or
convenants
contracted
:
the
first
between
God
,
the
King
,
and
the
people
,
of
which
wee
have
formerly
treated
:
the
second
between
the
King
and
the
people
,
of
which
wee
must
now
say
some-what
.
After
that
Saul
was
established
King
,
the
royall
Law
was
givne
him
,
according
to
which
he
ought
to
governe
.
David
made
a
Covenant
in
Hebron
before
the
Lord
,
that
is
to
say
,
taking
God
for
witnesse
,
with
all
the
ancients
of
Israel
,
which
represented
the
whole
bodie
of
the
people
,
&
even
then
he
was
made
King
.
Joas
1
Chron.
11.
3.
also
by
the
mouth
of
Jehoiada
the
High
Priest
,
entered
into
Covenant
with
the
whole
people
of
the
land
in
the
house
of
the
Lord
:
And
2
King
.
11.
17.
&
12.
2
Chron.
23.
3.
when
the
Crowne
was
set
on
his
head
,
together
with
it
was
the
law
of
the
Testimony
put
into
his
hand
,
which
most
expounds
to
be
the
law
of
God
:
likewise
Josias
promiseth
to
observe
and
keepe
the
Commandements
,
Testimonies
and
Statutes
comprized
in
the
booke
of
2
King
.
23.
3.
the
Covenant
:
under
which
words
are
contained
all
which
belongs
to
the
duties
both
of
the
first
and
second
Table
of
the
law
of
God
.
In
all
the
before
remembred
places
of
the
holy
story
,
it
is
ever
said
that
a
Covenant
was
made
with
all
the
people
,
with
all
the
multitude
,
with
all
the
Elders
,
with
all
the
men
of
Juda
:
to
the
end
that
we
might
know
,
as
it
is
also
fully
expressed
,
that
not
only
the
principals
of
the
Tribes
,
but
also
all
the
Milleniers
,
Centurions
,
and
subalterne
Magistrates
should
meete
together
,
each
of
them
in
the
name
,
and
for
their
Townes
and
Communalties
,
to
covenant
and
contract
with
the
King
.
In
this
assembly
was
the
creating
of
the
King
determined
of
:
for
it
was
the
people
that
made
the
King
,
and
not
the
King
the
people
.
It
is
certain
then
,
that
the
people
by
way
of
stipulation
,
require
a
performance
of
covenants
,
the
King
promises
it
.
Now
the
condition
of
a
Stipulator
is
in
termes
of
law
more
worthy
than
of
a
promiser
.
The
people
asketh
the
King
,
whether
he
will
govern
justly
and
according
to
the
lawes
?
He
promiseth
he
will
.
Then
the
people
answereth
,
and
not
before
,
that
whilest
he
governes
uprightly
,
they
will
obey
faithfully
.
The
King
therefore
promiseth
simply
and
absolutely
,
the
people
upon
condition
:
the
which
failing
to
be
accomplished
,
the
people
rest
according
to
equity
and
reason
,
quit
from
their
promise
.
In
the
first
covenant
,
or
contract
,
there
is
onely
an
obligation
to
piety
:
in
the
second
,
to
justice
.
In
that
the
King
promiseth
to
serve
God
religiously
:
in
this
,
to
rule
the
people
justly
.
By
the
one
he
is
obliged
with
the
utmost
of
his
endeavours
to
procure
the
glory
of
God
:
by
the
other
,
the
profit
of
the
people
.
In
the
first
there
is
a
condition
expressed
,
If
thou
keep
my
commandments
:
in
the
second
,
If
thou
distribute
justice
equally
to
every
man
.
God
is
the
proper
revenger
of
deficiency
in
the
former
,
and
the
whole
people
the
lawfull
punisher
of
delinquency
in
the
latter
,
or
the
Estates
,
the
representative
body
thereof
,
who
have
assumed
to
themselves
the
protection
of
the
people
.
This
hath
been
alwayes
practised
in
all
well-governed
Estates
.
Amongst
the
Persians
,
after
the
due
performance
of
holy
Rites
,
they
contracted
with
Cyrus
in
manner
following
.
Thou
,
O
Cyrus
,
in
the
first
place
,
shalt
promise
,
That
if
any
make
war
Zenophon
lib.
8.
Paed.
against
the
Persians
,
or
seek
to
infringe
the
liberty
of
the
Lawes
,
thou
wilt
with
the
utmost
of
thy
power
defend
and
protect
this
countrey
.
Which
having
promised
,
they
presently
adde
,
And
we
Persians
promise
to
be
aiding
to
keep
all
men
in
obedience
,
whilest
thou
defendest
the
countrey
.
Zenophon
calls
this
agreement
,
A
Confederation
;
as
also
Isocrates
calls
that
which
he
writ
of
the
duties
of
subjects
towards
their
Princes
,
A
Discourse
of
Confederation
.
The
alliance
Zenoph
.
in
tract
.
de
repub
.
Lacede
.
or
confederation
was
renewed
every
moneth
between
the
Kings
,
and
Ephores
of
Sparta
,
although
those
Kings
were
descended
from
the
line
of
Hercules
.
And
as
these
Kings
did
solemnly
swear
,
to
govern
according
to
the
Lawes
,
so
did
the
Ephores
also
to
maintain
them
in
their
authority
,
whilest
they
performed
their
promise
.
Likewise
in
the
Romane
Kingdome
there
was
an
agreement
between
Romulus
the
Senate
,
and
the
people
,
in
this
manner
:
That
the
people
should
make
Lawes
,
and
the
King
looke
they
were
kept
:
The
people
should
decree
warre
,
and
the
King
should
manage
it
.
Now
although
many
Emperours
rather
by
force
and
ambition
,
than
by
any
lawfull
right
,
were
seas'd
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
and
by
that
which
they
call
a
Royall
Law
,
attributed
to
themselves
an
absolute
authority
;
notwithstanding
by
the
fragments
which
remain
both
in
books
,
and
in
Roman
Inscriptions
,
of
that
Law
,
it
plainly
appeares
,
that
power
and
authority
was
granted
them
to
preserve
and
govern
the
Common-wealth
,
not
to
ruine
and
oppresse
it
by
tyranny
.
Nay
,
all
good
Emperours
have
ever
professed
,
that
they
held
themselves
tied
to
the
Laws
,
&
received
the
Empire
from
the
Senate
,
to
whose
determination
they
alwayes
referred
the
most
important
affairs
,
and
esteemed
it
a
great
error
without
their
advice
to
resolve
on
the
occasions
of
the
publick
State
.
If
we
take
into
our
consideration
the
condition
of
the
Empires
,
Kingdomes
and
States
of
times
,
there
is
not
any
of
them
worthy
of
those
names
,
where
there
is
not
some
such
covenant
or
confederacy
between
the
people
and
the
Prince
.
It
is
not
long
since
that
in
the
Empire
of
Germany
,
the
King
of
the
Romanes
being
ready
to
be
crowned
Emperour
;
was
bound
to
doe
homage
,
and
make
oath
of
Fealty
to
the
Empire
,
no
more
nor
lesse
than
as
the
vassall
is
bound
to
doe
to
his
Lord
when
he
is
invested
with
his
fec
.
Although
the
form
of
the
words
which
he
is
to
sweare
,
have
been
somewhat
altered
by
the
Popes
,
yet
notwithstanding
the
substance
still
remains
the
same
.
According
to
which
we
know
that
Charles
the
fifth
of
the
house
of
Austria
,
was
under
Specul
.
Saxon.
lib.
3.
Vrtic
.
54.
certain
conditions
chosen
Emperour
,
as
in
the
same
manner
his
successors
were
,
the
summe
of
which
was
,
that
he
should
keep
the
Lawes
already
made
,
and
make
no
new
ones
without
the
consent
of
the
Electors
,
that
he
should
govern
the
publick
affaires
by
the
advice
of
the
generall
Estates
,
nor
ingage
any
thing
that
belongs
to
the
Empire
,
and
other
matters
which
are
particularly
recited
by
the
Historians
.
When
the
Emperour
is
crowned
at
Aquisgrave
,
the
Archbishop
of
Cullen
requires
of
him
in
the
first
place
,
Sleyd
.
lib.
2.
&
2.
If
he
will
maintain
the
Church
,
if
he
will
distribute
justice
,
if
he
will
defend
the
Empire
,
and
protect
Widowes
,
Orphans
,
and
all
other
worthy
of
comp●ssion
:
The
which
after
he
hath
solemnly
sworn
before
the
Altar
,
the
Princes
also
which
represent
the
Empire
,
are
asked
,
if
they
will
not
promise
the
same
;
neither
is
the
Emperour
anointed
,
nor
receives
the
other
Ornaments
of
the
Empire
,
before
he
have
first
taken
that
solemn
oath
.
Whereupon
it
followes
,
that
the
Emperour
is
tied
absoutely
,
and
the
princes
of
the
Empire
,
under
condition
.
That
the
same
is
observed
in
the
Kingdome
of
Polonia
,
no
man
will
make
question
,
who
had
but
seen
or
heard
of
the
ceremonies
and
rites
wherewith
Henry
of
Anjoy
was
lately
chosen
and
crowned
King
of
that
Countrey
,
&
especially
then
when
the
condition
of
maintaining
of
the
two
Religions
,
the
Reformed
and
the
Roman
,
was
demanded
,
the
which
the
Lords
of
the
kingdome
in
expresse
termes
required
of
him
three
severall
times
,
and
he
as
often
made
promise
to
perform
.
The
same
is
observed
in
the
Kingdomes
of
Bohemia
,
Hungary
,
and
others
;
the
which
we
omit
to
relate
particularly
,
to
avoid
prolixity
.
Now
this
manner
of
stipulation
is
not
onely
received
in
those
Kingdomes
where
the
right
of
election
is
yet
entirely
observed
;
but
even
in
those
also
which
are
esteemed
to
be
simply
hereditary
,
When
the
King
of
France
is
crowned
,
the
Bishops
of
Laon
and
Beauvois
,
Ecclesiasticall
Peeres
,
ask
all
the
people
there
present
,
whether
they
desi●e
and
command
,
that
he
which
is
there
before
them
,
shall
be
their
King
?
Whereupon
he
is
said
even
then
in
the
stile
of
the
inauguration
,
to
be
chosen
by
the
people
:
and
when
they
have
given
the
signe
of
consenting
,
then
the
King
sweares
that
he
will
maintaine
all
the
rights
,
priviledges
,
and
lawes
of
France
universally
,
that
he
will
not
aliene
the
D●meane
,
and
the
other
Articles
,
which
have
been
yet
so
changed
and
accomodated
to
bad
intentions
,
as
they
differ
greatly
from
that
copie
which
remaines
in
the
Library
of
the
Chapter
of
Beauvois
,
according
to
which
it
is
recorded
,
that
King
Philip
,
the
first
of
that
name
,
tooke
his
Oath
at
his
Coronation
;
yet
notwithstanding
they
are
not
unfitly
expressed
:
Neither
is
he
girded
with
the
sword
,
nor
anointed
,
nor
crowned
by
the
Peers
(
who
at
that
time
weare
Coronets
on
their
heads
)
nor
receives
the
Scepter
and
rod
of
Justice
,
nor
is
proclaimed
King
,
before
first
the
people
have
commanded
it
:
neither
doe
the
Peers
take
their
oaths
of
alleageance
before
he
have
first
solemnly
sworne
to
keepe
the
Lawes
carefully
.
And
those
be
,
that
he
shall
not
waste
the
publicke
revenue
,
that
he
shall
not
of
his
own
proper
authoritie
,
impose
any
taxes
,
customes
,
or
tributes
:
that
he
shall
not
make
peace
or
warre
,
nor
determine
of
State-affaires
,
without
the
advise
of
the
Councell
of
State
.
Briefly
,
that
he
should
leave
to
the
Parliament
,
to
the
States
,
and
to
the
Officers
of
the
Kingdome
,
their
authoritie
intire
,
and
all
things
else
which
have
been
usually
observed
in
the
Kingdome
of
France
.
And
when
he
first
enters
any
Citie
or
Province
,
he
is
bound
to
confirme
their
priviledges
,
and
sweares
to
maintaine
their
Lawes
and
Customes
.
This
is
straitly
observed
in
the
Cities
of
Tholouse
,
and
Rochel
,
and
in
the
Countries
of
Daulphinie
,
Province
,
and
Britaine
:
The
which
Townes
and
Provinces
have
their
particular
and
expresse
Covenants
and
agreements
with
the
Kings
,
which
must
needs
be
voyde
,
if
the
condition
expressed
in
the
Contract
be
not
of
force
,
nor
the
Kings
tied
to
the
performance
.
There
is
the
forme
of
the
Oath
of
the
ancient
Kings
of
Burgundie
In
Annal.
Burgund
.
yet
extant
in
these
words
:
I
will
protect
all
men
in
their
rights
,
according
to
Law
and
justice
.
In
England
,
Scotland
,
Sweden
,
and
Denmarke
,
there
is
almost
the
same
custome
as
in
France
:
but
in
no
place
there
is
used
a
more
discreet
care
in
their
manner
of
proceeding
,
than
in
Spaine
.
For
in
the
Kingdome
of
Arragon
,
after
the
finishing
of
many
Ceremonies
,
which
are
used
between
him
,
which
represents
the
Justitia
major
of
Arragon
,
which
comprehends
the
majestie
of
the
Common-wealth
,
seated
in
a
higher
seate
,
and
the
King
,
which
is
to
be
crowned
,
who
sweares
fealtie
,
and
does
his
homage
:
and
having
reade
the
Lawes
and
conditions
,
to
the
accomplishment
whereof
he
is
sworne
.
Finally
,
the
Lords
of
the
Kingdome
use
to
the
King
these
words
in
the
vulgar
Language
,
as
is
before
expressed
,
page
60.
Nos
qui
valemos
tanto
como
vos
,
y
podemos
mas
que
vos
,
vos
elegimos
kei
con
estas
è
y
estat
conditiones
,
entra
vos
y
nos
un
que
manda
mas
que
vos
.
Wee
which
are
as
much
worth
as
you
,
and
have
more
power
than
you
,
choose
you
King
upon
these
and
these
conditions
,
and
there
is
one
between
you
and
us
,
which
commands
over
you
.
But
least
the
King
should
thinke
he
swore
onely
for
fashion
sake
,
and
to
observe
an
olde
custome
,
every
third
yeare
in
full
assemblie
of
the
Estates
,
the
very
same
words
,
and
in
the
same
manner
are
repeated
unto
him
.
And
if
under
pretext
of
his
royall
dignitie
he
become
insolent
,
violating
the
Lawes
,
and
neglect
his
publick
faith
and
promise
given
,
then
by
the
priviledge
of
the
Kingdome
,
he
is
judged
,
excommunicated
,
as
execrable
as
Julian
the
Apostata
was
by
the
primitive
Church
:
which
excommunication
is
esteemed
of
that
validitie
,
that
instead
of
praying
for
the
King
in
their
publick
oraysons
,
they
pray
against
him
,
and
the
subjects
are
by
the
same
right
acquit
from
their
oath
of
Alleageance
:
as
the
vassall
is
exempted
from
obedience
and
obligation
by
oath
to
his
Lord
which
stands
excommunicated
;
the
which
hath
been
determined
and
confirmed
In
Concil.
Tolet
.
4.
c.
74.
&
in
Tolet.
6.
lib.
2.
feud
.
tit.
28.
sect.
1.
both
by
act
of
Councell
and
Decree
of
State
in
the
Kingdome
of
Arragon
.
In
like
manner
,
in
the
Kingdome
of
Castile
in
full
assembly
of
the
Estates
,
the
King
being
readie
to
be
crowned
,
is
first
in
the
presence
of
all
advertised
of
his
dutie
:
and
even
then
are
reade
the
Articles
discreetly
composed
for
the
good
of
the
Common-wealth
,
the
King
sweares
he
will
observe
and
keepe
them
carefully
and
faithfully
;
which
being
done
,
then
the
Constable
takes
his
oath
of
alleageance
,
after
the
Princes
and
Deputies
for
the
Townes
sweare
each
of
them
in
their
order
;
and
the
same
is
observed
in
the
Kingdomes
of
Portugall
,
Leon
,
and
the
rest
of
Spaine
.
The
lesser
principallities
have
their
institution
grounded
on
the
same
right
.
The
contracts
which
the
Brabancers
and
the
rest
of
the
Netherlanders
,
together
with
those
of
Austria
,
Carinthia
,
and
others
,
had
with
La
Joyeuse
entreè
.
their
Princes
,
were
alwayes
conditionall
.
But
especially
the
Brabancers
,
to
take
away
all
occasion
of
dispute
,
have
this
expresse
condition
:
which
is
that
in
the
receiving
of
their
Duke
,
there
is
read
in
his
presence
the
ancient
Articles
,
wherein
is
comprized
that
which
is
requisite
for
the
publick
good
;
and
thereunto
is
also
added
,
that
if
he
doe
not
exactly
and
precisely
observe
them
,
they
may
choose
what
other
Lord
it
shall
seeme
good
unto
them
;
the
which
they
doe
in
expresse
words
protest
unto
him
.
He
having
allowed
and
accepted
of
these
Articles
,
doth
in
that
publick
assemblie
promise
and
solemnly
sweare
to
keepe
them
.
The
which
was
observed
in
the
reception
of
Philip
the
second
King
of
Spaine
.
Ludovicus
Guicciard
.
in
Discript
.
Belgiae
.
Briefly
,
there
is
not
any
man
can
denie
,
but
that
there
is
a
contract
mutually
obligatorie
between
the
King
and
the
Subjects
,
which
requires
the
people
to
obey
faithfully
,
and
the
King
to
governe
lawfully
,
for
the
performance
whereof
the
King
sweares
first
,
and
after
the
people
.
I
would
aske
here
wherefore
a
man
doth
sweare
,
if
it
be
not
to
declare
,
that
what
he
delivers
he
sincerely
intends
from
his
heart
?
Can
any
thing
be
judged
more
neere
to
the
law
of
nature
,
than
to
observe
that
which
we
approve
?
Furthermore
,
what
is
the
reason
L.
1.
D.
Acpact
.
l.
non
minorum
20.
D.
de
transact
the
King
sweares
first
,
and
at
the
instance
,
and
required
by
the
people
,
but
to
accept
a
condition
either
tacite
or
expressed
?
Wherefore
is
there
a
condition
opposed
to
the
Contract
,
if
it
be
not
that
in
fayling
to
performe
the
condition
,
the
contract
according
to
law
remaines
voyde
?
And
if
for
want
of
satisfying
the
condition
by
right
,
the
contract
is
of
no
force
:
who
shall
dare
to
call
that
people
perjured
,
which
refuseth
to
obey
a
King
which
makes
no
account
of
his
promise
,
which
he
might
and
ought
to
have
kept
,
and
wilfully
breakes
those
lawes
which
he
did
sweare
to
observe
?
On
the
contrary
,
may
we
not
rather
esteeme
such
a
King
perfidious
,
perjured
,
and
unworthy
of
his
place
?
For
if
the
Law
free
the
vassall
Lib.
2.
feudor
.
tit.
26.
§.
24.
&
tit.
47.
Dionys.
Halic
.
lib.
2.
from
his
Lord
,
who
dealt
felloniously
with
him
,
although
that
to
speake
properly
the
Lord
sweareth
not
fealtie
to
his
vassall
,
but
he
to
him
:
if
the
Law
of
the
twelve
Tables
doth
detest
and
hold
in
execration
the
protector
that
defraudeth
him
that
is
under
his
tuition
:
if
the
civill
Law
permit
an
infranchised
servant
to
bring
his
action
against
his
patron
,
for
any
grievous
usage
:
if
in
such
cases
the
same
Law
delivers
the
slave
from
the
power
of
his
Master
,
although
the
obligation
be
naturall
onely
and
not
civill
:
is
it
not
much
more
reasonable
that
the
people
be
loosed
from
that
oath
of
alleageance
which
they
have
taken
,
if
the
King
(
who
may
be
not
unfitly
resembled
by
an
Atturney
sworne
to
looke
to
his
Clients
cause
)
first
breake
his
oath
solemnly
taken
?
And
what
if
all
these
ceremonies
,
solemne
oaths
,
nay
sacramentall
promises
had
never
been
taken
?
Doth
not
nature
her selfe
sufficiently
teach
that
Kings
were
on
this
condition
ordained
by
the
people
,
that
they
should
governe
well
?
Judges
that
they
should
distribute
justice
uprightly
?
Captaines
in
the
warre
,
that
they
should
lead
their
Armes
against
their
enemies
:
If
on
the
contrary
,
they
themselves
forrage
and
spoile
their
subjects
,
and
instead
of
governors
become
enemies
,
as
they
leave
indeed
the
true
and
essentiall
qualities
of
a
King
,
so
neither
ought
the
people
to
acknowledge
them
for
lawfull
Princes
.
But
what
if
a
people
(
you
will
reply
)
subdued
by
force
,
be
compeld
Cicer.
1.
Offic.
by
the
King
to
take
an
oath
of
servitude
?
