THE
VINDICATION
OF
THE
Duke
of
Guise
.
IN
the
Year
of
His
Majesty's
Happy
Restauration
,
the
First
Play
I
undertook
was
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
as
the
Fairest
way
,
which
the
Act
of
Indempnity
had
then
left
us
,
of
setting
forth
the
Rise
of
the
Late
Rebellion
;
and
by
Exploding
the
Villanies
of
it
upon
the
Stage
,
to
Precaution
Posterity
against
the
Like
Errors
.
As
This
was
my
First
Essay
;
so
it
met
with
the
Fortune
of
an
Vnfinisht
Piece
;
that
is
to
say
,
It
was
Damn'd
in
Private
,
by
the
Advice
of
some
Friends
to
whom
I
shew'd
it
;
who
freely
told
me
,
that
it
was
an
Excellent
Subject
;
but
not
so
Artificially
wrought
,
as
they
could
have
wish'd
:
And
now
let
my
Enemies
make
their
Best
of
This
Confession
.
The
Scene
of
the
Duke
of
Guise's
Return
to
Paris
,
AGAINST
the
King's
Positive
Command
,
was
then
written
;
I
have
the
Copy
of
it
still
by
me
,
almost
the
same
which
it
now
remains
,
being
taken
Verbatim
out
of
Davila
:
For
where
the
Action
is
Remarkable
,
and
the
very
words
Related
,
the
Poet
is
not
at
liberty
to
change
them
much
;
and
if
he
will
be
adding
any
thing
for
Ornament
,
it
ought
to
be
wholly
of
a
piece
.
This
do
I
take
for
a
sufficient
Justification
of
that
Scene
,
unless
they
will
make
the
pretended
Parallel
to
be
a
Prophecy
,
as
well
as
a
Parallel
of
Accidents
,
that
were
twenty
years
after
to
come
.
Neither
do
I
find
that
they
can
suggest
the
least
colour
for
't
in
any
other
part
of
the
Tragedy
.
But
now
comes
the
main
Objection
,
Why
was
it
stopt
then
?
To
which
I
shall
render
this
just
Account
,
with
all
due
Respects
to
those
who
were
the
Occasion
of
it
.
Upon
a
wandering
Rumour
(
which
I
will
divide
betwixt
Malice
and
Mistake
)
that
some
Great
Persons
were
represented
or
personated
in
it
,
the
Matter
was
complain'd
of
to
my
Lord
Chamberlain
;
who
,
thereupon
,
appointed
the
Play
to
be
brought
to
him
,
and
prohibited
the
Acting
of
it
till
further
Order
;
commanding
me
,
after
this
,
to
wait
upon
his
Lordship
;
which
I
did
,
and
humbly
desir'd
him
to
compare
the
Play
with
the
History
,
from
whence
the
Subject
was
taken
,
referring
to
the
First
Scene
of
the
Fourth
Act
,
whereupon
the
Exception
was
grounded
,
and
leaving
Davila
(
the
Original
)
with
his
Lordship
.
This
was
before
Midsummer
;
and
about
two
Months
after
,
I
receiv'd
the
Play
back
again
from
his
Lordship
,
but
without
any
positive
Order
whether
it
should
be
Acted
or
not
;
neither
was
Mr.
Lee
or
my self
any
way
solicitous
about
it
:
But
this
indeed
I
ever
said
,
That
it
was
intended
for
the
King's
Service
;
and
his
Majesty
was
the
best
Judge
,
whether
it
answer'd
that
End
or
no
;
and
that
I
reckon'd
it
my
duty
to
submit
,
if
his
Majesty
,
for
any
Reason
whatsoever
,
should
deem
it
unfit
for
the
Stage
.
In
the
interim
,
a
strict
Scrutiny
was
made
,
and
no
Parallel
of
the
Great
Person
design'd
,
could
be
made
out
.
But
this
Push
failing
,
there
were
immediately
started
some
terrible
Insinuations
,
that
the
Person
of
his
Majesty
was
represented
under
that
of
Henry
the
Third
;
which
if
they
could
have
found
out
,
would
have
concluded
,
perchance
,
not
only
in
the
stopping
of
the
Play
,
but
in
the
hanging
up
of
the
Poets
.
But
so
it
was
,
that
his
Majesty's
Wisdom
and
Justice
,
acquitted
both
the
One
,
and
the
Other
;
and
when
the
Play
it self
was
almost
forgotten
,
there
were
Orders
given
for
the
Acting
of
it
.
This
is
Matter
of
Fact
;
and
I
have
the
Honour
of
so
Great
Witnesses
to
the
truth
of
what
I
have
deliver'd
,
that
it
will
need
no
other
Appeal
.
As
to
the
Exposing
of
any
Person
living
,
our
innocency
is
so
clear
,
that
it
is
almost
unnecessary
to
say
,
It
was
not
in
my
Thought
;
and
as
far
as
any
one
Man
can
vouch
for
another
,
I
do
believe
it
was
as
little
in
Mr.
Lee's
.
And
now
since
some
People
have
been
so
busie
as
to
cast
out
false
and
scandalous
Surmises
,
how
far
we
two
agreed
upon
the
Writing
of
it
,
I
must
do
a
common
Right
both
to
Mr.
Lee
and
my self
,
to
declare
publickly
that
it
was
at
his
earnest
Desire
,
without
any
Solicitation
of
mine
,
that
this
Play
was
produced
betwixt
us
.
After
the
writing
of
Oedipus
,
I
pass'd
a
Promise
to
joyn
with
him
in
another
;
and
he
happen'd
to
claim
the
performance
of
that
Promise
,
just
upon
the
finishing
of
a
Poem
,
when
I
would
have
been
glad
of
a
little
respite
before
the
undertaking
of
a
second
Task
.
The
Person
that
pass'd
betwixt
us
,
knows
this
to
be
true
;
and
Mr.
Lee
himself
,
I
am
sure
,
will
not
disown
it
:
So
that
I
did
not
[
seduce
him
to
joyn
with
me
]
as
the
malicious
Authors
of
the
Reflections
are
pleas'd
to
call
it
;
but
Mr.
Lee's
Loyalty
is
above
so
ridiculous
a
Slander
.
I
know
very
well
,
that
the
Town
did
ignorantly
call
and
take
this
to
be
my
Play
;
but
I
shall
not
arrogate
to
my self
the
Merits
of
my
Friend
.
Two
thirds
of
it
belong'd
to
him
;
and
then
to
me
only
the
First
Scene
of
the
Play
;
the
whole
Fourth
Act
,
and
the
first
half
,
or
somewhat
more
of
the
Fifth
.
The
Pamphleteers
,
I
know
,
do
very
boldly
insinuate
,
that
before
the
Acting
of
it
,
I
took
the
whole
Play
to
my self
,
but
finding
afterwards
how
ill
success
it
had
upon
the
Stage
,
I
threw
as
much
of
it
as
possibly
I
could
upon
my
Fellow
.
Now
here
are
three
damn'd
Lyes
crowded
together
into
a
very
little
room
:
First
,
That
I
assum'd
any
part
of
it
to
my
self
,
which
I
had
not
written
;
wherein
I
appeal
,
not
only
to
my
particular
Acquaintance
,
but
to
the
whole
Company
of
Actors
,
who
will
witness
for
me
,
that
in
all
the
Rehearsals
,
I
never
pretended
to
any
one
Scene
of
Mr.
Lee's
,
but
did
him
all
imaginable
Right
,
in
his
title
to
the
greater
part
of
it
.
I
hope
,
I
may
,
without
Vanity
,
affirm
to
the
World
,
that
I
never
stood
in
need
of
borrowing
another
mans
Reputation
;
and
I
have
been
as
little
guilty
of
the
Injustice
,
of
laying
claim
to
any
thing
which
was
not
my
own
.
Nay
,
I
durst
almost
refer
my self
to
some
of
the
angry
Poets
on
the
other
side
,
whether
I
have
not
rather
countenanc'd
and
assisted
their
Beginnings
,
than
hinder'd
them
from
Rising
.
The
two
other
Falsities
are
,
the
ill
success
of
the
Play
,
and
my
disowning
it
.
The
former
is
manifestly
without
Foundation
;
for
it
succeeded
beyond
my
very
hopes
,
having
been
frequently
Acted
,
and
never
without
a
considerable
Audience
:
And
then
't
is
a
thousand
to
one
,
that
having
no
ground
,
to
disown
it
,
I
did
not
disown
it
;
but
the
Vniverse
to
a
Nut-shell
that
I
did
not
disown
it
for
want
of
success
,
when
it
succeeded
so
much
beyond
my
Expectation
.
But
my
malignant
Adversaries
are
the
more
excusable
,
for
this
course
method
of
breaking
in
upon
Truth
and
good
Manners
,
because
it
is
the
only
way
they
have
to
gratifie
the
Genius
and
the
Interest
of
the
Faction
together
;
and
never
so
much
pains
taken
neither
,
to
so
very
,
very
little
purpose
.
They
decry
the
Play
,
but
in
such
a
manner
,
that
it
has
the
Effect
of
a
Recommendation
.
They
call
it
a
dull
Entertainment
;
and
that
's
a
dangerous
word
,
I
must
confess
,
from
one
of
the
greatest
Masters
in
humane
Nature
,
of
that
Faculty
.
Now
I
can
forgive
them
this
Reproach
too
,
after
all
the
rest
:
For
this
Play
does
openly
discover
the
Original
and
Root
of
the
Practices
and
Principles
,
both
of
their
Party
and
Cause
;
and
they
are
so
well
acquainted
with
all
the
Trains
and
Mazes
of
Rebellion
,
that
there
's
nothing
new
to
them
in
the
whole
History
.
Or
what
if
it
were
a
little
insipid
,
there
was
no
Conjuring
that
I
remember
in
Pope
Joan
:
And
the
Lancashire
Witches
were
without
doubt
,
the
most
insipid
Jades
that
ever
flew
upon
a
Stage
;
and
yet
even
These
by
the
favour
of
a
Party
made
a
shift
to
hold
up
their
heads
.
Now
if
we
have
out-done
these
Plays
in
their
own
dull
way
,
their
Authors
have
some
sort
of
priviledge
to
throw
the
first
stone
:
But
we
shall
rather
choose
to
yield
the
Point
of
Dulness
,
than
contend
for
it
,
against
so
indisputable
a
Claim
.
But
Matters
of
State
(
it
seems
)
are
canvassed
on
the
Stage
,
and
things
of
the
Gravest
Concernment
there
managed
:
And
who
were
the
Aggressors
,
I
beseech
you
but
a
few
factious
,
popular
Hirelings
,
that
by
tampering
the
Theatres
,
and
by
poysoning
the
People
,
made
a
Play-house
more
Seditious
than
a
Conventicle
:
So
that
the
Loyal
Party
crave
only
the
same
freedom
of
defending
the
Government
,
which
the
other
took
before-hand
of
exposing
and
defaming
it
.
There
was
no
complaint
of
any
Disorders
of
the
Stage
in
the
Bussle
,
that
was
made
(
even
to
the
forming
of
a
Party
)
to
uphold
a
Farce
of
Theirs
.
Upon
the
First
day
,
the
whole
Faction
(
in
a
manner
)
appeared
;
but
after
One
sight
of
it
,
they
sent
their
Proxies
of
Serving-men
and
Porters
to
Clap
in
the
Right
of
their
Patrons
:
And
it
was
impossible
ever
to
have
gotten
off
the
Nonsence
of
three
hours
for
Half
a
Crown
,
but
for
the
Providence
of
so
Congruous
an
Audience
.
Thus
far
,
I
presume
,
the
Reckoning
is
even
,
for
Bad
Plays
,
on
Both
Sides
;
and
for
Plays
written
for
a
Party
.
I
shall
say
nothing
of
their
Poets
Affection
to
the
Government
,
unless
upon
an
absolute
and
an
odious
necessity
.
But
to
return
to
the
Pretended
Parallel
.
I
have
said
enough
already
to
convince
any
man
of
common
sense
,
That
there
neither
was
,
nor
could
be
any
Parallel
intended
:
And
it
will
farther
appear
,
from
the
nature
of
the
Subject
;
there
being
no
Relation
betwixt
Henry
the
Third
and
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
except
that
of
the
Kings
marrying
into
the
Family
of
Lorrain
.
If
a
Comparison
had
been
design'd
,
how
easie
had
it
been
either
to
have
found
a
Story
,
or
to
have
invented
one
,
where
the
tyes
of
nature
had
been
nearer
?
If
we
consider
their
Actions
or
their
Persons
,
a
much
less
proportion
will
be
yet
found
betwixt
them
:
and
if
we
bate
the
Popularity
,
perhaps
none
at
all
.
If
we
consider
them
in
reference
to
their
Parties
;
the
One
was
manifestly
the
Leader
,
the
Other
,
at
the
worst
,
is
but
misled
.
The
Designs
of
the
One
tended
openly
to
Vsurpation
:
those
of
the
Other
may
yet
be
interpreted
more
fairly
;
and
I
hope
from
the
natural
candour
and
probity
of
his
temper
,
that
it
will
come
to
a
perfect
submission
and
reconcilement
at
last
.
But
that
which
perfectly
destroys
this
pretended
Parallel
,
is
that
our
Picture
of
the
Duke
of
Guise
is
exactly
according
to
the
Original
in
the
History
;
his
Actions
,
his
Manners
;
nay
,
sometimes
his
very
Words
,
are
so
justly
copied
,
that
whoever
has
read
him
in
Davila
,
sees
him
the
same
here
.
There
is
no
going
out
of
the
way
,
no
dash
of
a
Pen
to
make
any
By-feature
resemble
him
to
any
other
Man
:
and
indeed
,
excepting
his
Ambition
,
there
was
not
in
France
,
or
perhaps
in
any
other
Country
,
any
man
of
his
Age
vain
enough
to
hope
he
cou'd
be
mistaken
for
him
.
So
that
if
we
Wou'd
have
made
a
Parallel
,
we
Cou'd
not
.
And
yet
I
fancy
,
that
where
I
make
it
my
business
to
draw
Likeness
,
It
will
be
no
hard
matter
to
judg
who
sate
for
the
Picture
.
For
the
Duke
of
Guises
return
to
Paris
contrary
to
the
Kings
Order
,
enough
already
has
been
said
;
'T
was
too
considerable
in
the
Story
to
be
omitted
,
because
it
occasion'd
the
mischiefs
that
ensued
:
But
in
this
likeness
which
was
only
Casual
,
no
danger
follow'd
.
I
am
confident
there
was
none
intended
;
and
am
satisfied
that
none
was
fear'd
.
But
the
Argument
drawn
from
our
evident
design
is
yet
,
if
possible
,
more
convincing
.
The
first
words
of
the
Prologue
spake
the
Play
to
be
a
Parallel
,
and
then
you
are
immediately
inform'd
how
far
that
Parallel
extended
,
and
of
what
it
is
so
.
The
Holy
League
begot
the
Covenant
,
Guisards
got
the
Whig
,
&c.
So
then
it
is
not
,
(
as
the
sharling
Authors
of
the
Reflections
tell
you
)
a
Parallel
of
the
Men
,
but
of
the
Times
.
A
Parallel
of
the
Factions
,
and
of
the
Leaguers
.
And
every
one
knows
that
this
Prologue
was
written
before
the
stopping
of
the
Play
.
Neither
was
the
name
alter'd
on
any
such
account
as
they
insinuate
,
but
laid
aside
long
before
,
because
a
Book
call'd
the
Parallel
had
been
printed
,
resembling
the
French
League
,
to
the
English
Covenant
;
and
therefore
we
thought
it
not
convenient
to
make
use
of
another
mans
Title
.
The
chief
person
in
the
Tragedy
,
or
He
whose
disasters
are
the
Subject
of
it
,
may
in
reason
give
the
Name
;
and
so
it
was
call'd
the
Duke
of
Guise
.
Our
intention
therefore
was
to
make
the
Play
a
Parallel
,
betwixt
the
Holy
League
plotted
by
the
House
of
Guise
and
its
Adhaerents
,
with
the
Covenant
plotted
by
the
Rebels
in
the
time
of
King
Charles
the
First
,
and
those
of
the
new
Association
,
which
was
the
Spawn
of
the
old
Covenant
.
But
This
Parallel
is
plain
,
that
the
Exclusion
of
the
Lawful
Heir
was
the
main
design
of
Both
Parties
:
and
that
the
endeavours
to
get
the
Lieutenancy
of
France
established
on
the
Head
of
the
League
,
is
in
effect
the
same
with
offering
to
get
the
Militia
out
of
the
Kings
hands
(
as
declar'd
by
Parliament
)
and
consequently
that
the
power
of
Peace
and
War
should
be
wholly
in
the
People
.
'T
is
also
true
that
the
Tumults
in
the
City
,
in
the
choice
of
their
Officers
have
had
no
small
resemblance
with
a
Parisian
Rabble
.
And
I
am
afraid
that
both
Their
Faction
and
Ours
had
the
same
Good
Lord
.
I
believe
also
that
if
Julian
had
been
written
and
calculated
for
the
Parisians
,
as
it
was
for
our
Sectaries
,
one
of
their
Sheriffs
might
have
mistaken
too
,
and
call'd
him
Julian
the
Apostle
.
I
suppose
I
need
not
push
this
Point
any
further
,
where
the
Parallel
was
intended
,
I
am
certain
it
will
reach
:
But
a
larger
account
of
the
Proceedings
in
the
City
may
be
expected
from
a
better
hand
,
and
I
have
no
reason
to
forestall
it
.
In
the
mean
time
,
because
there
has
been
no
Actual
Rebellion
,
the
Faction
triumph
in
their
Loyalty
;
which
if
it
were
out
of
Principle
,
all
our
divisions
would
soon
be
ended
,
and
we
the
happy
People
,
which
God
and
the
Constitution
of
our
Government
have
put
us
in
condition
to
be
:
but
so
long
as
they
take
it
for
a
Maxim
,
that
the
King
is
but
an
Officer
in
Trust
,
that
the
People
,
or
their
Representatives
are
superiour
to
him
,
Judges
of
Miscarriages
,
and
have
power
of
Revocation
,
't
is
a
plain
case
,
that
when
ever
they
please
they
may
take
up
arms
;
and
,
according
to
Their
Doctrine
,
lawfully
too
.