And
what
if
a
robber
,
pirate
,
or
tyrant
,
(
I
will
answer
)
with
whom
no
bond
of
humane
societie
can
be
effectuall
,
holding
his
dagger
to
your
throate
,
constraine
you
presently
to
become
bound
in
a
great
sum
of
money
?
Is
it
not
an
unquestionable
Maxime
in
Law
,
that
a
promise
exacted
by
violence
cannot
binde
?
especially
if
any
thing
be
promised
against
common
reason
,
or
the
law
of
nature
?
Is
there
any
thing
more
repugnant
to
nature
and
reason
,
than
that
a
people
should
manicle
and
fetter
themselves
;
and
to
be
obliged
by
promise
to
the
Prince
,
with
their
own
hands
and
weapons
to
be
their
own
executioners
?
There
is
therefore
a
mutuall
obligation
between
the
King
and
the
people
,
which
whether
it
be
civill
or
naturall
onely
,
whether
tacite
,
or
expressed
in
words
,
it
cannot
by
any
meanes
be
annihilated
,
nor
by
any
Law
be
abrogated
,
much
lesse
by
force
made
voyde
.
And
this
obligation
is
of
such
power
,
that
the
Prince
which
wilfully
violates
it
,
is
a
tyrant
:
and
the
people
which
purposely
breakes
it
,
may
be
justly
termed
seditious
.
Hitherto
we
have
treated
of
a
King
,
it
now
rests
wee
doe
somewhat
more
fully
describe
a
Tyrant
.
Wee
have
shewed
that
he
is
a
Who
may
truly
be
called
tyrants
?
King
,
which
lawfully
governes
a
Kingdome
,
either
derived
to
him
by
succession
,
or
committed
to
him
by
Election
.
It
followes
therefore
that
he
is
reputed
a
tyrant
,
which
as
opposite
to
a
King
,
either
Aristo
.
lib.
5.
polit.
c.
10.
gaines
a
kingdome
by
violence
,
or
indirect
meanes
,
or
being
invested
therewith
by
lawfull
election
or
succession
,
governes
it
not
according
to
law
and
equitie
,
or
neglects
those
contracts
and
agreements
,
Bartol.
in
tract
.
de
tyrannide
.
to
the
observation
whereof
he
was
strictly
oblieged
at
his
reception
.
All
which
may
very
well
occurre
in
one
and
the
same
person
.
The
first
is
commonly
called
a
tyrant
without
title
:
the
second
a
tyrant
by
practise
.
Now
it
may
well
so
come
to
passe
,
that
he
which
possesseth
himselfe
of
a
kingdome
by
force
,
to
governe
justly
,
and
he
on
whom
it
descends
by
a
lawfull
title
,
to
rule
unjustly
.
But
for
so
much
as
a
kingdome
is
rather
a
right
than
an
inheritance
,
and
an
office
than
a
possession
:
he
seemes
rather
worthy
the
name
of
a
tyrant
,
which
unworthily
acquits
himselfe
of
his
charge
,
than
he
which
entered
into
his
place
by
a
wrong
dore
.
In
the
same
sence
is
the
Pope
called
an
intruder
which
entered
by
indirect
means
into
the
papacy
:
and
he
an
abuser
which
gover●s
il
in
it
.
Pithagoras
sayes
,
That
a
worthy
stranger
is
to
be
preferr'd
before
an
unworthy
Citizen
,
yea
though
he
be
a
Kinsman
.
Let
it
be
lawfull
also
for
us
to
say
,
that
a
Prince
which
gained
his
Principality
by
indirect
courses
,
provided
hee
governe
according
to
law
,
and
administer
justice
equally
,
is
much
to
be
preferred
before
him
,
which
carrieth
himselfe
tyrannously
,
although
hee
were
legally
invested
into
his
government
with
all
the
Ceremonies
and
R●tes
thereunto
appertaining
.
For
seeing
that
Kings
were
instituted
to
feede
,
to
judge
,
to
cure
the
d●seases
of
the
people
:
Certainely
I
had
rather
that
a
T●iefe
sh●uld
feede
me
,
than
a
Shepherd
devoure
me
:
I
had
rather
receive
justice
from
a
R●bber
,
than
out-rage
from
a
Judge
:
I
had
better
be
healed
by
an
Empirick
,
than
poysoned
by
a
Doct●●
in
Physicke
.
It
were
much
more
profitable
for
me
to
have
my
estate
carefully
managed
by
an
intruding
Guardian
,
than
to
have
it
w●sted
and
dissipated
by
one
legally
appointed
.
And
although
it
may
be
that
ambition
was
his
first
solicitor
,
to
enter
violently
into
the
government
,
yet
may
it
perhaps
appeare
he
affected
it
the
rather
to
give
testimonie
of
his
equity
and
moderation
Zenophon
.
Pluta●chus
in
Alexand.
in
Aemi●co
,
Caesare
.
Liv
us
,
lib.
1.
Su●conius
in
Caesare
,
c.
75.
in
governing
,
witnesse
Circus
,
Alexander
,
and
the
Romans
,
which
ordinarily
accorded
to
those
people
they
subdued
,
permission
to
governe
themselves
according
to
their
owne
lawes
,
customes
,
and
priviledges
,
yea
sometimes
incorporated
them
into
the
body
of
their
owne
state
:
on
the
contrary
,
the
Tyrant
by
practice
seemes
to
extend
the
priviledge
of
his
legall
succession
,
the
better
to
execute
violence
and
extortion
,
as
may
be
seene
in
these
dayes
,
not
only
by
the
examples
of
the
Turkes
and
Moscovites
,
but
also
in
diver●
Christian
Princes
:
therefore
the
act
of
one
which
at
the
first
was
ill
,
is
in
some
reasonable
time
rectified
by
justice
:
whereas
the
other
like
an
inveterate
disease
,
the
elder
it
growes
,
the
worse
it
affects
the
Patient
.
Now
if
according
to
the
saying
of
Saint
Augustine
,
those
kingdomes
August
.
in
lib.
4.
c.
4.
de
c.
vi
.
●es
.
where
justice
hath
no
place
,
are
but
a
rapsodie
of
free-booters
;
they
are
in
that
,
both
the
Tyrant
without
title
,
and
he
by
practise
alike
,
for
that
they
are
both
thieves
,
both
robbers
,
and
both
unjust
possessors
,
as
he
certainly
is
no
lesse
an
unjust
detayner
which
takes
another
mans
goods
against
the
owners
will
,
than
hee
which
employes
it
ill
when
it
was
taken
before
.
But
the
fault
is
without
comparison
,
much
more
greater
of
him
which
possesseth
an
estate
for
to
ruine
it
,
than
of
the
other
which
made
himselfe
Master
of
it
to
preserve
it
.
Briefely
,
the
Tyrant
by
practise
vainely
colouring
his
unjust
extortions
with
the
justice
of
his
title
,
is
much
more
blameable
then
the
Tyrant
without
title
,
who
recompenceth
the
violence
of
his
first
intrusion
in
a
continued
course
of
a
legall
and
upright
government
.
But
to
proceed
,
there
may
be
observed
some
difference
amongst
Tyrants
without
title
.
Tyrants
without
title
:
For
there
are
some
which
ambitiously
invade
their
neighbours
Countreyes
,
to
enlarge
their
owne
,
as
Nimrod
,
Minus
,
and
the
Canaanites
have
done
.
Although
such
are
term'd
Kings
by
their
owne
people
,
yet
to
those
on
whose
confines
they
have
encroached
without
any
just
right
,
or
occasion
,
they
will
be
accounted
Tyrants
.
There
be
others
which
having
attained
to
the
government
of
an
elective
Kingdome
,
that
endeavour
by
deceitfull
meanes
,
by
corruption
,
by
present
,
and
other
bad
practises
,
to
make
it
become
hereditary
.
For
witnesse
whereof
,
wee
neede
not
make
search
into
elder
times
;
these
are
worse
than
the
former
,
for
so
much
as
secret
fraud
,
as
Cicero
saith
,
is
ever
more
odious
than
open
force
.
There
be
also
others
which
are
so
horribly
wicked
,
that
they
seeke
to
enthrall
their
own
native
Countrey
like
the
viperous
brood
which
goaw
through
the
entralls
of
their
mother
:
as
be
those
Generals
of
Armies
created
by
the
people
,
who
afterwards
by
the
meanes
of
those
forces
make
themselves
masters
of
the
State
,
as
Caesar
at
Rome
under
pretence
of
the
Dictatorship
,
and
divers
Princes
of
Italy
.
There
be
women
also
which
intrude
themselves
into
the
government
of
those
kingdoms
which
the
lawes
only
permit
to
the
males
,
and
make
themselves
Queenes
and
Regents
,
as
Athalia
did
in
Judab
,
Semiramis
in
Assyria
,
Agripina
in
the
Roman
Empire
in
the
Reign
of
her
sonne
Nero
,
Mammea
in
Alexander
Severus
his
time
,
Semiamira
in
Heliogabalusses
;
and
certaine
Brunichildes
in
the
kingdome
of
France
,
who
so
educated
their
sonnes
[
as
the
Queens
of
the
house
Medicis
in
these
latter
times
]
during
their
minority
,
that
attaining
to
more
maturity
,
their
only
care
was
to
glut
themselves
in
pleasures
and
delights
:
so
that
the
whole
management
of
affaires
remain'd
in
the
hands
of
their
Mothers
,
or
of
their
Minions
,
servants
,
and
Officers
.
Those
also
are
Tyrants
without
title
,
who
taking
advantage
of
the
floath
,
weakenesse
,
and
dissolute
courses
of
those
Princes
which
are
otherwise
lawfully
instituted
,
and
seeking
to
enwrap
them
in
a
sleepy
dreame
of
voluptuous
idlenesse
(
as
under
the
French
Kings
,
especially
those
of
the
Merovingian
line
,
some
of
the
Mayres
of
the
Palace
have
beene
advanc'd
to
that
dignity
for
such
egregious
services
)
transferring
into
their
owne
command
all
the
royall
authority
,
and
leaving
the
King
only
the
bare
name
.
All
which
Tyrants
are
certainly
of
this
condition
,
that
if
for
the
manner
of
their
government
they
are
not
blameable
:
Yet
for
so
much
as
they
entered
into
that
jurisdiction
by
tyrannous
intrusion
,
they
may
justly
be
termed
Tyrants
without
title
.
Concerning
Tyrants
by
practise
,
it
is
not
so
easie
to
describe
Tyrants
by
practise
.
them
as
true
Kings
.
For
reason
rules
the
one
,
and
selfe-will
the
other
:
the
first
prescribes
bounds
to
his
affections
,
the
second
confines
his
desires
within
no
limits
,
what
is
the
proper
rights
of
Kings
may
be
easily
declared
,
but
the
outragious
insolencies
of
Tyrants
cannot
without
much
difficulty
be
express'd
.
And
as
a
right
angle
is
uniforme
,
and
like
to
it selfe
one
and
the
fame
.
so
an
oblique
diversifies
it selfe
into
various
and
sundry
species
:
In
like
manner
is
justice
and
equity
simple
,
and
may
be
deciphered
in
few
words
:
but
injustice
and
injury
are
divers
,
and
for
their
sundry
accidents
not
to
be
so
easily
defin'd
;
but
that
more
will
be
omitted
then
express'd
.
Now
although
there
be
certaine
rules
by
which
these
Tyrants
may
be
represented
(
though
not
absolutely
to
the
life
:
)
yet
notwithstanding
there
is
not
any
more
certaine
than
by
conferring
and
comparing
a
Tyrants
fraudulant
sleights
with
a
Kings
vertuous
actions
.
A
Tyrant
lops
off
those
eares
which
grow
higher
then
the
rest
of
the
corne
,
especially
where
vertue
make
them
most
conspicuously
eminent
,
oppresseth
by
calumnies
,
and
fraudulent
practises
,
the
principall
officers
of
the
State
,
gives
out
reports
of
intended
conspiracies
against
himself
,
that
he
might
have
some
colourable
pretext
to
cut
them
off
,
witnesse
Tiberius
,
Maximinius
,
&
others
,
which
spared
not
their
own
kinsmen
,
cozens
,
and
brothers
.
The
King
on
the
contrary
doth
not
onely
acknowledge
,
his
brothers
to
be
as
it
were
consorts
unto
him
in
the
Empire
:
But
also
holds
in
the
place
of
brothers
all
the
principall
Officers
of
the
Kingdom
,
&
is
not
ashamed
to
confesse
that
of
them
(
inquality
as
deputed
from
the
generall
Estates
)
he
holds
the
Crown
.
The
tyrant
advanceth
above
and
in
opposition
to
the
ancient
and
worthy
Nobility
,
mean
and
unworthy
persons
;
to
the
end
that
these
base
sellowes
being
absolutely
his
creatures
,
might
applaud
and
apply
themselves
to
the
fulfilling
of
all
his
loose
and
unruly
desires
.
The
King
maintains
every
man
in
his
Rank
,
honours
and
respects
the
Grandies
as
the
Kingdomes
friends
,
desiring
their
good
as
well
as
his
own
.
The
tyrant
hates
and
suspects
discreet
and
wise
men
,
and
fears
no
opposition
more
than
vertue
,
as
being
conscious
of
his
owne
vitious
courses
,
and
esteeming
his
owne
security
to
consist
principally
in
a
generall
corruption
of
all
estates
,
introduceth
multiplicity
of
Tavernes
,
Gaming-houses
,
Maskes
,
Stage-playes
,
Brothel-houses
,
and
all
other
licencious
superfluities
,
that
might
effeminate
and
bastardize
noble
spirits
,
as
Cyrus
did
,
to
weaken
and
subdue
the
Sardiens
:
The
King
on
the
contrary
allureth
from
all
places
honest
and
able
men
,
and
encourageth
them
by
pensions
and
honours
;
and
for
seminaries
of
vertue
,
erects
Schooles
and
Universities
in
all
convenient
places
.
A
tyrant
as
much
as
in
him
lies
,
prohibites
or
avoids
all
publick
Machiavil
in
principe
.
Assemblies
,
feares
Parliaments
,
Diets
and
me●tings
of
the
generall
Estates
,
flies
the
light
,
affecting
(
like
the
B●t
)
to
converse
onely
in
darknesse
;
yea
,
he
is
jealous
of
the
very
gesture
,
countenance
,
and
discourse
of
his
subjects
.
The
King
because
he
converses
alwayes
as
in
the
presence
of
Men
and
Angels
,
glories
in
Arist.
lib.
5.
c.
11.
polit.
the
multitude
,
and
sufficiency
of
his
Councellors
,
esteeming
nothing
well
done
which
is
ordered
without
their
advice
,
and
is
so
farre
from
doubting
or
distasting
the
publick
meeting
of
the
generall
Estates
,
as
he
honours
and
respects
those
Assemblies
with
much
favour
and
affection
.
A
tyrant
nourisheth
and
feedeth
factions
and
dissen●ions
amongst
his
subjects
,
ruines
one
by
the
help
of
another
,
that
he
may
the
easier
vanquish
the
remainder
,
advantaging
himselfe
by
this
division
,
like
those
dishonest
Surgeons
which
lengthen
out
their
cures
.
Briefly
after
the
manner
of
that
abominable
Vitellius
,
he
is
not
ashamed
to
say
,
that
the
karkasse
of
a
dead
enemy
,
especially
a
subjects
,
yeelds
a
good
savour
.
On
the
contrary
,
a
good
King
endeavours
alwayes
to
keep
peace
amongst
his
subjects
,
as
a
father
amongst
his
children
,
choakes
the
seeds
of
troubles
,
and
quickly
heals
the
scarre
;
the
execution
even
of
justice
upon
rebels
,
drawing
teares
from
his
compassionate
eyes
;
yea
,
those
whom
a
good
King
maintains
and
defends
against
a
forrain
enemy
,
a
tyrant
(
the
enemy
of
nature
)
compels
them
to
turn
the
points
of
their
swords
into
their
own
proper
intrails
.
A
tyrant
fils
his
Garrisons
with
strange
Souldiers
,
builds
Citadels
against
his
subjects
,
disarmes
the
people
,
throwes
down
their
forts
,
makes
himselfe
formidable
with
guards
of
strangers
,
or
men
onely
fit
for
p●llage
and
spoyle
,
gives
pensions
out
of
the
publick
Treasury
to
spies
and
calumniating
informers
,
disperst
through
all
Cities
and
Provinces
.
Contrariwise
,
a
King
reposeth
more
his
safety
1.
vi
.
lib.
2
c.
1.
Dionys.
●●ai●●
.
l.
5.
de
Arunte
filio
Porsennae
.
in
the
love
of
his
subjects
,
than
in
the
strength
of
his
Fortresses
against
his
enemies
,
taking
no
care
to
inroll
Souldiers
,
but
accounts
every
subject
as
a
man
at
arms
to
guard
him
,
&
builds
forts
to
restrain
the
irruptions
of
forraine
enemies
,
and
not
to
constrain
his
subjects
to
obedience
,
in
whose
fidelity
he
putteth
his
greatest
confidence
.
Therefore
it
is
that
tyrants
,
although
they
have
such
numberlesse
guards
about
them
to
drive
off
throngs
of
Prov.
14.
28.
people
from
approaching
them
,
yet
cannot
all
those
numbers
secure
them
from
doubts
,
jealousies
and
distrusts
,
which
continually
afflict
and
terrifie
their
timerous
consciencese
yea
in
the
middest
of
their
greatest
strength
,
the
tyrannizer
of
tyrants
,
fear
,
mamaketh
prize
of
their
souls
,
and
there
triumphs
in
their
affliction
.
A
good
King
in
the
greatest
concourse
of
people
,
is
freest
from
Bartol.
in
tract
de
tyrannide
.
doubts
or
fears
,
nor
troubled
with
solicitous
distrusts
in
his
solitary
retirements
,
all
places
are
equally
secure
unto
him
,
his
own
conscience
being
his
best
guard
.
If
a
tyrant
want
civill
broyles
to
exercise
his
cruell
disposition
in
,
he
makes
warres
abroad
;
erects
idle
and
needlesse
trophees
to
continually
imploy
his
tributaries
,
that
they
might
want
leasure
to
think
on
other
things
,
as
Pharaoh
did
the
Jews
,
and
Polierates
the
Samiens
;
therefore
he
alwayes
A●gid
.
Rom.
de
reg.
prin.
prepares
for
,
or
threatens
war
,
or
at
least
seemes
so
to
doe
,
and
so
stil
rather
draws
mischief
on
,
than
puts
it
further
off
.
A
King
never
makes
war
,
but
compeld
unto
it
,
and
for
the
preservation
of
Cicero
de
offic.
lib.
1.
the
publick
;
he
never
desires
to
purchase
advantage
by
treason
,
he
never
entreth
into
any
war
that
exposeth
the
Common-wealth
to
more
danger
than
it
affordeth
probable
hope
of
commodity
.
A
Tyrant
leaves
no
designe
unattempted
by
which
he
may
fleece
his
Subjects
of
their
substance
,
and
turne
it
to
his
proper
benefit
,
that
being
continually
troubled
in
gaining
meanes
to
live
,
they
may
have
no
leasure
nor
hope
how
to
regaine
their
liberty
:
On
the
contrary
,
the
King
knowes
that
every
good
Subjects
purse
will
be
ready
to
supply
the
Common-wealths
occasion
,
and
therefore
believes
he
is
possest
of
no
small
treasure
,
whilst
through
his
good
governement
his
Subjects
flow
in
all
aboundance
.
A
Tyrant
extorts
unjustly
from
many
to
cast
prodigally
upon
two
or
three
Minions
,
and
those
unworthy
;
hee
imposeth
on
all
:
and
exacteth
from
all
,
to
furnish
their
superfluous
and
riotous
expences
:
he
builds
his
owne
,
and
followers
fortunes
on
the
ruines
of
the
publique
:
he
drawes
out
the
peoples
blood
,
by
the
veines
of
their
means
,
and
gives
it
presently
to
carouse
to
his
Court-leeches
.
But
a
King
cuts
off
from
his
ordinary
expences
,
to
ease
the
peoples
necessities
,
neglecteth
his
private
state
,
and
furnisheth
with
all
magnificence
the
publique
occasions
;
briefely
is
prodigall
of
his
owne
blood
,
to
defend
and
maintain
the
people
committed
to
his
care
.
If
a
Tyrant
as
heretofore
Tiberius
,
Nero
,
Commodus
and
others
,
did
suffer
his
Subjects
to
have
some
breathing
time
from
unreasonable
exactions
,
and
like
spunges
to
gather
some
moysture
,
it
is
but
to
squeese
them
out
afterwards
to
his
owne
use
:
on
the
contrary
,
if
a
King
doe
sometimes
open
a
vaine
,
and
draw
some
blood
,
it
is
for
the
peoples
good
,
and
not
to
be
expended
at
his
own
pleasure
in
any
dissolute
courses
.
And
therefore
as
the
holy
Scripture
compares
the
one
to
a
Shepheard
,
so
doth
it
also
resemble
the
other
to
a
roaring
Prov.
8.
15.
Lion
,
to
whom
notwithstanding
the
Foxe
is
oftentimes
coupled
.