Let
them
joyntly
renounce
this
one
opinion
,
as
in
Conscience
and
Law
they
are
bound
to
do
,
because
both
Scripture
and
Acts
of
Parliament
oblige
them
to
it
,
and
we
will
then
thank
their
Obedience
for
our
quiet
,
whereas
now
we
are
only
beholding
to
them
for
their
Fear
.
The
miseries
of
the
last
War
are
yet
too
fresh
in
all
mens
memory
:
and
they
are
not
Rebels
only
because
they
have
been
so
too
lately
.
An
Author
of
theirs
has
told
us
roundly
the
West-Country
Proverb
;
Chad
eat
more
Cheese
and
chad
it
:
Their
Stomach
is
as
good
as
ever
it
was
;
but
the
mischief
on
't
is
,
they
are
either
Muzled
or
want
their
Teeth
.
If
there
were
as
many
Fanatiques
now
in
England
,
as
there
were
Christians
in
the
Empire
,
when
Julian
reign'd
,
I
doubt
we
should
not
find
them
much
enclin'd
to
passive
obedience
;
and
Curse
ye
Meroz
wou'd
be
oftner
preach'd
upon
,
than
Give
to
Caesar
,
except
in
the
sense
Mr.
Hunt
means
it
.
Having
clearly
shown
wherein
the
Parallel
consisted
,
which
no
man
can
mistake
,
who
does
not
wilfully
;
I
need
not
justifie
my self
,
in
what
concerns
the
sacred
Person
of
his
Majesty
.
Neither
the
French
History
,
nor
our
own
could
have
supplied
me
,
nor
Plutarch
himself
,
were
he
now
alive
,
could
have
found
a
Greek
or
Roman
to
have
compared
to
him
,
in
that
eminent
vertue
of
his
Clemency
;
even
his
enemies
must
acknowledge
it
to
be
Superlative
,
because
they
live
by
it
.
Far
be
it
from
flattery
,
if
I
say
,
that
there
is
nothing
under
Heaven
,
which
can
furnish
me
with
a
Parallel
;
and
that
in
his
Mercy
,
he
is
of
all
men
the
Truest
Image
of
his
Maker
.
Henry
the
Third
was
a
Prince
of
a
mix'd
Character
;
he
had
,
as
an
old
Historian
says
of
another
,
Magnas
virtutes
,
nec
minora
vitia
:
but
amongst
those
vertues
,
I
do
not
find
his
forgiving
qualities
to
be
much
celebrated
.
That
he
was
deeply
engag'd
in
the
bloody
Massacre
of
St.
Bartholomew
,
is
notoriously
known
:
and
if
the
relation
printed
in
the
Memoires
of
Villeroy
be
true
,
he
confesses
there
that
the
Admiral
having
brought
him
and
the
Queen
Mother
into
suspition
with
his
Brother
then
reigning
,
for
endeavouring
to
lessen
his
Authority
,
and
draw
it
to
themselves
,
he
first
design'd
his
Accusers
death
by
Maurevel
,
who
shot
him
with
a
Carabine
,
but
fail'd
to
kill
him
;
after
which
,
he
push'd
on
the
King
to
that
dreadful
Revenge
,
which
immediately
succeeded
.
'T
is
true
,
the
Provocations
were
high
,
there
had
been
reiterated
Rebellions
,
but
a
Peace
was
now
concluded
;
it
was
solemnly
Sworn
to
by
both
Parties
,
and
as
great
an
assurance
of
Safety
,
given
to
the
Protestants
,
as
the
Word
of
a
King
and
Publick
Instruments
could
make
it
.
Therefore
the
Punishment
was
execrable
,
and
it
pleas'd
God
,
(
if
we
may
dare
to
judge
of
his
secret
Providence
)
to
cut
off
that
King
in
the
very
flower
of
his
Youth
,
to
blast
his
Successor
in
his
Undertakings
,
to
raise
against
him
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
the
Complotter
and
Executioner
of
that
inhumane
Action
(
who
by
the
Divine
Justice
,
fell
afterwards
into
the
same
snare
which
he
had
laid
for
others
)
and
finally
,
to
dye
a
violent
Death
himself
;
murder'd
by
a
Priest
,
an
Enthusiast
of
his
own
Religion
.
From
these
Premisses
,
let
it
be
concluded
.
if
reasonably
it
can
,
that
we
could
draw
a
Parallel
,
where
the
lines
were
so
diametrically
opposite
.
We
were
indeed
obliged
by
the
Laws
of
Poetry
,
to
cast
into
Shadows
the
vices
of
this
Prince
;
for
an
Excellent
Critique
has
lately
told
us
,
that
when
a
KING
is
nam'd
,
a
HEROE
is
suppos'd
:
'T
is
a
reverence
due
to
Majesty
,
to
make
the
Vertues
as
conspicuous
,
and
the
Vices
as
obscure
as
we
can
possibly
.
And
this
we
own
,
we
have
either
perform'd
,
or
at
least
endeavour'd
.
But
if
we
were
more
favourable
to
that
Character
than
the
exactness
of
History
would
allow
,
we
have
been
far
from
diminishing
a
Greater
,
by
drawing
it
into
comparison
.
You
may
see
through
the
whole
conduct
of
the
Play
,
a
King
naturally
severe
,
and
a
resolution
carried
on
to
revenge
himself
to
the
uttermost
on
the
Rebellious
Conspirators
.
That
this
was
sometimes
shaken
by
reasons
of
policy
and
pity
,
is
confess'd
;
but
it
always
return'd
with
greater
force
,
and
ended
at
last
in
the
ruine
of
his
Enemies
.
In
the
mean
time
,
we
cannot
but
observe
the
wonderful
Loyalty
on
the
other
Side
;
that
the
Play
was
to
be
stopp'd
,
because
the
King
was
represented
.
May
we
have
many
such
proofs
of
their
Duty
and
respect
:
but
there
was
no
occasion
for
them
here
.
'T
is
to
be
suppos'd
,
that
his
Majesty
himself
was
made
acquainted
with
this
objection
;
if
he
were
so
,
he
was
the
supream
and
only
Judg
of
it
;
and
then
the
Event
justifies
us
:
If
it
were
inspected
only
by
those
whom
he
commanded
,
't
is
hard
if
his
own
Officers
and
Servants
should
not
see
as
much
ill
in
it
as
other
men
,
and
be
as
willing
to
prevent
it
;
especially
when
there
was
no
sollicitation
us'd
to
have
it
acted
.
'T
is
known
that
noble
person
to
whom
it
was
referr'd
,
is
a
severe
Critique
on
good
Sense
,
Decency
,
and
Morality
;
and
I
can
assure
the
World
,
that
the
Rules
of
Horace
are
more
familiar
to
him
,
than
they
are
to
me
.
He
remembers
too
well
that
the
vetus
Comaedia
was
banish'd
from
the
Athenian
Theatre
for
its
too
much
licence
in
representing
persons
,
and
would
never
have
pardon'd
it
in
this
or
any
Play
.
What
opinion
Henry
the
Third
had
of
his
Successor
,
is
evident
from
the
words
he
spoke
upon
his
Death-bed
:
He
exhorted
the
Nobility
(
says
Davila
)
to
acknowledge
the
King
of
Navarre
,
to
whom
the
Kingdom
of
right
belong'd
;
and
that
they
should
not
stick
at
the
difference
of
Religion
:
for
both
the
King
of
Navarre
,
a
man
of
a
sincere
noble
nature
,
would
in
the
end
return
into
the
bosom
of
the
Church
,
and
the
Pope
being
better
inform'd
,
would
receive
him
into
his
favour
to
prevent
the
ruine
of
the
whole
Kingdom
.
I
hope
I
shall
not
need
in
this
Quotation
to
defend
my self
.
as
if
it
were
my
opinion
,
that
the
Pope
has
any
right
to
dispose
of
Kingdoms
:
my
meaning
is
evident
,
that
the
Kings
judgment
of
his
Brother-in-law
,
was
the
same
which
I
have
copied
:
and
I
must
farther
add
from
Davila
,
that
the
Arguments
I
have
used
in
defence
of
that
Succession
,
were
chiefly
drawn
from
the
King's
answer
to
the
Deputies
,
as
they
may
be
seen
more
at
large
in
page
730.
and
731.
of
the
first
Edition
of
that
History
in
English
:
There
the
three
Estates
,
to
the
wonder
of
all
men
joyntly
concurr'd
in
cutting
off
the
Succession
;
the
Clergy
,
who
were
manag'd
by
the
Arch-bishop
of
Lyons
,
and
Cardinal
of
Guise
,
were
the
first
who
promoted
it
;
and
the
Commons
and
Nobility
afterwards
consented
,
as
referring
themselves
(
says
our
Author
)
to
the
Clergy
;
so
that
there
was
only
the
King
to
stand
in
the
Gap
;
and
he
by
artifice
diverted
that
Storm
which
was
breaking
upon
Posterity
.
The
Crown
was
then
reduced
to
the
lowest
Ebb
of
its
Authority
;
and
the
King
,
in
a
manner
,
stood
single
,
and
yet
preserv'd
his
Negative
entire
:
but
if
the
Clergy
and
Nobility
had
been
on
his
part
of
the
Ballance
,
it
might
reasonably
be
suppos'd
,
that
the
meeting
of
those
Estates
at
Blois
,
had
heal'd
the
breaches
of
the
Nation
;
and
not
forc'd
him
to
the
ratio
ultima
Regum
,
which
is
never
to
be
prais'd
,
nor
is
it
here
,
but
only
excus'd
as
the
last
result
of
his
necessity
.
As
for
the
Parallel
betwixt
the
King
of
Navarre
,
and
any
other
Prince
now
living
,
what
likeness
the
God
of
Nature
,
and
the
descent
of
Vertues
in
the
same
channel
have
produced
,
is
evident
;
I
have
only
to
say
that
the
Nation
certainly
is
happy
where
the
Royal
Vertues
of
the
Progenitors
are
deriv'd
on
their
Descendants
.
In
that
Scene
,
't
is
true
,
there
is
but
one
of
the
Three
Estates
mention'd
;
but
the
Other
two
are
virtually
included
;
for
the
Arch-bishop
and
Cardinal
are
at
the
head
of
the
Deputies
:
and
that
the
rest
are
mute
persons
,
every
Critique
understands
the
reason
,
ne
quarta
loqui
persona
laboboret
;
I
am
never
willing
to
cumber
the
Stage
with
many
Speakers
,
when
I
can
reasonably
avoid
it
;
as
here
I
might
.
And
what
if
I
had
a
mind
to
pass
over
the
Clergy
and
Nobility
of
France
in
silence
,
and
to
excuse
them
from
joyning
in
so
illegal
and
so
ungodly
a
Decree
?
Am
I
ty'd
in
Poetry
,
to
the
strict
rules
of
History
?
I
have
follow'd
it
in
this
Play
more
closely
,
than
suited
with
the
Laws
of
the
Drama
,
and
a
great
Victory
they
will
have
,
who
shall
discover
to
the
World
this
wonderful
Secret
,
that
I
have
not
observ'd
the
Unities
of
place
and
time
;
but
are
they
better
kept
in
the
Farce
of
the
Libertine
destroy'd
?
'T
was
our
common
business
here
to
draw
the
Parallel
of
the
Times
,
and
not
to
make
an
Exact
Tragedy
:
For
this
once
we
were
resolv'd
to
erre
with
honest
Shakespear
:
neither
can
Catiline
or
Sejanus
,
(
written
by
the
great
Master
of
our
Art
)
stand
excus'd
any
more
than
we
,
from
this
exception
:
but
if
we
must
be
criticis'd
,
some
Plays
of
our
Adversaries
may
be
expos'd
,
and
let
them
reckon
their
gains
when
the
dispute
is
ended
.
I
am
accus'd
of
ignorance
,
for
speaking
of
the
Third
Estate
,
as
not
sitting
in
the
same
House
with
the
other
two
:
Let
not
those
Gentlemen
mistake
themselves
,
there
are
many
things
in
Plays
to
be
accommodated
to
the
Country
in
which
we
live
;
I
spoke
to
the
understanding
of
an
English
Audience
;
Our
three
Estates
now
sit
,
and
have
long
done
so
in
Two
Houses
;
but
our
Records
bear
witness
,
that
they
,
according
to
the
French
Custom
,
have
sate
in
one
;
that
is
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
within
the
Barr
,
and
the
Commons
without
it
.
If
that
Custom
had
been
still
continued
here
,
it
should
have
been
so
represented
;
but
being
otherwise
,
I
was
forc'd
to
write
so
as
to
be
understood
by
our
own
Country-men
.
If
these
be
Errours
,
a
Bigger
Poet
than
either
of
us
two
has
fallen
into
greater
,
and
the
Proofs
are
ready
,
whenever
the
Suit
shall
be
recommenc'd
.
Mr.
Hunt
,
the
Jehu
of
the
Party
,
begins
very
furiously
with
me
,
and
says
I
have
already
condemn'd
the
Charter
and
City
,
and
have
executed
the
Magistrates
in
Effigie
upon
the
Stage
,
in
a
Play
call'd
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
frequently
acted
,
and
applauded
,
&c.
Compare
the
latter
end
of
this
Sentence
with
what
the
Two
Authors
of
the
Reflections
,
or
perhaps
the
Associating
Clubb
of
the
Devil-Tavern
write
in
the
beginning
of
their
Libel
.
Never
was
Mountain
deliver'd
of
such
a
Mouse
;
the
fiercest
Tories
have
been
asham'd
to
defend
this
Piece
:
they
who
have
any
sparks
of
wit
among
them
are
so
true
to
their
pleasure
,
that
they
will
not
suffer
dulness
to
pass
upon
them
for
wit
,
nor
tediousness
for
diversion
:
which
is
the
reason
that
this
Piece
has
not
met
with
the
expected
applause
:
I
never
saw
a
Play
more
deficient
in
Wit
,
good
Characters
or
Entertainment
,
than
this
is
.
For
shame
,
Gentlemen
,
pack
your
Evidence
a
little
better
against
another
time
:
You
see
,
My
Lord
Chief
Baron
,
has
delivered
his
Opinion
,
that
the
Play
was
frequently
acted
and
applauded
;
but
you
of
the
Jury
,
have
found
Ignoramus
,
on
the
Wit
and
the
Success
of
it
.
Oates
,
Dugdale
and
Turbervile
,
never
disagreed
more
than
you
do
;
let
us
know
at
last
,
which
of
the
Witnesses
are
true
Protestants
,
and
which
are
Irish
.
But
it
seems
your
Authors
had
contrary
Designs
:
Mr.
Hunt
thought
fit
to
say
,
it
was
frequently
acted
and
applauded
,
because
,
says
he
,
it
was
intended
to
provoke
the
Rabble
into
Tumults
and
Disorder
.
Now
if
it
were
not
seen
frequently
,
this
Argument
would
lose
somewhat
of
its
force
;
the
Reflectors
business
went
another
way
,
it
was
to
be
allow'd
no
Reputation
,
no
Success
,
but
to
be
damn'd
Root
and
Branch
,
to
prevent
the
Prejudice
it
might
do
their
Party
;
accordingly
,
as
much
as
in
them
lay
,
they
have
drawn
a
Bill
of
Exclusion
for
it
on
the
Stage
;
But
what
Rabble
was
it
to
provoke
?
Are
the
Audience
of
a
Play-house
(
which
are
generally
Persons
of
Honour
,
Noblemen
and
Ladies
,
or
at
worst
,
as
one
of
your
Authors
calls
his
Gallants
,
Men
of
Wit
and
Pleasure
about
the
Town
)
are
these
the
Rabble
of
Mr.
Hunt
?
I
have
seen
a
Rabble
at
Sir
Edmundbury
Godfreys
Night
,
and
have
heard
of
such
a
name
,
at
true
Protestant
Meeting-houses
;
but
a
Rabble
is
not
to
be
provoked
,
where
it
never
comes
.
Indeed
,
we
had
one
in
this
Tragedy
,
but
it
was
upon
the
Stage
;
and
that
's
the
Reason
,
why
your
Reflectors
would
break
the
Glass
,
which
has
shewed
them
their
own
Faces
.
The
business
of
the
Theatre
,
is
to
expose
Vice
and
Folly
;
to
disswade
men
by
Examples
from
one
,
and
to
shame
them
out
of
the
other
.
And
however
you
may
pervert
our
good
intentions
,
it
was
here
particularly
to
reduce
men
to
Loyalty
,
by
shewing
the
pernicious
consequences
of
Rebellion
,
and
Popular
Insurrections
.
I
believe
no
man
,
who
loves
the
Government
,
would
be
glad
,
to
see
the
Rabble
in
such
a
posture
,
as
they
were
represented
in
our
Play
:
But
if
the
Tragedy
had
ended
,
on
your
side
,
the
Play
had
been
a
Loyal
Witty
Poem
,
the
Success
of
it
,
should
have
been
recorded
by
immortal
Og
or
Doeg
,
and
the
Rabble
Scene
,
should
have
been
true
Protestant
,
though
a
Whig
Devil
were
at
the
Head
of
it
.
In
the
mean
time
,
pray
,
where
lies
the
Relation
,
betwixt
the
Tragedy
of
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
and
the
Charter
of
London
?
Mr.
Hunt
has
found
a
rare
connexion
,
for
he
tacks
them
together
,
by
the
kicking
of
the
Sheriffs
:
That
Chain
of
thought
was
a
little
ominous
,
for
something
like
a
kicking
,
has
succeeded
the
Printing
of
his
Book
;
and
the
Charter
of
London
was
the
Quarrel
.