For
a
Tyrant
as
saies
Cice
,
is
culpable
in
effect
of
the
greatest
injustice
that
Cicer.
de
offic.
lib.
1.
may
be
imagined
,
and
yet
he
carrieth
it
so
cunningly
,
that
when
hee
most
deceives
,
it
is
then
that
hee
maketh
greatest
appearance
to
deale
sincerely
.
And
therefore
doth
hee
artificially
counterfeit
Religion
and
devotion
,
wherein
saith
Aristotle
,
hee
expresseth
one
of
the
most
absolute
Arist.
lib.
5.
polit.
c.
11.
subtleties
that
Tyrants
can
possibly
practise
:
hee
doth
so
compose
his
countenance
to
piety
,
by
that
meanes
to
terrifie
the
people
from
conspiring
against
him
;
who
they
may
well
imagine
to
be
especially
favoured
of
God
,
expressing
in
all
appearance
so
reverently
to
serve
him
.
He
fains
also
to
be
exceedingly
affected
to
the
publique
good
;
not
so
much
for
the
love
of
it
,
as
for
feare
of
his
owne
safety
.
Furthermore
he
desires
much
to
be
esteemed
just
,
and
loyall
in
some
affaires
,
purposely
to
deceive
and
betray
more
easily
in
matters
of
greater
consequence
:
much
like
those
thieves
which
maintaine
themselves
by
thefts
and
robberies
,
cannot
yet
long
subsist
in
their
trade
,
without
exercising
some
parcell
of
justice
in
their
proceedings
.
Hee
also
counterfeits
the
mercifull
,
but
it
is
in
pardoning
of
such
malefactors
,
in
punishing
whereof
he
might
more
truly
gaine
the
reputation
of
a
pittifull
Prince
.
To
speake
in
a
word
,
that
which
the
true
King
is
,
the
Tyrant
would
seeme
to
be
,
and
knowing
that
men
are
wonderfully
attracted
with
,
and
inamoured
of
vertue
,
hee
endeavours
with
much
subtilty
to
make
his
vices
appeare
yet
masked
with
some
shadow
of
vertue
:
but
let
him
counterfeit
never
so
cunningly
,
still
the
Fox
will
be
known
by
his
taile
:
and
although
he
fawne
and
flatter
like
a
Spannell
,
yet
his
snarling
and
grinning
will
ever
bewray
his
currish
kind
.
Furthermore
,
as
a
well-ordered
Monarchy
partakes
of
the
principall
Tho.
Aquin.
in
secund.
secund.
q.
12.
a●t
.
11.
commodities
of
all
other
governements
:
So
on
the
contrary
,
where
tiranny
prevailes
,
there
all
the
discommodities
of
confusion
are
frequent
.
A
Monarchy
hath
in
this
,
conformity
with
an
Aristocraty
,
that
the
most
able
and
discreet
are
called
to
consultations
:
Tiranny
and
Oligarchy
accord
in
this
,
that
their
counsels
are
composed
of
the
worst
and
most
corrupted
.
And
as
in
the
Councell
Royall
,
there
may
in
a
fort
seeme
many
Kings
to
have
interests
in
the
government
,
so
in
the
other
on
the
contrary
,
a
multitude
of
Tyrants
alwayes
domineers
.
The
Monarchy
borrowes
of
the
popular
government
the
assemblies
of
the
Estates
,
whither
are
sent
for
Deputies
the
most
sufficient
of
Cities
and
Provinces
,
to
deliberate
of
,
and
determine
matters
of
State
:
the
tiranny
takes
this
of
the
Ochlocracie
,
that
if
shee
be
not
able
to
hinder
the
convocation
of
the
Estates
,
yet
will
she
endeavour
by
factious
subtilties
and
pernicious
practices
,
that
the
greatest
enemies
of
Order
and
Reformation
of
the
State
be
sent
to
those
Assemblies
,
the
which
we
have
known
practised
in
our
times
.
In
this
manner
assumes
the
Tyrant
the
countenance
of
a
King
,
and
tyranny
the
semblance
of
a
Kingdome
,
and
the
continuance
succeeds
commonly
according
to
the
dexterity
wherewith
it
is
managed
:
yet
,
as
Aristotle
says
,
we
shal
hardly
reade
of
any
tyranny
that
hath
out-lasted
a
hundred
yearee
:
briefely
the
King
principally
regards
the
publique
utility
,
and
a
Tyrants
chiefest
care
is
for
his
private
commodity
.
But
seeing
the
condition
of
men
is
such
,
that
a
King
is
with
much
difficulty
to
be
found
,
that
in
all
his
actions
only
agreeth
at
the
publique
good
,
and
yet
cannot
long
subsist
without
expression
of
some
speciall
care
thereof
,
we
will
conclude
that
where
the
Common-wealths
advantage
is
most
preferr'd
,
there
is
both
a
lawfull
King
and
Kingdome
;
and
where
particular
designes
and
private
ends
prevaile
against
the
publique
profit
,
there
questionlesse
is
a
Tyrant
and
tiranny
.
Thus
much
concerning
Tyrants
by
practise
,
in
the
examining
whereof
wee
have
not
altogether
fixed
our
discourse
on
the
loose
disorders
of
their
wicked
and
licentious
lives
,
[
](A88696-e28040-b)a
a
Bartol.
in
.
tract
.
de
tiranct
de
regim
.
Civt
.
which
some
say
is
the
character
of
a
bad
man
:
but
not
alwayes
of
a
bad
Prince
.
If
therefore
the
Reader
be
not
satisfied
with
this
description
,
besides
the
more
exact
representations
of
Tyrants
which
he
shall
finde
in
histories
:
he
may
in
these
our
dayes
behold
an
absolute
modell
of
many
living
and
breathing
Tyrants
:
whereof
Aristotle
in
his
time
did
much
complaine
.
Now
at
the
last
we
are
come
as
it
were
by
degrees
to
the
chiefe
and
principall
point
of
the
question
.
We
have
seene
how
that
Kings
[
](A88696-e28060-b)b
b
To
whom
it
belongs
to
resist
&
suppresse
Tyrāts
without
title
.
have
beene
chosen
by
God
,
either
with
relation
to
their
Families
or
their
persons
only
,
and
after
installed
by
the
people
:
In
like
manner
what
is
the
duty
of
the
King
,
and
of
the
Officers
of
the
Kingdome
,
how
farre
the
authority
,
power
,
and
duty
both
of
the
one
&
the
other
extends
,
and
what
and
how
sacred
are
the
Covenants
and
contracts
which
are
made
at
the
inauguration
of
Kings
,
and
what
conditions
are
intermixt
,
both
tacite
and
express'd
;
finally
who
is
a
Tyrant
without
title
,
and
who
by
practise
,
seeing
it
is
a
thing
unquestionable
that
we
are
bound
to
obey
a
lawfull
King
,
which
both
to
God
and
people
carrieth
himselfe
according
to
those
Covenants
whereunto
he
stands
obliged
,
as
it
were
to
God
himselfe
,
seeing
in
a
fort
he
represents
his
divine
Majestie
:
It
now
followes
that
we
treate
,
how
,
and
by
whom
a
Tyrant
may
be
lawfully
resisted
,
and
who
are
the
persons
that
ought
to
be
chiefely
actors
therein
,
and
what
course
is
to
be
held
,
that
the
action
may
be
managed
according
to
right
and
reason
:
we
must
first
speak
of
him
which
is
commonly
called
a
Tyrant
without
title
.
Let
us
suppose
then
that
some
Ninus
having
neither
received
outrage
nor
offence
,
invades
a
people
over
whom
he
hath
no
colour
of
pretension
:
that
Caesar
seekes
to
oppresse
his
Countrey
,
[
](A88696-e28110-b)c
c
Otto
Frising
.
Chron.
l.
3.
c.
7.
and
the
Roman
Common-wealth
:
that
Popiclus
endeavours
by
murthers
and
treasons
to
make
the
elective
Kingdome
of
Polonia
to
become
hereditary
to
him
and
his
posterity
:
or
some
Brunichilde
drawes
〈◊〉
lib.
●
.
c.
1.
〈◊〉
T●u●on
.
lib.
4.
c.
51.
lib.
5.
c.
1●
.
lib.
8.
c.
29.
to
her selfe
and
her
Protadius
the
absolute
government
of
France
:
or
Ebroinus
taking
advantage
of
Theodericks
weaknesse
and
idlenesse
,
gaineth
the
intire
administration
of
the
State
,
and
oppresseth
the
people
,
what
shall
be
our
lawfull
refuge
herein
?
First
,
The
law
of
nature
teacheth
,
and
commandeth
us
to
maintaine
and
defend
our
lives
and
liberties
,
without
which
life
is
scant
worth
the
enjoying
,
against
all
injury
and
violence
.
Nature
hath
imprinted
this
by
instinct
in
Dogs
against
Wolves
,
in
Buls
against
Lions
,
betwixt
Pigeons
and
Spar
hawkes
,
betwixt
Pullen
and
Kites
,
and
yet
much
more
in
man
against
man
himselfe
,
if
man
become
a
beast
:
and
therefore
he
which
questions
the
lawfulnesse
of
defending
ones
selfe
,
doth
as
much
as
in
him
lies
question
the
law
of
nature
.
To
this
must
be
added
the
law
of
Nations
,
which
distinguisheth
possessions
,
and
Dominions
,
fixes
limits
,
and
makes
our
confi●●s
,
which
every
man
is
bound
to
defend
against
all
invaders
.
And
therefore
it
is
no
lesse
lawfull
to
resist
,
Alexander
the
great
,
it
without
any
right
or
being
justly
provoked
,
he
invades
a
Countrey
with
a
mighty
Navy
;
as
well
as
Diomedes
the
Pirate
which
scoures
the
Seas
in
a
small
vessell
.
For
in
this
case
Alexanders
right
is
no
more
than
Di●medes
his
,
but
only
hee
hath
more
power
to
doe
wrong
,
and
not
so
easily
to
be
compeld
to
reason
as
the
other
.
Briefely
,
one
may
as
well
oppose
Alexander
in
pillaging
a
Country
,
as
a
Theefe
in
purloining
a
cloake
,
as
well
him
when
he
seekes
to
batter
downe
the
walls
of
a
Citie
,
as
a
robber
that
offers
to
break
into
a
private
house
.
There
is
besides
this
,
the
civill
law
,
or
municipial
laws
of
severall
Countreyes
which
governs
the
societies
of
men
,
by
certaine
rules
,
some
in
one
manner
,
some
in
another
;
some
submit
themselves
to
the
government
of
one
man
,
some
to
more
;
others
are
ruled
by
a
whole
Communalty
,
some
absolutely
exclude
women
from
the
Royall
Throne
,
others
admit
them
,
these
here
chuse
their
King
descended
of
such
a
family
,
those
there
make
election
of
whom
they
please
,
besides
other
customes
practised
amongst
severall
Nations
.
If
therefore
any
offer
either
by
fraud
or
force
to
violate
this
law
,
wee
are
all
bound
to
resist
him
,
because
he
wrongs
that
society
to
which
wee
owe
all
that
we
have
,
and
would
runne
our
Countrey
,
to
the
preservation
whereof
,
all
men
by
nature
;
by
law
and
by
solemne
oath
are
strictly
obliged
:
insomuch
that
feare
or
negligence
,
or
bad
purposes
,
make
us
omit
this
dutie
,
wee
may
justly
be
accounted
breakers
of
the
Lawes
,
betrayers
of
our
Countrey
,
and
contemners
of
Religion
.
Now
as
the
Law
of
Nature
,
of
Nations
,
and
the
civill
commands
us
to
take
Armes
against
such
Tyrants
:
so
is
there
not
any
manner
of
reason
that
should
perswade
us
to
the
contrary
;
neither
is
there
any
oath
,
covenant
,
or
obligation
,
publike
or
private
,
of
power
justly
to
restraine
us
:
therefore
the
meanest
private
man
may
resist
and
lawfully
L.
ult.
D.
ad
leg
.
Jul.
Majestatis
.
oppose
such
an
intruding
tyrant
.
The
Law
Julia
which
condemnes
to
death
those
that
raise
rebellion
against
their
Countrey
or
Prince
,
hath
here
no
place
:
for
he
is
no
Prince
which
without
any
lawfull
title
invadeth
the
Common-wealth
,
or
Confines
of
an
other
:
nor
he
a
rebell
which
by
armes
defends
his
Countrey
:
but
rather
to
this
had
relation
the
Oath
which
all
the
youth
of
Athens
were
accustomed
to
take
in
the
Temple
of
Aglaura
:
I
will
fight
for
Religion
,
for
the
Lawes
,
for
the
Altars
,
and
for
our
possessions
,
either
alone
or
with
others
,
and
will
doe
the
utmost
of
my
endeavour
,
to
leave
to
posteritie
our
Countrey
,
at
the
least
in
as
good
estate
as
I
found
it
.
To
as
little
purpose
can
the
Bartol.
in
trac
.
de
Guelph
.
&
Gibellin
.
Lawes
made
against
seditious
persons
be
alledged
here
;
for
he
is
seditious
which
undertakes
to
defend
the
people
,
in
opposition
of
order
and
publick
Discipline
;
But
he
is
no
raiser
,
but
a
suppressor
of
sedition
,
which
restraineth
within
the
limits
of
reason
,
the
subvertor
of
his
Countries
welfare
,
and
publicke
Discipline
.
On
the
contrary
to
this
,
hath
proper
relation
the
Law
of
Tyranacides
,
Plin.
lib.
4.
Alexand.
ab
Alex.
lib.
6.
cap.
4.
which
honours
the
living
with
great
and
memorable
recompences
,
and
the
dead
with
worthy
Epitaphes
,
and
glorious
Statues
,
that
have
been
their
Countries
Liberators
from
Tyrants
;
as
,
Harmodius
and
Aristogiton
at
Athens
,
Brutus
and
Cassius
in
Greece
,
and
Aratus
of
Sycione
.
To
these
by
a
publike
Decree
were
Ziphilm
.
in
vita
August
.
erected
Statues
,
because
they
delivered
their
Countries
from
the
tyrannies
of
Pisistratus
,
of
Caesar
,
and
of
Nicocles
.
The
which
was
Plutarch
.
in
Arato
.
of
such
respect
amongst
the
Ancients
,
that
Zerxes
having
made
himselfe
Master
of
the
Citie
of
Athens
,
caused
to
be
transported
into
Persia
the
Statues
of
Harmodius
and
Aristogiton
:
afterwards
Valer.
Maxim
.
lib.
2
,
c.
ultim
.
Selcucus
caused
them
to
be
returned
into
their
former
place
:
and
as
in
their
passage
they
came
by
Roades
,
those
famous
Citizens
entertained
them
with
publick
and
stupendious
solemnities
,
and
during
their
abode
there
,
they
placed
them
in
the
choicest
sacresties
of
their
gods
.
But
the
Law
made
against
forsakers
,
and
traytors
,
takes
absolutely
hold
on
those
which
are
negligent
and
carelesse
to
deliver
their
Countrey
oppressed
with
tyrannie
,
and
condemnes
them
to
the
same
punishment
,
as
those
cowardly
Souldiers
,
which
when
they
should
fight
,
either
counterfeit
sicknesse
,
or
cast
off
their
Armes
and
run
away
.
Every
one
therefore
both
in
generall
and
particular
,
ought
to
yeeld
their
best
assistance
unto
this
:
as
in
a
publicke
fire
,
to
bring
both
hookes
,
and
buckets
,
and
L.
3.
&
l.
Omne
delictum
.
§.
ult.
D.
de
remilit
.
water
:
wee
must
not
ceremoniously
expect
that
the
Captaine
of
the
Watch
be
first
called
,
nor
till
the
Governour
of
the
Towne
be
come
into
the
streets
;
but
let
every
man
draw
water
and
climb
to
the
house-top
;
it
is
necessary
for
all
men
that
the
fire
be
quenched
.
For
if
whilest
the
Gaules
with
much
silence
and
vigilancie
seeke
to
scale
and
surprise
the
Capitoll
,
the
Souldiers
be
drowsie
with
their
former
paines
,
the
Watch
buried
in
sleepe
,
the
dogges
fayle
to
barke
:
then
must
the
geese
play
the
Sentinells
,
and
with
their
gagling
noyse
give
an
alarum
.
And
the
Souldiers
and
Watch
shall
be
degraded
,
yea
,
and
put
to
death
:
the
geese
for
perpetuall
remembrance
of
this
deliverance
,
shall
be
alwayes
sed
in
the
Capitoll
,
and
much
esteemed
.
This
of
which
wee
have
spoken
,
is
to
be
understood
of
a
tyranny
not
yet
firmely
rooted
,
to
wit
,
whilst
a
tyrant
conspires
,
machinates
,
and
layes
his
plots
and
practises
.
But
if
he
be
once
so
possessed
of
the
State
,
and
that
the
people
being
subdued
,
promise
and
sweare
obedience
:
the
Common-wealth
being
oppressed
,
resigne
their
authoritie
into
his
hands
,
and
that
the
Kingdome
in
some
formall
manner
,
consent
to
the
changing
of
their
Lawes
:
for
so
much
certainly
as
then
he
hath
gained
a
title
which
before
he
wanted
,
and
seemes
to
be
as
well
a
legall
as
actuall
possessor
thereof
,
although
this
yoke
were
laid
on
the
peoples
necke
by
compulsion
,
yet
must
they
quietly
and
peaceably
rest
in
the
will
of
the
Almightie
,
who
at
his
pleasure
transferres
Kingdomes
from
one
Nation
to
another
.
Otherways
there
should
be
no
Kingdome
whose
juridiction
might
not
be
disputed
:
and
it
may
well
chance
that
he
which
before
was
a
tyrant
without
title
,
having
obtained
the
title
of
a
King
,
may
free
himselfe
from
any
tyrannous
imputation
by
governing
those
under
him
with
equitie
and
moderation
.
Therefore
then
as
the
people
of
Jurie
under
the
authoritie
2
Kings
24.
and
25.
Ierem.
37.
of
King
Ezechias
did
lawfully
resist
the
invasion
of
Senacherib
the
Assyrian
:
So
on
the
contrary
was
Zadechias
and
all
his
subjects
worthily
punished
,
because
that
without
any
just
occasion
after
they
had
done
homage
and
sworne
fealtie
to
Nebuchadnezzar
,
they
rise
in
rebellion
against
him
.
For
after
promise
of
performance
it
is
too
late
to
repent
:
and
as
in
battles
every
one
ought
to
give
testimony
of
his
valour
,
but
being
taken
prisoner
,
must
faithfully
observe
Covenants
:
so
it
is
requisite
that
the
people
maintaine
their
rights
by
all
possible
meanes
:
but
if
it
chance
that
they
be
brought
into
the
subjection
of
anothers
will
,
they
must
then
patiently
support
the
dominion
of
the
Victor
.
So
did
Pompey
Cato
,
and
Cicero
,
and
others
,
performe
the
parts
of
good
Patriots
then
when
they
tooke
armes
against
Caesar
,
seeking
to
alter
the
government
of
the
State
;
neither
can
those
be
justly
excused
whose
base
feare
hindred
the
happie
successe
of
Pompey
and
his
partakers
noble
designer
.
Augustus
himselfe
is
said
to
have
reproved
one
who
rayled
on
Cato
,
affirming
that
he
carried
himselfe
worthily
and
exceedingly
affected
to
the
greatnesse
of
his
Countrey
in
couragiously
opposing
the
alteration
which
his
contraries
sought
to
introduce
in
the
Government
of
the
State
,
seeing
all
innovations
of
that
nature
are
ever
Authors
of
much
trouble
and
confusion
.
Furthermore
,
no
man
can
justly
reprehend
Brutus
,
Cassius
,
and
the
rest
,
who
killed
Caesar
,
before
his
tyrannicall
authoritie
had
taken
any
firme
rooting
.
And
so
were
there
Statues
of
brasse
erected
in
honour
of
them
by
publick
decree
at
Athens
,
and
placed
by
those
of
Harmodius
and
Aristogiton
,
then
when
after
the
dispatching
of
Caesar
they
retired
from
Rome
,
to
avoyde
Mar:
Antonie
and
Augustus
their
revenge
.
But
Cinna
was
certainly
guiltie
of
sedition
,
who
after
a
legall
transferring
of
the
peoples
power
into
the
hands
of
Augustus
,
is
said
to
conspire
against
him
.
Likewise
when
the
Pepins
sought
to
take
the
Crowne
of
France
from
the
Merovingians
;
as
also
when
those
of
the
line
of
Capet
endeavoured
to
supplant
the
Pepins
,
any
might
lawfully
resist
them
without
incurring
the
crime
of
sedition
:
but
when
by
publick
counsell
and
the
authoritie
of
the
Estates
,
the
kingdome
was
transferred
from
one
familie
to
another
,
it
was
then
unlawfull
to
oppose
it
.
The
same
may
be
said
if
a
Woman
possesse
her selfe
of
the
Kingdome
,
which
the
Salick
Law
absolutely
prohibites
,
or
if
one
seeke
to
make
a
Kingdome
meerly
elective
,
hereditary
to
his
off-spring
,
while
those
Lawes
stand
in
force
,
and
are
unr●pealed
by
the
authoritie
of
the
generall
Estates
,
which
represent
the
body
of
the
people
.
Neither
is
it
necessary
,
in
this
respect
,
to
have
regard
whether
faction
is
the
greater
,
more
powerfull
or
more
illustrious
.
Alwayes
those
are
the
greater
number
who
are
led
by
passion
,
than
those
that
are
ruled
by
reason
,
and
therefore
tyranny
hath
more
servants
than
the
Common-wealth
.
But
Rome
is
there
according
to
the
saying
of
Pompey
,
where
the
Senate
is
,
and
the
Senate
is
where
there
is
obedience
to
the
Lawes
,
love
of
libertie
,
and
studious
carefulnesse
for
the
Countries
preservation
.
And
therefore
though
Brennus
may
seeme
to
be
master
of
Rome
:
yet
notwithstanding
is
Rome
at
veies
with
Camillus
,
who
prepares
to
deliver
Rome
from
bondage
.
It
behoves
therefore
all
true
Romans
to
repaire
to
Camillus
,
and
assist
his
Enterprise
with
the
utmost
of
their
power
and
endeavours
.
Although
Themistocles
,
and
all
his
Plutarch
.
in
vita
Themist
.
able
and
worthiest
companions
leave
Athens
,
and
put
to
Sea
with
a
navie
of
two
hundred
Gallies
,
notwithstanding
it
cannot
be
said
that
any
of
these
men
are
banished
Athens
.
But
rather
as
Themist●cles
answered
;
These
two
hundred
Gallies
are
more
usefull
for
us
than
the
greatest
Citie
of
all
Greece
:
for
that
they
are
armed
and
prepared
for
the
defence
of
those
which
endeavour
to
maintaine
and
uphold
the
publick
State
.
But
to
come
to
other
examples
;
it
follows
not
that
the
Church
of
God
must
needs
be
alwayes
in
that
place
where
the
Arke
of
the
Covenant
is
:
for
the
Philistines
may
carry
the
Arke
into
the
Temples
of
their
Idols
.
It
is
no
good
argument
,
that
because
wee
see
the
Roman
Eagles
waving
in
Ensignes
,
and
heare
their
Legions
named
,
that
therefore
presently
wee
conclude
that
the
Armie
of
the
Romane
Common-wealth
is
there
present
:
for
there
is
onely
and
properly
the
power
of
the
State
where
they
are
assembled
to
maintaine
the
libertie
of
the
Countrey
against
the
ravenous
oppression
of
Tyrants
,
to
infranchise
the
people
from
servitude
,
and
to
suppresse
the
impudency
of
insulting
flatterers
,
who
abuse
the
Princes
weaknesse
by
oppressing
his
Subjects
for
the
advantaging
of
their
own
fortunes
,
and
containe
ambitious
minds
from
enlarging
their
desires
beyond
the
limits
of
equitie
and
moderation
.
Thus
much
concerning
Tyrants
without
title
.
What
may
lawfully
be
done
against
Tyrants
by
practise
.
But
for
Tyrants
by
practise
,
whether
they
at
first
gained
their
authoritie
by
the
sword
,
or
were
legally
invested
therewith
by
a
generall
consent
:
It
behooves
us
to
examine
this
point
with
much
wary
circumspection
.
In
the
first
place
we
must
rememher
,
that
all
Princes
are
born
men
,
and
therefore
reason
and
passion
are
as
hardly
to
be
separated
in
them
,
as
the
soule
is
from
the
body
whilest
the
man
liveth
:
We
must
not
then
expect
Princes
absolute
in
perfection
,
but
rath●r
repute
our selves
happy
if
those
that
govern
us
be
indifferently
good
.
And
therefore
although
the
prince
observe
not
exact
mediocrity
in
State-affaires
,
if
sometimes
passion
over-rule
his
reason
,
if
some
carelesse
omission
make
him
neglect
the
publick
utility
,
or
if
he
doe
not
alwayes
carefully
execute
justice
with
equality
,
or
repulse
not
with
ready
valour
an
invading
enemy
;
he
must
not
therefore
be
presently
declared
a
tyrant
.
And
certainly
,
seeing
he
rules
not
as
a
God
over
men
,
nor
as
men
over
beasts
,
but
is
a
man
composed
of
the
same
matter
,
and
of
the
same
nature
with
the
rest
:
as
we
would
questionlesse
judge
that
prince
unreasonably
insolent
,
that
should
insult
over
and
abuse
his
subjects
,
as
if
they
were
bruit
beasts
;
so
those
people
are
doubtlesse
as
much
void
of
reason
,
which
imagine
a
prince
should
be
compleat
in
perfection
,
or
expect
divine
abilities
in
a
nature
so
frail
and
subject
to
imperfection
.
Put
if
a
prince
purposely
ruine
the
Common-weale
,
if
he
presumptuously
pervert
and
resist
legall
proceedings
,
or
lawfull
rights
,
if
he
make
no
reckoning
of
faith
,
covenants
,
justice
nor
piety
,
if
he
prosecute
his
subjects
as
enemies
;
briefly
,
if
he
expresse
all
or
the
chiefest
of
those
wicked
pr●ctsces
we
have
so
merly
spoken
of
;
then
we
may
certainly
declare
him
a
tyrant
,
which
is
as
much
as
an
enemy
both
to
God
and
men
.
We
doe
not
therefore
speak
of
a
prince
lesse
good
,
but
of
one
absolute
bad
;
not
of
one
lesse
wise
,
but
of
one
malicious
and
treacherous
;
not
of
one
lesse
able
judiciously
to
discusse
legall
differences
,
but
as
one
perversly
bent
to
pervert
justice
and
equity
;
not
of
an
unwarlick
,
but
of
one
furiously
disposed
to
ruine
the
people
,
and
ransack
the
State
.
For
the
wisdome
of
a
S●nate
,
the
integrity
of
a
Judge
,
the
valour
of
a
Captain
,
may
peradventure
inable
a
weak
prince
to
govern
well
:
But
a
tyrans
could
be
content
that
all
the
Nobility
,
the
Councellors
of
State
,
and
Commanders
for
the
warres
,
had
but
one
head
,
that
he
might
rake
it
off
at
one
blow
:
those
being
the
proper
objects
of
his
distrust
and
feare
,
and
by
consequence
the
principall
subjects
on
whom
he
desires
to
execute
his
malice
and
cruelty
.
A
foolish
prince
,
although
(
to
speak
according
to
right
and
equity
)
he
ought
to
be
deposed
,
yet
may
he
perhaps
in
some
sort
be
born
withall
:
But
a
tyrant
the
more
he
is
tollerated
,
the
more
he
becomes
intollerable
.
Furthermore
,
as
the
Princes
pleasure
is
not
alwayes
law
,
so
many
times
it
is
not
expedient
that
the
people
doe
all
that
which
may
lawfully
be
done
:
for
it
may
often
times
chance
,
that
the
medicine
proves
more
dangerous
than
the
disease
.
Therefore
it
becomes
wise
men
to
try
all
wayes
before
they
come
to
blowes
,
to
use
all
other
remedies
before
they
suffer
the
sword
to
decide
the
controversie
.
If
then
those
which
represent
the
body
of
the
people
,
foresee
any
iunovation
or
machination
against
the
State
,
or
that
it
be
already
imbarked
into
a
course
of
perdition
,
their
duty
is
,
first
to
admonish
the
Prince
,
and
not
to
attend
,
that
the
disease
by
acc●ssion
of
time
,
and
accidents
,
becomes
unrecoverable
.
For
tyranny
may
be
properly
resembled
unto
a
Feaver
Hectick
,
the
which
at
the
first
is
easie
to
be
cured
,
but
with
much
difficulty
to
be
known
;
but
after
it
is
sufficiently
known
,
it
becomes
uncurable
.
Therefore
small
beginnings
are
to
be
carefully
observed
,
and
by
those
whom
it
concernes
diligently
prevented
.
If
the
Prince
therefore
persist
in
his
violent
courses
,
and
contemne
frequent
admonitions
,
addressing
his
designes
onely
to
that
end
,
that
he
may
oppresse
at
his
pleasure
,
and
effect
his
own
desires
without
feare
or
restraint
,
he
then
doubtlesse
makes
himself
liable
to
that
detested
crime
of
Tyranny
:
and
whatsoever
either
the
law
,
or
lawfull
authority
permits
against
a
tyrant
,
may
be
lawfully
practised
against
him
.
Tyrany
is
not
onely
a
will
,
but
the
chiefe
and
as
it
were
the
complement
and
abstract
of
vices
.
A
Tyrant
subverts
the
State
,
pillages
the
people
,
layes
stratagems
to
intrap
their
lives
,
breaks
promise
with
all
,
scoffes
at
the
sacred
obligation
of
a
solemne
oath
,
and
therefore
is
he
so
much
more
vile
than
the
vilest
of
usuall
malefactors
,
by
how
much
offences
comitted
against
a
generality
,
are
worthy
of
greater
punishment
than
those
which
concern
onely
particular
and
private
persons
.
If
Theeves
and
those
that
commit
sacriledge
,
be
declared
infamous
;
nay
,
if
they
justly
suffer
corporall
punishment
by
death
,
can
we
invent
any
that
may
be
worthily
equivalent
for
so
outragious
a
crime
?
Furthermore
,
we
have
already
proved
,
that
all
Kings
receive
their
Royall
authority
from
the
people
,
that
the
whole
people
considered
in
one
body
,
is
above
and
greater
than
the
King
:
and
that
the
King
and
Emperour
are
onely
the
prime
and
supreme
governours
and
ministers
of
the
Kingdome
and
Empire
;
but
the
people
the
absolute
Lord
and
owner
thereof
.
It
therefore
necessarily
followes
,
that
a
tyrant
is
in
the
same
manner
guilty
of
rebellion
against
the
Majesty
of
the
people
,
as
the
Lord
of
a
see
which
felloniously
transgresse
the
conditions
of
his
investitutes
,
&
is
liable
to
the
same
punishment
,
yea
and
certainly
deserves
much
more
greater
than
the
equity
of
those
lawes
inflict
on
the
delinquents
.
Therefore
as
Barclus
sayes
,
He
may
either
be
deposed
by
In
tract
.
de
tyran
.
&
in
tract
.
de
Regim
.
civit
.
those
which
are
,
Lords
in
Soveraignty
over
him
,
or
else
justly
punished
according
to
the
Law
Julia
,
which
codemnes
those
which
offer
violence
to
the
publick
.
The
body
of
the
people
must
needs
be
the
Soveraigne
of
those
which
represent
it
,
which
in
some
places
are
the
Electors
,
Palatines
,
Peeres
;
in
other
,
the
Assembly
of
the
generall
Estates
.
And
if
the
tyranny
have
gotten
such
sure
footing
,
as
there
is
no
other
meanes
but
force
to
remove
him
;
then
is
it
lawful
for
them
to
call
the
people
to
Arms
,
to
inroll
and
raise
forces
,
and
to
imploy
the
utmost
of
their
power
,
and
use
against
him
all
advantages
and
stratagems
of
warre
,
as
against
the
enemy
of
the
Common-wealth
,
and
the
disturber
of
the
publick
peace
.
Briefly
,
the
same
sentence
may
be
justly
pronounced
against
him
,
as
was
against
Manlius
Capitolinus
at
Rome
.
Valerius
lib.
6.
c.
3.
Thou
wast
to
me
Manlius
,
when
thou
didst
tumble
down
the
Ganles
that
sealed
the
Capitole
:
But
since
thou
art
now
become
an
enemy
,
like
one
of
them
,
thou
shalt
be
precipitated
down
from
the
same
place
from
whence
thou
formerly
tumbledst
those
enemies
.
The
Officers
of
the
Kingdome
cannot
for
this
be
rightly
taxed
of
sedition
:
for
in
a
sedition
there
must
necessarily
concurre
but
two
parts
,
or
sides
,
the
which
peremptorily
contest
together
,
so
that
it
is
necessary
that
the
one
be
in
the
right
,
and
the
other
in
the
wrong
:
That
partundoubtedly
hath
the
right
on
their
side
,
which
defends
the
Lawes
,
and
strives
to
advance
the
publick
profit
Bart.
in
tract
de
Guclph
.
&
Gibell
.
arg.
l.
3.
Sect.
cum
igitur
D.
de
vi
&
vior
.
of
the
Kingdome
.
And
those
on
the
contrary
are
questionlesse
in
the
wrong
,
which
breake
the
Lawes
,
and
protect
those
that
violate
justice
,
and
oppresse
the
Common-wealth
.
Those
are
certainly
in
the
right
way
,
as
saith
Bartolus
,
which
endeavour
to
suppresse
tyrannicall
government
,
and
those
in
the
wrong
which
oppose
lawfull
authority
.
And
that
must
ever
be
accounted
just
,
which
is
intended
only
for
the
publique
benefit
,
and
that
unjust
,
which
aimes
chiefly
at
private
commodity
.
Wherefore
Thomas
Aquinas
Tho.
Aquin.
s●c
s●cand
.
q.
12
●●t
.
11.
in
s●re
.
saith
,
That
a
tyrannicall
rule
having
no
proper
addresse
for
the
publique
welfare
,
but
only
to
satisfie
a
private
will
with
increase
of
particular
profit
to
the
ruler
,
cannot
in
any
reasonable
construction
be
accounted
lawfull
,
and
therefore
the
disturbance
of
such
a
government
cannot
be
esteemed
seditious
,
much
lesse
traytors
;
for
that
offence
hath
proper
relation
only
to
a
lawfull
Prince
,
who
indeed
is
an
inanimated
●●●●
D.
ad
leg
.
〈◊〉
j●st
.
or
speaking
law
;
therefore
seeing
that
he
which
employes
the
utmost
of
his
meanes
and
power
to
annihilate
the
lawes
,
and
quell
their
vertue
and
vigour
,
can
no
wayes
be
justly
intitled
therewith
:
●
.
●c
.
p●●ad
.
4.
So
neither
likewise
can
those
which
oppose
and
take
armes
against
him
,
be
branded
with
so
notorious
a
crime
.
Also
this
offence
is
committed
against
the
Common
wealth
:
but
for
so
much
as
the
Common-wealth
is
there
only
where
the
lawes
are
in
force
,
and
not
where
a
Tyrant
devoures
the
State
at
his
owne
pleasure
and
liking
,
he
certainly
is
quit
of
that
crime
which
ruines
the
Majesty
of
the
publique
State
,
and
those
questionlesse
are
worthily
protectors
and
preservers
of
the
Common-wealth
,
who
confident
in
the
lawsulness
of
their
authority
,
and
summoned
thereunto
by
their
duty
,
do
couragiously
resist
the
unjust
proceedings
of
the
Tyrant
.
And
in
this
their
action
wee
must
not
esteeme
them
as
private
men
and
Subjects
,
but
as
the
representative
body
of
the
people
,
yea
and
as
the
Soveraignty
it selfe
,
which
demands
of
his
Minister
an
account
of
his
administration
.
Neither
can
we
in
any
good
reason
account
the
Officers
of
the
Kingdome
disloyall
,
who
in
this
manner
acquit
themselves
of
their
charge
.
There
is
ever
,
and
in
all
places
,
a
mutuall
and
reciprocall
obligation
betweene
the
people
and
the
Prince
,
the
one
promiseth
to
be
a
good
and
wise
Prince
,
the
other
to
obey
faithfully
,
provided
he
govern
justly
.
The
people
therefore
is
obliged
to
the
Prince
under
condition
:
the
Prince
to
the
people
simply
and
purely
.
Therefore
if
the
Prince
faile
in
his
promise
,
the
people
is
exempt
from
obedience
,
the
contract
is
made
void
,
the
right
of
obligation
of
no
force
.
Then
the
King
if
he
governe
unjustly
is
perjur'd
,
and
the
people
likewise
forsworne
if
they
obey
not
his
lawfull
commands
:
but
that
people
is
truly
acquit
from
all
perfidiousnesse
,
which
publiquely
renounce
the
unjust
dominion
of
a
Tyrant
,
or
he
striving
unjustly
by
strong
hand
to
continue
the
possession
,
doe
constantly
endeavour
to
expulse
him
by
force
of
armes
.
It
is
therefore
permitted
the
Officers
of
a
Kingdome
,
either
all
,
L.
106.
D.
de
reg.
jur
.
or
some
good
number
of
them
to
suppresse
a
Tyrant
;
And
it
is
not
only
lawfull
for
them
to
doe
it
,
but
their
duty
expressely
requires
it
:
and
if
they
doe
it
not
,
they
can
by
no
excuse
colour
their
basenesse
.
For
the
Electors
Palatines
Peers
and
other
Officers
of
State
must
not
thinke
they
were
established
only
to
make
pompeous
paradoes
and
showes
,
when
they
are
at
the
Coronation
of
the
King
,
habited
in
their
robes
of
State
,
as
if
there
were
some
Masque
or
Interlude
to
be
represented
,
or
as
if
they
were
that
day
to
act
the
parts
of
Roland
Oliver
,
or
Remaldo
and
such
other
personages
on
a
Stage
,
or
to
counterfeit
and
revive
the
memory
of
the
Knights
of
the
round
Table
:
and
after
the
dismissing
of
that
dayes
assembly
,
to
suppos●
they
have
sufficiently
acquit
themselves
of
their
duty
,
untill
a
recesse
of
the
like
solemnity
.
Those
solemne
Rites
and
Ceremonies
were
not
instituted
for
vaine
ostentation
,
nor
to
passe
as
in
a
dumme
show
to
please
the
spectators
,
nor
in
childrens
sports
as
it
is
with
Horace
,
to
create
a
King
in
jest
,
but
those
Grandees
must
know
,
that
as
well
for
office
and
duty
as
for
honou●
,
they
are
called
to
the
performance
of
those
Rites
,
and
that
in
them
the
Common
wealth
is
committed
and
recommended
to
the
King
,
as
to
her
supreame
and
principall
tutor
,
and
protector
,
and
to
them
as
Coajutors
and
assistants
to
him
.
And
therefore
as
the
Tutors
or
Guardlans
(
yea
even
those
Vlp.
l.
3.
D.
de
adm.
et
peric
.
tut
.
et
curat
.
that
are
appointed
by
way
of
honour
)
are
chosen
to
have
care
of
,
&
observe
the
actions
and
importments
of
him
which
holds
the
principall
ranke
in
the
tutor-ship
,
and
to
looke
how
he
carrieth
himselfe
in
the
administration
of
the
goods
of
his
pupill
:
so
likewise
L.
27.
D.
cod
.
are
the
former
ordained
to
have
an
eye
to
the
courses
of
the
King
,
for
with
an
equivolent
authority
as
the
others
for
the
pupill
,
so
are
they
to
hinder
and
prevent
the
dammage
and
detriment
of
the
people
,
the
King
being
properly
reputed
as
the
prime
Guardian
,
and
they
his
Coadjutors
.
In
like
manner
as
the
faults
of
the
principall
tutor
who
manages
L.
14.
D.
de
administ
.
ct
peric
.
tut
.
l.
3.
D.
de
suspec
.
tut
.
et
cur
.
the
affaires
,
are
justly
imputed
to
the
coadjoynt●
in
the
tutorship
,
if
when
they
ought
and
might
,
they
did
not
discover
his
errors
,
and
cause
him
to
be
deposed
,
especially
failing
in
the
main
points
of
his
charge
,
to
wit
,
in
not
communicating
unto
them
the
affaires
of
his
administration
,
in
dealing
unfaithfully
in
his
place
,
in
doing
any
thing
to
the
dishonour
or
detriment
of
his
pupill
,
in
imbessilling
of
his
goods
or
estate
,
or
if
hee
be
an
enemy
to
his
pupill
:
briefly
,
if
either
in
regard
of
the
worthlessenesse
of
his
person
,
or
weaknesse
of
his
judgment
,
he
be
unable
well
to
discharge
so
weighty
a
charge
.
So
also
are
the
Peeres
and
principall
Officers
of
the
Kingdome
accountable
for
the
government
thereof
,
and
must
both
prevent
,
and
if
occasion
require
,
suppresse
the
tyranny
of
the
Prince
,
as
also
supply
with
their
care
and
diligence
his
inability
and
weaknesse
.
Finally
,
If
a
Tutor
omitting
or
neglecting
to
doe
all
that
for
his
pupill
,
which
a
discreet
Father
of
a
family
would
and
might
conveniently
performe
,
cannot
well
be
excused
,
and
the
better
acquitting
him selfe
of
his
charge
,
hath
others
as
concealers
and
associates
,
joyned
with
him
to
oversee
his
actions
:
with
much
more
reason
may
and
ought
the
Officers
of
the
Crown
restraine
the
violent
irruptions
of
that
Prince
,
who
insteed
of
a
father
,
becomes
an
enemie
to
his
people
;
seeing
to
speake
properly
,
they
are
as
well
accountable
for
his
actions
wherein
the
publique
hath
interests
,
as
for
their
owne
.