For
my
part
,
I
have
not
Law
enough
to
state
that
question
,
much
less
decide
it
;
let
the
Charter
shift
for
it self
in
Westminster
Hall
,
the
Government
is
somewhat
wiser
,
than
to
imploy
my
ignorance
on
such
a
Subject
;
my
promise
to
honest
Nat.
Lee
,
was
the
only
Bribe
I
had
,
to
ingage
me
in
this
trouble
;
for
which
,
he
has
the
good
fortune
to
escape
Scot-free
,
and
I
am
left
in
pawn
for
the
Reckoning
,
who
had
the
least
share
in
the
Entertainment
.
But
the
Rising
,
it
seems
,
should
have
been
on
the
true
Protestants
side
,
for
he
has
tryed
,
says
ingenious
Mr.
Hunt
,
what
he
could
do
,
towards
making
the
Charter
forfeitable
,
by
some
Extravagancy
and
Disorder
of
the
People
.
A
wise
man
I
had
been
doubtless
for
my
pains
,
to
raise
the
Rabble
to
a
Tumult
,
where
I
had
been
certainly
,
one
of
the
first
men
,
whom
they
had
limn'd
or
drag'd
to
the
next
convenient
Sign-Post
.
But
on
second
thought
,
he
says
,
this
ought
not
to
move
the
Citizens
:
he
is
much
in
the
right
;
for
the
Rabble
Scene
was
written
on
purpose
,
to
keep
his
Party
of
them
in
the
bounds
of
Duty
.
'T
is
the
business
of
factious
men
to
stir
up
the
Populace
:
Sir
Edmond
on
Horseback
,
attended
by
a
Swindging
Pope
in
Effigie
,
and
forty
thousand
true
Protestants
for
his
Guard
to
Execution
,
are
a
Show
more
proper
for
that
design
,
than
a
thou
sand
Stage-Plays
.
Well
,
he
has
fortified
his
Opinion
with
a
Reason
,
however
,
why
the
People
should
not
be
moved
;
because
I
have
so
maliciously
and
mischievously
represented
the
King
,
and
the
Kings
Son
;
nay
,
and
his
Favourite
(
saith
he
)
the
Duke
too
;
to
whom
I
give
the
worst
strokes
of
my
unlucky
Fancy
.
This
need
not
be
answered
,
for
't
is
already
manifest
,
that
neither
the
King
,
nor
the
Kings
Son
are
represented
,
neither
that
Son
,
he
means
,
nor
any
of
the
rest
,
God
bless
them
all
.
What
strokes
of
my
unlucky
Fancy
,
I
have
given
to
his
Royal
Highness
,
will
be
seen
,
and
it
will
be
seen
also
,
who
strikes
him
worst
and
most
unluckily
.
The
Duke
of
Guise
,
he
tells
us
,
ought
to
have
represented
a
great
Prince
,
that
had
inserv'd
to
some
most
detestable
Villany
,
to
please
the
Rage
or
Lust
of
a
Tyrant
;
such
great
Courtiers
have
been
often
sacrificed
,
to
appease
the
Furies
of
the
Tyrants
guilty
Conscience
;
to
expiate
for
his
Sin
,
and
to
attone
the
People
.
For
a
Tyrant
naturally
stands
in
fear
of
such
wicked
Ministers
,
is
obnoxious
to
them
,
aw'd
by
them
,
and
they
drag
him
to
greater
evils
,
for
their
own
impunity
,
than
they
perpetrated
for
his
Pleasure
,
and
their
own
Ambition
.
Sure
,
he
said
not
all
this
for
nothing
,
I
would
know
of
him
,
on
what
persons
he
would
fix
the
Sting
of
this
sharp
Satyr
?
What
two
they
are
,
whom
,
to
use
his
own
Words
,
he
so
maliciously
and
mischievously
would
represent
?
For
my
part
,
I
dare
not
understand
the
villany
of
his
meaning
;
but
some
body
was
to
have
been
shown
a
Tyrant
,
and
some
other
a
great
Prince
,
inserving
to
some
detestable
Villany
,
and
to
that
Tyrants
Rage
and
Lust
;
this
great
Prince
or
Courtier
ought
to
be
sacrificed
,
to
attone
the
People
,
and
the
Tyrant
is
perswaded
,
for
his
own
interest
,
to
give
him
up
to
publick
Justice
.
I
say
no
more
,
but
that
he
has
studied
the
Law
to
good
purpose
.
He
is
dancing
on
the
Rope
without
a
Metaphor
,
his
knowledge
of
the
Law
is
the
Staff
that
poizes
him
,
and
saves
his
Neck
.
The
Party
indeed
speaks
out
sometimes
,
for
wickedness
is
not
always
so
wise
,
as
to
be
secret
,
especially
when
it
is
driven
to
despair
.
By
some
of
their
Discourses
,
we
may
guess
at
whom
he
points
;
but
he
has
fenc'd
himself
in
with
so
many
Evasions
,
that
he
is
safe
in
his
Sacriledge
;
and
he
who
dares
to
answer
him
,
may
become
obnoxious
.
'T
is
true
,
he
breaks
a
little
out
of
the
Clouds
,
within
two
Paragraphs
;
for
there
he
tells
you
,
that
Caius
Caesar
(
to
give
unto
Caesar
,
the
things
that
are
Caesars
)
was
in
the
Catiline
Conspiracy
;
a
fine
insinuation
this
,
to
be
sneer'd
at
by
his
Party
,
and
yet
not
to
be
taken
hold
of
by
publick
Justice
:
They
would
be
glad
now
,
that
I
or
any
man
,
should
bolt
out
their
Covert
Treason
for
them
:
for
their
loop
hole
is
ready
,
that
the
Caesar
here
spoken
of
,
was
a
private
man
.
But
the
application
of
the
Text
,
declares
the
Authors
to
be
another
Caesar
,
which
is
so
black
and
so
infamous
an
aspersion
,
that
nothing
less
than
the
highest
clemency
can
leave
it
unpunish'd
.
I
cou'd
reflect
on
his
ignorance
in
this
place
,
for
attributing
these
words
to
Caesar
,
he
that
is
not
with
us
,
is
against
us
:
He
seems
to
have
mistaken
them
,
out
of
the
New
Testament
,
and
that
's
the
best
defence
I
can
make
for
him
;
for
if
he
did
it
knowingly
,
't
was
impiously
done
,
to
put
our
Saviours
words
into
Caesar's
mouth
.
But
His
Law
and
Our
Gospel
,
are
two
things
;
this
Gentleman's
Knowledge
is
not
of
the
Bible
,
any
more
than
his
Practice
is
according
to
it
.
He
tells
you
,
he
will
give
the
world
a
tast
of
my
Atheism
and
Impiety
;
for
which
he
quotes
these
following
Verses
,
in
the
second
or
third
Act
of
the
Duke
of
Guise
.
For
Conscience
or
Heavens
fear
,
religious
Rules
Are
all
State-bells
to
toll
in
pious
Fools
.
In
the
first
place
,
he
is
mistaken
in
his
Man
,
for
the
Verses
are
not
mine
,
but
Mr.
Lees
:
I
ask'd
him
concerning
them
,
and
have
this
account
,
that
they
were
spoken
by
the
Devil
;
now
,
what
can
either
Whig
or
Devil
say
,
more
proper
to
their
Character
,
than
that
Religion
is
only
a
Name
,
a
Stalking
horse
,
as
errant
a
Property
as
Godliness
,
and
Property
themselves
are
amongst
their
Party
?
yet
for
these
two
lines
,
which
in
the
mouth
that
speaks
them
,
are
of
no
offence
,
he
hallooes
on
the
whole
pack
,
against
me
:
Judge
,
Justice
,
Surrogate
,
and
Official
are
to
be
employed
,
at
his
Suit
,
to
direct
Process
,
and
boring
through
the
Tongue
for
Blasphemy
,
is
the
least
Punishment
his
Charity
will
allow
me
.
I
find
't
is
happy
for
me
,
that
he
was
not
made
a
Judge
,
and
yet
I
had
as
lieve
have
him
my
Judge
as
my
Council
,
if
my
Life
were
at
stake
.
My
poor
Lord
Stafford
was
well
helpt
up
with
this
Gentleman
for
his
Solicitor
;
no
doubt
,
he
gave
that
unfortunate
Nobleman
,
most
admirable
advice
toward
the
Saving
of
his
life
;
and
would
have
rejoyc'd
exceedingly
,
to
have
seen
him
clear'd
.
I
think
,
I
have
disprov'd
his
instance
of
my
Atheism
,
it
remains
for
him
,
to
justifie
his
Religion
,
in
putting
the
words
of
Christ
into
a
Heathens
mouth
:
and
much
more
in
his
prophane
allusion
to
the
Scripture
,
in
the
other
Text
;
Give
unto
Caesar
,
the
things
that
are
Caesars
;
which
,
if
it
be
not
a
profanation
of
the
Bible
,
for
the
sake
of
a
silly
Witticism
,
let
all
men
,
but
his
own
Party
judge
.
I
am
not
malicious
enough
to
return
him
the
names
which
he
has
call'd
me
;
but
of
all
sins
,
I
thank
God
,
I
have
always
abhor'd
Atheism
:
and
I
had
need
be
a
better
Christian
than
Mr.
Hunt
has
shown
himself
,
if
I
forgive
him
so
infamous
a
Slander
.
But
as
he
has
mistaken
our
Saviour
for
Julius
Caesar
,
so
he
would
Pompey
too
,
if
he
were
let
alone
:
to
him
,
and
to
his
Cause
,
or
to
the
like
Cause
it
belong'd
,
he
says
,
to
use
these
words
,
he
that
is
not
with
us
is
against
us
.
I
find
he
cares
not
whose
the
Expression
is
,
so
it
be
not
Christs
.
But
how
comes
Pompey
the
Great
to
be
a
Whig
?
He
was
indeed
,
a
Defender
of
the
ancient
establish'd
Roman
Government
;
but
Caesar
was
the
Whig
,
who
took
up
Arms
unlawfully
to
subvert
it
.
Our
Liberties
and
our
Religion
both
are
safe
,
they
are
secur'd
to
us
by
the
Laws
,
and
those
Laws
are
executed
under
an
establish'd
Government
,
by
a
Lawful
King
.
The
Defender
of
our
Faith
,
is
the
Defender
of
our
Common
Freedom
;
to
Cabal
,
to
Write
,
to
Rail
against
this
Administration
,
are
all
Endeavours
to
destroy
the
Government
,
and
to
oppose
the
Succession
in
any
private
man
,
is
a
Treasonable
Pactice
against
the
Foundation
of
it
.
Pompey
very
honourably
maintain'd
the
Liberty
of
his
Country
,
which
was
govern'd
by
a
Common-wealth
:
So
that
there
lies
no
Parallel
betwixt
his
Cause
and
Mr.
Hunts
,
except
in
the
bare
notion
of
a
Common-wealth
,
as
it
is
oppos'd
to
Monarchy
:
and
that
's
the
thing
he
would
obliquely
slur
upon
us
.
Yet
on
these
Premisses
,
he
is
for
ordering
my
Lord
Chief
Justice
,
to
grant
out
Warrants
against
all
those
who
have
applauded
the
Duke
of
Guise
;
as
if
they
committed
a
Riot
when
they
Clapp'd
:
I
suppose
they
paid
for
their
Places
,
as
well
as
he
and
his
Party
did
,
who
Hiss'd
.
If
he
were
not
half
Distracted
,
for
not
being
Lord
Chief
Baron
,
methinks
he
should
be
Lawyer
enough
,
to
advise
my
Lord
Chief
Justice
better
.
To
Clap
and
Hiss
are
the
Priviledges
of
a
Free-born
Subject
in
a
Play-house
:
they
buy
them
with
their
Money
,
and
their
Hands
and
Mouths
are
their
own
Property
:
It
belongs
to
the
Master
of
the
Revels
,
to
see
that
no
Treason
or
Immorality
be
in
the
Play
;
but
when
't
is
acted
,
let
every
man
like
or
dislike
freely
:
not
but
that
respect
should
be
us'd
too
,
in
the
presence
of
the
King
,
for
by
his
Permission
the
Actors
are
allow'd
:
'T
is
due
to
his
Person
,
as
he
is
Sacred
,
and
to
the
Successors
,
as
being
next
related
to
him
:
there
are
opportunities
enow
for
men
to
hiss
,
who
are
so
dispos'd
,
in
their
absence
:
for
when
the
King
is
in
sight
,
though
but
by
accident
,
a
Malefactor
is
repriev'd
from
death
:
Yet
such
is
the
Duty
,
and
good
manners
of
these
good
Subjects
,
that
they
forbore
not
some
rudeness
in
his
Majesties
presence
;
but
when
his
Royal
Highness
and
his
Court
were
only
there
,
they
push'd
it
as
far
as
their
malice
had
power
;
and
if
their
Party
had
been
more
numerous
,
the
Affront
had
been
greater
.
The
next
Paragraph
of
our
Authors
,
is
a
Panegyrique
on
the
Duke
of
Monmouth
,
which
concerns
not
me
,
who
am
very
far
from
detracting
from
him
:
the
Obligations
I
have
had
to
him
,
were
those
,
of
his
Countenance
,
his
Favour
,
his
good
Word
,
and
his
Esteem
;
all
which
I
have
likewise
had
in
a
greater
measure
from
his
excellent
Dutchess
,
the
Patroness
of
my
poor
unworthy
Poetry
.
If
I
had
not
greater
,
the
fault
was
never
in
their
want
of
goodness
to
me
,
but
in
my
own
backwardness
to
ask
,
which
has
allways
,
and
I
believe
will
ever
keep
me
from
rising
in
the
World
.
Let
this
be
enough
,
with
reasonable
men
,
to
clear
me
from
the
imputation
of
an
ungrateful
man
,
with
which
my
enemies
have
most
unjustly
tax'd
me
.
If
I
am
a
mercenary
Scribler
,
the
Lords
Commissioners
of
the
Treasury
best
know
:
I
am
sure
,
they
have
found
me
no
importunate
Solicitor
:
for
I
know
my self
,
I
deserv'd
little
,
and
therefore
have
never
desir'd
much
.
I
return
that
slander
with
just
disdain
on
my
accusers
;
't
is
for
men
who
have
ill
Consciences
to
suspect
others
:
I
am
resolv'd
to
stand
or
fall
with
the
Cause
of
God
,
my
King
and
Country
;
never
to
trouble
my self
for
any
railing
aspersions
which
I
have
not
deserv'd
,
and
to
leave
it
as
a
Portion
to
my
Children
,
that
they
had
a
Father
,
who
durst
do
his
duty
,
and
was
neither
Covetous
nor
Mercenary
.
As
little
am
I
concern'd
at
that
imputation
of
my
back
friends
,
that
I
have
confess'd
my self
to
be
put
on
to
write
as
I
do
:
If
they
mean
this
Play
in
particular
,
that
is
notoriously
prov'd
against
them
to
be
false
:
For
the
rest
of
my
Writings
,
my
hatred
of
their
Practises
and
Principles
,
was
cause
enough
to
expose
them
,
as
I
have
done
,
and
will
do
more
.
I
do
not
think
as
they
do
;
for
if
I
did
,
I
must
think
Treason
:
But
I
must
in
conscence
write
as
I
do
,
because
I
know
,
which
is
more
than
thinking
,
that
I
write
for
a
lawful
establish'd
Government
against
Anarchy
,
Innovation
,
and
Sedition
:
But
these
Lyes
(
as
Prince
Harry
said
to
Falstaffe
)
are
as
gross
as
he
that
made
them
.
More
I
need
not
say
,
for
I
am
accus'd
without
witness
.
I
fear
not
any
of
their
Evidences
;
not
even
him
of
Salamanca
;
who
though
he
has
disown'd
his
Doctorship
in
Spain
,
yet
there
are
some
allow
him
to
have
taken
a
certain
degree
in
Italy
;
a
Climate
they
say
more
proper
for
his
Masculine
Constitution
.
To
conclude
this
ridiculous
Accusation
against
me
,
I
know
but
four
men
in
their
whole
Party
to
whom
I
have
spoken
for
above
this
year
last
past
;
and
with
them
neither
but
casually
and
cursorily
.
We
have
been
acquaintance
of
a
long
standing
,
many
years
before
this
accursed
Plot
divided
men
into
several
Parties
:
I
dare
call
them
to
witness
,
whether
the
most
I
have
at
any
time
said
,
will
amount
to
more
than
this
,
that
I
hop'd
the
time
would
come
when
these
names
of
Whig
and
Tory
would
cease
among
us
;
and
that
we
might
live
together
,
as
we
had
done
formerly
.
I
have
since
this
Pamphet
met
accidentally
with
two
of
them
;
and
I
am
sure
they
are
so
far
from
being
my
Accusers
,
that
they
have
severally
own'd
to
me
,
that
all
men
who
espouse
a
Party
,
must
expect
to
blacken'd
by
the
contrary
Side
:
that
themselves
knew
nothing
of
it
,
nor
of
the
Authors
of
the
Reflections
.
It
remains
therefore
to
be
consider'd
,
whether
,
if
I
were
as
much
a
Knave
as
they
wou'd
make
me
,
I
am
Fool
enough
to
be
guilty
of
this
Charge
:
and
whether
they
who
rais'd
it
,
wou'd
have
made
it
publique
,
if
they
had
thought
I
was
theirs
inwardly
.
For
't
is
plain
they
are
glad
of
worse
Scriblers
than
I
am
,
and
maintain
them
too
,
as
I
could
prove
,
if
I
envy'd
them
their
miserable
subsistance
.
I
say
no
more
,
but
let
my
Actions
speak
for
me
:
spectemur
agendo
,
that
's
the
trial
.
Much
less
am
I
concern'd
at
the
noble
name
of
Bayes
;
that
's
a
Brat
so
like
his
own
Father
,
that
he
cannot
be
mistaken
for
any
other
body
:
they
might
as
reasonably
have
call'd
Tom
Sternhold
,
Virgil
,
and
the
resemblance
would
have
held
as
well
.