Those
officers
must
also
remember
,
that
the
King
holds
truly
l.
10.
ct
33.
D.
de
adm.
et
peric
.
tutor
et
Cur.
the
first
place
in
the
administration
of
the
State
,
but
they
the
second
,
and
so
following
according
to
their
ranks
;
not
that
they
should
follow
his
courses
,
if
he
transgresse
the
lawes
of
equity
and
justice
,
not
that
if
he
oppresse
the
Common-wealth
,
they
should
connive
to
his
wickednesse
.
For
the
Common-wealth
was
as
well
committed
to
their
care
as
to
his
,
so
that
it
is
not
sufficient
for
them
to
discharge
their
owne
duty
in
particular
,
but
it
behoves
them
also
to
containe
the
Prince
within
the
limits
of
reason
.
Briefly
they
have
both
joyntly
and
severally
promised
with
solemn
oaths
,
to
advance
and
procure
the
profit
of
the
Common-wealth
:
although
then
that
he
forsweare
himselfe
,
yet
may
not
they
imagine
that
they
are
quit
of
their
promise
,
no
more
then
the
Bishops
,
and
Patriarks
if
they
suffer
an
hereticall
Pope
to
ruine
the
Church
:
yea
they
should
esteeme
themselves
so
much
the
more
obliged
to
the
observing
of
their
oath
:
by
how
much
they
finde
him
wilfully
dispos'd
to
rush
on
in
his
perfidious
courses
.
But
if
there
be
collufion
betwixt
him
and
them
,
they
are
prevaricators
,
if
they
dissemble
they
may
justly
be
called
forsakers
,
and
traytors
:
If
they
deliver
not
the
Common-wealth
from
tiranny
,
they
may
be
truly
ranckt
in
the
number
of
Tyrants
:
as
on
the
contrary
they
are
protectors
,
tutors
,
and
in
a
sort
Kings
,
if
they
keepe
and
maintain
the
State
safe
and
intire
,
which
is
also
recommended
to
their
care
and
custody
.
Although
these
things
are
sufficiently
certain
of
themselves
,
yet
may
they
be
in
some
sort
confirmed
by
examples
.
The
Kings
of
Canaan
which
pressed
the
people
of
Israel
with
a
hard
,
both
corporall
and
spirituall
servitude
(
prohibiting
them
all
meetings
and
use
of
armes
)
were
certainly
Tyrants
by
practice
,
although
they
had
some
pretext
of
title
.
For
,
Eglon
&
Jabin
had
peaceable
reigned
almost
the
space
of
twenty
yeares
,
God
stirred
up
extraordinarily
Iudg.
4.
&
3.
Ehud
,
which
by
a
politique
stratagem
killed
Eglon
,
and
Debora
which
overthrew
the
Armle
of
Jabin
,
and
by
this
service
delivered
the
people
from
the
servitude
of
Tirants
,
not
that
it
was
unlawfull
for
the
ordinary
Magistrates
,
the
Princes
of
the
Tribes
,
and
such
other
Officers
to
have
performed
it
,
for
Debora
doth
reprove
the
sluggish
idlenesse
of
some
,
and
flatly
detests
the
disloyalty
of
other●
for
that
they
failed
to
perforforme
their
duty
herein
.
But
it
pleased
God
,
taking
commiseration
of
the
distresse
of
his
people
,
in
this
manner
to
supply
the
defects
of
the
ordinary
Magistrates
.
Reboboam
the
sonne
of
Solomon
refused
to
disburthen
the
people
1
King
.
12.
6
,
&c.
of
some
unnecessary
imposts
and
burthens
:
and
being
petitioned
by
the
people
in
the
generall
Assembly
of
the
States
,
he
grew
insolent
,
and
relying
on
the
counsell
of
his
Minions
,
arrogantly
threatens
to
lay
beavier
burthens
on
them
hereafter
.
No
man
can
doubt
,
but
that
according
to
the
tenour
of
the
contract
first
passed
betweene
the
King
and
the
people
,
the
prime
and
principall
Officers
of
the
Kingdome
had
authority
to
represse
such
insolence
They
were
only
blameable
in
this
,
that
they
did
that
by
faction
and
division
,
which
should
more
properly
have
beene
done
in
the
generall
Assembly
of
the
States
:
in
like
manner
in
that
they
transferred
the
Scepter
from
Juda
(
which
was
by
God
onely
confin'd
to
that
Tribe
)
into
another
linage
:
and
also
(
as
it
chances
in
other
affaires
)
for
that
they
did
ill
and
disorderly
manage
a
just
and
lawfull
cause
.
Prophane
histories
are
full
of
such
examples
in
other
Kingdomes
.
Brutus
Generall
of
the
Souldiers
,
and
Lueretius
Governour
of
the
Citie
of
Rome
,
assemble
the
people
against
Tarquinius
Superbus
,
Titus
Livi.
lib.
1.
and
by
their
authority
thrust
him
from
the
royall
Throne
:
Nay
,
which
is
more
,
his
goods
are
confiscated
:
whereby
it
appeares
that
if
Tarquinius
had
beene
apprehended
,
undoubtedly
hee
should
have
beene
according
to
the
publique
lawes
corporally
punished
.
The
true
causes
why
Tarquinius
was
deposed
,
were
because
he
altered
the
custome
whereby
the
King
was
obliged
to
advise
with
the
Sena●e
on
all
weighty
affaires
,
that
he
made
Warre
and
Peace
according
to
his
owne
fancie
,
that
he
treated
confederacles
without
demanding
counsell
or
consent
from
the
people
or
Senate
:
that
he
violated
the
Lawes
whereof
he
was
made
Guardian
:
briefly
that
he
made
no
reckoning
to
observe
the
contracts
agreed
between
the
former
Kings
,
and
the
Nobility
and
people
of
Rome
.
For
the
Roman
Emperours
,
I
am
sure
you
remember
the
sentence
pronounced
by
the
Senate
against
Nero
,
wherein
he
was
judged
enemie
to
the
Common-wealth
,
and
his
body
condemned
to
be
ignominiously
cast
on
the
dung-hill
:
and
that
other
pronounced
against
Vitellius
,
which
adjudge
him
to
be
shamefully
dis-membred
,
and
in
that
miserable
estate
trayled
through
the
Citie
,
and
at
last
put
to
death
:
another
against
Maximinius
who
was
dispoild
of
the
Empire
,
and
Maximus
and
Albinus
established
in
his
place
by
the
Senace
.
There
might
also
be
added
many
others
drawne
from
unquestionable
Historians
.
The
Emperour
Trajan
held
not
himselfe
exempt
from
lawes
,
neither
desired
he
to
be
spared
if
he
became
a
Tyrant
:
for
in
delivering
the
Sword
unto
the
great
Provost
of
the
Empire
,
he
sayes
unto
him
;
If
I
command
as
I
should
,
use
this
sword
for
mee
:
but
if
I
doe
otherwayes
,
unsheath
it
against
me
.
In
like
manner
the
French
by
the
authority
of
the
States
,
and
solicited
thereunto
by
the
Officers
of
the
Kingdome
,
deposed
Childerick
the
first
,
Sigisbert
,
Theodoricke
,
and
Childericke
the
third
,
for
their
tyrannies
,
and
chose
others
of
another
Family
to
sit
on
the
Royall
Throne
.
Yea
they
deposed
some
because
of
their
idlenesse
and
want
of
judgment
,
who
exposed
the
State
in
prey
to
Panders
,
Curtesans
,
Flatterers
,
and
such
other
unworthy
mushromes
of
the
Court
,
who
governed
all
things
at
their
pleasure
:
taking
from
such
rash
Phaetous
the
bridle
of
government
,
left
the
whole
body
of
the
State
and
people
should
be
consumed
through
their
unadvised
folly
.
Amongst
others
,
Theodoret
was
degraded
because
of
Ebroinus
Dagobert
for
Plectude
and
Thiband
his
Pander
,
with
some
others
:
the
Estates
esteeming
the
command
of
an
effeminate
Prince
as
insupportable
as
that
of
a
woman
,
and
as
unwillingly
supporting
the
yoke
of
tyrannous
Ministers
managing
affaires
in
the
name
of
a
loose
and
unworthy
Prince
,
as
the
burden
of
a
tyrant
alone
.
To
be
briefe
,
no
more
suffering
themselves
to
be
governed
by
one
possessed
by
a
Devill
,
than
they
would
by
the
Devill
himselfe
.
It
is
not
very
long
since
the
Estates
compeld
Lewis
the
eleventh
(
a
Prince
as
subtile
,
and
it
may
be
as
wilfull
as
any
)
to
receive
thirtie
six
Overseers
,
by
whose
advise
he
was
bound
to
governe
the
affaires
of
State
.
The
descendants
from
Charlemaine
substituted
in
the
place
of
the
Merovingiens
for
the
government
of
the
kingdome
,
or
those
of
Capet
,
supplanting
the
Charlemains
by
order
of
the
Estates
,
and
raigning
at
this
day
have
no
other
nor
better
right
to
the
Crowne
,
than
what
wee
have
formerly
described
;
and
it
hath
ever
been
according
to
Law
permitted
the
whole
body
of
the
people
represented
by
the
counsell
of
the
Kingdome
,
which
are
commonly
called
the
Assembly
of
the
States
,
to
depose
and
establish
Princes
,
according
to
the
necessities
of
the
Common-wealth
.
According
to
the
same
rule
wee
reade
that
Adolph
was
removed
from
the
Empire
of
Germany
Anno
1296.
because
for
covetousnesse
without
Anno
1296.
any
just
occasion
,
he
invaded
the
Kingdome
of
France
,
in
favour
of
the
English
,
and
Wenceslaus
was
also
deposed
in
the
yeare
of
our
Lord
1400.
Yet
were
not
these
Princes
exceeding
bad
ones
,
1400.
but
of
the
number
of
those
which
are
accounted
lesse
ill
.
Elizabeth
the
wife
of
Edward
the
second
King
of
England
,
assembled
the
Parliament
Froisard
.
li.
1.
cap.
1.
against
her
husband
,
who
was
there
deposed
,
both
because
he
tyrannized
in
generall
over
his
Subjects
,
as
also
for
that
he
cut
Reade
the
manner
of
the
deposing
of
Richard
the
second
.
off
the
heads
of
many
noble
men
,
without
any
just
or
legall
proceeding
.
It
is
not
long
since
Christierne
lost
the
Crowne
of
Denmarke
,
Henry
that
of
Sweden
,
Mary
Steward
that
of
Scotland
,
for
the
same
,
or
neere
resembling
occasions
:
and
the
most
worthy
Histories
relate
divers
alterations
and
changes
which
have
hapned
in
like
manner
,
in
the
Kingdomes
of
Polonia
,
Hungarie
,
Spaine
,
Portugall
,
Bohemia
,
and
others
.
But
what
shall
we
say
of
the
Pope
himselfe
?
It
is
generally
held
Ant:
de
But.
confil
quod
positum
est
inter
consil.
Paul
.
de
Castro
,
vel
antiq.
nu.
412.
incip
viso
puncto
.
that
the
Cardinalls
because
they
doe
elect
him
,
or
if
they
fayle
in
their
dutie
,
the
Patriarkas
which
are
next
in
ranke
to
them
,
may
upon
certaine
occasions
maugre
the
Pope
,
call
a
Councell
,
yea
,
and
in
it
judge
him
:
As
when
by
some
notorious
offence
he
scandalizeth
the
universall
Church
:
if
he
be
incorrigible
,
if
reformation
be
as
necessary
in
the
head
as
the
members
,
if
contrary
to
his
oath
he
refuse
to
call
a
generall
Councell
.
And
we
reade
for
certaine
that
Mar.
Laud●ns
.
in
tract
.
de
Card.
1.
l.
2.
q.
35.
Ph●lip
.
Deci●s
in
quodan
.
co.
●i●o
cujus
verbs
suerunt
.
Andr.
B●●h
.
in
d.
con●●
1.
lib.
1.
〈◊〉
.
6.
〈…〉
de
major
.
&
obed.
divers
Popes
have
been
deposed
by
generall
Councells
.
But
if
they
obstinately
abuse
their
authoritie
,
there
must
(
saith
Baldus
)
first
be
used
verball
admonitions
;
secondly
,
herball
medicament●
or
remedies
;
thirdly
,
stones
or
compulsion
;
for
where
vertue
and
faire
meanes
,
have
not
power
to
perswade
,
there
force
and
terror
must
be
put
in
ure
to
compell
.
Now
if
according
to
the
opinions
of
most
of
the
learned
,
by
decrees
of
Councels
,
and
by
custome
in
like
occasions
,
it
plainly
appeares
that
the
Councell
may
depose
the
P●pe
,
who
notwithstanding
vaunts
himselfe
to
be
the
King
of
Kings
,
and
as
much
in
dignitie
above
the
Emperour
,
as
the
Sunne
is
above
the
Moone
,
assuming
to
himselfe
power
to
depose
Kings
and
Emperours
when
he
pleaseth
.
Who
will
make
any
doubt
o●
question
,
that
the
generall
Assembly
of
the
Estates
of
any
kingdome
,
who
are
the
representative
body
thereof
,
may
not
onely
degrade
and
disthronize
a
tyrant
:
but
also
even
disauthorize
and
depose
a
King
,
whose
weaknesse
or
folly
is
hurtfull
or
pernicious
to
the
State
.
But
let
us
suppose
that
in
this
our
Ship
of
State
,
the
Pilot
is
Simile
.
drunke
,
the
most
of
his
associates
are
asleepe
,
or
after
large
and
unreasonable
tipling
together
,
they
regard
their
imminent
danger
in
approaching
a
rocke
with
idle
and
negligent
jollitie
;
the
Ship
in
the
meane
season
in
stead
of
following
her
right
course
,
that
might
serve
for
the
best
advantage
of
the
owners
profit
,
is
ready
rather
to
split
her selfe
.
What
should
then
a
Masters-mate
or
some
other
under-Officer
doe
,
who
is
vigilant
and
carefull
to
performe
his
dutie
?
Shall
it
be
thought
sufficient
for
him
to
pinch
or
poule
them
which
are
asleepe
?
without
daring
in
the
meane
time
to
put
his
helping
hand
to
preserve
the
Vessell
,
which
runnes
on
a
course
to
destruction
,
least
he
should
be
thought
to
intermeddle
with
that
which
he
hath
no
authoritie
nor
warrant
to
doe
?
What
mad
discretion
,
nay
rather
notorious
impietie
were
this
?
Seeing
then
that
Tyranny
,
as
Plato
saith
,
is
a
drunken
frenfie
or
frantick
drunkennesse
,
Plato
lib.
8.
&
9.
de
repub
.
if
the
Prince
endeavour
to
ruine
the
Common-wealth
,
and
the
principall
Officers
concurre
with
him
in
his
bad
purposes
,
or
at
the
least
are
luld
in
a
dull
and
drowsie
dreame
of
securitie
,
and
the
people
(
being
indeed
the
true
and
absolute
owner
and
Lord
of
the
State
)
be
through
the
pernicious
negligence
and
fraudulent
connivency
of
those
Officers
brought
to
the
very
brim
of
danger
and
destruction
,
and
that
there
be
notwithstanding
amongst
those
unworthy
Ministers
of
State
,
some
one
that
doth
studiously
observe
the
deceitfull
and
dangerous
encroachments
of
tyranny
,
and
from
his
soule
deteste
it
.
What
opposition
doe
wee
suppose
best
befits
such
a
one
to
make
against
it
?
Shall
he
consent
himselfe
to
admonish
his
associates
of
their
dutie
,
who
to
their
utmost
abilitie
endeavour
the
contrary
?
Besides
,
that
such
an
advertisement
is
commonly
accompanied
with
too
much
danger
,
and
the
condition
of
the
times
considered
,
the
very
solliciting
of
reformation
will
be
held
as
a
capitall
crime
:
so
that
in
so
doing
he
may
be
not
unfitly
Simile
.
resembled
to
one
that
being
in
the
middest
of
a
desert
,
environed
with
theeves
,
should
neglect
all
meanes
of
defence
,
and
after
he
had
cast
away
his
Armes
,
in
an
eloquent
and
learned
discourse
commend
justice
,
and
extoll
the
worth
and
dignitie
of
the
Lawes
.
This
would
be
truly
according
to
the
Proverbe
,
To
run
mad
with
reason
.
What
then
?
Shall
he
be
dull
and
deafe
to
the
groanes
and
cries
of
the
people
?
Shall
he
stand
still
and
be
silent
when
he
sees
the
theeves
enter
?
Shall
he
onely
hold
his
hands
in
his
bosome
,
L.
3.
&
l.
Omne
delictum
●●ult
.
D.
de
re
milit.
and
with
a
d●mure
countenance
,
idlely
bowaile
the
miserable
condition
of
the
times
?
If
the
Lawes
worthily
condemne
a
Souldier
,
which
for
feare
of
the
enemies
counterfeits
sicknesse
,
because
in
so
doing
he
expresseth
both
disloyaltie
and
treachery
.
What
punishment
can
we
invent
sufficient
for
him
,
who
either
maliciously
or
basely
betrayes
those
whose
protection
and
defence
he
hath
absolutely
undertaken
and
sworne
?
Nay
rather
then
let
such
a
one
cheerefully
call
one
,
and
command
the
Mariners
to
the
performance
of
their
dutie
:
let
him
carefully
and
constantly
take
order
that
the
Common-wealth
be
not
indamaged
,
and
if
need
so
require
,
even
in
despite
of
the
King
,
preserve
the
Kingdome
,
without
which
the
kingly
title
were
idle
and
frivolous
,
and
if
by
no
other
meanes
it
can
be
effected
,
let
him
take
the
King
and
binde
him
hand
and
foote
,
that
so
he
may
be
more
conveniently
cured
of
his
frensie
and
madnesse
.
For
as
wee
have
already
said
,
all
the
administration
of
the
Kingdome
,
is
not
by
the
people
absolutely
resigned
into
the
hands
of
the
King
;
as
neither
the
Bishopricke
,
nor
care
of
the
universall
C.
Nullus
in
Carthagin
.
Council
.
Doctores
pontificii
.
Church
,
is
totally
committed
to
the
Pope
:
but
also
to
the
care
and
custody
of
all
the
principall
Officers
of
the
Kingdome
.
Now
for
the
preserving
of
peace
and
concord
amongst
those
which
governe
,
and
for
the
preventing
of
jealous●●s
,
factions
,
and
distrusts
amongst
men
of
equall
ranke
and
dignitie
,
the
King
was
created
as
prime
and
principall
Superintendent
in
the
government
of
the
Common-wealth
.
The
King
sweares
that
his
most
speciall
care
shall
be
for
the
welfare
of
the
Kingdome
;
and
the
Officers
of
the
Crowne
take
all
the
same
oath
.
If
then
the
King
,
or
divers
of
them
falsifying
their
faith
,
ruine
the
Common-wealth
,
or
abandon
her
in
her
greatest
necessitie
,
must
the
rest
also
fashion
themselves
to
their
base
courses
,
and
quit
all
care
of
the
States
safetie
;
as
if
the
bad
example
of
their
companions
,
absolved
them
from
their
oath
of
fidelitie
?
Nay
,
rather
on
the
contrary
,
in
seeing
them
neglect
their
promise
,
they
shall
best
advantage
the
Common-wealth
In
carefully
observing
theirs
:
chiefly
because
for
this
reason
they
were
instituted
,
as
in
the
steads
of
Ephori
,
or
publick
Controllers
,
and
for
that
every
thing
gaines
the
better
estimation
of
just
and
right
in
that
it
is
mainly
and
principally
addressed
to
that
end
for
which
is
was
first
ordained
.
Furthermore
,
if
divers
have
joyntly
vowed
one
and
the
same
thing
,
is
the
obligation
of
the
one
annihilated
by
the
perjurie
of
the
other
?
If
many
become
bound
for
one
and
the
same
summe
,
can
the
banquerouting
of
one
of
the
obligees
quit
the
rest
of
their
ingagement
?
If
divers
tutors
administer
ill
the
goods
of
their
pupill
,
and
that
there
be
one
amongst
them
that
makes
conscience
of
his
actions
,
can
the
bad
dealing
of
his
companions
acquit
him
?
Nay
rather
on
the
contrary
,
he
cannot
free
himselfe
from
the
infamie
of
perjurie
,
if
to
the
utmost
of
his
power
he
doe
not
truely
dilcharge
his
trust
,
and
perform
his
promise
:
neither
can
the
others
defalliancy
be
excused
,
in
the
bad
managing
of
the
tutorship
,
if
they
likewise
accuse
not
the
rest
that
were
joyned
with
them
in
the
administration
,
for
it
is
not
onely
the
principall
tutor
that
may
call
to
an
account
those
which
are
suspected
to
have
unjustly
L
3.
D.
de
administ
.
&
peric
.
tutor
.
&
cur
.
lib.
3.
D.
de
suspect
.
tus
.
&
cura
.
or
indiscreetly
ordered
the
affaires
of
their
pupill
,
but
even
those
which
were
formerly
removed
,
may
also
upon
just
occasion
discharge
and
remove
the
delinquents
therein
.
Therefore
those
which
are
obliged
to
serve
a
whole
Empire
or
Kingdome
,
as
the
Constable
,
Marshals
,
Peeres
,
and
others
,
or
those
which
have
particular
obligations
to
some
Provinces
,
or
Cities
,
which
make
a
part
or
portion
of
the
Kingdome
,
as
Dukes
,
Marquisses
,
Earles
,
Sheriffes
,
Mayors
,
and
the
rest
,
are
bound
by
the
dutie
of
their
place
,
to
succour
the
Common-wealth
,
and
to
free
it
from
the
burden
of
Tyrants
,
according
to
the
ranke
and
place
which
they
hold
of
the
people
next
after
the
King
.
The
first
ought
to
deliver
the
whole
Kingdome
from
tyrannous
oppression
:
the
other
as
tutors
,
that
part
of
the
Kingdome
whose
protection
they
have
undertaken
:
the
dutie
of
the
former
is
to
suppresse
the
Tyrant
:
that
of
the
latter
,
to
drive
him
from
their
confines
.
Wherefore
Mattathias
being
a
principall
man
in
the
State
,
when
some
basely
connived
,
others
pernitiously
consorted
with
Antiochus
the
tyrannous
oppressors
of
the
Jewish
Kingdome
,
he
couragiously
opposing
the
manifest
oppression
,
both
of
Church
and
State
,
incourageth
1
Machab.
3.
43.
the
people
to
the
taking
of
Armes
,
with
these
words
;
Let
us
restore
the
decayed
estate
of
our
people
,
and
let
us
fight
for
our
people
,
and
for
the
Sanctuarie
.
Whereby
it
plainly
appeares
,
that
not
for
Religion
onely
;
but
even
for
our
Countrey
,
and
our
possessions
,
wee
may
fight
,
and
take
armes
against
a
tyrant
,
as
this
Antiochus
was
.
For
the
Machabites
are
not
by
any
questioned
,
or
reprehended
for
conquering
the
Kingdome
,
and
expelling
the
tyrant
,
but
in
that
they
attributed
to
themselves
the
royall
dignitie
,
which
onely
belonged
by
Gods
speciall
appointment
to
the
tribe
of
Juda.
Humane
Histories
are
frequently
stored
with
examples
of
this
Justin
.
lib.
1.
Diodor.
lib.
2.
cap.
37.
kinde
.
Arbactus
Governour
of
the
Medes
killed
effeminate
Sardanapalus
,
spinning
amongst
women
,
and
sportingly
distributing
all
the
treasures
of
the
Kingdome
amongst
those
his
loose
companions
.
Vindex
and
Galba
quit
the
partie
of
Nero
,
yea
though
the
Senate
connived
,
and
in
a
sort
supported
his
tyrannie
,
and
drew
with
them
Gallia
,
and
Spaine
,
being
the
Provinces
whereof
they
were
Governours
.
But
amongst
all
,
the
Decree
of
the
Senate
of
Sparta
is
most
notable
,
and
ought
to
passe
as
an
undeniable
Maxime
amongst
all
Nations
.
The
Spartans
being
Lords
of
the
City
Bizantium
,
sent
Olearchus
thither
for
Governour
and
Commander
for
the
warres
;
who
took
Corn
from
the
Citizens
,
and
distributed
it
to
his
Souldiers
.
In
the
mean
time
the
families
of
the
Citizens
died
for
hunger
:
Anaxilaus
,
a
principall
man
of
the
Citie
,
disdaining
that
tyrannous
usage
,
entred
into
treaty
with
Alcibiades
to
deliver
up
the
Town
,
who
shortly
after
was
received
into
it
.
Anaxilaus
being
accused
at
Sparta
for
the
delivery
of
Bizantium
,
pleaded
his
cause
himselfe
,
and
was
there
acquit
by
the
Judges
:
for
(
said
they
)
warres
are
to
be
made
with
enemies
,
and
not
with
Nature
.
Nothing
being
more
repugnant
to
Nature
,
than
that
those
which
are
bound
to
defend
a
City
,
should
be
more
cruell
to
the
inhabitants
,
than
their
enemies
that
besiege
them
.
This
was
the
opinion
of
the
Lacedemonians
,
certainly
just
Rulers
,
Neither
can
he
be
accounted
a
just
King
,
which
approves
not
this
sentence
of
absolution
:
for
those
which
desire
to
govern
according
to
the
due
proportion
of
equity
and
reason
,
take
into
consideration
as
well
what
the
Law
inflicts
on
tyrants
,
as
also
what
are
the
proper
rights
and
bounds
both
of
the
Patritian
and
Plebeian
orders
.
But
we
must
yet
proceed
a
little
further
:
There
is
not
so
mean
a
Mariner
,
but
must
be
ready
to
prevent
the
ship-wrack
of
the
vessell
,
when
either
the
negligence
or
wilsulnesse
of
the
Pilot
casts
it
into
danger
.
Every
Magistrate
is
bound
to
relieve
,
and
as
much
as
in
him
lies
,
to
redresse
the
miseries
of
the
Common-wealth
,
if
he
shall
see
the
Prince
,
or
the
principall
Officers
of
State
his
associates
,
by
their
weaknesse
or
wickednesse
,
to
hazard
the
ruine
thereof
.
Briefly
,
he
must
either
free
the
whole
kingdome
,
or
at
least
that
portion
especially
recommended
to
his
care
,
from
their
imminent
and
incroaching
tyranny
.
But
hath
this
duty
proper
relation
to
every
one
:
Shall
it
be
permitted
to
Hendonius
Sabinus
,
to
Ennus
Suranus
,
or
to
the
Fencer
Spartanus
;
or
to
be
briefe
,
to
a
meere
private
person
,
to
present
the
bonnet
to
slaves
,
put
Armes
into
the
hand
of
subjects
,
or
to
joyn
battell
with
the
prince
,
although
he
oppresse
the
people
with
tyranny
?
No
certainly
:
The
Common
wealth
was
not
given
in
charge
to
particular
persons
considered
one
by
one
;
but
on
the
contrary
,
particulars
even
as
Papists
,
are
recommended
to
the
care
of
the
principall
Officers
and
Magistrates
;
and
therefore
they
are
not
bound
to
defend
the
Common-wealth
,
which
cannot
defend
themselves
.
God
nor
the
people
have
not
put
the
sword
into
the
L.
2.
de
Sedi●●●sis
.
hands
of
particular
persons
:
Therefore
if
without
commandment
they
draw
the
sword
,
they
are
seditions
,
although
the
cause
seem
never
so
just
.
Furthermore
,
the
prince
is
not
establisht
by
private
and
particular
persons
,
but
by
all
in
generall
considered
in
one
intire
body
;
whereupon
it
followes
,
that
they
are
bound
to
attend
the
commandment
of
all
,
to
wit
,
of
those
which
are
the
representative
body
of
a
kingdom
,
or
of
a
Province
,
or
of
a
Citie
,
or
at
the
least
of
some
one
of
them
,
before
they
undertake
any
thing
against
the
prince
.
For
as
a
pupill
cannot
bring
an
action
,
but
being
avowd
L.
8.
l.
9.
D.
de
aucto
.
&
constict
.
&
cur
.
in
the
name
of
his
Tutor
,
although
the
pupill
be
indeed
the
true
proprietor
of
the
estate
,
and
the
tutor
onely
owner
with
reference
to
the
charge
committed
unto
him
:
so
likewise
the
people
may
not
enterprise
actions
of
such
nature
,
but
by
the
command
of
those
,
into
whose
hands
they
have
refigned
their
power
and
authority
,
whether
they
be
ordinary
Magistrates
,
or
extraordinary
,
created
in
the
Assembly
of
the
Estates
;
whom
,
if
I
may
so
say
,
for
that
purpose
,
they
have
girded
with
their
sword
,
and
invested
with
authority
,
both
to
govern
and
defend
them
,
establisht
in
the
same
kind
as
the
Pretor
at
Rome
,
who
determined
Sencea
lib.
1.
de
Benefic
.
all
differences
between
masters
and
their
servants
,
to
the
end
that
if
any
controversie
happened
between
the
King
and
the
subjects
,
they
should
be
Judges
and
preservers
of
the
right
,
lest
the
subjects
should
assume
power
to
themselves
to
be
judges
in
their
own
causes
.
And
therefore
if
they
were
opprest
with
tributes
,
and
unreasonable
imposts
,
if
any
thing
were
attempted
contrary
to
covenant
and
oath
,
and
no
Magistrate
opposed
those
unjust
proceedings
,
they
must
rest
quiet
,
and
suppose
that
many
times
the
best
Physitians
both
to
prevent
and
cure
some
grievous
disease
,
do
appoint
both
letting
blood
,
evacuation
of
humors
,
&
lancing
of
the
flesh
;
and
that
the
affaires
of
this
world
are
of
that
nature
,
that
with
much
difficulty
one
evill
cannot
be
remedied
without
the
adventuring
if
not
the
suffering
of
another
,
nor
any
good
be
atchieved
,
without
great
pains
.
They
have
the
example
of
the
people
of
Israel
,
who
during
the
reigne
of
Solomon
,
refused
not
to
pay
those
excessive
taxes
imposed
on
them
,
both
for
the
building
of
the
Temple
,
and
fortifying
of
the
Kingdome
,
because
by
a
generall
consent
they
were
granted
for
the
promulgation
of
the
glory
of
God
,
and
for
an
ornament
and
desence
of
the
publick
State
.
They
have
also
the
example
of
our
Lord
and
Saviour
Jesus
Christ
,
who
though
he
were
King
of
Kings
,
notwithstanding
because
he
conversed
in
this
world
in
another
quality
,
to
wit
,
o
a
private
and
particular
man
,
paid
willingly
tribute
.
If
the
Magistrates
themselves
manifestly
favour
the
tyranny
,
or
at
the
least
doe
not
formally
oppose
it
;
let
private
men
remember
the
saying
of
Job
,
That
for
the
sinnes
of
the
people
God
permits
bypocrites
Iob.
34.
to
reigne
,
whom
it
is
impossible
either
to
convert
or
subvert
,
if
men
repent
not
of
their
wayes
,
to
walk
in
obedience
to
Gods
commandments
;
so
that
there
is
no
other
weapons
to
be
used
,
but
bended
knees
and
humble
hearts
.
Briefly
,
let
them
bear
with
bad
princes
,
and
pray
for
better
,
perswading
themselves
,
that
an
outragious
tyranny
is
to
be
supported
as
patiently
,
as
some
exceeding
dammage
done
by
the
violence
of
tempests
,
or
some
excessive
over-flowing
waters
,
or
some
such
naturall
accidents
unto
the
fruits
of
the
earth
,
if
they
like
not
better
to
change
their
habitations
,
by
retiring
themselves
into
some
other
countries
.
So
David
fled
into
the
mountaines
,
and
attempted
nothing
against
the
Tyrant
Saul
,
because
the
people
had
not
declared
him
any
publick
Magistrate
of
the
Kingdome
.
Jesus
Christ
,
whose
kingdome
was
not
of
this
world
,
fled
into
Egypt
,
and
so
freed
himselfe
from
the
pawes
of
the
Tyrant
.
Saint
Paul
teaching
of
the
duty
of
particular
Christian
men
,
and
not
Rom.
13.
of
Magistrates
,
teacheth
that
Nero
must
be
obeyed
.
But
if
all
the
principall
Officers
of
State
,
or
divers
of
them
,
or
but
one
,
endeavour
to
suppresse
a
manifest
tyranny
,
or
if
a
Magistrate
seek
to
free
that
province
,
or
portion
of
the
kingdome
from
oppression
,
which
is
committed
to
his
care
and
custody
,
provided
under
colour
of
freedome
he
bring
not
in
a
new
tyranny
,
then
must
all
men
with
joynt
courage
and
alacrity
,
run
to
Armes
,
and
take
part
with
him
or
them
,
and
assist
with
body
and
goods
,
as
if
God
himselfe
from
heaven
had
proclaimed
warres
,
and
meant
to
joyn
battell
against
tyrants
,
and
by
all
wayes
and
means
endevour
to
deliver
their
Coun●rey
and
Common-wealth
from
their
tyrannous
oppression
.
For
as
God
doth
oftentimes
chastise
a
people
by
the
cruelty
of
tyrants
:
so
also
doth
he
many
times
punish
tyrants
by
the
hands
of
the
people
.
It
being
a
most
true
saying
,
Ecclus
10.
verified
in
all
ages
:
For
the
iniquities
,
violences
,
and
wickednesses
of
Princes
,
Kingdomes
are
translated
from
one
Nation
to
another
:
but
tyranny
was
never
of
any
durable
continuance
.
The
Centurians
and
men
at
armes
did
freely
and
couragiously
execute
the
commandments
of
the
High
Priest
Jehoiada
,
in
suppressing
the
tyranny
of
Athalia
.
In
like
manner
all
the
faithfull
and
generous
Israelites
tooke
part
and
joyned
with
the
Machabites
,
as
well
to
re-establish
the
true
service
of
God
,
as
also
to
free
and
deliver
the
State
from
the
wicked
and
unjust
oppression
of
Antiochus
,
and
God
blessed
with
happy
successe
their
just
and
commendable
enterprize
.
What
then
?
cannot
God
when
he
pleaseth
stirre
up
particular
and
private
persons
to
ruine
a
mighty
and
powerfull
tyranny
?
Hee
that
gives
power
and
ability
to
some
even
out
of
the
dust
without
any
title
or
colourable
pretext
of
lawfull
authority
to
rise
to
the
height
of
rule
and
dominion
,
and
in
it
tyrannize
and
afflict
the
people
for
their
transgressions
?
cannot
he
also
even
from
the
meanest
multitude
raise
a
liberator
?
Hee
which
enthral'd
and
subjected
the
people
of
Israel
to
Jabin
,
and
to
Eglon
,
did
hee
not
deliver
&
enfranchise
them
by
the
hand
of
Ebud
,
Barac
and
Debora
,
whilst
the
Magistrates
&
Officers
were
dead
in
a
dul
&
negligent
extasie
of
security
?
What
then
shall
hinder
,
you
may
say
the
same
God
who
in
these
dayes
sends
us
Tyrants
to
correct
us
,
that
he
may
not
also
extraordinarily
send
correctors
of
tyrants
to
deliver
us
?
What
if
Adab
cut
off
good
men
,
if
Jezabel
subborn
false
witnesses
against
Naboth
,
may
not
a
Jehu
be
rais'd
to
exterminate
the
whole
line
of
Arab
,
to
revenge
the
death
of
Naboth
,
and
to
cast
the
body
of
Jezabel
to
be
torne
and
devoured
of
dogs
?
Certainly
as
I
have
formerly
answered
,
the
Almighty
is
ever
mindfull
of
his
justice
,
and
maintains
it
as
inviolably
as
his
mercy
.
But
for
as
much
as
in
these
latter
times
,
those
miraculous
testimonies
by
which
God
was
wont
to
confirme
the
extraordinary
vocation
of
those
famous
Worthies
,
are
now
wanting
for
the
most
part
:
let
the
people
be
advis'd
,
that
in
seeking
to
crosse
the
Sea
dry
foote
,
they
take
not
some
Impostor
for
their
guide
,
that
may
lead
them
head-long
to
destruction
(
as
we
may
read
happened
to
the
Jewes
:
)
and
that
in
seeking
freedome
from
tyranny
,
he
that
was
the
principall
instrument
to
dis-inthrall
them
,
became
not
himselfe
a
more
insupportable
Tyrant
than
the
former
:
briefly
,
lest
endeavouring
to
advantage
the
Common-wealth
,
they
introduce
not
a
common
misery
upon
all
the
undertakers
,
participating
therein
with
divers
States
of
Italy
,
who
seeking
to
suppresse
the
present
evill
,
added
an
accession
of
greater
,
and
more
intollerable
servitude
.
Finally
,
that
we
may
come
to
some
period
of
this
third
question
;
Princes
are
chosen
by
God
,
and
establisht
by
the
people
:
As
all
particulars
considered
one
by
one
are
inferiour
to
the
Prince
:
so
the
whole
body
of
the
people
and
Officers
of
State
which
represent
that
body
,
are
the
Princes
superiours
.
In
the
receiving
and
inauguration
of
a
Prince
,
there
are
Covenants
and
contracts
passed
between
him
and
the
people
,
which
are
tacite
and
expressed
,
naturall
or
civill
:
to
wit
,
to
obey
him
faithfully
whilst
he
commands
justly
,
that
he
serving
the
Common-wealth
,
all
men
shal
serve
him
,
that
whilst
he
governs
according
to
law
,
all
shall
be
submitted
to
his
government
,
&c.
The
Officers
of
the
Kingdome
are
the
Guardians
and
Protectors
of
these
Covenants
and
contracts
.
He
that
maliciously
or
wilfully
violates
these
conditions
,
is
questionlesse
a
Tyrant
by
practice
.
And
therefore
the
Officers
of
State
may
judge
him
according
to
the
lawes
:
and
if
he
support
his
tyranny
by
strong
hands
,
their
duty
bindes
them
,
when
by
no
other
meanes
it
can
be
effected
,
by
force
of
armes
to
suppresse
him
.
Of
these
Officers
there
be
two
kindes
,
those
which
have
generally
undertaken
the
protection
of
the
Kingdome
:
as
the
Constable
,
Marshalls
,
Peers
,
Palatines
,
and
the
rest
,
every
one
of
which
,
although
all
the
rest
doe
either
connive
or
consort
with
the
tyranny
,
are
bound
to
oppose
and
represse
the
Tyrant
:
and
those
which
have
undertaken
the
government
of
any
Province
,
Citie
,
or
part
of
the
Kingdome
,
as
Dukes
,
Marquesses
,
Earles
,
Consuls
,
Mayors
,
Sheriffes
,
&c.
they
may
according
to
right
expell
and
drive
tyranny
and
Tyrants
from
their
Cities
,
Confines
,
and
governments
.
But
particular
and
private
persons
may
not
unsheath
the
sword
against
Tyrants
by
practise
,
because
they
were
not
establisht
by
particulars
,
but
by
the
whole
body
of
the
people
.
But
for
Tyrants
which
without
title
intrude
themselves
for
so
much
as
there
is
no
contract
or
agreement
betweene
them
and
the
people
,
it
is
indifferently
permitted
all
to
oppose
and
depose
them
;
and
in
this
rank
of
Tyrants
may
those
be
rang'd
,
who
,
abusing
the
weakenesse
and
sloath
of
a
lawfull
Prince
,
tyrannously
insult
over
his
Subjects
.
Thus
much
for
this
,
to
which
for
a
more
full
resolution
may
be
added
that
which
hath
beene
formerly
discoursed
in
the
second
question
.
The
fourth
question
.
Whether
neighbour
Princes
may
,
or
are
bound
by
law
to
aide
the
Subjects
of
other
Princes
,
peasecuted
for
true
Religion
,
or
oppressed
by
manifest
tyranny
.
WEe
have
yet
one
other
question
to
treat
of
,
in
the
discussing
whereof
there
is
more
use
of
an
equitable
judgement
then
of
animble
apprehension
:
and
if
charity
were
but
in
any
reasonable
proportion
prevalent
amongst
the
men
of
this
age
,
the
disputation
thereof
were
altogether
frivolous
:
but
seeing
nothing
in
these
dayes
is
more
rare
nor
lesse
esteemed
than
charity
;
we
will
speak
some-what
of
this
our
question
.
We
have
already
sufficiently
proved
that
all
Tyrants
,
whether
those
that
seeke
to
captivate
the
minds
and
soules
of
the
people
with
an
erroneous
and
superstitious
opinion
in
matter
of
Religion
,
or
those
that
would
enthrall
their
bodies
and
estates
with
miserable
servitude
and
excessive
impositions
,
may
justly
by
the
people
be
both
supprest
and
expulst
.
But
for
so
much
as
Tyrants
are
for
the
most
part
so
cunning
,
and
Subjects
seldome
so
caucelous
,
that
the
disease
is
hardly
known
,
or
at
the
least
not
carefully
observed
before
the
remedy
prove
almost
desperate
,
nor
thinke
of
their
owne
defence
before
they
are
brought
to
those
straights
:
that
they
are
unable
to
defend
themselves
,
but
compeld
to
implore
the
assistance
of
others
:
Our
demand
therefore
is
,
if
Christian
Princes
lawfully
may
and
ought
to
succour
those
Subjects
which
are
afflicted
for
true
Religion
,
or
opprest
by
unjust
servitude
,
and
whose
sufferings
are
either
for
the
kingdome
of
Christ
,
or
for
the
liberty
of
their
own
state
?
There
are
many
,
which
hoping
to
advance
their
owne
ends
,
and
encroach
on
others
rights
,
that
will
readily
embrace
the
part
of
the
afflicted
,
and
proclaime
the
lawfulnesse
of
it
:
but
the
hope
of
gaine
is
the
certaine
and
only
aime
of
their
purposes
:
And
in
this
manner
the
Romans
,
Alexander
the
great
,
and
divers
others
,
pretending
to
suppresse
Tyrants
,
have
oftentimes
enlarged
their
own
limits
.