As
for
Knave
and
Sycophant
,
and
Rascal
,
and
Impudent
,
and
Devil
,
and
old
Serpent
,
and
a
thousand
such
Good-morrows
,
I
take
them
to
be
only
names
of
Parties
:
And
cou'd
return
Murtherer
and
Cheat
,
and
Whig-napper
,
and
Sodomite
;
and
in
short
the
goodly
number
of
the
seaven
deadly
Sins
,
with
all
their
Kindred
and
Relations
,
which
are
Names
of
Parties
too
;
but
Saints
will
be
Saints
in
spight
of
Villainy
.
I
believe
they
wou'd
pass
themselves
upon
us
for
such
a
Compound
as
Mithridate
,
or
Venice-Treacle
;
as
if
Whiggism
were
an
admirable
Cordial
in
the
Mass
,
though
the
several
Ingredients
are
ranck
Poysons
.
But
if
I
think
either
Mr.
Hunt
a
Villain
,
or
know
any
of
my
Reflectors
to
be
ungrateful
Rogues
,
I
do
not
owe
them
so
much
kindness
as
to
call
them
so
;
for
I
am
satisfied
that
to
prove
them
either
,
would
but
recommend
them
to
their
own
Party
.
Yet
if
some
will
needs
make
a
merit
of
their
infamy
,
and
provoke
a
Legend
of
their
sordid
lives
,
I
think
they
must
be
gratify'd
at
last
;
and
though
I
will
not
take
the
Scavengers
employment
from
him
,
yet
I
may
be
perswaded
to
point
at
some
mens
doors
,
who
have
heaps
of
filth
before
them
.
But
this
must
be
when
they
have
a
little
anger'd
me
;
for
hitherto
I
am
provok'd
no
further
than
to
smile
at
them
.
And
indeed
,
to
look
upon
the
whole
Faction
in
a
lump
,
never
was
a
more
pleasant
sight
than
to
behold
these
builders
of
a
new
Babel
,
how
ridiculously
they
are
mix'd
,
and
what
a
rare
confusion
there
is
amongst
them
.
One
part
of
them
is
carrying
Stone
and
Mortar
for
the
building
of
a
Meeting-house
,
another
sort
understand
not
that
Language
;
they
are
for
snatching
away
their
Work-fellows
materials
to
set
up
a
Bawdy-house
:
some
of
them
blaspheme
,
and
others
pray
;
and
both
I
believe
with
equal
godliness
at
bottom
:
some
of
them
are
Atheists
,
some
Sectaries
,
yet
ALL
True
Protestants
.
Most
of
them
love
all
Whores
,
but
her
of
Babylon
.
In
few
words
,
any
man
may
be
what
he
will
,
so
he
be
one
of
Them
.
'T
is
enough
to
despise
the
King
,
to
hate
the
Duke
,
and
rail
at
the
Succession
:
after
this
't
is
no
matter
how
a
man
lives
;
he
is
a
Saint
by
infection
;
he
goes
along
with
the
Party
,
has
their
mark
upon
him
;
his
wickedness
is
no
more
than
frailty
;
their
righteousness
is
imputed
to
him
:
So
that
as
ignorant
rogues
go
out
Doctors
when
a
Prince
comes
to
an
Vniversity
,
they
hope
at
the
last
day
,
to
take
their
Degree
in
a
Crowd
of
True
Protestants
,
and
thrust
unheeded
into
Heaven
.
'T
is
a
credit
to
be
rayl'd
at
by
such
men
as
these
.
The
Charter-man
in
the
very
Title-page
,
where
he
hangs
out
the
Cloth
of
the
City
before
his
Book
,
gives
it
for
his
Motto
,
Si
populus
vult
deeipi
;
decipiatur
;
as
if
he
shou'd
have
said
,
you
have
a
mind
to
be
couzen'd
,
and
the
Devil
give
you
good
on
't
:
If
I
cry
a
Sirreverence
,
and
you
take
it
for
Honey
,
make
the
best
of
your
bargain
.
For
shame
,
good
Christians
,
can
you
suffer
such
a
man
to
sterve
,
when
you
see
his
design
is
upon
your
Purses
?
He
is
contented
to
expose
the
Ears
representative
of
your
Party
on
a
Pillory
,
and
is
in
a
way
of
doing
you
more
service
than
a
worn
out
Witness
,
who
can
hang
no
body
hereafter
but
himself
.
He
tells
you
the
Papists
clap
their
hands
in
the
hopes
they
conceive
of
the
ruine
of
your
Government
:
does
not
this
single
syllable
YOVR
deserve
a
Pention
,
if
he
can
prove
the
Government
to
be
Yours
,
and
that
the
King
has
nothing
to
do
in
your
Republick
?
he
continues
,
as
if
that
were
as
sure
and
certain
to
Them
,
as
it
is
to
Us
,
without
doubt
,
that
they
(
the
Papists
)
once
fired
the
City
,
just
as
certain
in
your
own
Consciences
.
I
wish
the
Papists
had
no
more
to
answer
for
,
than
that
accusation
:
pray
let
it
be
put
to
the
Vote
,
and
resolv'd
upon
the
question
,
by
your
whole
Party
,
that
the
North-east
Wind
,
is
not
only
ill-affected
to
Man
and
Beast
,
but
is
also
a
Tory
or
Tantivy
Papist
in
Masquerade
.
I
am
satisfy'd
,
not
to
have
so
much
art
left
me
as
to
frame
any
thing
agreeable
,
or
verisimilar
,
but
't
is
plain
that
he
has
,
and
therefore
,
as
I
ought
in
justice
,
I
resign
my
Laurel
,
and
my
Bayes
too
,
to
Mr.
Hunt
;
't
is
he
sets
up
for
the
Poet
now
;
and
has
the
only
art
to
amuse
and
to
deceive
the
people
.
You
may
see
how
profound
his
knowledg
is
in
Poetry
;
for
he
tells
you
just
before
,
that
my
Heroes
are
commonly
such
Monsters
as
Theseus
and
Hercules
;
renown'd
throughout
all
Ages
for
destroying
.
Now
Theseus
and
Hercules
you
know
have
been
the
Heroes
of
all
Poets
,
and
have
been
renown'd
through
all
Ages
,
for
destroying
Monsters
,
for
succouring
the
Distrest
,
and
for
putting
to
death
inhumane
arbitrary
Tyrants
.
Is
this
your
Oracle
?
If
he
were
to
write
the
Acts
and
Monuments
of
Whig
Heroes
,
I
find
they
shou'd
be
quite
contrary
to
mine
:
destroyers
indeed
,
but
of
a
Lawful
Government
;
Murtherers
,
but
of
their
fellow
Subjects
;
Lovers
as
Hercules
was
of
Hylas
;
with
a
journey
at
last
to
Hell
,
like
that
of
Theseus
.
But
mark
the
wise
Consequences
of
our
Author
.
I
have
not
,
he
says
,
so
much
art
left
me
to
make
any
thing
agreeable
,
or
verisimilar
,
wherewith
to
amuse
or
deceive
the
people
:
and
yet
in
the
very
next
Paragraph
,
my
Province
is
to
corrupt
the
Manners
of
the
Nation
,
and
lay
waste
their
Morals
,
and
my
endeavours
are
more
happily
apply'd
,
to
extinguish
the
little
remainders
of
the
Vertue
of
the
Age.
Now
I
am
to
perform
all
this
,
it
seems
,
without
making
any
thing
verisimilar
or
agreeable
:
Why
,
Pharaoh
never
set
the
Israelites
such
a
Task
,
to
build
Piramids
without
Brick
or
Straw
.
If
the
Fool
knows
it
not
,
verisimilitude
and
agreeableness
,
are
the
very
Tools
to
do
it
;
but
I
am
willing
to
disclaim
them
both
,
rather
than
to
use
them
to
so
ill
purpose
as
he
has
done
.
Yet
even
this
their
celebrated
Writer
,
knows
no
more
of
Style
and
English
,
than
the
Northern
Dedicator
.
As
if
Dulness
and
Clumsiness
were
fatal
to
the
Name
of
TOM.
'T
is
true
,
he
is
a
Fool
in
three
Languages
more
than
the
Poet
,
for
they
say
,
he
understands
Latine
,
Greek
and
Hebrew
,
from
all
which
,
to
my
certain
knowledge
,
I
acquit
the
other
.
Og
may
write
against
the
King
if
he
pleases
,
so
long
as
he
Drinks
for
him
;
and
his
Writings
will
never
do
the
Government
so
much
harm
,
as
his
Drinking
does
it
good
:
for
true
Subjects
,
will
not
be
much
perverted
by
his
Libels
;
but
the
Wine
Duties
rise
considerably
by
his
Claret
.
He
has
often
call'd
me
an
Atheist
in
Print
,
I
would
believe
more
charitably
of
him
;
and
that
he
only
goes
the
broad
way
,
because
the
other
is
too
narrow
for
him
.
He
may
see
by
this
,
I
do
not
delight
to
meddle
with
his
course
of
Life
,
and
his
Immoralities
,
though
I
have
a
long
Bead-roll
of
them
.
I
have
hitherto
contented
my self
with
the
Ridiculous
part
of
him
,
which
is
enough
in
all
conscience
to
employ
one
man
:
even
without
the
story
of
his
late
fall
at
the
Old
Devil
,
where
he
broke
no
Ribbs
,
because
the
hardness
of
the
Stairs
cou'd
reach
no
Bones
;
and
for
my
part
,
I
do
not
wonder
how
he
came
to
fall
,
for
I
have
always
known
him
heavy
;
the
Miracle
is
,
how
he
got
up
again
.
I
have
heard
of
a
Sea-Captain
as
fat
as
he
,
who
to
scape
Arrests
,
would
lay
himself
flat
upon
the
ground
,
and
let
the
Bayliffs
carry
him
to
Prison
,
if
they
cou'd
.
If
a
Messenger
or
two
,
nay
,
we
may
put
in
three
or
four
,
should
come
,
he
has
friendly
Advertisement
how
to
scape
them
.
But
to
leave
him
,
who
is
not
worth
any
further
consideration
,
now
I
have
done
laughing
at
him
,
Wou'd
every
man
knew
his
own
Tallent
,
and
that
they
who
are
only
born
for
drinking
,
wou'd
let
both
Poetry
and
Prose
alone
.
I
am
weary
with
traceing
the
Absurdities
and
Mistakes
of
our
great
Lawyer
,
some
of
which
indeed
are
wilful
;
as
where
he
calls
the
Trimmers
,
the
more
moderate
sort
of
Tories
.
It
seems
those
Polliticians
are
odious
to
both
sides
;
for
neither
own
them
to
be
theirs
.
We
know
them
,
and
so
does
he
too
in
his
Conscience
,
to
be
secret
Whigs
,
if
they
are
any
thing
.
But
now
the
designs
of
Whiggism
are
openly
discover'd
,
they
tack
about
to
save
a
Stake
,
that
is
,
they
will
not
be
villains
to
their
own
ruine
.
While
the
Government
was
to
be
destroyed
,
and
there
was
probability
of
compassing
it
,
no
men
were
so
violent
as
they
;
but
since
their
Fortunes
are
in
hazard
by
the
Law
,
and
their
Places
at
Court
by
the
Kings
displeasure
,
they
pull
in
their
horns
,
and
talk
more
peaceably
;
in
order
,
I
suppose
,
to
their
vehemence
on
the
right
side
,
if
they
were
to
be
believ'd
.
For
in
laying
of
Colours
,
they
observe
a
Medium
;
Black
and
white
are
too
far
distant
,
to
be
plac'd
directly
by
one
another
,
without
some
shadowings
to
soften
their
contrarieties
.
'T
is
Mariana
I
think
(
but
am
not
certain
)
that
makes
the
following
relation
;
and
let
the
noble
Family
of
Trimmers
,
read
their
own
Fortune
in
it
.
Don
Pedro
,
King
of
Castile
,
Sirnam'd
the
Cruel
,
who
had
been
restor'd
by
the
Valour
of
our
Edward
the
Black
Prince
,
was
finally
dispossess'd
by
Don
Henry
the
Bastard
,
and
he
enjoyed
the
Kingdom
quietly
,
till
his
Death
;
which
,
when
he
felt
approaching
,
he
call'd
his
Son
to
him
,
and
gave
him
this
his
last
Counsel
.
I
have
,
said
he
,
gain'd
this
Kingdon
,
which
I
leave
you
,
by
the
Sword
;
for
the
Right
of
Inheritance
was
in
Don
Pedro
;
but
the
favour
of
the
People
,
who
hated
my
Brother
for
his
Tyranny
,
was
to
me
instead
of
Title
.
You
are
now
to
be
the
Peaceable
Possessor
of
of
what
I
have
unjustly
gotten
:
and
your
Subjects
are
compos'd
of
these
three
sorts
of
men
.
One
Party
espous'd
my
Brothers
Quarrel
,
which
was
the
undoubted
Lawful
Cause
;
those
,
though
they
were
my
Enemies
,
were
men
of
Principle
and
Honour
:
cherish
them
,
and
exalt
them
into
Places
of
trust
about
you
,
for
in
them
you
may
confide
safely
,
who
priz'd
their
Fidelity
above
their
Fortune
.
Another
sort
,
are
they
who
fought
my
Cause
against
Don
Pedro
,
to
those
you
are
indeed
oblig'd
,
because
of
the
accidental
good
they
did
me
,
for
they
intended
only
their
private
Benefit
,
and
help'd
to
raise
me
,
that
I
might
afterwards
promote
them
:
You
may
continue
them
in
their
Offices
,
if
you
please
;
but
trust
them
no
farther
than
you
are
forc'd
,
for
what
they
did
,
was
against
their
Conscience
.
But
there
is
a
third
sort
,
which
during
the
whole
Wars
,
were
Neuters
;
let
them
be
crusht
on
all
occasions
,
for
their
business
was
only
their
own
Security
.
They
had
neither
Courage
enough
to
ingage
on
my
Side
,
nor
Conscience
enough
to
help
their
Lawful
Soveraign
:
therefore
let
them
be
made
Examples
,
as
the
worst
sort
of
interessed
men
,
which
certainly
are
Enemies
to
both
,
and
would
be
profitable
to
neither
.
I
have
only
a
dark
remembrance
of
this
Story
,
and
have
not
the
Spanish
Author
by
me
,
but
I
think
,
I
am
not
much
mistaken
in
the
main
of
it
:
and
whether
true
or
false
,
the
Counsel
given
,
I
am
sure
,
is
such
,
as
ought
in
common
prudence
,
to
be
practis'd
against
Trimmers
,
whether
the
Lawful
or
Vnlawful
Cause
prevail
.
Loyal
men
may
justly
be
displeas'd
with
this
Party
,
not
for
their
Moderation
,
as
Mr.
Hunt
insinuates
;
but
because
,
under
that
Masque
of
seeming
mildness
,
there
lies
hidden
either
a
deep
treachery
,
or
at
best
,
an
interressed
lukewarmness
.
But
he
runs
riot
into
almost
treasonable
Expressions
,
as
if
Trimmers
were
hated
because
they
are
not
perfectly
wicked
,
or
perfectly
deceiv'd
,
of
the
Catiline
make
,
bold
,
and
without
understanding
,
that
can
adhaere
to
men
that
publickly
profess
Murthers
,
and
applaud
the
design
:
By
all
which
villanous
names
,
he
opprobriously
calls
His
Majesties
most
loyal
Subjects
;
as
if
Men
must
be
perfectly
wicked
who
endeavour
to
support
a
lawful
Government
;
or
perfectly
deceiv'd
,
who
on
no
occasion
dare
take
up
arms
against
their
Soveraign
:
as
if
acknowledging
the
right
of
Succession
,
and
resolving
to
maintain
it
in
the
Line
,
were
to
be
in
a
Catiline
Conspiracy
;
and
at
last
,
(
which
is
ridiculous
enough
,
after
so
much
serious
Treason
)
as
if
to
clap
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
were
to
adhaere
to
men
that
publickly
profess
Murthers
,
and
applaud
the
design
of
the
Assassinating
Poets
.
But
together
with
his
Villanies
,
pray
let
his
incohaerences
be
observ'd
.
He
commends
the
Trimmers
(
at
least
tacitly
excuses
them
)
for
men
of
some
moderation
;
and
this
in
opposition
to
the
instruments
of
wickedness
of
the
Catiline-make
,
that
are
resolute
and
forward
,
and
without
consideration
.
But
he
forgets
all
this
in
the
next
twenty
lines
;
for
there
he
gives
them
their
own
,
and
tells
them
roundly
,
in
internecino
bello
medii
pro
hostibus
habentur
.
Neutral
men
are
Traytors
,
and
assist
by
their
indifferency
to
the
destruction
of
the
Government
.
The
plain
English
of
his
meaning
,
is
this
;
while
matters
are
only
in
dispute
,
and
in
machination
,
he
is
contented
they
shou'd
be
moderate
;
but
when
once
the
Faction
can
bring
about
a
Civil
War
,
then
they
are
Traytors
,
if
they
declare
not
openly
for
them
.
But
it
is
not
,
he
says
,
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
who
is
to
be
assassinated
,
a
turbulent
wicked
and
haughty
Courtier
,
but
an
innocent
and
gentle
Prince
:
By
his
favour
,
our
Duke
of
Guise
,
was
neither
Innocent
nor
Gentle
,
nor
a
Prince
of
the
Blood
Royal
,
though
he
pretended
to
descend
from
Charlemaign
,
and
a
Genealogy
was
printed
to
that
purpose
,
for
which
the
Author
was
punish'd
,
as
he
deserv'd
;
witness
Davila
,
and
the
Journals
of
Henry
the
Third
,
where
the
Story
is
at
large
related
.
Well
,
who
is
it
then
?
why
,
't
is
a
Prince
who
has
no
fault
,
but
that
he
is
the
Kings
Son
:
Then
he
has
no
fault
by
consequence
;
for
I
am
certain
,
that
's
no
fault
of
his
.