It
is
not
long
sin●●
,
we
saw
King
Henry
the
Second
make
Wars
on
the
Emperour
Charles
the
Fifth
,
under
colour
of
defending
and
delivering
the
Protestant
Princes
.
As
also
Henry
the
Eighth
King
of
England
was
in
like
manner
ready
to
assist
the
Germans
,
if
the
Emperour
Charles
should
molest
them
.
But
if
there
be
some
appearance
of
danger
,
and
little
expectance
of
profit
,
then
it
is
that
most
Princes
doe
vehemently
dispute
the
lawfulnesse
of
the
action
.
And
as
the
former
cover
their
ambition
and
avarice
with
the
vaile
of
charity
and
piety
:
so
on
the
contrary
doe
the
other
call
their
feare
and
cowardly
basenesse
integrity
and
justice
,
although
that
piety
(
which
is
ever
carefull
of
anothers
good
)
love
no
part
in
the
counsels
of
the
first
:
nor
justice
(
which
affectionately
desires
the
easing
of
a
neighbours
griefe
)
in
cooling
the
charitable
intendments
of
the
later
.
Therefore
without
learning
either
to
the
one
side
or
the
other
,
let
us
follow
those
rules
which
piety
and
justice
trace
us
out
in
matter
of
Religion
.
First
,
All
accord
in
this
,
That
there
is
one
only
Church
,
whereof
Jesus
Christ
is
the
head
,
the
members
whereof
are
so
united
and
conjoyn'd
together
,
that
if
the
least
of
them
be
offended
or
wrongd
,
they
all
participate
both
in
the
harme
and
sorrow
,
as
throughout
holy
Scripture
plainly
appeares
.
Wherefore
the
Church
is
compared
to
a
body
:
Now
it
oftentimes
happens
that
the
body
is
not
only
overthrown
by
a
wound
in
the
arme
,
or
thigh
,
but
even
also
much
endangered
,
yea
and
sometimes
kill'd
by
a
small
hurt
in
the
little
finger
.
Vainly
therefore
doth
any
man
vaunt
that
this
body
is
recommended
to
his
care
and
custody
,
if
he
suffer
that
to
be
dismembred
and
puld
in
pieces
which
he
might
have
preserved
whole
and
intire
.
The
Church
is
compared
to
an
edifice
:
on
which
side
soever
the
building
is
undermin'd
,
it
many
times
chances
that
the
whole
tumbles
downe
,
and
on
what
rafter
or
piece
of
timber
soever
the
flame
takes
hold
,
it
indangers
the
whole
house
of
burning
,
he
must
needs
be
therefore
worthy
of
scome
who
should
deferre
to
quench
the
fire
which
had
cautht
his
house
top
,
because
he
dwels
most
in
the
Cellar
:
would
not
all
hold
him
for
a
mad
man
which
should
neglect
by
countermining
to
frustrate
a
myne
,
because
it
was
intended
to
overthrow
that
wall
there
,
and
not
this
here
.
Againe
,
the
Church
is
resembled
to
a
ship
,
which
as
it
sailes
together
,
so
doth
it
sinke
together
:
insomuch
that
in
a
tempest
,
those
which
be
in
the
fore-cast
,
or
in
the
keele
,
are
no
more
secure
than
those
which
remaine
at
the
st●●n
or
on
the
decke
:
so
that
the
proverb
commonly
saies
,
when
men
runne
the
like
hazard
in
matter
of
danger
,
that
they
venture
both
in
,
one
bottome
.
This
being
granted
,
questionlesse
whosoever
hath
not
a
fellow-feeling
in
commiserating
the
trouble
,
danger
&
distresse
of
the
Church
,
is
no
member
of
that
bodie
,
nor
domestick
in
the
family
of
Jesus
Christ
,
nor
hath
any
place
in
the
Ark
of
the
covenant
of
grace
.
He
which
hath
any
sense
of
Religion
in
his
heart
ought
no
more
to
doubt
whether
he
be
oblig'd
to
aid
the
afflicted
members
of
the
Church
,
than
he
would
be
assisted
to
himselfe
in
the
like
distresse
:
for
the
union
of
the
Church
unites
us
all
into
one
bodie
,
and
therefore
every
one
in
his
calling
must
be
ready
to
assist
the
needy
,
and
so
much
the
more
willingly
,
by
how
much
the
Almighty
hath
bestowed
a
greater
portion
of
his
blessings
on
us
:
which
were
not
conferr'd
,
that
we
should
be
made
possessors
of
them
,
but
that
we
should
be
dispensers
thereof
according
to
the
necessity
of
his
Saints
.
As
this
Church
is
one
,
so
is
shee
recommended
,
and
given
in
charge
to
all
Christian
Princes
in
generall
,
and
to
every
one
of
them
in
particular
:
For
so
much
as
it
was
dangerous
to
leave
the
care
to
one
alone
,
and
the
unity
of
it
would
not
by
any
meanes
permit
,
that
she
should
be
divided
into
pieces
,
and
every
portion
assign'd
unto
one
particular
:
God
hath
committed
it
all
intire
to
particulars
,
and
all
the
parts
of
it
to
all
in
generall
,
not
only
to
preserve
and
defend
it
,
but
also
to
amplifie
and
encrease
it
as
much
as
might
be
.
Insomuch
that
if
a
Prince
which
hath
undertaken
the
care
of
a
portion
of
the
Church
,
as
that
of
Germany
and
England
,
and
notwithstanding
neglect
and
forsake
another
part
that
is
oppressed
,
and
which
he
might
succour
,
he
doubtlesse
abandons
the
Church
,
Christ
having
but
one
only
Spouse
,
which
the
Prince
is
so
bound
to
preserve
and
defend
that
she
be
not
violated
or
corrupted
in
any
part
if
it
be
possible
.
And
in
the
same
manner
as
every
private
person
is
bound
by
his
humble
and
ardent
prayers
to
God
to
desire
the
restoring
of
the
Church
:
So
likewise
are
the
Magistrates
tied
diligently
to
procure
the
same
with
the
utmost
of
their
power
and
meanes
which
God
hath
put
into
their
hands
.
For
the
Church
of
Ephesus
is
no
other
than
that
of
Colossus
:
but
these
two
are
portions
of
the
universall
Church
,
which
is
the
kingdome
of
Christ
,
the
encrease
and
prosperity
whereof
ought
to
be
the
continuall
subject
of
all
private
mens
prayers
and
desires
;
but
it
is
the
duty
of
all
Kings
,
Princes
,
and
Magistrates
,
not
only
to
amplifie
and
extend
the
limits
and
bounds
of
the
Church
in
all
places
,
but
only
to
preserve
and
defend
it
against
all
men
whatsoever
.
Wherefore
there
was
but
one
Temple
in
Judea
built
by
Solomon
,
which
represented
the
unitie
of
the
Church
.
And
therefore
ridiculous
and
worthy
of
punishment
were
that
Church-warden
which
had
care
onely
of
some
small
part
of
the
Church
,
and
suffered
all
the
rest
to
be
spoiled
with
raine
and
weather
.
In
like
manner
,
all
Christian
Kings
when
they
receive
the
sword
on
the
day
of
their
Coronation
,
solemnly
sweare
to
maintaine
the
Catholick
or
universall
Church
,
and
the
ceremony
then
used
doth
fully
expresse
it
,
for
holding
the
sword
in
their
hands
,
they
turne
to
the
East
,
West
,
North
,
and
South
,
and
brandish
it
,
to
the
end
that
it
may
be
knowne
that
no
part
of
the
world
is
excepted
.
As
by
this
ceremony
they
assume
the
protection
of
the
Church
,
it
must
be
questionlesse
understood
of
the
true
Church
,
and
not
of
the
false
:
therefore
ought
they
to
imploy
the
utmost
of
their
abilitie
to
reforme
and
wholly
to
restore
that
which
they
hold
to
be
the
pure
and
truely
Christian
Church
,
to
wit
,
ordered
and
governed
according
to
the
direction
of
the
Word
of
God
.
That
this
was
the
practise
of
godly
Princes
,
we
have
their
examples
to
instruct
us
.
In
the
time
of
Ezechias
King
of
Juda
,
the
Kingdome
of
Israel
had
been
a
long
time
2
Chron
30.
before
in
subjection
to
the
Assyrians
,
to
wit
,
ever
since
the
King
Osea
his
time
;
And
therefore
if
the
Church
of
Juda
onely
,
and
not
the
whole
universall
Church
had
been
committed
to
the
custodie
of
Exechias
:
and
if
in
the
preservation
of
the
Church
the
same
course
were
to
be
held
,
as
in
the
dividing
of
lands
,
and
imposing
of
tributes
,
then
questionlesse
Ezechias
would
have
contained
himselfe
within
his
own
limits
,
especially
then
when
the
exorbitant
power
of
the
Assyrians
lorded
it
every
where
.
Now
wee
reade
that
he
sent
expresse
Messengers
throughout
Israel
,
to
wit
,
to
the
subjects
of
the
King
of
Assyria
,
to
invite
them
to
come
to
Jerusalem
to
celebrate
the
paschall
feast
:
yea
and
he
ayded
the
faithfull
Israelites
of
the
tribes
of
Ephraim
and
Manasses
,
and
others
the
subjects
of
the
Assyrians
,
to
ruine
the
high
places
which
were
in
their
quarters
.
Wee
reade
also
that
the
good
King
Josias
expeld
Idolatry
,
no●
2
Kings
22.
2
Chron.
34.
&
35.
onely
out
of
his
own
Kingdome
,
but
also
even
out
of
the
Kingdome
of
Israel
,
which
was
then
wholly
in
subjection
to
the
King
of
Assyria
.
And
no
marvell
,
for
where
the
glory
of
God
,
and
the
kingdome
of
Christ
are
in
question
,
there
no
bounds
or
limits
can
confine
the
zeale
and
fervent
affection
of
pious
and
godly
Princes
.
Though
the
opposition
be
great
,
and
the
power
of
the
oppos●rs
greater
,
yet
the
more
they
feare
God
,
the
lesse
they
will
feare
men
.
These
generous
examples
of
divers
godly
Princes
have
since
been
imitated
by
sundry
Christian
Kings
,
by
whose
meanes
the
Church
(
which
was
heretofore
restrained
within
the
narrow
limits
of
Palestine
)
hath
been
since
dilated
throughout
the
universall
world
.
Constantine
and
Licinius
governed
the
Empire
together
,
the
one
in
the
Orient
,
the
other
in
the
Occident
,
they
were
associates
of
equall
power
and
authoritie
.
And
amongst
equalls
,
as
the
Proverb
is
,
there
is
no
Par
in
parem
non
babet
imperium
.
command
.
Notwithstanding
,
because
Licinius
doth
every
where
banish
,
torment
,
and
put
to
death
the
Christians
,
and
amongst
them
divers
of
the
nobilitie
,
and
that
for
and
under
pretence
of
Religion
.
Constantine
makes
warre
against
him
,
and
by
force
compels
him
to
give
free
libertie
of
Religion
to
the
Christians
,
and
because
he
broke
his
faith
and
relapsed
into
his
former
cruelties
,
he
caused
him
to
be
apprehended
and
put
to
death
in
the
Citie
of
Thessalonica
.
This
Emperours
pietie
was
with
so
great
an
applause
celebrated
by
the
Divines
of
those
times
,
that
they
suppose
that
saying
in
the
Prophet
Isaiah
,
to
be
meant
by
him
;
That
Kings
shall
be
Pastors
and
nursing
Fathers
of
the
Church
.
After
his
death
the
Roman
Empire
was
divided
equally
between
his
sonnes
,
without
advantaging
the
one
more
than
the
other
.
Constans
favoured
the
orthodox
Christians
,
Constantius
being
the
elder
,
learned
to
the
Arrians
,
and
for
that
cause
banished
the
learned
Athanasius
from
Alexandria
;
the
greatest
professed
adversary
of
the
Arrians
.
Certianly
,
if
any
consideration
in
matter
of
confines
be
absolutely
requisite
,
it
must
needs
be
amongst
brethren
.
And
notwithstanding
Constant
threatens
to
warre
on
his
brother
,
if
he
restore
not
Athanasius
,
and
had
without
doubt
performed
it
,
if
the
other
had
long
deferred
the
accomplishment
of
his
desire
.
And
if
he
proceeded
so
farre
for
the
restitution
of
one
Bishop
:
had
it
not
been
much
more
likely
and
reasonable
,
for
him
to
have
assisted
a
good
part
of
the
people
,
if
they
implored
his
ayde
against
the
tyranny
of
those
that
refused
them
the
exercise
of
their
Religion
,
under
the
authoritie
of
their
Magistrates
and
Governours
?
So
at
the
perswasion
of
Atticus
the
Sozo
.
lib.
7.
cap.
18.
Bishop
,
Theodisius
made
warre
on
Cosroes
King
of
Persia
to
deliver
the
Christians
of
his
Kingdome
from
persecution
,
although
they
were
but
particular
and
private
persons
.
Which
certainly
those
most
just
Princes
,
who
instituted
so
many
worthy
Lawes
,
and
had
so
great
and
speciall
care
of
justice
,
would
not
have
done
,
if
by
that
fact
they
had
supposed
any
thing
were
usurpt
on
another
mans
right
,
o●●he
Law
of
Nations
violated
.
But
to
what
end
were
so
many
expeditions
undertaken
by
Christian
Princes
into
the
holy
Land
against
the
Saracens
?
Wherefore
were
demanded
and
raised
so
many
of
those
Saladine
tenths
?
To
what
purpose
were
so
many
confederacies
made
,
and
croysadoes
proclaimed
against
the
Turkes
,
if
it
were
not
lawfull
for
Christian
Princes
,
yea
those
furthest
remote
,
to
deliver
the
Church
of
God
from
the
oppression
of
tyrants
,
and
to
free
captive
Christians
from
under
the
yoke
of
bondage
?
What
were
the
motives
that
led
them
to
those
warres
?
What
were
the
reasons
that
urged
them
to
undergoe
those
dangers
?
But
onely
in
regard
of
the
Churches
union
,
Christ
summond
every
man
from
all
parts
with
a
unanimous
consent
,
to
undertake
the
defence
thereof
?
For
all
men
are
bound
to
repulse
common
dangers
with
a
joynt
and
common
opposition
:
all
which
have
a
naturall
consent
and
relation
with
this
wee
now
treat
of
.
If
this
were
lawfull
for
them
against
Mahomet
,
and
not
onely
lawfull
,
but
that
the
backward
and
negligent
were
ever
made
liable
to
all
infamous
contempt
,
and
the
forward
and
readie
undertakers
alwayes
recompenced
with
all
honourable
respect
and
reward
,
according
to
the
merit
of
their
vertues
:
wherefore
not
now
against
the
enemy
of
Christ
&
his
Saints
?
If
it
be
a
lawfull
warre
to
fight
against
the
Greekes
(
that
I
may
use
that
phrase
)
when
they
assayle
our
Troy
:
wherefore
is
it
unlawfull
to
pursue
and
prevent
that
incendiary
Sinon
?
Finally
,
if
it
have
been
esteemed
an
heriocall
act
to
deliver
Christians
from
corporall
servitude
,
(
for
the
Turkes
enforce
none
in
point
of
Religion
)
is
it
not
a
thing
yet
much
more
noble
to
infranchise
and
set
at
libertie
soules
imprisoned
in
the
mists
of
error
?
These
examples
of
so
many
religious
Princes
,
might
well
have
the
directive
power
of
Law
.
But
let
us
heare
what
God
himselfe
pronounces
in
many
places
of
his
Word
by
the
mouth
of
his
Prophets
,
against
those
which
advance
not
the
building
up
of
his
Church
,
or
which
make
no
reckoning
of
her
afflictions
.
The
Gadites
,
the
Reubenites
,
and
halfe
tribe
of
Manasses
,
desire
of
Moses
Numb
.
32.
Iosh.
4.
12.
Deut.
3.
20.
that
he
would
allot
them
their
portion
on
the
other
side
of
Jordan
.
Moses
grants
their
request
,
but
with
this
proviso
and
condition
:
That
they
should
not
onely
assist
their
other
brethren
the
Israelites
to
conquer
the
land
of
Canaan
,
but
also
that
they
should
march
the
first
,
and
serve
as
vauntgard
to
the
rest
,
because
they
had
their
portions
first
set
them
forth
,
and
if
they
faile
to
performe
this
dutie
,
he
with
an
anathema
,
destines
them
to
destruction
,
and
compares
them
to
those
which
were
adjudged
rebells
at
Codisbarnea
.
And
what
?
sayes
he
,
your
brethren
shall
fight
,
and
you
in
the
meane
season
rest
quiet
at
home
?
Nay
on
the
contrary
,
you
also
shall
passe
Jordan
,
and
not
returne
into
their
houses
,
before
first
the
Lord
have
driven
his
enemies
out
from
before
his
face
,
and
granted
place
to
your
brethren
as
well
as
you
,
then
shall
you
be
innocent
before
the
Lord
and
his
people
Israel
.
He
shews
by
this
that
those
which
God
first
blesseth
with
so
great
a
benefit
,
if
they
help
not
their
breth●en
,
if
they
make
not
themselves
shares
in
their
labours
,
companions
in
their
travells
,
and
leaders
in
their
dangers
,
they
must
questionlesse
expect
a
heavie
punishment
to
fall
upon
them
.
Likewise
when
under
the
conduct
of
Debora
,
the
Nephtalites
and
Iudges
5.
Zabulonites
took
armes
against
the
tyrant
Jabin
:
and
that
in
the
meane
season
the
Reubenites
which
should
have
been
first
in
the
field
took
their
ease
and
played
on
their
pipes
,
whilest
their
flockes
and
herds
fed
at
libertie
:
the
Gadites
held
themselves
secured
with
the
rampire
of
the
river
;
the
Danites
gloried
in
their
command
at
Sea
;
And
Ashur
,
to
be
briefe
,
was
confident
in
the
difficult
accesse
of
their
mountaines
:
The
Spirit
of
the
Lord
speaking
by
the
Prophetesse
,
doth
in
expresse
termes
condemne
them
all
;
Curse
yee
Meros
Iudges
5.
23.
(
said
the
Angel
of
the
Lord
)
curse
yee
bitterly
the
inhabitants
thereof
:
because
they
came
not
to
the
helpe
of
the
Lord
,
to
the
helpe
of
the
Lord
against
the
mightie
.
But
blessed
above
women
shall
Jael
the
wife
of
Heber
the
Kenite
be
,
who
though
shee
might
have
alledged
the
alliance
which
her
husband
had
with
the
Canaanites
,
did
notwithstanding
kill
Sisera
the
Generall
of
the
enemies
armie
.
And
therefore
Vriah
spake
religiously
,
and
like
a
true
Patriarke
,
when
he
said
,
The
Arke
of
the
Lord
,
and
Israel
,
and
Judah
abide
in
tents
,
and
my
Lord
2
Sam.
11.
11.
Joab
,
and
the
servants
of
my
Lord
are
encamped
in
the
open
fields
;
Shall
I
then
goe
into
mine
house
,
to
eate
and
to
drinke
,
and
to
lie
with
my
wife
?
a
thou
livest
,
and
as
thy
soule
liveth
,
I
will
not
doe
this
thing
.
But
on
the
contrary
,
impious
and
wicked
were
the
Princes
of
Israel
,
who
supposing
themselves
secured
by
the
craggy
mountaines
of
Samaria
,
and
strong
fortifications
of
Sion
,
tooke
libertie
to
loose
themselves
in
luxurious
seasts
,
loose
delights
,
drinking
delicious
wines
,
and
sleeping
in
persum'd
beds
of
Ivorie
,
despising
in
the
meane
season
Amos
6.
poore
Joseph
,
to
wit
,
the
Lords
flock
tormented
and
miserably
vext
on
all
sides
,
nor
have
any
compassion
on
their
affliction
.
The
Lord
God
hath
sworn
by
himself
,
sayth
the
Lord
God
of
Hosts
,
I
abhor
the
excellency
of
Jacob
,
and
hate
his
pallaces
:
therefore
will
I
deliver
up
the
City
,
with
all
that
is
therein
,
and
those
that
wallow
thus
in
pleasures
,
shall
be
the
first
shall
goe
into
captivity
.
Wickedly
therefore
did
those
Ephraimites
,
who
in
stead
of
congratulating
and
applauding
the
●udg
.
8
&
12.
famous
and
notable
victories
of
Gideon
and
Jephta
,
did
envie
and
traduce
them
,
whom
notwithstanding
they
had
forsaken
in
dangers
.
As
much
may
be
said
of
the
Israelites
,
who
seeing
David
overcome
the
difficulty
of
his
affaires
,
and
remain
a
peaceable
King
,
say
aloud
,
We
are
thy
flesh
and
thy
bones
:
and
some
years
after
,
seeing
2
Sam.
5.
2.
2
Sam.
20.
1.
him
imbroil'd
again
in
troubles
,
cried
out
,
We
have
no
part
in
David
,
neither
have
we
inheritance
in
the
son
of
Jesse
.