The
rest
of
the
Complement
,
is
so
silly
,
and
so
fulsome
,
as
if
he
meant
it
all
in
ridicule
.
And
to
conclude
the
Jeast
,
he
says
,
that
the
best
People
of
England
,
have
no
other
way
left
,
to
show
their
Loyalty
to
the
King
,
their
Religion
and
Government
,
in
long
intervals
of
Parliament
,
than
by
prosecuting
his
Son
,
for
the
sake
of
the
King
,
and
his
own
merit
,
with
all
the
Demonstrations
of
the
highest
esteem
.
Yes
,
I
can
tell
them
one
other
way
to
express
their
Loyalty
,
which
is
,
to
obey
the
King
,
and
to
respect
his
Brother
,
as
the
next
Lawful
Successor
;
their
Religion
commands
them
both
,
and
the
Government
is
secur'd
in
so
doing
.
But
why
in
Intervals
of
Parliament
?
How
are
the
more
oblig'd
to
honour
the
Kings
Son
out
of
Parliament
,
than
in
it
?
And
why
this
prosecution
of
Love
for
the
Kings
Sake
?
Has
he
order'd
more
Love
to
be
shown
to
one
Son
,
than
to
another
?
Indeed
,
his
own
quality
,
is
cause
sufficient
for
all
men
to
respect
him
,
and
I
am
of
their
number
,
who
truly
honour
him
,
and
who
wish
him
better
than
this
miserable
Sycophant
;
for
I
wish
him
,
from
his
Fathers
Royal
Kindness
what
Justice
can
make
him
,
which
is
a
greater
Honour
,
than
the
Rabble
can
confer
upon
him
.
But
our
Author
finds
,
that
Commendation
is
no
more
his
Talent
,
than
Flattery
was
that
of
Esop's
Ass
;
and
therefore
falls
immediately
,
from
pawing
with
his
fore-feet
,
and
grinning
upon
one
Prince
,
to
downright
braying
against
another
.
He
says
I
have
not
us'd
my
Patron
Duke
much
better
:
for
I
have
put
him
under
a
most
dismal
and
unfortunate
Character
,
of
a
Successor
,
excluded
from
the
Crown
by
Act
of
State
,
for
his
Religion
;
who
fought
his
way
to
the
Crown
,
chang'd
his
Religion
,
and
died
by
the
hand
of
a
Roman
Assassinate
.
If
it
please
his
Royal
Highness
to
be
my
Patron
,
I
have
reason
to
be
proud
of
it
;
because
he
never
yet
forsook
any
man
,
whom
he
has
had
the
goodness
to
own
for
his
.
But
how
have
I
put
him
under
an
unfortunate
Character
?
the
Authors
of
the
Reflections
,
and
our
John
a
Nokes
,
have
not
layd
their
noddles
together
about
this
Accusation
.
For
't
is
their
business
to
prove
the
King
of
Navarre
to
have
been
a
most
successful
,
magnanimous
,
gentle
,
and
grateful
Prince
:
in
which
Character
they
have
follow'd
the
stream
of
all
Historians
.
How
then
happens
this
jarring
amongst
friends
,
that
the
same
man
is
put
under
such
dismal
circumstances
on
one
side
,
and
so
fortunate
on
the
other
,
by
the
Writers
of
the
same
Party
?
The
answer
is
very
plain
,
that
they
take
the
cause
by
several
handles
.
They
who
will
not
have
the
Duke
resemble
the
King
of
Navarre
,
have
magnify'd
the
Character
of
that
Prince
,
to
debase
his
Royal
Highness
;
and
therein
done
what
they
can
to
show
the
disparity
.
Mr.
Hunt
,
who
will
have
it
to
be
the
Dukes
Character
,
has
blacken'd
that
King
as
much
as
he
is
able
,
to
show
the
likeness
.
Now
this
wou'd
be
ridiculous
pleading
at
a
Barr
,
by
Lawyers
retain'd
for
the
same
Cause
;
and
both
sides
wou'd
call
each
other
fools
,
because
the
Jury
betwixt
them
wou'd
be
confounded
,
and
perhaps
the
Judges
too
.
But
this
it
is
to
have
a
bad
Cause
,
which
puts
men
of
necessity
upon
knavery
;
and
that
knavery
is
commonly
found
out
.
Well
Mr.
Hunt
has
in
another
place
confess'd
himself
to
be
in
passion
,
and
that
's
the
reason
he
is
so
grosly
mistaken
in
opening
of
the
Cause
.
For
first
the
King
of
Navarre
was
neither
under
dismall
,
nor
unfortunate
circumstances
.
Before
the
end
of
that
very
Sentence
,
our
Lawyer
has
confess'd
that
he
fought
his
way
to
the
Crown
;
that
is
,
he
gloriously
vanquish'd
all
his
Rebells
,
and
happily
possest
his
Inheritance
many
years
after
he
had
regain'd
it
.
In
the
next
place
,
he
was
never
excluded
from
the
Crown
by
Act
of
State
.
He
chang'd
his
Religion
indeed
,
but
not
till
he
had
almost
weather'd
the
Storm
,
recover'd
the
best
part
of
his
Estate
,
and
gain'd
some
glorious
Victories
in
pitch'd
Battels
;
so
that
his
changing
cannot
without
injustice
be
attributed
to
his
fear
.
Monsieur
Chiverny
,
in
his
Memoirs
of
those
times
plainly
tells
us
,
that
he
solemnly
promised
to
his
Predecessour
Henry
the
Third
,
then
dying
,
that
he
wou'd
become
a
Romanist
;
and
Davila
,
though
he
says
not
this
directly
,
yet
denyes
it
not
.
By
whose
hands
Henry
the
fourth
died
,
is
notoriously
known
;
but
it
is
indiviously
urg'd
,
both
by
Mr.
Hunt
and
the
Reflectors
:
for
we
may
,
to
our
shame
,
remember
,
that
a
King
of
our
own
Country
was
barbarously
murther'd
by
his
Subjects
,
who
profess'd
the
same
Religion
;
though
I
believe
that
neither
Jaques
Clement
,
nor
Ravillac
,
were
better
Papists
,
than
the
Independents
and
Presbyterians
were
Protestants
:
So
that
their
Argument
only
proves
that
there
are
Rogues
of
all
Religions
:
Iliacos
intra
muros
peccatur
&
extra
.
But
Mr.
Hunt
follows
his
blow
again
,
that
I
have
offer'd
a
Justification
of
an
Act
of
Exclusion
against
a
Popish
Successour
in
a
Protestant
Kingdom
,
by
remembring
what
was
done
against
the
King
of
Navarre
,
who
was
de
facto
excluded
by
an
Act
of
State
.
My
Gentleman
,
I
perceive
,
is
very
willing
to
call
that
an
Act
of
Exclusion
,
and
an
Act
of
State
,
which
is
only
in
our
Language
,
call'd
a
Bill
:
for
Henry
the
third
cou'd
never
be
gain'd
to
pass
it
,
though
it
was
propos'd
by
the
three
Estates
at
Blois
.
The
Reflectors
are
more
modest
;
for
they
profess
,
(
though
I
am
afraid
it
is
somewhat
against
the
grain
)
that
a
Vote
of
the
House
of
Commons
is
not
an
Act
:
But
the
times
are
turn'd
upon
them
,
and
they
dare
speak
no
other
Language
.
Mr.
Hunt
indeed
is
a
bold
Republican
,
and
tells
you
the
bottom
of
their
meaning
.
Yet
why
should
it
make
the
courage
of
his
Royal
Highness
quail
,
to
find
himself
under
this
representation
?
which
by
our
Authors
favour
,
is
neither
dismal
,
nor
disastrous
.
Henry
the
Fourth
escap'd
this
dreadful
Machine
of
the
League
:
I
say
dreadful
;
for
the
three
Estates
were
at
that
time
compos'd
generally
of
Guisards
,
factious
,
hot
headed
rebellious
interressed
men
:
The
King
in
possession
,
was
but
his
Brother-in-Law
;
and
at
that
time
publickly
his
Enemy
;
for
the
King
of
Navarre
was
then
in
arms
against
him
:
and
yet
the
sense
of
Common
Justice
,
and
the
good
of
his
People
so
prevail'd
,
that
he
withstood
the
Project
of
the
States
,
which
he
also
knew
was
levell'd
at
himself
;
for
had
the
Exclusion
proceeded
,
he
had
been
immediately
lay'd
by
,
and
the
Lieutenancy
of
France
conferr'd
on
Guise
:
after
which
the
Rebel
wou'd
certainly
have
put
up
his
Title
for
the
Crown
.
In
the
Case
of
his
Royal
Highness
,
only
one
of
the
three
Estates
have
offer'd
at
the
Exclusion
;
and
have
been
constantly
oppos'd
by
the
other
two
,
and
by
his
Majesty
:
Neither
is
it
any
way
probable
,
that
the
like
will
ever
be
again
attempted
:
For
the
fatal
Consequences
,
as
well
as
the
Illegality
of
that
Design
,
are
seen
through
already
by
the
People
.
So
that
instead
of
offering
a
justification
of
an
Act
of
Exclusion
,
I
have
expos'd
a
rebellious
,
impious
,
and
fruitless
contrivance
tending
to
it
.
If
we
look
on
the
Parliament
of
Paris
,
when
they
were
in
their
right
wits
,
before
they
were
intoxicated
by
the
League
,
(
at
least
wholly
)
we
shall
find
them
addressing
to
King
Henry
the
third
in
another
Key
,
concerning
the
King
of
Navarr's
Succession
,
though
he
was
at
that
time
(
as
they
call'd
it
)
a
relaps'd
Heretique
.
And
to
this
purpose
I
will
quote
a
passage
out
of
the
Journals
of
Henry
the
Third
,
so
much
magnify'd
by
my
Adversaries
.
Towards
the
end
of
September
,
1585.
there
was
published
at
Paris
,
a
Bull
of
Excommunication
,
against
the
King
of
Navarre
,
and
the
Prince
of
Conde
:
The
Parliament
of
Paris
,
made
their
Remonstrance
to
the
King
upon
it
,
which
was
both
grave
,
and
worthy
of
the
Place
they
held
,
and
of
the
Authority
they
have
in
this
Kingdom
.
Saying
,
for
conclusion
,
that
their
Court
had
found
the
Style
of
this
Bull
,
so
full
of
Innovation
,
and
so
distant
from
the
Modesty
of
antient
Popes
,
that
they
cou'd
not
understand
in
it
,
the
voice
of
an
Apostles
Successor
;
forasmuch
,
as
they
found
not
in
their
Records
,
nor
in
the
search
of
all
Antiquity
,
that
the
Princes
of
France
,
had
ever
been
subject
to
the
Justice
or
Jurisdiction
of
the
Pope
,
and
they
cou'd
not
take
it
into
consideration
,
till
first
he
made
appear
the
Right
which
he
pretended
in
the
Translation
of
Kingdoms
,
establish'd
and
ordain'd
by
Almighty
God
,
before
the
Name
of
Pope
was
heard
of
in
the
World
.
'T
is
plain
by
this
,
that
the
Parliament
of
Paris
,
acknowledg'd
an
inherent
Right
of
Succession
in
the
King
of
Navarre
,
though
of
a
contrary
Religion
to
their
own
:
And
though
after
the
Duke
of
Guises
Murther
at
Blois
,
the
City
of
Paris
revolted
from
their
Obedience
to
their
King
,
pretending
that
he
was
fallen
from
the
Crown
,
by
reason
of
that
and
other
Actions
,
with
which
they
charg'd
him
;
yet
the
sum
of
all
their
Power
to
renounce
him
,
and
create
the
Duke
of
Mayenne
Lieutenant
General
,
depended
ultimately
on
the
Popes
authority
;
which
as
you
see
,
but
three
years
before
,
they
had
peremptorily
denied
.
The
Colledg
of
Sorbonne
began
the
Dance
,
by
their
Determination
,
that
the
Kingly
Right
was
forfeited
;
and
stripping
him
of
all
his
Dignities
,
they
call'd
him
plain
Henry
de
Valois
:
after
this
,
says
my
Author
,
sixteen
Rascals
(
by
which
he
means
the
Council
,
of
that
Number
)
having
administred
the
Oath
of
Government
to
the
Duke
of
Mayenne
,
to
take
in
quality
of
Lievtenant
General
of
the
Estate
and
Crown
of
France
;
the
same
ridiculous
Dignity
,
was
confirm'd
to
him
,
by
an
imaginary
Parliament
,
the
true
Parliament
being
detain'd
Prisoners
,
in
divers
of
the
City-Gaols
,
and
two
new
Seals
were
order'd
to
be
immediately
made
,
with
this
Inscription
:
The
Seal
of
the
Kingdom
of
France
.
I
need
not
inlarge
on
this
Relation
,
't
is
evident
from
hence
,
that
the
Sorbonists
were
the
Original
,
and
our
Schismatiques
in
England
,
were
the
Copiers
of
Rebellion
;
that
Paris
began
,
and
London
follow'd
.
The
next
Lines
of
my
Author
are
,
that
a
Gentleman
of
Paris
,
made
the
Duke
of
Mayenne
's
Picture
to
be
drawn
,
with
a
Crown
Imperial
on
his
Head
,
and
I
have
heard
of
an
English
Nobleman
,
who
has
at
this
day
,
the
Picture
of
Old
Oliver
,
with
this
Motto
underneath
it
,
Vtinam
vixeris
.
All
this
while
,
this
cannot
be
reckon'd
an
Act
of
State
,
for
the
Deposing
King
Henry
the
Third
;
because
it
was
an
Act
of
Ouvert
Rebellion
in
the
Parisians
:
neither
could
the
holding
of
the
three
Estates
at
Paris
,
afterwards
,
by
the
same
Duke
of
Mayenne
,
devolve
any
Right
on
him
,
in
prejudice
of
King
Henry
the
Fourth
;
though
those
pretended
States
,
declar'd
his
Title
void
,
on
the
account
of
his
Religion
:
because
those
Estates
could
neither
be
call'd
nor
holden
,
but
by
and
under
the
Authority
of
the
Lawful
King
.
It
wou'd
take
more
time
than
I
have
allow'd
,
for
this
Vindication
,
or
I
cou'd
easily
trace
from
the
French
History
,
what
Misfortunes
attended
France
,
and
how
near
it
was
to
Ruine
,
by
the
Endeavors
to
alter
the
Succession
.
For
first
,
it
was
actually
Dismembred
,
the
Duke
of
Merceur
setting
up
a
Principality
in
the
Dutchy
of
Bretagne
,
Independant
of
the
Crown
:
the
Duke
of
Mayenne
had
an
evident
design
to
be
elected
King
,
by
the
favour
of
the
People
and
the
Pope
:
the
young
Dukes
of
Guise
and
of
Nemours
,
aspir'd
with
the
interest
of
the
Spaniards
,
to
be
chosen
,
by
their
Marriage
with
the
Infanta
Izabella
.
The
Duke
of
Lorrain
,
was
for
cantling
out
some
part
of
France
,
which
lay
next
his
Territories
;
and
the
Duke
of
Savoy
,
had
before
the
Death
of
Henry
the
Third
,
actually
possess'd
himself
of
the
Marquisate
of
Saluces
.
But
above
all
,
the
Spaniards
fomented
these
Civil
Wars
,
in
hopes
to
reduce
that
flourishing
Kingdom
,
under
their
own
Monarchy
.
To
as
many
,
and
as
great
Mischiefs
,
should
we
be
evidently
subject
;
if
we
should
madly
ingage
our selves
,
in
the
like
Practises
of
altering
the
Succession
,
which
our
Gracious
King
,
in
his
Royal
Wisdom
well
forsaw
;
and
has
cut
up
that
accursed
Project
by
the
Roots
;
which
will
render
the
memory
of
his
Justice
and
Prudence
,
Immortal
and
Sacred
to
future
Ages
,
for
having
not
only
preserv'd
our
present
quiet
,
but
secur'd
the
Peace
of
our
Posterity
.
'T
is
clearly
manifest
,
that
no
Act
of
State
pass'd
,
to
the
Exclusion
of
either
,
the
King
of
Navarre
,
or
of
Henry
the
Fourth
;
consider
him
,
in
either
of
the
two
circumstances
:
but
Oracle
Hunt
,
taking
this
for
granted
,
wou'd
prove
à
fortiori
,
that
if
a
Protestant
Prince
,
were
actually
excluded
from
a
Popish
Kingdom
,
then
a
Popish
Successor
is
more
reasonably
to
be
excluded
from
a
Protestant
Kingdom
;
because
,
says
he
,
a
Protestant
Prince
,
is
under
no
Obligation
to
destroy
his
Popish
Subjects
,
but
a
Popish
Prince
,
is
to
destroy
his
Protestant
Subjects
:
upon
which
bare
supposition
,
without
farther
Proof
,
he
calls
him
insufferable
Tyrant
,
and
the
worst
of
Monsters
.
Now
I
take
the
matter
quite
otherwise
,
and
bind
my self
to
maintain
,
that
there
is
not
,
nor
can
be
any
Obligation
,
for
a
King
to
destroy
his
Subjects
of
a
contrary
Perswasion
,
to
the
establish'd
Religion
of
his
Country
:
for
quatenus
Subjects
,
of
what
Religion
soever
,
he
is
infallibly
bound
to
preserve
and
cherish
,
and
not
to
destroy
them
:
and
this
is
the
first
duty
of
a
Lawful
Soveraign
,
as
such
,
antecedent
to
any
tye
or
consideration
of
his
Religion
.
Indeed
,
in
those
Countries
where
the
Inquisition
is
introduc'd
,
it
goes
harder
with
Protestants
,
and
the
reason
is
manifest
,
because
the
Protestant
Religion
has
not
gotten
footing
there
,
and
severity
is
the
means
to
keep
it
out
:
But
to
make
this
instance
,
reach
England
,
our
Religion
must
not
only
be
chang'd
(
which
in
it self
,
is
almost
impossible
to
imagine
)
but
the
Council
of
Trent
receiv'd
and
the
Inquisition
admitted
,
which
many
Popish
Countries
have
rejected
.
I
forget
not
the
Cruelties
,
which
were
exercis'd
in
Queen
Maries
time
,
against
the
Protestants
;
neither
do
I
any
way
excuse
them
:
But
it
follows
not
,
that
every
Popish
Successor
shou'd
take
example
by
them
,
for
every
ones
Conscience
of
the
same
Religion
,
is
not
guided
by
the
same
Dictates
in
his
Government
:
Neither
does
it
follow
,
that
if
one
be
cruel
,
another
must
;
especially
,
when
there
is
a
stronger
Obligation
,
and
greater
Interest
to
the
contrary
:
For
if
a
Popish
King
in
England
shou'd
be
bound
to
destroy
his
Protestant
People
,
I
wou'd
ask
the
Question
,
over
whom
he
meant
to
Reign
afterwards
?
and
how
many
Subjects
would
be
left
?
In
Queen
Maries
time
,
the
Protestant
Religion
had
scarcely
taken
root
:
And
it
is
reasonable
to
be
suppos'd
,
that
she
found
the
number
of
Papists
,
equalling
that
of
the
Protestants
,
at
her
entrance
to
the
Kingdom
;
especially
if
we
reckon
into
the
account
those
who
were
the
Trimmers
of
the
times
;
I
mean
such
,
who
privately
were
Papists
,
though
under
her
Protestant
Predecessour
they
appear'd
otherwise
.
Therefore
her
difficulties
in
persecuting
her
reform'd
Subjects
,
were
far
from
being
so
insuperable
,
as
ours
now
are
,
when
the
strength
and
number
of
the
Papists
is
so
very
inconsiderable
.
They
who
cast
in
the
Church
of
England
as
ready
to
embrace
Popery
,
are
either
Knaves
enough
to
know
they
lye
,
or
Fools
enough
not
to
have
consider'd
the
Tenents
of
that
Church
,
which
are
diametrically
opposite
to
Popery
;
and
more
so
than
any
of
the
Sects
.
Not
to
insist
on
the
quiet
and
security
,
which
Protestant
Subjects
at
this
day
enjoy
in
some
parts
of
Germany
,
under
Popish
Princes
;
where
I
have
been
assur'd
,
that
Mass
is
said
,
and
a
Lutheran
Sermon
preach'd
in
different
parts
of
the
fame
Church
,
on
the
same
day
,
without
disturbance
on
either
side
;
nor
on
the
Priviledges
granted
by
Henry
the
Fourth
of
France
to
his
Party
,
after
he
had
forsaken
their
Opinions
,
which
they
quietly
possess'd
for
a
long
time
after
his
death
:
The
French
Histories
are
full
of
Examples
,
manifestly
proving
,
that
the
fiercest
of
their
Popish
Princes
have
not
thought
themselves
bound
to
destroy
their
Protestant
Subjects
:
and
the
several
Edicts
granted
under
them
,
in
favor
of
the
Reform'd
Religion
,
are
pregnant
instances
of
this
truth
.
I
am
not
much
given
to
Quotations
,
but
Davila
lies
open
for
every
man
to
read
.
Tolerations
,
and
free
exercise
of
Religion
,
granted
more
amply
in
some
,
more
restraindly
in
others
,
are
no
sign
that
those
Princes
held
themselves
oblig'd
in
Conscience
to
destroy
men
of
a
different
Perswasion
.
It
will
be
said
those
Tolerations
were
gain'd
by
force
of
Arms
:
In
the
first
place
't
is
no
great
credit
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
that
the
Protestants
in
France
were
actually
Rebels
.
But
the
truth
is
,
they
were
only
Geneva
Protestants
,
and
their
opinions
were
far
distant
from
those
of
the
Church
of
England
,
which
teaches
passive
obedience
to
all
her
Sons
,
and
not
to
propagate
Religion
by
Rebellion
.
But
't
is
further
to
be
consider'd
,
that
those
French
Kings
,
though
Papists
,
thought
the
preservation
of
their
Subjects
,
and
the
publick
Peace
,
were
to
be
consider'd
,
before
the
gratification
of
the
Court
of
Rome
;
and
though
the
number
of
the
Papists
,
exceeded
that
of
the
Protestants
,
in
the
proportion
of
three
to
one
;
though
the
Protestants
were
always
beaten
when
they
fought
,
and
though
the
Popes
press'd
continually
with
Exhortations
and
Threatnings
to
extirpate
Calvinism
,
yet
Kings
thought
it
enough
to
continue
in
their
own
Religion
themselves
,
without
forcing
it
upon
their
Subjects
,
much
less
destroying
them
who
profess'd
another
.
But
it
will
be
objected
those
Edicts
of
Toleration
were
not
kept
on
the
Papists
side
:
They
wou'd
answer
,
because
the
Protestants
stretch'd
their
Privileges
further
than
was
granted
:
and
that
they
often
relaps'd
into
Rebellion
:
But
whether
or
no
the
Protestants
were
in
fault
,
I
leave
History
to
determine
:
't
is
matter
of
fact
,
that
they
were
barbarously
massacred
,
under
the
protection
of
the
Publick
Faith
:
Therefore
to
argue
fairly
,
either
an
Oath
from
Protestants
is
not
to
be
taken
by
a
Popish
Prince
;
or
if
taken
,
ought
inviolably
to
be
preserv'd
.
For
when
we
oblige
our selves
to
any
one
,
't
is
not
his
person
we
so
much
consider
,
as
that
of
the
most
high
God
,
who
is
call'd
to
witness
this
our
action
:
and
't
is
to
him
we
are
to
discharge
our
Conscience
.
Neither
is
there
,
or
can
be
any
tye
on
humane
Society
,
when
that
of
an
Oath
is
no
more
regarded
:
which
being
an
appeal
to
God
,
he
is
immediate
Judge
of
it
;
and
Chronicles
are
not
silent
how
often
he
has
punish'd
perjur'd
Kings
.
The
instance
of
Vladislaus
King
of
Hungary
,
breaking
his
faith
with
Amurath
the
Turk
,
at
the
instigation
of
Julian
the
Popes
Legate
,
and
his
miserable
death
ensuing
it
,
shows
that
even
to
Infidels
,
much
more
to
Christians
,
that
obligation
ought
to
be
accounted
sacred
.
And
I
the
rather
urge
this
,
because
it
is
an
Argument
taken
almost
verbatim
from
a
Papist
,
who
accuses
Catharine
de
Medicis
for
violating
her
word
given
to
the
Protestants
during
her
Regency
of
France
.
What
securities
in
particular
we
have
,
that
our
own
Religion
and
Liberties
wou'd
be
preserv'd
,
though
under
a
Popish
Successour
,
any
one
may
inform
himself
at
large
in
a
Book
lately
written
by
the
Reverend
and
learned
Doctor
Hicks
,
call'd
Jovian
,
in
answer
to
Julian
the
Apostate
:
in
which
,
that
truly
Christian
Author
has
satisfy'd
all
scruples
which
reasonable
men
can
make
,
and
prov'd
that
we
are
in
no
danger
of
losing
either
;
and
wherein
also
,
if
those
assurances
shou'd
all
fail
(
which
is
almost
morally
impossible
)
the
Doctrine
of
Passive
Obedience
is
unanswerably
demonstrated
:
a
Doctrine
deliver'd
with
so
much
sincerity
,
and
resignation
of
spirit
,
that
it
seems
evident
the
Assertor
of
it
is
ready
,
if
there
were
occasion
,
to
seal
it
with
his
blood
.
I
have
done
with
mannerly
Mr.
Hunt
,
who
is
only
magni
nominis
umbra
;
the
most
malicious
,
and
withal
,
the
most
incohaerent
ignorant
Scribler
of
the
whole
Party
.
I
insult
not
over
his
misfortunes
,
though
he
has
himself
occasion'd
them
:
and
though
I
will
not
take
his
own
excuse
,
that
he
is
in
passion
,
I
will
make
a
better
for
him
;
for
I
conclude
him
crack'd
:
and
if
he
should
return
to
England
,
am
charitable
enough
to
wish
his
only
Prison
might
be
Bedlam
.
This
Apology
is
truer
than
that
he
makes
for
me
:
for
writing
a
Play
,
as
I
conceive
,
is
not
entring
into
the
Observators
Province
;
neither
is
it
the
Observators
manner
to
confound
truth
with
falsehood
,
to
put
out
the
eyes
of
People
,
and
leave
them
without
understanding
.
The
quarrel
of
the
Party
to
him
,
is
that
he
has
undeceiv'd
the
ignorant
,
and
laid
open
the
shameful
contrivances
of
the
new
vampt
Association
:
that
though
he
is
on
the
wrong
side
of
life
,
as
he
calls
it
,
yet
he
pleads
not
his
Age
to
be
Emeritus
:
that
in
short
,
he
has
left
the
Faction
as
bare
of
Arguments
,
as
Esops
Bird
of
feathers
;
and
plum'd
them
of
all
those
fallacies
and
evasions
which
they
borrowed
from
Jesuits
and
Presbyterians
.
Now
for
my
Templar
and
Poet
in
association
for
a
Libel
,
like
the
Conjunction
of
Saturn
and
Jupiter
in
a
fiery
Sign
:
what
the
one
wants
in
Wit
,
the
other
must
supply
in
Law
.
As
for
Malice
,
their
quota's
are
indifferently
well
adjusted
:
the
rough
Draught
I
take
for
granted
,
is
the
Poets
,
the
finishings
the
Lawyers
.
They
begin
,
that
in
order
to
one
Mr.
Friend's
commands
,
one
of
them
went
to
see
the
Play
.
This
was
not
the
Poet
,
I
am
certain
,
for
no
body
saw
him
there
,
and
he
is
not
of
a
Size
to
be
conceal'd
.
But
the
Mountain
,
they
say
,
was
deliver'd
of
a
Mouse
:
I
have
been
Gossip
to
many
such
Labors
of
a
dull
fat
Scribler
,
where
the
Mountain
has
been
bigger
,
and
the
Mouse
less
.
The
next
Sally
,
is
on
the
City
Elections
,
and
a
Charge
is
brought
against
my
Lord
Mayor
,
and
the
two
Sheriffs
,
for
excluding
true
Electors
.
I
have
heard
,
that
a
Whig
Gentleman
of
the
Temple
,
hired
a
Livery-Gown
,
to
give
his
Voice
among
the
Companies
at
Guild-Hall
:
let
the
question
be
put
,
whether
or
no
,
he
were
a
true
Elector
?
Then
their
own
Juries
are
commended
from
several
Topiques
;
they
are
the
Wisest
,
Richest
,
and
most
Conscientious
:
to
which
is
answer'd
Ignoramus
.
But
our
Juries
give
most
prodigious
and
unheard
of
Damages
.
Hithero
there
is
nothing
but
Boys-play
in
our
Authors
:
My
Mill
grinds
Pepper
and
Spice
,
your
Mill
grinds
Rats
and
Mice
.
They
go
on
,
if
I
may
be
allow'd
to
judge
(
as
men
that
do
not
Poetize
,
may
be
Judges
of
Wit
,
Humane
nature
and
Common
Decencies
:
)
So
then
the
Sentence
is
begun
with
I
:
there
is
but
one
of
them
puts
in
for
a
Judges
Place
:
that
's
he
in
the
Gray
:
but
presently
't
is
men
;
two
more
in
Buckram
,
wou'd
be
Judges
too
.
Neither
of
them
it
seems
,
Poetize
;
that
's
true
,
but
both
of
them
are
in
at
Rhime
Doggrel
;
witness
the
Song
against
the
Bishops
,
and
the
Tunbridge-Ballad
.
By
the
way
,
I
find
all
my
Scribling
Enemies
have
a
mind
to
be
Judges
,
and
Chief
Barons
:
proceed
Gentlemen
.
This
Play
(
as
I
am
inform'd
by
some
,
who
have
a
nearer
Communication
with
the
Poets
and
the
Players
,
than
I
have
.
)
Which
of
the
two
Sosia's
is
it
that
now
speaks
?
If
the
Lawyer
,
't
is
true
,
he
has
but
little
Communication
with
the
Players
:
if
the
Poet
,
the
Players
have
but
little
Communication
with
him
.
For
't
is
not
long
ago
,
he
said
to
some
body
,
By
G
—
my
Lord
,
those
Tory-rogues
will
act
.
none
of
my
Plays
.
Well
,
but
the
Accusation
,
that
this
Play
was
once
written
by
another
,
and
then
't
was
call'd
the
Parisian
Massacre
:
Such
a
Play
,
I
have
heard
indeed
was
written
;
but
I
never
saw
it
.
Whether
this
be
any
of
it
or
no
,
I
can
say
no
more
,
than
for
my
own
part
of
it
.
But
pray
,
who
denies
the
unparalleld
villany
of
the
Papists
,
in
that
bloody
Massacre
?
I
have
enquired
,
why
it
was
not
Acted
,
and
heard
it
was
stopt
,
by
the
interposition
of
an
Ambassador
,
who
was
willing
to
save
the
Credit
of
his
Country
,
and
not
to
have
the
Memory
of
an
Action
so
barbarous
,
reviv'd
.
But
that
I
tempted
my
Friend
to
alter
it
,
is
a
notorious
Whiggism
to
save
the
broader
Word
.
The
Sicilian
Vespers
I
have
had
Plotted
by
me
above
these
seven
years
:
The
Story
of
it
,
I
found
under
borow'd
Names
in
Giraldo
Cinthio
;
but
the
Rape
in
my
Tragedy
of
Amboyna
,
was
so
like
it
,
that
I
forbore
the
Writing
.
But
what
had
this
to
do
with
Protestants
?
for
the
Massacres
and
the
Massacred
were
all
Papists
.
But
't
is
observable
,
they
say
,
that
though
the
Massacre
cou'd
not
be
acted
,
as
it
was
first
written
against
Papists
,
yet
when
it
was
turn'd
upon
Protestants
,
it
found
reception
.
Now
all
's
come
out
,
the
Scandal
of
the
Story
,
turns
at
last
upon
the
Government
:
that
Patronises
Popish
Plays
,
and
forbids
Protestant
.
Ours
is
to
be
a
Popish
Play
,
why
?
because
it
exposes
the
Villany
of
Sectaries
and
Rebels
?
Prove
them
first
to
be
Protestants
,
and
see
what
you
will
get
by
it
when
you
have
done
?
your
Party
are
certainly
the
men
whom
the
Play
attaques
;
and
so
far
I
will
help
you
:
the
Designs
and
Actions
represented
in
the
Play
,
are
such
as
you
have
Copyed
from
the
League
;
for
though
you
have
wickedness
enough
,
yet
you
wanted
the
Wit
to
make
a
new
Contrivance
.
But
for
shame
,
while
you
are
carrying
on
such
palpable
villany
,
do
not
assume
the
name
of
Protestants
.
You
will
tell
us
,
you
are
friends
to
the
Government
,
and
the
Kings
best
Subjects
;
but
all
the
while
,
you
are
aspersing
both
it
and
him
.
Who
shall
be
Judges
,
whether
you
are
Friends
or
not
?
the
Government
or
you
?
Have
not
all
Rebels
always
sung
the
same
Song
?
Was
ever
Thief
or
Murtherer
Fool
enough
to
plead
Guilty
?
For
your
Love
and
Loyalty
to
the
King
,
they
who
mean
him
best
amongst
you
,
are
no
better
Subjects
than
Duke
Trinculo
:
They
wou'd
be
content
he
shou'd
be
Viceroy
,
so
they
may
be
Viceroys
over
him
.
The
next
Accusation
is
particular
to
me
,
that
I
the
said
Bays
,
wou'd
falsly
and
felloniously
,
have
robb'd
Nat.
Lee
,
of
his
share
in
the
Reputation
of
Oedipus
:
Now
I
am
Culprit
;
I
writ
the
first
and
third
Acts
of
Oedipus
,
and
drew
the
Scenary
of
the
whole
Play
:
when
ever
I
have
own'd
a
farther
Proportion
,
let
my
Accusers
speak
:
this
was
meant
mischievously
,
to
set
us
two
at
variance
:
Who
is
the
old
Serpent
and
Satan
now
?
When
my
Friends
help
my
barren
Fancy
,
I
am
thankful
for
it
:
I
do
not
use
to
receive
assistance
,
and
afterwards
ungratefully
disown
it
.
Not
long
after
,
Exemplary
Punishment
is
due
to
me
,
for
this
most
devilish
Parallel
.
'T
is
a
devilish
one
indeed
;
but
who
can
help
it
,
if
I
draw
Devils
like
one
another
,
the
fault
is
in
themselves
for
being
so
:
I
neither
made
their
Horns
nor
Claws
,
nor
cloven
Feet
:
I
know
not
what
I
shou'd
have
done
,
unless
I
had
drawn
the
Devil
a
handsom
proper
Gentleman
,
like
the
Painter
in
the
Fable
,
to
have
made
a
Friend
of
him
;
but
I
ought
to
be
exemplarily
punish'd
for
it
;
when
the
Devil
gets
uppermost
,
I
shall
expect
it
.
In
the
mean
time
,
let
Magistrates
(
that
respect
their
Oaths
and
Office
)
which
words
you
see
,
are
put
into
a
Parenthesis
,
as
(
if
God
help
us
)
we
had
none
such
now
;
let
them
put
the
Law
in
execution
,
against
leud
Scriblers
,
the
Mark
will
be
too
fair
upon
a
Pillory
,
for
a
Turnip
or
a
rotten
Egg
to
miss
it
.
But
for
my
part
,
I
have
not
Malice
enough
,
to
wish
him
so
much
harm
;
not
so
much
as
to
have
a
Hair
of
his
head
perish
,
much
less
,
that
one
whole
side
of
it
should
be
dismantled
:
I
am
no
Informer
who
writ
such
a
Song
,
or
such
a
Libel
,
if
the
Dulness
betrays
him
not
,
he
is
safe
for
me
.