Let
us
rank
also
with
these
all
those
Christians
in
name
only
,
which
wil
communicate
at
the
holy
table
,
and
yet
refuse
to
take
the
cup
of
affliction
with
their
brethren
,
which
look
for
salvation
in
the
Church
,
and
care
not
for
the
safety
and
preservation
of
the
Church
,
&
the
members
thereof
.
Briesly
,
which
adore
one
and
the
same
God
the
●ather
,
acknowledge
and
avow
themselves
of
the
same
houshold
of
faith
,
and
professe
to
be
one
and
the
same
body
in
Jesus
Christ
,
and
notwithstanding
yeeld
no
succour
nor
assistance
to
their
Saviour
afflicted
in
his
members
.
What
vengeance
doe
you
thinke
will
God
inflict
on
such
impiety
?
Moses
compares
those
which
abandon
Numb
.
32.
their
brethren
to
the
rebels
of
Cadeshbarnea
:
Now
none
of
those
by
the
decree
of
the
Almighty
,
entred
into
the
land
of
Canaan
.
Let
not
those
then
pretend
any
interest
in
the
heavenly
Canaan
,
wh●ch
will
not
succour
Christ
when
he
is
crucified
,
and
suffering
a
thousand
times
a
day
in
his
members
,
and
as
it
were
begging
their
almes
from
door
to
door
.
The
Son
of
God
with
his
owne
mouth
condemnes
them
to
everlasting
fire
that
when
he
was
hungry
gave
him
no
meat
;
when
he
was
thirsty
gave
him
no
drink
;
when
he
was
a
stra●ger
,
lodged
him
not
;
naked
,
and
cloathed
him
not
;
sick
,
and
in
prison
,
and
visited
him
not
.
And
therefore
let
those
expect
punishments
without
end
,
which
lend
a
deafe
eare
to
the
compla●nts
and
groan
of
our
Saviour
Jesus
Christ
,
suffering
all
these
things
daily
in
his
members
;
although
otherwise
they
appeare
both
to
others
and
themselves
to
be
iolly
Christians
,
yet
shall
their
condition
be
much
more
miserable
than
that
of
many
Infidels
.
For
why
;
were
they
the
Jews
onely
,
&
Scribes
and
Pharises
,
to
speak
properly
,
that
crucified
Christ
?
or
were
they
Ethnicks
,
Turks
,
or
some
certain
p●●nitious
Sects
of
Christians
,
which
crucifie
,
torment
,
and
persecute
him
in
his
members
?
No
certainly
,
the
Jew●●
hold
him
an
imposter
,
the
Ethnick
a
malefactor
,
the
Turks
an
Infidell
,
the
others
an
heretick
,
insomuch
as
if
we
consider
the
intention
of
these
men
,
as
the
censuring
of
all
offences
ought
to
have
principall
relation
thereunto
,
we
cannot
conclude
that
it
is
properly
Christ
that
they
persecute
with
such
hatred
,
but
some
criminal
person
,
which
in
the●r
opinion
deserves
this
usage
:
But
they
doe
truly
and
properly
persecute
and
crucifie
Christ
Jesus
,
which
professe
to
acknowledge
him
for
the
Messias
,
God
and
Redeemer
of
the
world
,
and
which
notwithstanding
fail
to
free
him
from
persecution
and
vexation
in
his
members
,
when
it
is
in
their
power
to
do
it
.
Briefly
,
he
which
om●ts
to
deliver
his
neighbour
from
the
hands
of
the
murderer
,
when
he
sees
him
in
evident
danger
of
his
life
,
is
questionlesse
guilty
of
the
murther
,
as
well
as
the
murtherer
.
For
seeing
he
neglected
when
he
had
means
to
preserve
his
life
,
it
must
needs
necessarily
follow
,
Aug.
in
Psa.
32
Amb.
lib.
1.
de
Offic.
Gratian
in
Decret.
that
he
desireth
his
death
.
And
in
all
crimes
the
will
and
intendment
ought
principally
to
be
regarded
.
But
questionlesse
these
Christian
princes
which
do
not
releive
and
assist
the
true
professors
,
which
suffer
for
true
religion
,
are
much
more
guilty
of
murther
than
any
other
,
because
they
might
deliver
from
danger
an
infinite
number
of
people
,
which
for
want
of
timely
succours
,
suffer
death
and
torments
under
the
cruel
hands
of
their
persecuters
:
and
to
this
may
be
added
,
that
to
suffer
ones
brother
to
be
murthered
,
is
a
greater
offence
than
if
he
were
a
stranger
.
Nay
,
I
wi
say
further
,
those
forsakers
of
their
brethren
in
their
time
of
danger
distresse
,
are
more
vile
,
and
more
to
be
abhorred
than
the
tyrants
themselves
that
persecute
them
.
For
it
is
much
more
wicked
,
and
worthy
of
greater
punishment
to
kill
an
honest
man
that
is
innocent
&
fea●ing
God
(
as
those
which
consent
with
them
in
the
faith
must
of
necessity
know
the
true
professors
to
be
)
than
a
thiefe
,
an
imposter
,
a
magician
or
an
heretick
,
as
those
which
persecute
the
true
Christians
do
commonly
beleeve
them
to
be
,
it
is
a
greater
offence
by
many
degrees
to
strive
with
God
than
man
.
Briefly
,
in
one
and
the
same
action
it
is
a
much
more
grievous
crime
persidiously
to
betray
,
than
ignorantly
to
offend
.
But
may
the
same
also
be
said
of
them
which
refuse
to
assist
those
that
are
oppressed
by
tyranny
,
or
defend
the
liberty
of
the
Common-wealth
agai●st
the
oppression
of
tyrants
?
For
in
this
case
the
conjunction
or
confederacy
seemes
not
to
be
of
so
strict
a
condition
between
the
one
and
the
other
,
here
we
speak
of
the
Common-wealth
diversly
governed
according
to
the
customes
of
the
countries
,
and
particularly
recommended
to
thes●
here
,
or
those
there
,
and
not
of
the
Church
of
God
,
which
is
composed
of
all
,
and
recommended
to
all
in
generall
,
and
to
every
one
in
particular
.
The
Jew
saith
,
our
Saviour
Christ
is
not
on●ly
neighbour
to
the
Jew
,
but
also
to
the
Samaritan
,
and
to
every
other
man
.
But
we
ought
to
love
our
neighbour
as
our selves
;
and
therefore
an
Israelite
is
not
onely
bound
to
deliver
an
Israelite
from
the
hands
of
theeves
,
if
it
be
in
his
power
,
but
every
stranger
also
;
yea
,
though
unknown
,
i●
he
will
righely
discharge
his
duty
:
neither
let
him
dispute
whether
it
be
lawfull
to
defend
another
,
which
beleeve
,
he
may
justly
defend
himself
.
For
it
is
much
more
just
,
if
we
truly
consider
the
concomitants
,
to
deliver
from
danger
and
outrage
another
than
ones
selfe
;
seeing
that
what
is
done
for
pure
charity
,
is
more
right
and
allowable
,
than
that
which
is
executed
for
colour
,
or
desire
of
revenge
,
or
by
any
other
transport
of
passion
:
in
revenging
our
own
wrongs
we
never
keep
a
mean
,
whereas
in
other
mens
,
though
much
greater
,
the
most
intemperate
will
easily
observe
moderation
.
Furthermore
,
the
heathens
themselves
may
teach
us
what
humane
society
,
and
what
the
law
of
nature
requires
of
us
in
this
busines
;
wherefore
Cicero
sayes
,
That
Nature
being
the
common
mother
of
mankind
,
prescribes
and
ordaines
,
〈…〉
3.
Offic.
that
every
man
endevour
and
procure
the
good
of
another
whatsoever
be
be
,
onely
because
he
is
a
man
:
otherwise
all
bonds
of
society
,
yea
and
mankinde
it self
must
needs
goe
to
ruine
.
And
therefore
as
Justice
built
on
these
two
Basis
,
or
pillars
,
First
,
that
none
be
wronged
:
secondly
,
that
good
be
done
to
all
if
it
be
possible
.
So
also
is
there
two
sorts
of
injustice
;
the
first
,
in
those
which
offer
injury
to
their
neighbours
;
the
second
,
in
them
which
when
they
have
meanes
to
deliver
the
oppressed
,
doe
notwithstanding
suffer
them
to
sink
under
the
burthen
of
their
wrongs
:
For
whosoever
doth
wrong
to
another
,
either
mov'd
thereunto
by
anger
,
or
any
other
passion
,
he
may
in
a
sort
be
truly
said
to
lay
violent
hands
on
his
companion
;
but
he
which
hath
meanes
and
defends
not
the
afflicted
,
or
to
his
power
wards
not
the
blowes
that
are
struck
at
him
,
is
as
much
faulty
,
as
if
he
forsook
his
parents
,
or
his
friends
,
or
his
countrey
in
their
distresse
.
That
which
was
done
by
the
first
,
may
well
be
attributed
to
choler
,
which
is
a
short
madnesse
;
the
fault
committed
by
the
other
,
discovers
a
bad
minde
,
and
a
wicked
purpose
,
which
are
the
perpetuall
tormentors
and
tyrants
of
the
conscience
.
The
fury
of
the
first
may
be
in
some
sort
excused
,
but
the
malice
of
the
second
admits
no
colour
of
defence
.
Peradventure
you
will
say
,
I
feare
in
aiding
the
one
,
I
shall
doe
wrong
to
the
other
.
And
I
answer
,
You
seek
a
Cloak
of
justice
wherewith
to
cover
your
base
remisnesse
:
and
if
you
lay
your
hand
on
your
heart
,
you
will
presently
confesse
,
that
it
is
somewhat
else
,
and
not
justice
,
that
with
holds
you
from
performing
your
duty
.
For
as
the
same
Cicero
sayes
in
another
place
,
Either
thou
wilt
not
make
the
wrong-doer
thine
enemy
,
or
not
take
paines
,
or
not
be
at
so
much
charge
,
or
else
negligence
,
sloth
,
or
the
hindering
of
thine
own
occasions
,
or
the
crossing
of
other
purposes
,
takes
thee
off
from
the
defence
of
those
who
otherwise
thou
art
bound
to
relieve
.
Now
in
saying
thou
onely
attends
thine
own
affaires
,
fearing
to
wrong
another
,
thou
fallest
into
another
kind
of
injustice
:
for
thou
abandonest
humane
society
,
in
that
thou
wile
not
afford
any
endeavour
either
of
mind
,
body
,
or
goods
,
for
the
necessary
preservation
thereof
.
Read
the
Directions
of
the
heathen
Philosophers
and
Politicians
who
have
written
more
divinely
herein
,
than
many
Christians
in
these
dayes
.
From
hence
also
proceeds
,
that
the
Roman
law
designes
punishment
to
the
neighbour
which
will
not
deliver
the
slave
from
the
outragious
fury
of
his
master
.
Amongst
the
Aegyptians
,
if
any
man
had
seene
another
assail'd
Diodor.
Siculus
,
l.
2.
c.
2.
and
distress'd
by
thieves
and
robbers
,
and
did
not
according
to
his
power
presently
aid
him
,
he
was
adjudgd
worthy
of
death
,
if
at
the
least
he
discover'd
or
delivered
not
the
delinquents
into
the
hand
of
the
Magistrate
.
If
he
were
negligent
in
performing
this
duty
for
the
first
mulct
,
he
was
to
receive
a
certaine
number
of
blowes
on
his
body
,
and
to
fast
for
3.
dayes
together
.
If
the
neighbour
be
so
firmely
oblig'd
in
this
mutuall
duty
of
succour
to
his
neighbour
,
yea
to
an
unknowne
person
in
case
hee
be
assail'd
by
thieves
:
shall
it
not
be
lawfull
for
a
good
Prince
to
assist
,
not
slaves
to
an
imperious
Master
,
or
children
against
a
furious
Father
;
but
a
Kingdome
against
a
Tyrant
,
the
Common-wealth
against
the
private
spleene
of
one
,
the
people
(
who
are
indeed
the
true
owners
of
the
State
)
●●ainst
a
ministring
servant
to
the
publique
.
And
if
he
c●●elesly
or
wil●ully
omit
this
duty
,
deserves
he
no●
himselfe
to
be
esteem'd
a
Tyrant
,
and
punished
accordingly
,
as
well
as
the
other
a
sobber
,
which
neglected
to
assist
his
neighbour
in
that
danger
?
Theucidides
Theucid
.
lib.
1.
upon
this
matter
saies
,
that
those
are
not
only
Tyrants
which
make
other
men
slaves
,
but
much
more
those
who
having
meanes
to
suppresse
and
prevent
such
oppression
,
take
no
care
to
performe
it
.
And
amongst
others
,
those
which
assumed
the
title
of
Protectors
of
Greece
,
and
defenders
of
the
Countrey
:
and
yet
sti●re
not
to
deliver
their
Countrey
from
oppression
of
strangers
,
and
truly
indeed
.
For
a
Tyrant
i●
in
some
sort
compeld
to
hold
a
straight
and
tyrannous
hand
over
those
,
who
by
violence
and
tyranny
,
he
hath
constrain'd
to
obey
him
,
because
as
Tiberius
said
,
he
holds
the
Wolfe
by
the
eares
,
whom
he
can
neither
hold
without
paine
and
force
,
nor
let
goe
without
danger
&
death
.
To
the
end
then
that
he
may
blot
out
one
sin
with
another
sinne
,
he
files
up
one
wickednesse
to
another
,
and
is
forced
to
do
injuries
to
others
,
lest
hee
should
prove
by
remisnesse
injurious
to
himselfe
.
But
the
Prince
which
with
a
negligent
and
idle
regard
lookes
on
the
outragiousnesse
of
a
Tyrant
,
and
the
massacring
of
Innocente
,
that
he
might
have
preserved
,
like
the
barbarous
spectacles
of
the
Roman
sword-playes
is
so
much
more
guilty
than
the
Tyrant
himselfe
,
by
how
much
the
cruel
and
homicidious
directers
and
appointers
of
these
bloody
sports
,
were
more
justly
punishable
by
all
good
laws
than
the
poore
and
constrain'd
actors
in
those
murthering
tragedies
:
and
as
he
questionlesse
deserves
greater
punishment
,
which
out
of
insolent
jollity
murthers
one
,
than
hee
which
unwillingly
for
feare
of
a
further
harme
kills
a
man
.
If
any
object
that
it
is
against
reason
and
good
order
to
meddle
in
the
affaires
of
another
:
I
answer
with
the
olde
man
in
Terrence
,
I
am
a
man
,
and
I
believe
that
all
duties
of
humanity
are
fit
and
convenient
for
me
.
If
others
seeking
to
cover
their
base
negligence
,
and
carelesse
unwillingnesse
,
Pompon
.
de
reg.
ju●
.
l●g
.
36.
alledg
that
bounds
and
jurisdictions
are
distingnisht
one
from
another
,
and
that
it
is
not
lawfull
to
thrust
ones
sickle
into
anothers
harvest
.
Neither
am
I
also
of
that
opinion
,
that
upon
any
such
colour
or
pretence
,
it
is
lawfull
for
a
Prince
to
encroach
upon
anothers
jurisdiction
or
right
,
or
uppon
that
occasion
to
usurp
anothers
countrey
,
and
so
carry
another
mans
corne
into
his
b●rne
,
as
divers
have
taken
such
shadowes
to
maeke
their
bad
intentions
.
I
will
not
I
say
,
that
after
the
manner
of
those
arbitrators
which
Cicero
Ciccr.
2.
offic.
speaks
of
,
thou
adjudge
the
things
in
controversie
to
thy selfe
.
But
I
require
that
you
represse
the
Prince
that
invades
the
kingdome
of
Christ
,
that
you
containe
the
Tyrant
within
his
owne
limits
,
that
you
stretch
forth
your
hand
of
compassion
to
the
people
afflicted
,
that
you
raise
up
the
Common-wealth
lying
groveling
on
the
ground
,
and
that
you
so
carry
your selfe
in
the
ordering
a●d
managing
of
this
,
that
all
men
may
see
your
principall
aime
and
end
was
the
publique
benefit
of
humane
society
,
and
not
any
private
profit
or
advantage
of
your
owne
;
For
seeing
that
justice
respects
only
the
publique
,
and
that
which
is
without
,
and
injustice
fixes
a
man
wholly
on
himselfe
:
it
doubtlesse
becomes
a
man
truly
honest
so
to
dispose
his
actions
,
that
ever
private
interests
give
place
,
and
yield
to
publique
commoditie
.
Briefly
to
epitomize
what
hath
bin
formerly
said
if
a
Prince
outragiously
over-pass
the
bounds
of
piety
&
justice
.
A
neighbor
Prince
may
justly
and
religiously
leave
his
owne
Countrey
,
not
to
invade
and
usurp
anothers
,
but
to
containe
the
other
within
the
limits
of
justice
and
equity
:
and
if
he
neglect
or
omit
his
duty
herein
,
hee
shewes
himselfe
a
wicked
and
unworthy
Magistrace
.
If
a
Prince
tirannize
over
the
people
,
a
neighbour
Prince
ought
to
yield
succours
as
freely
and
willingly
to
the
people
,
as
he
would
doe
to
the
Prince
his
Brother
if
the
people
mutined
against
him
:
yea
he
should
so
much
the
more
readi●y
succour
the
people
,
by
how
much
there
is
more
just
cause
of
pity
to
see
many
afflicted
,
than
one
alone
.
If
Porsenna
brought
Tarquinius
Superbus
backe
to
Rome
,
much
more
justly
might
Constantine
,
requested
by
the
Senate
,
and
Roman
people
,
expell
Marentius
the
Tyrant
from
Rome
.
Briefely
,
if
man
become
a
Wolfe
to
man
,
who
hinders
that
man
(
according
to
the
proverb
)
may
not
be
instead
of
God
to
the
needy
?
And
therefore
the
Ancients
have
ranckt
Hercules
amongst
the
gods
,
because
he
punisht
and
tam'd
Procrustes
,
Busiris
,
and
other
Tyrants
,
the
plagues
of
man
kind
,
and
monsters
of
the
earth
.
So
whilst
the
Roman
Empire
retained
her
freedome
,
she
was
truly
accounted
the
safe
guard
of
all
the
world
against
the
violence
of
Tyrants
,
because
the
Senate
was
the
port
and
refuge
of
Kings
,
people
,
and
Nations
.
In
like
manner
Constantine
,
called
by
the
Romans
against
Mixentius
,
had
God
Almighty
for
the
leader
of
his
Army
:
and
the
whole
Church
doth
with
exceeding
commendations
celebrate
his
enterprize
,
although
that
Maxentius
had
the
same
authority
in
the
West
,
a●
Constantine
had
in
the
East
.
Also
Charlemaine
undertooke
War
against
the
Lombards
,
being
requested
to
assist
the
Nobility
of
Italy
:
although
the
Kingdome
of
the
Lombards
had
been
of
a
long
continuance
,
and
he
had
no
just
pretence
of
right
over
them
.
In
like
manner
when
Charles
the
bald
,
King
of
France
,
had
tyrannously
put
to
cleath
the
Governour
of
the
Country
between
the
River
of
Seynt
and
Loyre
,
with
the
Duke
Lambert
,
and
another
Noble-man
cald
Jametius
,
and
that
other
great
men
of
the
Kingdome
were
retired
unto
Lewis
King
of
Germany
,
brother
,
(
but
by
another
mo●her
)
unto
Charles
,
to
request
aid
against
him
,
and
his
mother
called
Juclith
,
one
of
the
most
pernitious
women
of
the
world
,
Lewis
gare
them
audience
in
a
full
Assembly
of
the
German
Princ●s
,
by
whose
joynt
advice
it
was
decreed
,
that
Warres
should
be
made
against
Charles
for
the
re-establishing
in
their
goods
,
honours
,
and
estates
,
those
whom
he
had
unjustly
dispossest
.
Finally
,
as
there
hath
ever
been
Tyrants
disperst
here
and
there
,
so
also
all
histories
testifie
that
there
hath
been
neighbouring
Princes
to
oppose
tyranny
,
and
maintain
the
people
in
their
right
.
The
Princes
of
these
times
by
imitating
so
worthy
examples
,
should
suppresse
the
Tyrants
both
of
bodies
and
soules
,
and
restraine
the
oppressors
both
of
the
Common-wealth
,
and
of
the
Church
of
Christ
:
otherwise
they
themselves
may
most
deservedly
be
branded
with
that
infamous
title
of
Tyrant
.
And
to
conclude
this
discourse
in
a
word
,
piety
command●
that
the
Law
and
Church
of
God
be
maintain'd
:
Justice
requires
that
Tyrants
and
destroyers
of
the
Common-wealth
be
compel'd
to
reason
:
Charity
challenges
the
right
of
relieving
and
restoring
the
oppressed
.
Those
that
make
no
account
of
these
things
,
doe
as
much
as
in
them
lies
to
drive
pietie
,
justice
and
charity
out
of
this
world
,
that
they
may
never
more
be
heard
of
.