And
may
the
same
dulness
preserve
him
ever
from
publick
Justice
:
't
is
a
sufficient
thick
Mad-wall
,
betwixt
him
and
Law
:
't
is
his
Guardian
Angel
,
that
protects
him
from
Punishment
,
because
in
spight
of
him
,
he
cannot
deserve
it
.
'T
is
that
which
preserves
him
innocent
,
when
he
means
most
mischief
;
and
makes
him
a
Saint
,
when
he
intends
to
be
a
Devil
.
He
can
never
offend
enough
,
to
need
the
Mercy
of
the
Government
;
for
't
is
beholding
to
him
,
that
he
writes
against
it
:
and
he
never
offers
at
a
Satyr
,
but
he
converts
his
Readers
to
the
contrary
pinion
.
Some
of
the
succeeding
Pargraphs
,
are
intended
for
very
Ciceronian
:
There
the
Lawyer
flourishes
in
the
Pulpit
,
and
the
Poet
stands
in
Socks
amongst
the
Crowd
to
hear
him
.
Now
for
Narration
,
Refutation
,
Calumniation
,
Aggravation
,
and
the
whole
Artillery
of
Tropes
and
Figures
,
to
defend
the
Proceedings
at
Guild-Hall
:
the
most
minute
circumstances
of
the
Elections
,
are
describ'd
so
lively
,
that
a
man
,
who
had
not
heard
he
was
there
in
a
Livery-Gown
,
might
suspect
,
there
was
a
quorum
pars
magna
fui
in
the
Case
:
and
multitudes
of
Electors
,
just
as
well
qualified
as
himself
,
might
give
their
Party
the
greater
Number
:
but
throw
back
their
guilt
Shillings
,
which
were
told
for
Guinnies
,
and
their
true
Summ
was
considerably
less
.
Well
,
there
was
no
Rebellion
at
this
time
,
therefore
says
my
Adversary
,
there
was
no
Parallel
.
'T
is
true
,
there
was
no
Rebellion
;
but
whoever
told
him
,
that
I
intended
this
Parallel
so
far
?
if
the
likeness
had
been
throughout
,
I
may
guess
by
their
good
will
to
me
,
that
I
had
never
liv'd
to
write
it
.
But
to
show
his
mistake
,
which
I
believe
wilful
,
the
Play
was
wholly
written
a
month
or
two
before
the
last
Election
of
the
Sheriffs
.
Yet
,
it
seems
there
was
some
kind
of
Prophesie
in
the
Case
:
and
till
the
Faction
gets
clear
of
a
Riot
,
a
part
of
the
Comparison
will
hold
even
there
;
yet
,
if
he
pleases
to
remember
,
there
has
been
a
King
of
England
forc'd
by
the
Inhabitants
from
his
Imperial
Town
.
'T
is
true
,
the
Son
has
had
better
fortune
than
the
Father
;
but
the
reason
is
,
that
he
has
now
a
stronger
Party
in
the
City
,
than
his
Enemies
:
the
Government
of
it
is
secur'd
in
Loyal
and
Prudent
Hands
,
and
the
Party
is
to
weak
to
push
their
designs
farther
.
They
rescued
not
their
beloved
Sheriffs
,
at
a
time
(
he
tells
you
)
when
they
had
most
important
use
of
them
.
What
the
importancy
of
the
occasion
was
,
I
will
not
search
;
't
is
well
if
their
own
Consciences
will
acquit
them
.
But
let
them
be
never
so
much
belov'd
,
their
Adherents
knew
it
was
a
Lawful
Authority
that
sent
them
to
the
Tower
;
and
an
Authority
,
which
to
their
sorrow
,
they
were
not
able
to
resist
:
so
that
if
four
men
guarded
them
without
disturbance
,
and
to
the
contempt
of
their
strength
,
at
broad
noon
day
,
and
at
full
Exchange
time
,
it
was
no
more
their
honesty
,
to
stand
looking
on
with
their
hands
in
their
Pockets
,
than
it
is
of
a
small
Band
of
Robbers
,
to
let
a
Caravan
go
by
,
which
is
too
strong
for
them
to
assault
.
After
this
,
I
am
call'd
after
the
old
rate
,
loose
and
infamous
Scribler
,
and
't
is
well
I
scape
so
cheap
:
bear
your
good
fortune
moderately
,
Mr.
Poet
:
for
as
loose
and
as
infamous
as
I
am
,
if
I
had
written
for
your
Party
,
your
Pention
wou'd
have
been
cut
off
,
as
useless
.
But
they
must
take
up
with
Settle
,
and
such
as
they
can
get
:
Bartholomew-Fair
Writers
,
and
Bartholomew-Close
Printers
;
there
's
a
famine
of
Wit
amongst
them
,
they
are
forc'd
to
give
unconscionable
rates
,
and
after
all
to
have
only
Carrion
for
their
money
.
Then
I
am
an
ignorant
fellow
for
not
knowing
there
were
no
Juries
in
Paris
:
I
do
not
remember
I
have
written
any
such
thing
:
but
whoever
did
,
I
am
confident
it
was
not
his
ignorance
.
Perhaps
he
had
a
mind
to
bring
the
case
a
little
nearer
home
:
if
they
had
not
Juries
in
Paris
,
we
had
them
from
the
Normans
,
who
were
French-men
:
and
as
you
manag'd
them
,
we
had
as
good
have
had
none
in
London
:
Let
it
satisfie
you
we
have
them
now
;
and
some
of
your
loose
and
infamous
Scriblers
may
come
to
understand
it
a
little
better
.
The
next
is
the
Justification
of
a
Noble
Peer
deceas'd
:
the
Case
is
known
,
and
I
have
no
quarrel
to
his
memory
:
let
it
sleep
;
he
is
now
before
another
Judge
.
Immediately
after
I
am
said
to
have
intended
an
abuse
to
the
House
of
Commons
;
which
is
call'd
by
our
Authors
,
the
most
August
Assembly
of
Europe
.
They
are
to
prove
I
have
abus'd
that
House
;
but
't
is
manifest
They
have
lessen'd
the
House
of
Lords
,
by
owning
the
Commons
to
be
the
more
August
Assembly
.
'T
is
an
House
chosen
(
they
say
)
by
every
Protestant
who
has
a
considerable
Inheritance
in
England
;
which
word
considerable
signifies
forty
shillings
per
annum
of
free
Land
.
For
the
interest
of
the
loyal
Party
,
so
much
undervalued
by
our
Authors
,
they
have
long
agoe
confess'd
in
print
,
that
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
have
disown'd
them
:
and
the
Yeomanry
have
at
last
consider'd
,
queis
haec
consevimus
arva
?
they
have
had
enough
of
unlawful
and
arbitrary
power
;
and
know
to
their
cost
,
what
an
August
Assembly
they
had
once
without
a
King
and
House
of
Peers
.
But
now
they
have
me
in
a
burning
scent
,
and
run
after
me
full
cry
:
Was
ever
such
licence
conniv'd
at
yet
,
in
an
impious
Libeller
and
Scribler
,
that
the
Succession
,
so
solemn
a
matter
,
that
is
not
fit
to
be
debated
of
but
in
Parliament
,
shou'd
be
profan'd
so
far
as
to
be
playd
with
on
the
Stage
?
Hold
a
little
,
Gentlemen
,
hold
a
little
(
as
one
of
your
fellow
Citizens
says
in
the
Duke
of
Guise
:
)
Is
it
so
unlawful
for
me
to
argue
for
the
Succession
in
the
right
Line
upon
the
Stage
;
and
is
it
so
very
lawful
for
Mr.
Hunt
,
and
the
Scriblers
of
your
Party
,
to
oppose
it
in
their
Libels
off
the
Stage
?
Is
it
so
sacred
,
that
a
Parliament
only
is
suffer'd
to
debate
it
,
and
dare
you
run
it
down
both
in
your
Discourses
and
Pamphlets
out
of
Parliament
?
In
conscience
what
can
you
urge
against
me
,
which
I
cannot
return
an
hundred
times
heavier
on
you
?
And
by
the
way
you
tell
me
,
that
to
affirm
the
contrary
to
this
,
is
a
Praemunire
against
the
Statute
of
the
13.
of
Eliz.
If
such
a
Praemunire
be
,
pray
answer
me
who
has
most
incurr'd
it
?
In
the
mean
time
do
me
the
favour
to
look
into
the
Statute-Book
,
and
see
if
you
can
find
the
Statute
:
you
know
your selves
,
or
you
have
been
told
it
,
that
this
Statute
is
virtually
repeal'd
,
by
that
of
the
first
of
King
James
,
acknowledging
his
immediate
lawfull
and
undoubted
right
to
this
Imperial
Crown
,
as
the
next
lineal
Heir
:
those
last
words
are
an
implicit
anti-declaration
to
the
Statute
in
Queen
Elizabeth
,
which
for
that
reason
is
now
omitted
in
our
Books
.
The
lawful
Authority
of
an
House
of
Commons
I
acknowledge
;
but
without
fear
and
trembling
,
as
my
Reflectors
wou'd
have
it
:
For
why
shou'd
I
fear
my
Representatives
?
they
are
summon'd
to
consult
about
the
publick
good
,
and
not
to
frighten
those
who
chose
them
.
'T
is
for
you
to
tremble
who
libel
the
supream
Authority
of
the
Nation
.
But
we
knavish
Coxcombs
and
Villains
are
to
know
,
say
my
Authors
,
that
a
Vote
is
the
opinion
of
that
House
.
Lord
help
our
understandings
that
know
not
this
without
their
telling
!
What
English-man
do
you
think
does
not
honour
his
Representatives
,
and
wish
a
Parliament
void
of
heats
and
animosities
,
to
secure
the
quiet
of
the
Nation
?
You
cite
his
Majesties
last
Declaration
against
those
who
dare
trifle
with
Parliaments
:
(
a
Declaration
by
the
way
,
which
you
endeavour'd
not
to
have
read
publickly
in
Churches
,
with
a
threatning
to
those
that
did
it
.
)
But
we
still
declare
(
says
his
Maje●●●
)
that
no
irregularities
of
Parliament
shall
make
us
out
of
love
with
them
:
Are
not
you
unfortunate
Quoters
why
now
,
shou'd
you
rub
up
the
remembrance
of
those
irregularities
mention'd
in
that
Declaration
,
which
caus'd
,
as
the
King
informs
us
,
its
dissolution
?
The
next
Paragraph
is
already
answer'd
;
't
is
only
a
clumsey
Commendation
of
the
D.
of
M.
copied
after
Mr.
Hunt
,
and
a
proof
that
he
is
unlike
the
Duke
of
Guise
.
After
having
done
my
drudgery
for
me
,
and
having
most
officiously
prov'd
that
the
English
Duke
,
is
no
Parallel
for
the
French
;
which
I
am
sure
he
is
not
,
they
are
next
to
do
their
own
business
,
which
is
,
that
I
meant
a
Parallel
betwixt
Henry
the
Third
,
and
our
most
gracious
Soveraign
.
But
,
as
fallacies
are
always
couch'd
in
general
Propositions
,
they
plead
the
whole
course
of
the
Drama
,
which
,
they
say
,
seems
to
insinuate
my
intentions
.
One
may
see
to
what
a
miserable
shift
they
are
driven
:
when
,
for
want
of
any
one
instance
,
to
which
I
challenge
them
,
they
have
only
to
alledge
,
that
the
Play
SEEMS
to
insinuate
it
.
I
answer
,
it
does
not
seem
,
which
is
a
bare
Negative
to
a
bare
Affirmative
;
and
then
we
are
just
where
we
were
before
.
Fat
Falstaffe
was
never
set
harder
by
the
Prince
for
a
Reason
,
when
he
answer'd
,
that
that
if
Reasons
grew
as
thick
as
Black-berries
,
he
wou'd
not
give
one
.
Well
,
after
long
pumping
,
lest
the
lie
shou'd
appear
quite
barefac'd
,
they
have
found
,
I
said
,
that
at
Kiug
Henry's
Birth
,
there
shone
a
Regal
Star
:
so
there
did
at
King
Charles
the
seconds
:
therefore
I
have
made
a
Parallel
betwixt
Henry
the
third
,
and
Charles
the
second
.
A
very
concluding
Sillogism
,
if
I
shou'd
answer
it
no
farther
.
Now
let
us
look
upon
the
Play
,
the
words
are
in
the
fo●●th
Act.
The
Conjurer
there
is
asking
his
Devil
,
what
Fortune
attended
his
Master
,
the
Guise
,
and
what
the
King
?
The
familiar
answers
concerning
the
King
.
He
cannot
be
Depos'd
,
he
may
be
kill'd
;
a
violent
Fate
attends
him
:
but
at
his
Birth
,
there
shone
a
Regal
Star
,
(
Conj
.
)
My
Master
had
a
stronger
,
(
Devil
)
no
not
a
stronger
,
but
more
Popular
.
Let
the
whole
Scene
(
which
is
one
of
the
best
in
the
Tragedy
,
though
murder'd
in
the
Acting
)
he
read
together
;
and
it
will
be
as
clear
as
day-light
,
that
the
Devil
gave
an
Astrological
account
of
the
French
Kings
Horoscope
:
that
the
Regal
Star
,
then
culminating
,
was
the
Sun
in
the
tenth
House
or
Mid-heaven
;
which
Caeteris
paribus
is
a
Regal
Nativity
in
that
Art
.
The
rest
of
the
Scene
confirms
what
I
have
said
:
for
the
Devil
has
taken
the
Position
of
the
Heaven's
,
or
Scheam
of
the
World
,
at
the
point
of
the
Suns
entrance
into
Aries
:
I
dispute
not
here
the
Truth
or
Lawfulness
of
that
Art
;
but
't
is
usual
with
Poets
,
especially
with
the
Italians
,
to
mix
Astrology
in
their
Poems
:
Chawcer
,
amongst
us
,
is
frequent
in
it
;
but
this
Revolution
particularly
I
have
taken
out
of
Luigi
Pulci
,
and
there
is
one
almost
the
same
in
Boiardo's
Orlando
Inamorato
.
Now
if
these
Poets
knew
,
that
a
Star
were
to
appear
at
our
Kings
Birth
,
they
were
better
Prophets
than
Nostradamus
,
who
has
told
us
nothing
of
it
.
Yet
this
they
say
is
Treason
with
a
Witness
,
and
one
of
the
Crimes
for
which
they
condemn'd
me
to
be
hang'd
drawn
and
quarter'd
:
I
find
they
do
not
believe
me
to
be
one
of
their
Party
at
the
bottom
,
by
their
charitable
wishes
to
me
;
and
am
proud
enough
,
to
think
I
have
done
them
some
little
mischief
,
because
they
are
so
desirous
to
be
rid
of
me
.
But
if
Jack
Ketch
must
needs
have
the
handling
of
us
Poets
,
let
him
begin
first
where
he
may
take
the
deepest
Say
:
let
me
be
hang'd
,
but
in
my
turn
;
for
I
am
sure
I
am
neither
the
fattest
Scribler
nor
the
worst
;
I
'le
be
judg'd
by
their
own
Party
.
But
for
all
our
Comforts
,
the
days
of
hanging
are
a
little
out
of
date
:
and
I
hope
there
will
be
no
more
Treason
with
a
Witness
,
or
Witnesses
;
for
now
there
is
no
more
to
be
got
by
Swearing
,
and
the
Market
is
over-stock'd
besides
.
But
are
you
in
earnest
,
when
you
say
I
have
made
Henry
the
Third
fearful
,
weak
,
bloody
,
perfidious
,
hypocritical
and
fawning
in
the
Play
?
I
am
sure
an
unbiass'd
Reader
will
find
a
more
favourable
image
of
him
in
the
Tragedy
;
what
ever
he
was
out
of
it
.
You
wou'd
not
have
told
a
lye
so
shameless
,
but
that
you
were
resolv'd
to
second
it
with
a
worse
;
that
I
made
a
Parallel
of
that
Prince
.
And
now
it
comes
to
my
turn
,
pray
let
me
ask
you
,
why
you
spend
three
Pages
and
a
half
,
in
heaping
up
all
the
villanies
true
or
false
,
which
you
can
rake
together
,
to
blast
his
memory
?
Why
is
all
this
pains
taken
,
to
expose
the
Person
of
King
Henry
the
Third
?
are
you
Leaguers
,
or
Covenanters
,
or
Associators
?
What
has
the
poor
dead
man
done
to
nettle
you
?
Were
his
Rebels
your
Friends
,
or
your
Relations
?
Were
your
Norman
Ancestors
of
any
of
those
Families
,
which
were
Conspirators
in
the
Play
?
I
smell
a
Rat
in
this
business
:
Henry
the
Third
is
not
taken
thus
to
task
for
nothing
.
Let
me
tell
you
,
this
is
little
better
than
an
implicite
confession
of
the
Parallel
which
I
intended
.
This
Gentleman
of
Valois
sticks
in
your
stomacks
:
and
though
I
do
not
defend
his
Proceedings
in
the
States
,
any
otherwise
,
than
by
the
inevitable
necessity
which
caus'd
them
,
yet
acknowledging
his
Crime
,
does
not
extenuate
their
Guilt
,
that
forc'd
him
to
it
.
'T
was
bad
on
both
sides
,
but
the
Revenge
was
not
so
wicked
as
the
Treason
:
for
't
was
a
voluntary
act
of
theirs
,
and
a
compell'd
one
of
his
.
The
short
on
't
is
,
he
took
a
violent
course
to
cut
up
the
Covenant
by
the
Roots
;
and
there
's
your
quarrel
to
him
.
Now
for
a
long
winded
Panegyrique
of
the
King
of
Navarre
:
and
here
I
am
sure
they
are
in
earnest
,
when
they
take
such
over
pains
,
to
prove
there
is
no
likeness
,
where
they
say
I
intended
it
.
The
Heroe
at
whom
their
malice
is
level'd
,
does
but
laugh
at
it
I
believe
:
And
amongst
the
other
vertues
of
that
Predecessor
,
wants
neither
his
Justice
nor
his
Clemency
,
to
forgive
all
the
Heads
of
the
League
,
as
fast
as
they
submit
:
As
for
obliging
them
,
(
which
our
Authors
wou'd
fain
hook
in
for
an
Ingredient
)
let
them
be
satisfied
,
that
no
more
Enemies
are
to
be
bought
off
with
Places
and
Preferments
:
the
Tryal
which
has
been
made
in
two
Kings
Reigns
,
will
warn
the
Family
from
so
fruitless
and
dangerous
an
Expedient
.
The
rest
is
already
answer'd
,
in
what
I
have
said
to
Mr.
Hunt
;
but
I
thank
them
by
the
way
,
for
their
instance
of
the
fellow
,
whom
the
King
of
Navarre
had
pardon'd
,
and
done
good
to
,
yet
he
wou'd
not
love
him
:
for
that
Story
reaches
home
somewhere
.
I
must
make
haste
,
to
get
out
of
hearing
from
this
Billingsgate
Oratory
;
and
indeed
,
to
make
an
end
with
these
Authors
,
except
I
could
call
Rogue
and
Rascal
as
fast
as
they
.
Let
us
examine
the
little
reason
they
produce
,
concerning
the
Exclusion
.
Did
the
Pope
,
the
Clergy
,
the
Nobility
and
Commonalty
of
France
think
it
reasonable
to
exclude
a
Prince
for
professing
a
different
Religion
,
and
will
the
Papists
be
angry
if
the
Protestants
be
of
the
same
Opinion
?
No
sure
,
they
cannot
have
the
impudence
.
First
,
here
's
the
different
Religion
taken
for
granted
,
which
was
never
prov'd
on
one
side
:
though
in
the
King
of
Navarre
,
it
was
openly
profess'd
.
Then
the
Pope
,
and
the
three
Estates
of
France
had
no
power
to
alter
the
Succession
,
neither
did
the
King
in
being
,
consent
to
it
:
or
afterwards
,
did
the
greater
part
of
the
Nobility
,
Clergy
and
Gentry
adhere
to
the
Exclusion
,
but
maintain'd
the
lawful
King
succesfully
against
it
;
as
we
are
bound
to
do
in
England
,
by
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
;
made
for
the
benefit
of
our
Kings
,
and
their
Successors
:
The
Objections
concerning
which
Oath
,
are
fully
answer'd
by
Doctor
Hicks
,
in
his
Preface
to
Jovian
,
and
thither
I
refer
the
Reader
.
They
tell
us
,
that
what
it
concerns
Protestants
to
do
in
that
case
,
enough
has
been
heard
by
us
in
Parliament
Debates
.
I
answer
,
that
Debates
coming
not
by
an
Act
to
any
Issue
,
conclude
that
there
is
nothing
to
be
done
against
a
Law
establish'd
,
and
fundamental
of
the
Monarchy
.
They
dare
not
infer
a
Right
of
taking
up
Arms
,
by
vertue
of
a
Debate
or
Vote
,
and
yet
they
tacitly
insinuate
this
:
I
ask
them
,
what
it
does
concern
Protestants
to
do
in
this
case
,
and
whether
they
mean
any
thing
by
that
expression
?
They
have
hamper'd
themselves
before
they
were
aware
;
for
they
proceed
in
the
very
next
lines
to
tell
us
,
they
believe
the
Crown
of
England
being
Hereditary
,
the
next
in
Blood
,
have
an
undoubted
right
to
succeed
,
unless
God
make
them
,
or
they
make
themselves
uncapable
of
Reigning
:
So
that
according
to
them
,
if
either
of
those
two
Impediments
shall
happen
,
then
it
concerns
the
Protestants
of
England
to
do
that
something
,
which
if
they
had
spoken
out
,
had
been
direct
Treason
.
Here
's
fine
Legerdemain
amongst
them
;
they
have
acknowledg'd
a
Vote
to
be
no
more
than
the
Opinion
of
an
House
,
and
yet
from
a
Debate
,
which
was
abortive
before
it
quicken'd
into
a
Vote
,
they
argue
after
the
old
Song
,
that
there
's
something
more
to
be
done
,
which
you
cannot
chuse
but
guess
.
In
the
next
place
,
there
's
no
such
thing
as
Incapacity
to
be
suppos'd
,
in
the
immediate
Successor
of
the
Crown
;
That
is
,
the
rightful
Heir
cannot
be
made
uncapable
on
any
account
whatsoever
to
succeed
.
It
may
please
God
,
that
he
may
be
inhabilis
,
or
inidoneus
ad
gerendam
Rempublicam
,
unfit
or
unable
to
govern
the
Kingdom
;
but
this
is
no
impediment
to
his
right
of
reigning
;
he
cannot
either
be
excluded
or
depos'd
for
such
imperfection
:
For
the
Laws
which
have
provided
for
private
men
in
this
case
,
have
also
made
provision
for
the
Soveraign
and
for
the
Publick
:
and
the
Council
of
State
or
the
next
of
Blood
,
is
to
administer
the
Kingdom
for
him
.
Charles
the
sixth
of
France
(
for
I
think
we
have
no
English
Examples
which
will
reach
it
)
forfeited
not
his
Kingdom
by
his
Lunacy
,
though
a
victorious
King
of
England
was
then
knocking
at
his
Gates
;
but
all
things
under
his
Name
,
and
by
his
Authority
,
were
manag'd
.
The
case
is
the
same
,
betwixt
a
King
non
compos
mentis
,
and
one
who
is
nondum
compos
mentis
,
a
distracted
or
an
Infant
King
.
Then
the
People
cannot
incapacitate
the
King
,
because
he
derives
not
his
Right
from
them
,
but
from
God
only
:
neither
can
any
Action
,
much
less
Opinion
of
a
Soveraign
,
render
him
uncapable
for
the
same
reason
;
excepting
only
a
voluntary
Resignation
to
his
immediate
Heir
,
as
in
the
case
of
Charles
the
fifth
:
for
that
of
our
Richard
the
second
was
invalid
,
because
forc'd
;
and
not
made
to
the
next
Successor
.
Neither
does
it
follow
,
as
our
Authors
urge
,
that
an
unalterable
Succession
supposes
England
to
be
the
Kings
Estate
,
and
the
People
his
Goods
and
Chattels
on
it
:
For
the
preserv●tion
of
his
Right
,
destroys
not
our
Propriety
,
but
maintains
us
in
it
.
He
has
ty'd
himself
by
Law
,
not
to
invade
our
Possessions
,
and
we
have
oblig'd
our selves
as
Subjects
to
him
and
all
his
lawful
Successors
:
By
which
irrevocable
Act
of
ours
,
both
for
our selves
and
our
Posterity
,
we
can
no
more
exclude
the
Successor
,
than
we
can
depose
the
present
King
.
The
Estate
of
England
is
indeed
the
Kings
,
and
I
may
safely
grant
their
supposition
,
as
to
the
Government
of
England
:
but
it
follows
not
,
that
the
People
are
his
Goods
and
Chattels
on
it
;
for
then
he
might
sell
,
alienate
,
or
destroy
them
as
he
pleas'd
,
from
all
which
he
has
ty'd
himself
by
the
Liberties
and
Priviledges
which
he
has
granted
us
by
Laws
.
There
's
little
else
material
in
this
Pamphlet
:
for
to
say
,
I
wou'd
insinuate
into
the
King
,
a
hatred
to
his
capital
City
,
is
to
say
,
he
shou'd
hate
his
best
friends
,
the
last
and
the
present
Lord
Mayor
,
our
two
Honourable
Sheriffs
,
the
Court
of
Aldermen
,
the
worthy
and
Loyal
Mr.
Common
Serjeant
,
with
the
rest
of
the
Officers
,
who
are
generally
well
affected
,
and
who
have
kept
out
their
factious
Memfrom
its
Government
.
To
say
I
wou'd
insinuate
a
scorn
of
Authority
in
the
City
,
is
in
effect
,
to
grant
the
Parallel
in
the
Play
:
For
the
authority
of
Tumults
and
Seditions
is
only
scorn'd
in
it
:
an
Authority
which
they
deriv'd
not
from
the
Crown
,
but
exercis'd
against
it
.
And
for
them
to
confess
I
expos'd
this
,
is
to
confess
that
London
was
like
Paris
.
They
conclude
with
a
Prayer
to
Almighty
God
:
(
in
which
I
therefore
believe
the
Poet
did
not
club
:
)
to
libel
the
King
through
all
the
Pamphlet
,
and
to
pray
for
him
in
the
conclusion
,
is
an
action
of
more
prudence
in
them
than
of
piety
:
perhaps
they
might
hope
to
be
forgiven
,
as
one
of
their
Predecessors
was
by
King
James
;
who
after
he
had
rail'd
at
him
abundantly
,
ended
his
Lampoon
with
these
two
Verses
.
Now
God
preserve
our
King
,
Queen
,
Prince
and
Peers
,
And
grant
the
Author
long
may
wear
his
Ears
.
To
take
a
short
review
of
the
whole
;
'T
is
manifest
,
that
there
is
no
such
Parallel
in
the
Play
,
as
the
Faction
have
pretended
:
that
the
Story
wou'd
not
bear
one
where
they
have
plac'd
it
;
and
that
I
cou'd
not
reasonably
intend
one
,
so
contrary
to
the
nature
of
the
Play
,
and
so
repugnant
to
the
Principles
of
the
Loyal
Party
.
On
the
other
side
,
't
is
clear
,
that
the
Principles
and
Practices
of
the
Publick
Enemies
,
have
both
formerly
resembled
those
of
the
League
,
and
continue
to
hold
the
same
Resemblance
.
It
appears
by
the
outcry
of
the
Party
before
the
Play
was
acted
,
that
they
dreaded
and
foresaw
the
bringing
of
the
Faction
upon
the
Stage
:
and
by
the
hasty
printing
of
Mr.
Hunts
Libel
,
and
the
Reflections
,
before
the
Tragedy
was
publish'd
,
that
they
were
infinitely
concern'd
to
prevent
any
farther
operation
of
it
.
It
appears
from
the
general
consent
of
the
Audiences
,
that
Their
Party
were
known
to
be
represented
;
and
Themselves
own'd
openly
by
their
hissing
,
that
they
were
incens'd
at
it
,
as
an
Object
which
they
cou'd
not
bear
.
'T
is
evident
by
their
endeavours
to
shift
off
this
Parallel
from
Their
Side
,
that
their
Principles
are
too
shameful
to
be
maintain'd
:
'T
is
notorious
,
that
They
,
and
They
only
have
made
the
Parallel
betwixt
the
Duke
of
Guise
and
the
Duke
of
M.
And
that
in
Revenge
for
the
manifest
likeness
they
sind
in
the
Parties
themselves
,
they
have
carried
up
the
Parallel
to
the
Heads
of
the
Parties
,
where
there
is
no
Resemblance
at
all
.
Under
which
colour
,
while
they
pretend
to
advert
upon
One
Libell
,
they
set
up
Another
:
For
what
resemblance
cou'd
they
suggest
betwixt
two
persons
so
unlike
in
their
descent
,
the
qualities
of
their
minds
,
and
the
disparity
of
their
war-like
Actions
,
if
they
grant
not
,
that
there
is
a
Faction
here
,
which
is
like
that
other
that
was
in
France
?
so
that
if
they
do
not
first
acknowledge
one
Common
Cause
,
there
is
no
foundation
for
a
Parallel
.
The
Dilemma
therefore
lies
strong
upon
them
;
and
let
them
avoid
it
,
if
they
can
:
that
either
they
must
avow
the
wickedness
of
their
designs
,
or
disown
the
likeness
of
those
two
persons
.
I
do
furcher
charge
those
audacious
Authors
,
that
they
themselves
have
made
the
Parallel
which
they
call
Mine
,
and
that
under
the
covert
of
this
Parallel
they
have
odiously
compar'd
our
present
King
with
King
Henry
the
Third
.
And
farther
,
that
they
have
forc'd
this
Parallel
expresly
to
wound
his
Majesty
in
the
Comparison
.
For
since
there
is
a
Parallel
(
as
they
would
have
it
)
it
must
be
either
Theirs
or
Mine
.
I
have
prov'd
that
it
cannot
possibly
be
Mine
;
and
in
so
doing
,
that
it
must
be
Theirs
by
consequence
.
Under
this
shadow
all
the
Vices
of
the
French
King
are
charg'd
by
those
Libellers
(
by
a
side-wind
)
upon
Ours
:
And
't
is
indeed
the
bottom
of
their
design
to
make
the
King
,
cheap
;
his
Royal
Brother
,
odious
;
and
to
alter
the
course
of
the
Succession
.
Now
after
the
Malice
of
this
sputtering
Triumvirate
(
Mr.
Hunt
,
and
the
Two
Reflectors
)
against
the
Person
and
Dignity
of
the
King
,
and
against
all
that
endeavour
to
serve
him
(
which
makes
their
hatred
to
his
Cause
apparent
,
)
the
very
charging
of
our
Play
to
be
a
Libel
,
and
such
a
Parallel
as
these
Ignoramus's
wou'd
render
it
,
is
almost
as
great
an
affront
to
his
Majesty
,
as
the
Libellous
Picture
it self
,
by
which
they
have
expos'd
him
to
his
Subjects
:
for
it
is
no
longer
our
Parallel
,
but
the
Kings
,
by
whose
Order
it
was
Acted
,
without
any
shuffling
or
importunity
from
the
Poets
;
The
Tragedy
(
cry'd
the
Faction
)
is
a
Libel
against
such
and
such
Illustrious
Persons
.
Upon
this
the
Play
was
stopt
,
examin'd
,
acquitted
,
and
order'd
to
be
brought
upon
the
Stage
:
Not
one
stroke
in
't
,
of
a
Resemblance
to
answer
the
Scope
and
intent
of
the
Complaint
.
There
were
some
Features
indeed
,
that
the
Illustrious
Mr.
Hunt
,
and
his
brace
of
Beagles
(
the
Reflectors
)
might
see
resembling
theirs
.
And
no
other
Parallel
either
found
or
meant
,
but
betwixt
the
French
Leaguers
and
Ours
:
and
so
far
the
Agreement
held
from
Point
to
Point
,
as
true
as
a
couple
of
Tallies
.
But
when
neither
the
King
,
nor
my
Lord
Chamberlain
,
with
other
honourable
Persons
of
eminent
Faith
,
Integrity
and
Understanding
,
upon
a
strict
perusal
of
the
Papers
,
cou'd
find
one
syllable
to
countenance
the
Calumny
;
up
starts
the
Defender
of
the
Charter
,
&c.
opens
his
Mouth
,
and
says
;
What
d'
ye
talk
of
the
King
?
he
's
abus'd
,
he
's
impos'd
upon
.
Is
my
Lord
Chamberlain
and
the
Scrutineers
that
succeed
him
,
to
tell
US
,
when
the
King
and
the
Duke
of
York
are
abus'd
?
What
says
my
Lord
Chief
Baron
of
Ireland
to
the
business
?
What
says
the
Livery-man
Templer
?
What
says
Og
the
King
of
Basan
to
't
?
We
are
men
that
stand
up
for
the
Kings
Supremacy
in
all
Causes
,
and
over
all
Persons
,
as
well
Ecclesiastical
as
Civil
,
next
and
immediately
under
God
and
the
PEOPLE
.
We
are
for
easing
his
Royal
Highness
of
his
Title
to
the
Crown
,
and
the
Cares
that
attend
any
such
Prospect
;
and
shall
we
see
the
King
and
the
Royal
Family
parallel'd
at
this
rate
,
and
not
reflect
upon
't
?
But
to
draw
to
an
End
.
Upon
the
laying
of
matters
fairly
together
,
what
a
King
have
these
Balderdash
Scriblers
given
us
,
under
the
Resemblance
of
Henry
the
Third
?
How
scandalous
a
Character
again
,
of
his
Majesty
,
in
telling
the
World
that
he
is
Libell'd
,
and
Affronted
to
his
face
,
told
on
't
,
pointed
to
't
,
and
yet
neither
He
,
nor
Those
about
him
can
be
brought
to
see
or
understand
it
.
There
needs
no
more
to
expound
the
meaning
of
these
People
,
than
to
compare
them
with
Themselves
:
when
it
will
evidently
appear
,
that
their
Lives
and
Conversations
,
their
Writings
and
their
Practices
do
all
take
the
same
Biass
:
and
when
they
dare
not
any
longer
revile
his
Majesty
or
his
Government
point
blank
,
they
have
an
intention
to
play
the
Libellers
in
Masquerade
,
and
do
the
same
thing
in
a
way
of
Mystery
and
Parable
.
This
is
truly
the
Case
of
the
Pretended
Parallel
.
They
lay
their
Heads
together
,
and
compose
the
Lewdest
Character
of
a
Prince
that
can
be
imagin'd
,
and
then
exhibit
that
Monster
to
the
People
as
the
Picture
of
the
King
in
the
Duke
of
Guise
:
So
that
the
Libel
passes
for
current
with
the
Multitude
,
whoever
was
the
Author
of
it
:
And
it
will
be
but
Common
Justice
to
give
the
Devil
his
due
.
But
,
the
truth
is
,
their
contrivances
are
now
so
manifest
,
that
their
Party
moulders
both
in
Town
and
Country
:
(
for
I
will
not
suspect
that
there
are
any
of
them
left
in
Court.
)
Deluded
well-meaners
come
over
out
of
honesty
,
and
small
offendors
out
of
common
discretion
,
or
fear
.
None
will
shortly
remain
with
them
,
but
men
of
desperate
fortunes
or
Enthusiasts
:
those
who
dare
not
ask
pardon
,
because
they
have
transgress'd
beyond
it
,
and
those
who
gain
by
Confusion
,
as
Thieves
do
by
Fires
:
to
whom
forgiveness
were
as
vain
,
as
a
Reprieve
to
condemn'd
Beggars
;
who
must
hang
without
it
,
or
sterve
with
it
.
FINIS
.